EffEctS of faMily StructurE and Socialization on MatErialiSM: a lifE courSE Study in francE

Sarah Benmoyal-Bouzaglo and George P. Moschis Consumer researchers have had a long-standing interest in understanding the development of materialistic attitudes in different cultural settings. Using the life course paradigm as an overarching conceptual framework, this paper seeks to explain differences in materialistic values among young French consumers. Hypotheses derived from this paradigm are formulated and a survey of young adults is used to test them. The hypothesized relationships between exposure to television and peer communication about consumption during adolescent years and materialistic values held by the young French adults were supported, in line with previous findings in the United States based on cross-sectional data. However, socialization influences of television, peers, and family did not mediate the effects of family structure (intact versus dislocated) on materialistic values.

Consumer researchers have had a long-standing interest in understanding the development of materialistic attitudes and values (e.g., Burroughs and Rindfleisch 2002; Chaplin and John 2007; Fitzmaurice and Comegys 2006; Roberts, Manolis, and Tanner 2003, 2006). The importance that people place on tangible properties of objects is not merely the naive expression of ones materialistic values (Ladwein 2005). Products also contribute to the structure of individuals identity, and they can represent a self-extension when people attach psychological meanings to their personal possessions (Belk 1988). They can represent attachment to ones family, friends, or religion, and can also be related to past events (Csikszentmihalyi and Rochberg-Halton 1981). Studies suggest that materialism may have adverse consequences on consumer well-being, including lack of life satisfaction (Ryan and Dziurawiec 2001), depression (Saunders and Munro 2000), physical ailments (Kasser 2002), and unmanageable debt (Dittmar 2004). Researchers have recently begun to investigate the negative consequences of materialism on the natural environment (Good 2007). Furthermore, there is increasing public concern over the increase in materialistic values of people in different parts of the globe. In the United States, the declining rate of personal savings is well documented (Guidolin and La Jeunesse

2007), and the recent crisis in the mortgage industry does not seem to have changed the profligate ways of the typical U.S. consumer (Kim 2008). Views on the development of materialistic values are based mainly on two perspectivesthe sociological perspective and the psychological perspective. The former puts emphasis on socialization agents (especially family, peers, and mass media) as sources of development of materialistic values. The impact of these agents is assumed to be stronger in cultures where possessions are viewed as desirable norms and goals to pursue in life. In contrast, the psychological perspective attributes the development of these values to family circumstances that create emotional states that either deter or promote the development of materialistic values. Cultural and social norms tend to be ignored in the developmental processes that focus on intrapsychic explanations (e.g., stress, self-esteem). Previous research on the influences of socialization agents on materialistic values has focused primarily on the effects of mass media (television in particular) and has produced mixed results. For example, the relationship between television viewing and materialism has been supported by data from samples of Chinese and Australian consumers but not by Turkish and Canadian samples (Sirgy et al. 1998). Results from the United States have been mixed (for a review, see Kwak, Zinkhan, and Dominick 2002).

Sarah Benmoyal-Bouzaglo, Ph.D. candidate, Universit ParisDauphine, Paris, France, sbenmoyal@yahoo.fr. George P. Moschis (Ph.D., University of Wisconsin, Madison), Professor of Marketing, Alfred Bernhardt Research Professor of Marketing and Director, Center for Mature Consumers Studies, Georgia State University, Atlanta, Georgia, gmoschis@gsu.edu. The authors thank Anil Mathur, Glen H. Elder, Jr., and the Bronfenbrenner Life Course Center at Cornell University for their assistance in preparing this paper.
Journal of Marketing Theory and Practice, vol. 18, no. 1 (winter 2010), pp. 5369. 2010 M.E. Sharpe, Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN 1069-6679 / 2010 $9.50 + 0.00. DOI 10.2753/MTP1069-6679180104

