Unresolved problems and contradictions within the Revolutionary Alliance SA Dikole In any class existing society, the class

struggle would always shape the character of that society. Therefore what would normally emanate from fierce class battles there will always be causalities existing either from each class that is contending to shape the society. Safe to say within the South African context of the capitalist system, the SACP and YCL have never (and would never) compromise its working class tradition, communist values that we have earned through the history of our existence. The nature and the value of the revolutionary alliance remain relevant as ever. It is true that what unites the alliance is the minimum programme of the National Democratic Revolution. Equally the core principles and policies that unite the alliance, also dictate formations to have a common action plan. It would also be incorrect for any of us to naturalize the alliance as something which should only be led by the ANC alone. Further it will also be nave and mechanical to make a conclusion that seeks to create a picture which does not reflect contradictions within the alliance. As a matter of principle the National Democratic Revolution should always be working class led and working class bias. It would be class suicidal to assume that the compradorial leadership of the NDR by ANC elites will become working class bias. At the current stagnant evolution of the NDR under the leadership of the compradorial elites within the motive forces, there is a naked fear within the same parasitic elite to give working class leadership to the process of the NDR. Emancipation of the working class from the capitalist oppression has to be done by the working class itself. It is also suicidal for the working class movement to believes in a capitalist version that strives for non racialism class accumulation. The true reflection of the credentials of BEE is the rampant failure of the state to provide service delivery to the masses of our people whom the NDR asserted its biasness in terms of development. Through the policy of BEE we have experienced the weakening of the ANC structures in terms of carrying its programmes and campaigns. The revolution is being compromised through the social integration of a compradorial bourgeoisie, into the mainstream bourgeoisie that had been developed by the Colonialism Of A Special Type(CST).In this regard the ANC must assist us to trust it as a genuine discipline force of the left, because as it stands the ANC remains a discipline force of capital. This are been reflected through organizational tendencies and practices within the movement. Further this had been advanced by 15 years formation of alliance between the state and capital by the deployed ANC cadres within the state. This also includes members of the ANC who went out to form COPE as a potential opposition to ANC politics.SACP and YCL remain the valuable, frank and honest defender of the ANC policies and programme, despite the still dominant neoliberal agenda within. The old left and right critique towards the SACP is still contesting the space which seeks to depict a bad image on the

character of the SACP. Both critiques are not useful for the working class and the attainment of the NDR; rather they fall into falsification of the realities of the NDR. The existing realities and problems that are consistently posing threats to the NDR are reduction of the valuable role of the alliance partners in the NDR as the fire extinguishers in the crisis, which was created by the narrow accumulative path. There are some places which ANC cadres could not go and campaign for the general elections because of the failures of the leadership to attend problems which were created through the "people's contract" as they couldn't provide clear answers. SACP and YCL attended some of those areas and mobilized people to vote ANC. Generally I am saying that promises that were made to people during the election have not yet been full filled; this however does not mean that they cannot be fulfilled. They can be fulfilled by rolling out processes which have been put in place by the ANC. The ANC is now viewed as the electoralist party. The ANC generally fears to engage with its alliance partners when it comes to the issues of deployment and corruption that has been perpetuated by its deployees in various spheres of government and business. The ANC is bold in giving space for the compradorial BEE to have influence in its cadre deployment policy. It is precisely for this reasons that you would hear its cadres in business defending the exclusion of the alliance in the deployment process. The existence, sustenance as well as the defense of the compradorial accumulation derives its existence from the deployment committee and nothing can counter pose this authentic evidence. The existence of dual membership between the communist movement and the nationalist movement remains a principle which characterizes the former and the still existing communist parties in the world. The SACP and YCL have always promoted and championed democracy within its organizational structure as well as the South African democracy. We have never imposed ideas into the ANC for ANC to adopt. Through the dual participation and loyalty of disciplined ANC members to it as an organization some of its decisions normally find a common expression into the SACP policies. It is a well known fact that key policies such as free education, NHI, Land distribution, the establishment of NYDA ( and others) were firstly initiated and resolved upon in the SACP. Members of the SACP and YCL through their zeal work and respect they earned in the ANC and the YL, managed to agitate for this policies to be adopted by its allies. This was not done in clandestine paradigm, let alone factionalist politics. The key weaknesses of the working class movement is that it has not aduquately addressed the creation of mechanisms that curb sell outs from its ranks to speak in public domain as if it is representing the communist perpective.Central to the experience of dual membership ,we had seen the transformation of working class militancy into a capitalist militancy. Put in another form we had people in our history who were so distrustful to the ANC, due to their ultra left background. Once such people made the immediate shift to the broad church of the ANC they became more dangerous to the alliance and the ANC.This process has produced Alec Erwin, Floyd Shivambu

and others during our lifetime. Unless we pay relevant organizational attention to this, the working class movement faces a danger of producing party detractors and bashers. The fall of the Soviet Union and the collapse of the world socialist system existed as a setback for the working class movement in the country. It also gave us lessons on how to build the strong SACP. At this point in time we cannot allow the party to be ridiculed by renegades who possess influential positions in the ANC, despite how well-established their business empires are. The SACP has never at any time in history reduced itself to the parliamentary and electoralistic type of activism. SACP is proud to be a partner of the ANC and at the same SACP remains the powerful anti capitalist formation that is capable of destroying the capitalist sytem.The adoption of 2010 as the year of the branch by the SACP would serve the SACP with powerful weapon that can be utilized by the ANC to strengthen its organizational programmes. Further than that, the party commitment in fighting corruption within the state and society remains the best weapon to dislocate capitalism in the country. It also exposes the weaknesses and the nature of the modern compradorial nature of our capitalist friends in the revolution. The SACP must not surrender this programme to the "self-styled" Marxists and other self appointed theoreticians of the working class; even if there would be a call from the highest political office in the land