Polaris Burmese Library - Singapore - Collection - Volume 279

Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol.
279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma
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Burma/Myanmar Vol. Burma/Myanmar Affairs Vol. 279
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WE WILL BRING DICTATORS TO JUSTICE
BURMA: BATTLE FOR DEMOCRACY
( EDITOR TAKHIN VACAKA ( RIT )
POLARIS BURMESE LIBRARY ( SINGAPORE ) 2011

A5 SIZE
Index: Polaris Burmese Library, LPK Library, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Bo Than Shwe, Myanmar Current History, Myanmar Politics, Myanmar Junta, Myanmar People, Myanmar Students, Insein Prison, Prison in Myanmar, Political Prisoner in Myanmar, Torture in Myanmar, Myanmar Army, Myanmar Affairs, Burma Affairs, Democracy and Human Rights in Burma, Burmese Refugees, Anti-Dictatorship, Dictator Than Shwe, Anti-Dictator, Burma dictator Than Shwe, Myanmar dictator Than Shwe, Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders
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Myanmars Suu Kyi to attend hero fathers memorial ceremony for first time in 9 years
By Associated Press, Published: July 18
YANGON, Myanmar A spokesman for Myanmar opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi says the democracy icon will attend a government memorial ceremony for her revered father for the first time in nine years. Suu Kyis father Gen. Aung San is an independence hero who was assassinated in 1947. Suu Kyi has spent much of the last decade detained by authorities in the repressive nation. She was freed from house arrest in November. Her spokesman Han Thar Myint told reporters Monday the government had invited her to attend Tuesdays ceremony at a mausoleum near the famous Shwedagon pagoda in Myanmars main city Yangon. The ceremonys scope has gradually been downgraded since Suu Kyi rose to prominence in a 1988 pro-democracy uprising that was crushed by the junta. Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
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Myanmar
With rifles and shields, police patrol an industrial zone outside Yangon. Earlier, police had broken up a rare worker protest for better conditions and a wage increase equal to about ten dollars a month. A clandestine network of informants also monitors Burmese citizens.
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Land of Shadows
the As it emerges from isolation, the nation of Myanmar is caught between repression and reform, dark and light. By Brook Larmer Photograph by Chien-Chi Chang http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/2011/08/burma/larmer-text It's the magic hour in Yangon, when the last rays of sunlight, softer, cooler now, bathe the crumbling downtown in a golden glow, beckoning residents out into the streets. Giggling children race to buy fresh sugarcane juice. Women with cheeks daubed with a paste made of barkthe alluring Burmese sunblockhaggle with a fishmonger. In the street, bare-chested teenage boys in a circle play a rowdy game of chinlon, a sort of acrobatic Hacky Sack, while potbellied men in T-shirts and longyi, the traditional Burmese sarong, sit on the sidewalk chewing red wads of betel nut. The carnival-like atmosphere doesn't last. Night falls fast in the tropics, and the power shortages that plague Myanmar give the sudden transition a spooky edge. A decaying colonial-era government building goes black. The alleyway next door emits the bluish glow of television sets powered by portable generators. Under the trees the vendors are invisible, but candles illuminate their wares: circles of silvery fish, clusters of purple banana flowers, stacks of betel leaves. And lined up in a blue wooden case, pirated DVDs of American movies and music. "Welcome to the Hotel California," calls out a voice from the shadows in perfect English. Three young men sit on plastic stools in the street, laughing at the greeting. The DVD vendor, a skinny 29-year-old with wire-rimmed glasses and a pink buttondown shirt, leaps up with a smile. Though his schooling ended in fourth grade, he speaks English in an eruption of phrases gleaned from Hollywood movies and 1950s grammar books. Meeting an American, he says, makes him feel "over the moon, on cloud nine, pleased as punch." The three "bosom buddies"Tom, Dick, and Harry, as they call themselvesmeet almost every evening to practice their English idioms. Tonight, over cups of milky tea, they will banter for hours, showing off new expressions like nuggets of gold. Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( ) 71
Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma Now, in the dark, the three friends hesitate for a minute, puzzling over the lyrics of an old Eagles hit. "Hey, maybe you can help," Tom says. "What do they mean when they say, 'We are all just prisoners here of our own device?'" Myanmar is a land of shadows, a place where even the most innocent question can seem loaded with hidden intent. For most of the past half century this largely Buddhist nation of some 50 million has been shaped by the powerand paranoia of its military leaders. The tatmadaw, as the national military is known, was the only institution capable of imposing its authority on a fractured country in the wake of independence from Britain. It did so, in part, by pulling Myanmar into a fearful isolation, from which it is only starting to emerge. This isolation, deepened by two decades of Western economic sanctions, may have preserved the nostalgic image of Myanmar as a country frozen in time, with its mistshrouded lakes, ancient temples, and blend of traditional cultures largely unspoiled by the modern world. But it also helped accelerate the decline of what was once referred to as "the jewel of Asia." Myanmar's health and education systems have been gutted, while the militarywith some 400,000 soldiersdrains nearly a quarter of the national budget. Most notoriously, the tatmadaw's brutal suppression of ethnic insurgencies and civil opposition has made Myanmar a pariah nation, a distinction it now seems eager to shed. Out of this tableau of darkness have come some fleeting rays of light. The country's first parliamentary election in 20 years, held last November, heralded the advent of what military leaders call "discipline-flourishing democracy." Though marred by widespread fraud and intimidation, the elections have given Myanmar its first nominally civilian government in half a century. Longtime military strongman Than Shwe officially retired in April, even though the new president is none other than his loyal deputy former Gen. Thein Sein, who has exchanged his army uniform for civilian clothes. If one of the regime's election goals was to win legitimacy at home and abroad, another was to erase the memory of the 1990 elections. In those polls, held two years after the tatmadaw gunned down hundreds of antigovernment protesters, the junta denied the sweeping victory of the main opposition party, the National League of Democracy (NLD). Then for much of the next two decades, it put top opposition figures in prison and kept under house arrest the party's leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( ) 72
Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma The Lady, as she is known, pushed the NLD to boycott last November's polls, which she, then still under house arrest, was barred from participating in. Joining such an "unfair" exercise, she argued, would give legitimacy to a regime that in 2007 again resorted to lethal violencefiring on protesting Buddhist monksand a year later neglected the victims of Cyclone Nargis. That catastrophe left approximately 140,000 dead and nearly a million homeless. Not everybody agreed with Suu Kyi; some opposition figures believed that the transition to civilian rule, however flawed, offered their last hope to remain relevant. Less than a week after the 2010 election, as military-backed parties claimed an overwhelming victory, came another glimmer of hope: Suu Kyi's release. Then 65, the Nobel laureate had spent 15 of the previous 21 years in detention, and the world rejoiced at her freedom. The sight of the Lady thronged by young followers led some to believe that a new era was dawning. But Suu Kyi harbors no such illusions. "Society has changed enormously," she said, marveling at the ubiquity of mobile phones, Twitter, and Facebook when I interviewed her in February. "But politically, there is no difference at all." It is tempting to see Myanmar as a simple morality tale, a battle between light and darkness. But the Lady and the generals don't represent the only poles vying for the country's future. Within the ranks of both the military and the opposition there are voices, still muted, pushing for greater flexibility and reform. Beyond this contest among the elites, there are the ethnic minorities, who make up about a third of the population and occupy more than half the territory. The question of how to govern this kaleidoscope of restive groups has vexed Burmese rulers since the time of the ancient kings, and any real progress will depend on their accommodation. "If the ethnic groups are left out of the equation," one foreign diplomat says, "this place could fall apart." The stakes for Myanmar's future are higher than ever, in part because the country wedged between China and Indiahas again become a geopolitical chess piece. Even as the United States and other Western governments continue imposing sanctions to punish the regime for its human rights violations, China, Thailand, and other competing Asian powers have poured money into Myanmar to exploit its resourcesoil and gas, timber, gems, minerals, and hydropower. The foreign investment, worth billions of dollars a year, has blunted the impact of sanctions but Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( ) 73
Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma inflamed tensions in some ethnic areas where resources are most plentiful. Nothing yet has shaken the government's grip on poweror the fear and paranoia it inspires. But Myanmar, finally, is coming out of hibernation. The barefoot magician twirls a rope around a volunteer's neck, and the audience hushes in anticipation. Rows of gaping boys and girls stretch back to the entrance of the dilapidated building. Across the street outside, men lingering in an open-air tea shop crane to see. Myanmar is a country infused with magic, a place where animistic spirits, called nats, inhabit every banyan tree, where astrologers are called upon to guide key decisions. The magician knows, even if the children do not, that some of the men standing outside are not part of the invited audience but spies for the police's Special Branch. This, after all, is no ordinary magic show. Sitting in the front row, a ring of jasmine flowers in her hair, is the Lady herself, Aung San Suu Kyi. It is Children's Day at the NLD's Yangon headquarters, an event timed to coincide with the birthday of Suu Kyi's father, Burmese independence hero Gen. Aung San, who was assassinated in 1947. Images of father and daughterstrikingly similar, save for his military uniformhang above the NLD's entrance, along side walls, and in laminated pins on the shirts of children in the audience. But now all eyes are on the magician slowly weaving the rope around the volunteer's legs, arms, and torso, and even through his clothes. A young girl shoots a glance at Suu Kyi, who winks back in reassurance. This man is not a real prisoner, her smile suggests, even if the party elders flanking her have each spent more than a decade in the junta's jails. The magician barks out an instruction, and with a sudden yank, the rope snaps away. The prisoner is set free. Cheers fill the room, and Suu Kyi, tossing her head back, lets out an unbridled laugh. If only it were that easy. Even with her freedom restored, Suu Kyi still seems bound by invisible tethers. The global icon is not simply burdened with high expectations. Her party is in limbo. Banned for boycotting last year's election, the NLD now runs the risk of violating the country's restrictive association laws with every gathering it holds. Even with the Children's Day event, says Win Htein, one of Suu Kyi's closest confidants, "we're defying restrictions."
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Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma From her office on the second floor of a building overlooking a busy street near the heart of Yangon, Suu Kyi can see the Special Branch men in the tea shop across the way. "I don't know why they bother," she sighs. Despite a trace of nostalgia for her privacy"I keep wondering when I'll have time to read and think again," she says Suu Kyi has thrown herself into a whirlwind of meetings with diplomats, journalists, ethnic groups, civic organizations. So far, though, the men she needs to meet mostthe generalshave ignored her overtures. "We keep the door open," Suu Kyi says. "Nothing will be accomplished without dialogue." Over the years cartoons in the state-run media have depicted the elegant Lady as an evil ogre with fangs, feeding on Western handouts. The attacks ceased for a few months after her release. But when the NLD issued a statement in February defending Western sanctions against the regime, an editorial in an official newspaper, the New Light of Myanmar, warned that Suu Kyi and her party would "meet their tragic ends." A rhetorical threat, perhaps, but few can forget the attack on her convoy the last time she was free, in 2003; it left at least a dozen followers dead. Sanctions may be one of Suu Kyi's last cards. A wide spectrum of international observersincluding U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clintonhas judged sanctions ineffective in Myanmar, largely because other countries, such as China, have no qualms about doing business with the government. "We're willing to compromise," Suu Kyi insists. But after two decades of sacrifice, she won't call for an easing of sanctions unless there are serious concessions, starting with the release of Myanmar's more than 2,000 political prisoners. "If sanctions are not effective," she asks archly, "then why are the regime and its friends so desperate to see them disappear?" It seems that the government covets the one thing the Lady has that it has never possessed: legitimacy in the eyes of the world. If you come to Nay Pyi Taw looking for clues about Myanmar's leadership, the first thing you'll find is an unsettling void: smooth ten-lane roads with manicured roundabouts but scarcely any vehicles, clusters of color-coded government housing complexes with no children in sight, a copy of Yangon's Shwedagon Pagoda with not a single Buddhist monk chanting prayers. It all feels like an abandoned movie set until you drive toward the military zone, an off-limits area where Than Shwe keeps his home and secretive high command. There, beyond the rumbling army trucks and Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( ) 75
Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma the vast parade ground, stand the symbols of the regime: massive statues of Myanmar's three most revered ancient kings. Welcome to the Abode of Kings, Myanmar's capital as of 2005, a strange utopia built on fear and hubris. A former mailman who honed his skills in the army's psychological-warfare department, Than Shwe self-consciously assumed the mantle of Myanmar's ancient monarchsto the point where supplicants reportedly must use a royal form of Burmese to address him and his wife. Myanmar's kings had a penchant for building new capitals as legacies of their rule, from the pagodas at Bagan to the royal palace in Mandalay. Now there's Nay Pyi Taw. The new capital may feel soulless, but for rulers distrustful of their own people, it could be a masterpiece of defensive urban planning. Worried about an imminent attack in Yangon, Than Shwe poured several billion dollars into building the city on scrubland in central Myanmar, safe from killer storms, foreign invasion, and domestic protests. In design, Nay Pyi Taw is not really a city but a series of isolated zones dispersed over an area larger than Rhode Island. Government ministries, once clustered in crowded Yangon, are laid out at wide intervals, accessible only by heavily patrolled roads. The military zone is a bubble within a bubble, forbidden to all but top officersand reportedly honeycombed with underground bunkers. In a city built by construction workers earning less than a dollar a day, the generals have splurged on some extravagances: an Olympic-size soccer stadium, a zoo equipped with an air-conditioned penguin house, a safari park, even a 480-acre "landmark garden" with miniature reproductions of Myanmar's most famous sites, including wooden houses inhabited, on occasion, by ethnic minorities in native garba sort of human zoo. The generals' obsession with one legacy of British colonialismgolfhas spawned five new courses. The farmers whose village was bulldozed to build the City Golf Course now weed fairways on their ancestral landand smile deferentially when officials play through. Beyond its elitist appeal, the golf course provides a refuge where business deals are quietly negotiated, with bribes purportedly masked as losing bets. A 26-year-old female caddy wearing bright red lipstick has learned the rules of discretion. "I'm only supposed to smile," she says.
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Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma The capital does have one concession to democracy: a parliament complex consisting of 28 gargantuan pagoda-topped buildings rising above two faux suspension bridges. When parliament opened in Februarythe first session in 22 yearsthe 659 new MPs were herded into this self-contained world and kept in isolation for weeks. No media or spectators were allowed; the MPs themselves were forbidden to use mobile phones or email. "It was sad and funny," a Burmese businessman in Yangon says. "Here were all these MPs launching a new democracy, and yet they were huddled there like prisoners." Deep in the hills of northeastern Myanmar a young woman in a bamboo hat walks along a riverbank toward a sacred place: the convergence of two rivers that gives birth to the Ayeyarwady (known to the outside world as the Irrawaddy), the lifeblood of the nation. This spot is revered by Burmese of all faiths. But it is woven into the very identity of the ethnic Kachin minority, whose ancestors settled in this area centuries ago. At her wedding the Kachin woman and her husband (who asked not to be named) promised to emulate the union of the Mali and Nmai Rivers. Her family still comes to the confluence to make offerings on the first morning of each new year. "It's in our blood," she says. All this will soon be gone. Around the Ayeyarwady's next bend Chinese workers are laying the groundwork for a 500-foot-tall hydroelectric dam, the firstand biggest of seven dams slated to be built. Part of a joint venture between China Power Investment (CPI) and Myanmar's regime-friendly Asia World, the Myitsone Dam is expected to have a generating capacity of 6,000 megawatts of electricity, more than the country as a whole now produces. By the time the dam is finished in 2019, it will flood an area larger than New York City, wiping out dozens of villages, including Tang Hpre, where the Kachin woman lives. From the riverbank she points to a white sign on a nearby hill. "The water will rise that high. Can you imagine living under that threat?" Anger about the dam reverberates far beyond Tang Hpre. "The dam has become a rallying cry for the Kachin people," says Brig. Gen. Gun Maw of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), a rebel group whose 17-year-old cease-fire with the Burmese government began unraveling late last year. Along with soldiers from other ethnic groups, the KIA has resisted the regime's demand that it re-form itself into a border-defense force under Burmese military command. The dam controversy only Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( ) 77
Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma fuels the rising tension. "For months we've been asking Burmese authorities to clarify where the electricity will go, but we've received no reply," the 49-year-old rebel chief says. "I think we all know. China is very hungry for electric power." Indeed, according to a CPI document, most of the electricity will go directly to China. Of all the foreign countries rushing in to exploit Myanmar's resources, China has been the most aggressive. Part of its nearly ten billion dollars in direct investment is going to the construction of pipelines to carry oil and gas from the Burmese coast to the Chinese bordera shortcut that also hedges against the risk of shipping through the narrow and pirate-infested Strait of Malacca. In Kachin State, which shares more than 600 miles of that border, Chinese companies are rushing in to extract gold, jade, and teak, as well as hydropower. As one Kachin activist says, "The Chinese won't stop until they've sucked us dry." For the past year and a half the Burmese government has been demanding that Tang Hpre's 1,400 villagers move to a new settlement ten miles away to make way for the dam. Defiance has been virtually unanimous. Last year a series of bomb blasts hit dam-related sites across the valley, forcing several hundred Chinese workers to evacuate and delaying the project. The authorities arrested 70 Kachin youths in connection with the bombings. The woman in the bamboo hat insists that her resistance is nonviolent. "The government tells us not to fix up our homes, to let them crumble," she says. "But no, that only makes us determined to make them more beautiful than ever, to show that we will not move, even under threat of death." Down on the bank of the Ayeyarwady, she peers into a deep pit of sand and rock. Her mission today is not to pray or protest but to join the search for gold. "Try over here," she instructs a Kachin teenager blasting the sand bank with a hose, as youngsters shovel the loosened sand onto an inclined ramp. Over the past few months villagers have noticed more boats full of Burmese and Chinese workers heading upriver to dredge for gold. She wonders if Tang Hpre's forced resettlement is a ploy to let the Chinese control another of the Kachins' precious resources. "We don't want to lose our home," she says. "But we need to get as much gold as we can before the Chinese come and the waters rise. This is ours." For a moment the loquacious DVD vendor is at a loss for words. Tom and his two young friends have been chatting in the dark about the glories of Yangonits ethnic Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( ) 78
Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma diversity, its hip-hop scene, its crumbling colonial architecturewhen the subject turns, inevitably, to the future. "I'm sweating bullets," Tom finally says. It's not just a new expression he's trying out. Recent power cuts have hurt the meager profits he brings in for his wife and daughterabout $50 a monthand having a black market job makes him jittery. Even with the protection money he pays the cops, he barely escaped a recent police sweep. Were it not for his fleet feet, he might have wound up in jail and lost his inventory, including a prized Tom Cruise compilation disk. The Top Gun star, he says, is "the apple of my eyes." Later, chewing on a wad of betel nut, Tom confides his great ambition: He wants to go abroad. In this desire he is not alone. Each year tens of thousands of Burmese laborers head to Singapore and Malaysia, where they can earn upwards of $300 a month. Dick, an underemployed English teacher, says he may try to find a sales job in Singapore. Tom has the U.S. in mind. "It is the land of milk and honey," he says. "And Angelina Jolie." Even with his ebullient English, Tom's lack of higher education and financial assets dims his chances for a U.S. visa. But he seems so intoxicated by the ideaor is it the betel nut?that he loses his inhibitions. "Under this dictatorship we live like pigs snorting in the dark!" The outburst unnerves his friends. "He's shooting off his mouth," Dick whispers when Tom goes off to deal with a customer. "He shouldn't be airing his dirty linens in public." At the end of the evening, Tom packs up his DVDs, and the three friends walk down the deserted street to his bus stop. "Things are getting a little better here," Harry says. "We've all got mobile phones and email now, so we can keep in touch with the outside world." Tom doesn't seem to be listening. As he hops onto the bus, he offerswith a devilish grina seditious farewell: "See you after the insurrection!"
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Know? Did You Know?

