Michael Chew 60524

Gender, observation and participation at the Garma Festival

Michael Chew

The Garma Festival of Traditional Culture is a five day event that celebrates the culture of the Yolngu people of north-east Arnhem land. In this fieldwork report I explore the sites of intercultural interaction at the festival a full spectrum from disengaged observation to engaged participation - and how they are influenced by the gender of the participants. The report is in three parts. Part I examines some questions regarding ethnographic representation, and the nature of the festival and student group that participated. Part II looks at how the gender effected opportunities for participation at the festival and how different sites offered different types of interaction. Part III turns towards exploring spectatorship and participation, first in the context of daily bunggul performances, then to my experiences assisting in the print gallery.

Part I The following text is distilled from my experiences at the festival, from memories, scribbled notes, discussions before during and after the fieldwork, photographs, and ideas. As such it is an ethnographic document, a text circulating amongst a spectrum of different theories of representation. Hammerley and Atkinson define ethnography as a set of methods that:
involves the ethnographer participating, overtly or covertly, in peoples daily lives for an extended period of time, watching what happens, listening to what is being said, asking questions - in fact, collecting whatever data are available to throw light on the issues which are the focus for research.1

Such views position my experiences at the Garma festival as an immersion in data collection, where relevant cultural knowledge can be gathered in situ to answer certain lines of inquiry and further our knowledge of Yolngu culture. This views legitimacy began to erode for me on the first day of the festival as I stood in the mid-morning swelter amongst the larrakitj

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(hollow log coffins) and tried to scribble down hastily the words of Galarrwuy Yunupingu.2 The chairman of the Northern Land Council had been leaving the breakfast area when Prof Marcia Langton had pounced and asked if he could say a few words about the minytji (sacred designs) emblazoned on the larrakitj for the benefit of us students (photograph A). Galarrwuy had launched into richly detailed accounts of the ancestral stories behind the designs. After a failed attempt to capture the words and stories, and cursing myself for my ethnographic inadequacy, I saw three of Galarrwuys words which I had scribbled down: Myth -> Story -> Reality These three words challenge the ideal of scientific, objective ethnography and the Western system of knowledge behind it. Our story describes how the realities of a particular past cultural context generate stories which propagate through history, gaining institutional and cultural credence and finally becoming immortalised in myth. While Yolngu have endless secular tales of the past, it is their mythic stories which structure their reality. 3 They describe the creation beings or ancestors who existed in the creative period, the period of deep, cosmological time underscoring our present realities, whose epic journeys created the landscape with all its sacred meanings. The Yolngu reality that Galarrwuy was describing is given by these creation stories. What then are my stories, of interwoven encounters through the festival, condensed into this field report? A transcript of Galarrwuys words do not help to tease out the mass of complexity underlying these few days in August. It is the exploration of the encounters between cultures that has the potential yielding ethnographic knowledge, using your own subjectivity to as a gauge to local knowledges. In this context Sarah Pinks account of ethnography helps position my subjectivity - she sees ethnography as the:
process of creating and representing knowledge (about society, culture and individuals) that is based on the ethnographers own experiences... that are as loyal as possible to the context, negotiations and intersubjectivites through which the knowledge was produced.4

Hammersley 1995:13. There was so much of a learning/adjustment curve on the first morning that I found myself trying to hold on, grasp, capture some objective reality - in response I drew many small anatomical drawings of fauna. <?> 3 Cole 1979:45. 4 Pink 2001:18.
2

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Thus to be loyal invites us to look at both the successful cultural negotiations and the failed ones, the expectations met and those not. These interactions always occur amongst bodies, gendered bodies. Gender had a profound effect on cultural interactions at the Garma Festival in particular in how participant-observer dynamics played out. My experience reflected how these ways of interacting were contingent on my own and others genders. As a site of ethnographic study, the five day Garma festival at Gulkula was vastly different from any Yolngu community its very purpose and structure is constructed for cultural knowledge exchange between Yolngu and ngpaki (non-Yolngu people).5 Aside from Yolngu, people come from all around Australia and the world to attend. Yolngu culture is articulated in a variety of contexts from the bungguls to collaborative art works to forum debates over legislation. Different aspects of the culture are emphasised for different reasons, as well as being concealed. As such it challenges scientific anthropologys demarcation of a distinct, singular field to study. Far from the unobtrusive anthropologist, the Melbourne University Garma Fieldwork class of 2003 was 22 strong. Out of these, five were male, including myself.6 While the expectations of many participants varied, there was a general sense of apprehension at entering into the unknown. This, combined with an extended periods of close living contact with each other, meant that considerable intersocial bonding occurred within the group. However from my observations, the males in the group, far from necessarily grouping together under the circumstances, were instead spread out and did not undergo the same social bonding that generally occurred amongst the females. This is inline with contemporary studies of male and female bonding behaviour.7 While it is difficult to determine the effect of this on the male ethnographic subject, a more discernable effect arose when female specific knowledge and experiences were encountered, specifically through female only access to the womens shelter (discussed below). This created a gendered division of experience within the group, which may have effected the direction of future inquires, as well as the flow of communication within the group. Also, these internal gender group dynamics may affected external interactions through the stabilisation of gender norms within the group and its effect on how the subject perceived their own gender in the context
5

The Garma ceremony is aimed at sharing knowledge and culture, and opening peoples hearts to the message of the land at Gulkula. www.garma.telstra.com. 6 According to later year students, this ratio has been fairly constant over the three years of the subjects existence. 7 Aries1996: 34-6.

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of intercultural interactions.

Part II A cursory glance through the Garma program and a wander through a few forums would establish a greater proportion of male Yolngu involvement in these activities compared to that of females. These leadership roles are in line with (traditional) ceremonial roles of men in Yolngu culture. Young males typically undergo garma (public) dhapi (circumcision ceremony) to mark their transition from other children and females into the adult male world, and with it their gradual admission into the layers of mens secret religious knowledge.8 With this initiation, and compounded by age and experience, comes the greater potential for the male to lead ceremonies, such as those performed during the festival. Yolngu participation in secular governance areas such as the land councils have seen proportionally more men involved. Likewise at the festival, a greater proportion of men spoke at forums and took on visible leadership roles. These provide a certain kind of interaction, a one-tomany type of knowledge dispersal, where people observe passively rather than participate actively. Such structural prominence of Yolngu males however contrasts with my experience in other more participatory sections of the festival. A small wooden shelter, directly east of the ceremony grounds, saw the gradual transition of larrakitj (hollow burial logs) from blank cylinders to finished works. At any time there were usually two or three Yolngu women who were leisurely painting the intricate minytji designs on the burial poles. From time to time ngpaki joined in, as indicated in photograph B. Engagement in the painting was not formally limited to women, although my observations saw only women participating. It was an informal space where ngpaki could share the limited shade with the Yolngu women, engage in conversation, take photographs, or just observe. On the third day I observed at this shelter one of the many collisions of knowledge systems that were occurring all around. Four people were present including myself two ngarpuki males and an indigenous woman (who later revealed herself to be Djalu Gurruwiwis sister). The two males were conversing with each other, the woman painting
8

For more detailed description of circumcision ceremonies, see Keen 1994:171-191, Trudgen 2000:77-80.

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the larrakitj, and I was observing. One of the males (whose name was later found to be Bruce Copply) assembled a tripartite metal yidaki (didgeridoo) and was explaining some his technical knowledge of the instrument (photograph C). He spoke about how his particular instrument, because of its certain length/bore ratio, could produce a G tone, of which a normal yidaki would need to be of excessive length to play. He then proceeded to extend the instrument to its extremum length and played the pure G tone. After several seconds the Yolngu woman stated that he must stop - which he did - and explained that the low G was reserved only for certain mens ceremonies, and should not be played here. This event characterised an intersection between Yolngu and Western knowledge systems. In the latter, knowledge generally progresses from knowing about the particular area, to be able to do or perform actions from the area, to then having the right or permission to be able to practice the actions. I know something about the wave acoustics of the yidaki that made Bruces demonstration possible. However I cannot play the G on the yidaki, and even if I could, I would have no right to do so in the Yolngu context. With Yolngu knowledge, the right to play comes first in this case it is accorded only to initiated males. If you have this right, you soon learn to do, to play although you will not have the special knowledge of what the note means until much later. Although Bruce did know and could do, he did not have the right to do so. A geographic element entered the situation as well according to Djalu sister, it was okay to hear the note if you were a woman, but it was wrong to see it being played (in its ceremonial setting).9 Thus even if he had the right to play it, he could not have played the tone where he was, with the present company. The situation underscored the complexities behind ngpaki participation in Yolngu activities, when bridging two distinct ways to knowledge is required.10 Particularly, it highlighted the need for the learning of cultural activities to take place in the right cultural context - and being loyal to the negotiations within this context.11 The womens shelters provided other focused spaces for Yolgnu-ngpaki interaction. One specialised in basket and mat making, the other in painting nuku dhulang (ochre bark
9

She mentioned that she had heard the low G many times in her childhood but had been forbidden to see or go near the ceremonies where it was being played. 10 A similar situation arose in the yidaki forum, over the right for women to play the instrument. There had been a considerable ngpaki concern when a woman was televised playing the instrument. What they had not understood was that Djalu had the special authority to make decrees on who uses instrument by virtue of his standing, knowledge of the yidaki and connection with ancestors who provide the metaphysical connection with the instrument.