http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/2006/05/irrawaddy-river/did-you-know-learn In Did You Know? the National Geographic magazine team shares extra information we gathered to expand your knowledge of our featured subjects. "Come you back to Mandalay, where the old Flotilla lay, Can't you hear their paddles chunkin' from Rangoon to Mandalay?" Rudyard Kipling's poem immortalizes the Irrawaddy River as "the Road to Mandalay," while also making famous the company of vessels that traveled that road, the Irrawaddy Flotilla Company (IFC). Founded in 1865 by Scotsmen, the IFC became the largest privately owned fleet in the world. Based out of Glasgow, the ships were built along the River Clyde and then dismantled before being sent east. While the crews were mostly from India, the masters and officers were all Scottish and were thought of as the royalty of the river. Passengers on the finest of the ferries traveled in luxurious teak-lined cabins from Rangoon to Mandalay. Style was not all the IFC offered. Ferries turned into floating markets and in village after village locals received them with great excitement and expectation. In 1885, just before the Third Burma War, the British Army commandeered the fleet to carry troops up the river to Mandalay. And later, in 1942, as the Japanese Imperial Army made its way up the Irrawaddy, the IFC sank most of its fleet to deny the enemy use of the ships. Six years later the IFC was reborn as the Inland Water Transport Board, although its ferries still carry the red-and-black markings of the IFC on their funnels. Today passengers can again travel in luxury from Bagan to Mandalay on The Road to Mandalay, a ship named for Kipling's poem. Mary Jennings
Field Notes
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Photograph by Steve Winter Steve Winter http://ngm.nationalgeographic.com/2006/05/irrawaddy-river/winter-field-notes What was your best experience in the field covering this story? On my second trip to Myanmar, I wanted to cover a nat-pwe, or spirit festival. Followers of Myanmar's traditional religion believe in 37 spirits in nature, or nats, that affect everything from health and education to marriage and money. Small villages often hold these festivals as a way to commune with the spirits and make offerings for good luck, but they're not easy to find. Information about the festivals gets out by word of mouth. So wherever we went, I had my guide and good friend U San Hlaing ask people if they knew where a nat-pwe was taking place. I was starting to get nervous, though, because by the time we'd gone down two-thirds of the river, we still hadn't found one. We eventually reached the town of Pyay, where there's a temple for the spirits. But there wasn't going to be any festivals until after we were gone. I needed to move on to the Irrawaddy Delta. But when I was in Yangon getting permission, the government delayed the process. That ended up being a good thing because I got to head back to Pyay and photograph the spirit festival. There was a lot of dancing and music, and the spirits possessed a nat-kadaw, a performer that's part psychic, part
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Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma shaman. It was an incredible opportunity to see how the local people revere the spirits and one of the best parts of my assignment. What was your worst experience in the field covering this story? One thing that always stuck in my mind about George Orwell, Rudyard Kipling, and William Somerset Maugham's writings about the Irrawaddy River was their descriptions of the oppressive heat before the onslaught of the monsoon. They would lie on their verandas in a pool of sweat, fanning themselves and sipping on gin and tonic. There was quinine in the tonic, so that's how they justified the drinking. I got to experience that heat firsthand while I was on the river in April, May, and before it broke. Then I pulled out my watch, and the reading was still climbing up to straw hat I could find. I looked like I was wearing an umbrella on my head, but at least I always had the river to cool off in when the heat became too much. What was your quirkiest experience in the field covering this story? I visited the site of the oldest civilization, Tagaung, in Myanmar, and my guide found a monk there named Pa Dita Nada who also happened to be the head archaeologist for the site. They talked in Burmese for a while. I didn't understand a word they were saying until the monk suddenly looked directly at me and said in perfect English, "Oh, National Geographic? That's the best magazine in the world." So the next day I brought him a magazine, and he had me sign it. Over the next couple days he showed me funerary vessels from 200 B.C. and all kinds of different figures of the Buddha. He was incredibly helpful, and we had a great time together.
120 F (49
C) before I put it back on my wrist. I ended up buying the biggest
June. One time I put out my little digital thermometer, and it got to 116 F (47
C)
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Fears as second Thai chopper crashes on mission