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paintings painted with human hair brushes). The festival guide describes the shelters as places where guests are encouraged to watch, listen, and then begin some hands-on experience. 12 These shelters were highly frequented, with female students spending many hours there making baskets and conversing with the women. This informal environment saw ngpaki participating in the making of cultural artifacts and sharing communal Yolngu space. The structure is more aligned with Yolngu forms of interpersonal communication, which are more indirect and open compared to direct and dyadic styles in Western communication.13 As a neophyte was not supposed to ask direct questions, but was enjoined to be silent, and to listen or look when directed14, learning basic practices in this fashion avoids positions where outsiders are constrained to access knowledge through questioning or passive observation, as was the structure of the forums. The womens shelters thus offered spaces for ongoing ngpaki participation not openly available elsewhere. I was disappointed on being unable to participate on account of my gender however I discovered a niche in running food to the women in the shelter that women from Miwatj Health had gathered and cooked in partnership with a class from Batchelor College. These types of niches in participation often arose organically, where spontaneous interactions and opportunities would appear and disappear sporadically. Here an unannounced group of Yolngu women arrived back having caught and gutted a few basin loads of fish, mussels, and a turtle. As the smell wafted through the humid air, a crowd of ngpaki gathered. Many seemed anxious to help the women, but often ended up getting in the way of the preparations. Here the presence of sheer numbers of people shifted the situation from what could have been a more participatory-interactive situation, into one in which the ngpaki acted as consumers first visually and then literally of the event. (photograph D) Another niche which yielded unforeseen interaction occurred when I overheard the group of woman talking about going oyster and turtle egg collecting. They permitted a number of Garma Fieldwork students to join their 4WD convoy which was headed to the

11

Tamisaris account of her solitary dance training in contrast to the messier, truer participatory dancing with the Yolngu underscores this as well. See Tamisari 2000:34. 12 Garma Festival Guide, pp. 15. 13 See for more detailed explanation and comparative modelling of indigenous and Western communication styles, see Walsh 1997:1-21, Trudgen 2000:77-80. 14 Keen 1994:229.

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beach (rangiwuy). Collecting turtle eggs I found myself between two belief systems as I poked a stick into the sand and watched the women do the same, my ecological beliefs asserted themselves and I felt remorse at the thought of eating fertilised turtle eggs - and hoped that no none were found. (photograph E) It is through participating in these activities that Western assumptions can be negotiated or challenged. For instance the indigenous impact on turtle populations have been much smaller than the European impact, and would not be an issue at all had the latter been more sustainable. It was midway through the journey to the beach where we were separated out into male and female groups, and told briefly about the type of country here. It was a completely different experience to be split up according to gender, as apart from the womens shelters there was no formal segregation of the genders at the festival.15 Though segregation was an important aspect of traditional Yolngu life, the shift in traditional gender roles after European contact through, loss of males in conflict, welfare dependancy issues - has meant that often more time is spent in mixed groups. This indicates the importance of maintaining traditional sex roles at the festival to provide visitors with this experience; however this should not conceal the reality of contemporary gender issues within Yolngu society. Traditional male Yolngu practices include hunting, fishing and crafting tools and weapons. Despite the references to these activities in Festival guides, few of them were actually available at the festival. 16 Outings that were undertaken were a part of the tourist venture of World Expeditions and were hence not open to all Festival delegates. The yidaki masterclass area formed an informal male space in the festival however it was far less accessible than the womens shelters (photograph F). The masterclass itself was expensive and only open to limited numbers, and outside of these times there were no regular ongoing activities. This, combined with a general lack of local Yolngu men in roles accessible to ngpaki interaction - outside of the official forums and workshops - suggest wider issues affecting Yolngu males. There is some evidence for the view that Yolngu women have been better able to cope than their men folk with the trauma of European contact. According to Grimshaw, it is often seen that the men of the culture which is disrupted by a more dominant culture, have a sense further to fall, and hence suffer worse shock and dislocation in terms of
15

After the brief separation the two groups rejoined and we completed the forraging in a mixed party. There were still vastly more women there (Yolgnu and ngarpuki), however. See photograph G for oyster gathering. 16 The activities that were planned were fire making and spear throwing. See Background notes to Garma, www.garma.telstra.com.

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identity than women.17. Welfare dependency has had an effect on the Yolngu males, shifting and undermining traditional leadership roles it is men who are emasculated by the colonising society18. Alcoholism amongst Yolngu males is a substantial ongoing problem. Although the Yolngu were introduced to alcohol by the Macassans, it was only in the 1970s where it became a widespread problem, due to increased transport links to major population centres and the increased cash income of indigenous people (due to the training allowance and award wages)19. Alcoholism and associated domestic violence was eluded to during a forum and in numerous unofficial discussions, but was generally absent from the official festival discourse, as the event was geared torwards celebrating Yolgnu culture. If a proportion of Yolngu men were absent from the festival grounds due to drinking, (and therefore foreclosed interactions with ngpaki) it was the ones that were present and drinking that were an important issue that the festival had to deal with. The final day five concert was scaled back the previous years, where alcohol had been sneaked in and drunkenness amongst Yolngu men was a problem. This safety risk affects the potential for open interaction this year two students had to return to camp after being spooked by drunk Yolngu men, while another students communication with her adopted Yolngu aunt was foreshorted due to the drunk husband.

Part III Perhaps the most spectacular part of the festival in the visitors eyes was that of the bungguls (ceremonial dance performance) which were performed at dusk daily in the main ceremony ground. The performers were dwarfed by the towering yellow statue of Ganbulapula, the ancestral beehive forager who imbued the Gulkala region with significance through his legendary hurling of a larrakitj into the ocean.20 These ceremonial dances form a vital nexus between Yolngu philosophy, religion, law, and history, where ancestral beings creative movements across the land are rearticulated through the delicately co-coordinated melee of limbs and stamping feet. The ancestral footprints, djalkiri, are embodied manifestations of
17 18

Grimshaw 1981:90. See also Bell 1993:94-100. Trudgen 2000:170. 19 See Keen 1994:33. 20 Honey is associated with cultural knowledge. For more details of Ganbulapula, see www.garma.telstra.com (2000)

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these creative powers. As these foundations to rom (right practice) are embodied and celebrated, the dance forms trace out the correct and moral paths of Yolngu living today.21 Bunggul performances demonstrate the performers intersecting claims to knowledge, rearticulating their law - Yolngu dance because they hold the law22. As I watched the bunggul on the first evening, I was overwhelmed by the sheer amount of visual and aural stimuli and the energy emanating from the dances. Having only a cursory knowledge of some their most general themes, I strived to soak up their meaning and read the dances. With increased exposure I saw details that had been imperceptible previously, though I was unaware of their cultural signifigance. One example involved the interplay of gender on dancing ground. Traditionally women in Yolngu bungguls such those in Garma dance behind the men, often on the spot or in a short journey as they stamp out ancestral motions. However one woman (photograph H) consistently danced ahead of the others, and was often the only woman with her head up, looking ahead, (which was a male stance in these particular ceremonies) while all the other women looked down. Although men and woman have distinct roles in performance, she demonstrated the complexity and intermingling of such roles, which are highly contingent on experience and age.23 There exists a stark difference in dress between the men and women performers (and generally male and female Yolngu at the festival). While Yolngu men sometimes wear as little as shorts, the women without exception wear brightly coloured, loose ankle length dresses or skirts. This serves to emphasize the visual contrast between male and female dance; the latters more reserved motions are further cloaked by the long dresses, while the formers active moves are disclosed by their lack of obscuring clothing. While the Macassans introduced cloth, it was the missionaries who insisted on wearing clothes. As a sign of respect to the Yolngu cultural separation of gender, ngpaki women are asked to wear skirts during ceremonies.24 The skirt here travels between two cultures; by respecting the Yolngu and wearing the skirt ngpaki women put aside their own set of culturally specific meanings such as a feminist belief of the skirt as a motif for womens subordination and engage with the Yolngu system of gender.
21

Rom is the cultural law which underpins the proper way of living and interacting with other people and the land. Different groups have different rom associated with different bodies of myth. See Keen 1994:137 for more details. 22 Tamisari 2000:36. 23 Keen mentions how he observed a woman perform solo dances usually performed by men. Keen 1994:185. 24 Marcia Langton, personal communication, 2003.