(AFP) JULY 20, 2011. BANGKOK Thai rescuers were hunting Wednesday for an army helicopter with nine people aboard that went missing during a mission to retrieve five bodies from a previous crash, a military spokesman said.The Black Hawk chopper disappeared on Tuesday in an area of dense jungle on the Thai-Myanmar border after it was dispatched to recover the bodies of soldiers killed in a helicopter accident on Saturday."So far there is no contact from the lost aircraft or passengers," army spokesman Colonel Sunsern Kaewkumnerd told AFP."The search operation began at 6:30am (2300 GMT Tuesday) with several teams, each comprising seven soldiers, who have spread out on foot to search the area," he added. Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( ) 109
Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma Soldiers in neighbouring Myanmar reported hearing a loud noise near the area, but were unable to locate a crash scene, according to Siriyon Phothibandit, a Thai official at the Kaeng Krachan national park near the border."If it crashed we have high hopes some would have survived," he added.Among the nine people on board the Black Hawk were Major General Tawan Ruengsri, commander of a border task force, and a television cameraman from army-run Channel 5.In Saturday's crash, the aircraft went down in bad weather during a mission to airlift troops from the remote jungle area southwest of Bangkok.The helicopter had been sent to collect about 35 soldiers who had been on patrol in the park as part of measures to combat deforestation, but crashed close to the pick-up site. Those soldiers are still there.
A Thai Black Hawk chopper recently disappeared in an area of dense jungle on the Thai-Myanmar border (AFP/File, TED ALJIBE)
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Myanmar, Germany to cooperate in upgrading ports, airports