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However these types of engagements are still accruing in a Western way of understanding. In this light, the bunggul grounds are an interface between different interpreting systems. No matter how much I conceptionally knew about the dances, my participation in the event could not be covered by decoding the elaborate symbolic systems which are expressed through dance.25 For the dance does not symbolise reality, it is reality26- to participate fully is not just a matter of reading symbols, but to engage with them as reality rather than representation. The Yolngu concepts of djinawa (inside) and warragul (outside) are relevant here. Warragul knowledges refer to the surface, the effects, the actual dance movements or the abstract knowledge that we may learn about them, while djinawa knowledges are the deeper underlying reasons, the causes for surface events, the true meanings that the choreography embodies.27 It is through years of participation in dance with others that the intersubjective aspect emerges which draws all the dancers into the one simultaneous matrix of understanding. Galarrwuy made a passing reference to this participation during his opening bunggul address - that ngarpuki would be encouraged to join in some of the later dances. (photograph I shows ngpaki boys participating). It simultaneously sent shivers of apprehension down my spine and underscored the Yolngu ways of learning through imitation (yakarrman). Yakarrman is how the young learn to dance, before they could speak Yolngu-matha. I had a vivid illustration of this a few days after the festival. As the sun was painting the empty ceremony ground gold, I saw a group of Yolngu children attempt their own mini bunggul. Together with their previous experience, they had been watching the bungguls day after day at the festival, and now they launched into a performance complete with singing, drums, clapsticks (bilma), and a yidaki. Watching this unfold highlighted the vast difference between my Western understanding of dance performances and the Yolngu one. For the former, you train, and train, and train until the actual performance, where the means reaches the end and you deliver the output of the learning process. In contrast, the Yolngu bunggul is always a becoming, a being in progress, a means which is always the end, as the ranks of the young imitate the old, while enfolding their own voice to the emerging story. Seeing the numbers of Yolngu children during the bungguls watching and imitating echoed this. While I sat at sunset watching the daily bungguls, I was perplexed at the strength of

25 26

For a detailed account of the symbolic communication in dances, see Kleinert 2000:146-52. Tamisari 2000:31. 27 Morphy has a good discussion of thedjinawa/warragu in Morphy 1991:78-84.

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the two negative emotions that were consistently on my mind. One was the fear of participating, having to get up and dance my white skin around the sacred ground in front the Yolngu, facing the raucus shouts which they had heaped on their relatives. The other was the opposite feeling; of being the cultural voyeur, sitting comfortably and soaking up the Other in my tourist gaze. My two feelings, each at opposite ends of the participant-observer scale of interaction, were reinforced by other students, and may form part of a broader awkwardness that ngpakis often experience when with indigenous people. However for the most part the white observers seem unfazed by their position as observers and recorders. Indeed, the cult of the camera, the obsession with obtaining the prefect shot, was seen continually in the scores of lenses tracking the Yolngu bodies as they danced in the sand. (Garma students taking pictures - photograph J). Too often I was caught up in that logic, peering through a viewfinder that sections out a small part of the world, a portion which you can manipulate, pose, wait and pounce on your subject, transforming them into object, reducing the world of the five senses into that of one. Having spatially separated the target from the world, you next temporally separate them by concentrating on their movements as a series of still frames, waiting for the best one to appear for you to capture. Photography is a technique that pushes the observer to the far end of abstraction in their interaction with the observed. However, photography acts to blur and make permeable the boundaries of the festival in terms of this observation-interaction; the images flow out with the people at the festivals conclusion. They spread their tiny captured moments to family and friends. On the morning of the third day, the live broadcast of the festival appearing on the Today television programme had this similar effect. (photograph K). These outward flows of images can have the beneficial effect of raising the profile of the festival and its ideas, as long as we acknowledge that the photographs extracted from their local context will have different meanings and associations as they flow into different contexts, and may carry the ways of seeing inherent to the photographer.28 According to Tamisari, when people do not help or show their love through dancing at a ceremony they are expected to contribute in other ways29. Though I was decidedly ngarpuki, and having not being incorporated within the Yolngu kinship system, I could feel
28

Bourdieu states this forcefully that the most trivial photograph expresses, apart from the explicit intentions of the photographer, the system of schemes of perception, thought, and appreciation common toa whole group Bourdieu 1990:6.

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some truth in the statement. Being the ocular, distanced observer in so many interactions I wanted desperately to contribute to the festival, to shift my recording role and get beyond my gazing eye. My assistance with administrating the small outdoor print gallery to the east of the ceremony grounds marked this type of shift. It was a shift from a floating observer to a person anchored with a purpose and role - albeit a temporary and minor one. This role allowed me to engage and help in a small part of the festival, shift my subjectivity - to see people as potential buyers of whose world I was now implicated in. Instead of asking questions, questions were now asked of me. I became situated at nexus between two worlds the world of the Yolngu designs, and the world of money. Like the bunggul dances, the paintings do not simply represent the ancestral beings by encoding stories of events the designs are an integral part of the ancestral beings themselves30 The minytji designs hold maarr, the power of sacred objects, deriving from that of ancestral beings. Each print however was in a series of 28, with the original being done on bark, and being imbued with the maarr.31 Thus the prints in the gallery, although possessing the designs, did not possess this same maar- locating them closer to the world of money in which I was assigned to mediate, taking orders, recording credit card details, reordering stock. The physicality of the gallery itself straddled two distinct worlds, with the Yolngu prints embraced in glass and metal frames, and hung in turn on painted trees, in the open air. At night they were lit in pools of light, giving them a magical, ethereal quality. (photograph L). The hum of the generator permeating the air was a constant remainder to how this effect was supported. Watching at the gallery was strange at first after the bungguls. From a large number of people watching the Yolngu dancing, the situation changed to myself and another student watching the procession of ngarpuki wander into the gallery, circulate around the print, and drift off into the night. Apart from taking sales and answering queries a large part of the role involved watching the art and the people to make sure nothing was taken or tampered with. The type of spectatorship was thus completely different to the tourist bunggul gaze, instead of an individual cultural voyeurism I had an institutionally sanctioned suspicion. I observed them not only as observers of art, but as potential thieves. The leisurely work opened access to Club Garma, the kitchen specially catering for volunteers, organisers, and Yolngu. It

29

Tamisari 2000:37. Morphy 1991:102. 31 Sasha ? , personal communication , 2003.

30

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opened up another layer of the festival, being a hub for different social networks and thus offering a more opportunities for involvement in the festivals operation.

In this report I have tried to be truthful to my experiences and feelings at the festival. Much of what I turned my mind to during and after revolves around what kind of interactions I had how I observed, how I participated and what anxiety or reward I found in them. Gender had a profound effect at the festival, from the articulation of traditional roles to the concealment of the contemporary crisis of Yolngu males and its effect on the community. Spectating at the bungguls showed the limits of the Western approach to knowing, the great schism between doing and how Yolngu knowledge system produces embodied knowledge. Through taking on volunteer roles at Garma, together with talking over, thinking and slowly unpacking the whole event, makes me realise how like a Yolngu ceremony the festival is with its intricate layers of knowledge and secrecy, myriad of right forms and ways of doing things, and the playing out of the spectrum of human wants and needs.

4642 words.

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(female dancing)

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(male dancing)

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Bibliography Aries, F., Male and female Interaction: reconsidering the differences, Oxford University Press, 1996. Bell, D., Daughters of the Dreaming, Allen and Unwin, 1993. Bourdieu, P., Photography: A Middle-Brow Art, Polity Press, 1990 [1965]. Cole, K., The Aborigines of Arnhem Land, Ribgy, 1979. Grimshaw, P., Australian women : feminist perspectives, Oxford University Press, 1981. Keen, I, Knowledge and Secrecy in Aboriginal Religion, Clarendon Press, 1994. Kleinert, S., Neale, M., [eds.], The Oxford Companion to Aboriginal Art and Culture, Oxford University Press, 2000. Hammersley, M., Atkinson, P., Ethnography: Principles in Practice, Routledge, 1995. Morphy, H., Ancestral Connections: Art and an Aboriginal System of Knowledge, University of Chicago Press, 1991. Pink, S., Doing Visual Ethnography, SAGE Publications, 2001. Tamisari, F., Dancing the Land, the Land Dances Through Us, in Dancing Comes from the Land, Writings on Dance, 20, pp. 22-41, 2000. Trudgen, R., Why warriors lie down and die, Aboriginal Resource and Development Services Inc., 2000. Walsh, M., Cross-Cultural Communication Problems in Aboriginal Australia, North Australia Research Unit Discussion Paper, No. 7., Darwin: Australian National University, 1997.