09:39, July 20, 2011
http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/90001/90777/90851/7445701.html Myanmar and Germany will cooperate in upgrading ports and airports of Myanmar aimed at raising freight handling capacity of the country, the local Pyi Myanmar News reported Tuesday.Fritz Werner Industries Ausrustungen Co., Ltd of Germany, in cooperation with Myanmar, will upgrade the airports in Yangon, Mandalay, Nay Pyi Taw and Bagan-Nyaung U as well as Yagon port and Thilawa Port. Myanmar private companies were granted to operate ports in Yangon early last year. Yangon port, which is among the nine sea ports in the country, handles most of Myanmar's import and export goods with its foreign trade and the port extension project is set to be completed within three years.On completion of extension project of Yangon Port, a total of 41 jetties can accommodate 43 vessels simultaneously and the ports would handle 80 million tons of cargo per year.There are some five major port terminals at the Yangon Port, namely Bo Aung Kyaw, Botataung, Pansodan, Nanthida and Sule.Of them, the international cargo ships berth at the Yangon port, Sule, Bo Aung Kyaw, Asia World and Myanmar Industrial.There were 1,200 international cargo ships berthing at the Yangon port for loading and unloading. Meanwhile, Myanmar is implementing a plan to extend and upgrade Yangon International Airport to an international level one capable of handling 3.8 million passengers a year and giving full service that an international-level airport does. There are six domestic airlines in Myanmar including one state- owned, which is the Myanmar Airways, and five private-run -- Air Mandalay, Yangon Airways, Air Bagan, Asian Wings and Kanbawza.There is also another Myanmar international airline, the Myanmar Airways International (MAI), flying solely some foreign destinations. There are also 13 foreign airlines flying Yangon which comprise Air China, China Southern Airline, Thai Airways International, Indian Airlines, Qatar Airways, Silk Air, Malaysian Airlines, Bangkok Airways, Mandarin, Jetstar Asia, Phuket Airline, Thai Air Asia and Vietnam Airlines.
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Myanmar army turning prisoners into war zone porters: groups
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BANGKOK | Wed Jul 13, 2011 7:07am EDT (Reuters) - Myanmar's military is forcing convicted criminals to serve as porters and human shields during armed conflicts, amounting to war crimes worthy of a United Nations-led investigation, a report released on Wednesday said.Porters were subjected to summary executions and torture, and were placed in the line of fire or sent to navigate heavily mined trails, "systematic practices" dating back as far as 1992, said the joint report by New York-based Human Rights Watch (HRW)and the Karen Human Rights Group, based on Thai-Myanmar border.The porters were forced to carry heavy loads of ammunition, food and supplies for the army without adequate food, shelter and access to medical care, it added.Myanmar's military has for decades fought on multiple fronts against numerous ethnic rebel armies seeking autonomy along larges stretches of the country's northern and eastern borders. The report called for the U.N. General Assembly or Human Rights Council to establish a commission of inquiry (COI) to probe abuses by both the military and rebel groups for recruiting child soldiers, using land mines and forcing civilians to become porters."Burma's forcible recruitment and mistreatment of convicts as uncompensated porters in conflict areas are grave violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law," said the report, referring to the country by its former name. Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( ) 113
Collections Polaris Burmese Library Collections Vol. 279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma "Those responsible for ordering or participating in such mistreatment should be prosecuted for war crimes."The report entitled 'Dead Men Walking' is based on 58 interviews with escaped convicted porters ranging from 20-57 years old who were used in military operations in eastern Karen State and central Bago region since 2010. CHEAP, EXPENDABLE In January, an estimated 1,200 male prisoners were forced to serve as porters during two large military operations, with the support of police, prison authorities and the army, the report found, adding that most prisoners were selected at random.They included serious offenders as well as people convicted of minor crimes such as brawling and fraud, with sentences ranging from a year to more than 20 years.Many of the convicts were unfamiliar with the local languages and terrain, making it less easy for them to escape."Using convict porters thus becomes a cheap, expendable, and easy solution to logistical challenges," the report said.Rights groups have repeatedly called for a COI into alleged war crimes committed by the Myanmar military, such as forced displacement of civilians, sexual violence, torture and murder, but to no avail.Neither Myanmar's former junta nor its new civilian-led government have acknowledged such crimes have taken place and the international community's demands for human rights reforms have been ignored, resulting in sanctions on the country. The call for an inquiry has been supported by 16 countries including the United States, Britain, Australia but the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), of which Myanmar is a member, has been silent."Every day that the international community does nothing is another day the Burmese army will press more porters into this deathly service," said Elaine Pearson, deputy director for HRW's Asia division.
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Myanmar cancels Thai goods ban
17 Jul 2011 Myanmars Commerce Ministry has annulled its import ban on 15 items from Thailand, according to Thailands director-general of Trade Negotiations Department. `Ms Srirat Rastapana said that the 15 types of merchandise now allowed to be imported are fresh fruits, monosodium glutamate (MSG), chewing gum, sweet drinks and other beverages, crackers, wafers, cake, canned food, instant noodles, liquor, beer, cigarettes, plastic products, and other controlled goods. The ban was cancelled last month after over ten years of prohibition. However, licences to import these goods are not easy to obtain, and can only be issued by the Commerce Ministry of Myanmar.Representatives of Thailands Trade Negotiations Department travelled to Myanmar twice previously in both October and December last year in order to negotiate the issue, as Thailand saw that the 15 types of goods were popular among Burmese consumers, particularly sweet drinks and other beverages, canned food and MSG.The import ban will directly benefit Thailands importers, as in 2010 Thailand had exported goods to Myammar to the tune of some 7.7 billion baht.
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279 in The Fight For Freedom in Burma

Burma/Myanmar Vol. Burma/Myanmar Affairs Vol. 279

Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( )

WE WILL BRING DICTATORS TO JUSTICE

Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( )

Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( )

Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( )

BURMA: BATTLE FOR DEMOCRACY

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Democracy and Human Rights Without Borders ( )

( EDITOR TAKHIN VACAKA ( RIT )

POLARIS BURMESE LIBRARY ( SINGAPORE ) 2011

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