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Considerably less attention has been devoted to the influences of family and peers. For example, early studies of consumer socialization have found certain family communication environments to promote the development of materialistic values (e.g., Moschis 1985), but there is limited investigation of such influences outside the United States (Flouri 2000). Furthermore, it is not clear whether specific socialization agents and family environments can instill materialistic values in people within cultures that do not consider materialism a desirable norm. The need to study materialism in different cultures has been suggested by previous researchers (e.g., Burroughs and Rindfleisch 2002) in part because consumers who hold materialistic values tend to respond differently to marketing stimuli (Clarke and Micken 2002). Differences in consumer responses to marketing stimuli in different cultures, including France, would suggest the need for different strategies. Previous research suggests that materialistic orientations may develop early in life and may be the result of stressful family disruption life events (divorce or separation) young people have experienced (e.g., Moschis 1987; Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Denton 1997; Roberts, Manolis, and Tanner 2003, 2006). To our knowledge, no study has examined the relationship between the adult consumers experience of life events during formative years and his or her materialistic values in France. According to Clarke and Micken (2002), France is a highly materialistic society, but, according to Lundstrom and White (1999), this country is less materialistic than the United States. Thus, it is possible that the relationship between events experienced during adolescence and materialistic values held by young adults previously found in the U.S. samples could be different among the French. In some cultures and countries such as the United States, people are proud of having money and place more emphasis on conspicuous consumption. People in other cultures and countries such as France tend to believe that money and possessions must be kept in great secrecy (Brunet 2007; Lamont 1992). Therefore, it would be interesting to determine the extent to which findings in the United States can be extended to other Western countries where consumers hold different values. The purpose of this research is to examine the direct and indirect effects of family structure on the development of materialism in France. The life course approach, which was developed recently as an interdisciplinary program for studying various aspects of behavior, is used as an overarching framework for studying the development of materialism.

concEPtual fraMEWorK
The tendency to try to explain consumer behavior at a given point in time in isolation from events and circumstances one has experienced or anticipates at various stages in life appears to be a serious shortcoming in consumer research. Consumer researchers have suggested that much can be gained by studying past events in a persons life as well as ones perception of the future in attempting to understand patterns of consumer behavior (e.g., Moschis 2007). These observations are consistent with developments in various disciplines that advocate the use of the life course paradigm to study human behavior (e.g., Elder 1998; Moschis 2007).

the life course Paradigm

The life course paradigm suggests that behavior cannot be studied in isolation from ones experiences or expectations; rather, it is embedded with circumstances one has experienced and anticipates at different stages in life. This framework, which extends across substantive and theoretical boundaries of social and behavioral sciences (e.g., Abeles, Steel, and Wise 1980; Elder 1995; Mayer and Tuma 1990), can fill gaps in previous efforts to study consumer behavior. Unlike many other approaches to the study of behavior, the life course paradigm assumes that behavior at any stage in life or given point in time is influenced by various circumstances experienced in earlier life, including cultural settings, and the way the individual or a group (e.g., family) has adapted to these circumstances (e.g., Mayer and Tuma 1990). Researchers in several disciplines of science have presented compelling evidence that suggests that childhood adulthood experiences affect patterns of thought and action in adult life; and they have begun to seek explanations for these effects (McLeod and Almazan 2003). Psychologists and psychiatrists have been concerned with the psychopathological outcomes of childhood traumatic experiences (e.g., loss of a parent, growing up in a single-parent family), whereas sociologists, economists, and demographers have been more interested in the study of the economic or marital consequences of parental divorce and other changes in family structures. Despite clear evidence of the relevance of childhood experiences for later life, the strength and nature of the relationships of childhood adversities to behavior in adult life, the circumstances under which they hold, and the specific mechanisms that account for them have not been adequately examined (McLeod and Almazan 2003).

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figure 1 a General conceptual life course Model of consumer Behavior

Source: Adapted from Moschis (2007).

Model
Figure 1 presents a general conceptual model that incorporates the types of variables and relationships that are relevant to the main theoretical orientations of life course research. Model elements can be classified into three broad categories: events and circumstances that are experienced at a specific point in time (T1 ) in the persons life course, processes triggered by these events (socialization, stress and coping, development or decline), and outcomes that occur at later points in time (T2 ), which are the consequence or outcome of these processes and earlier in-time-occurred events. The life course model suggests that changing life conditions in the form of life-event experiences create physical, social, and emotional demands and circumstances to which one must adapt. Development and change in patterns of thought and action are the result of the individuals adjustment to various demands and circumstances that occurred at earlier points in time or stages in life. Three theoretical orientations provide explanations for the individuals adjustment to earlier-in-life conditionsnormative, stress, and human capital (Abeles, Steel, and Wise 1980).

theoretical Perspectives Normative

The normative perspective assumes that certain life events such as marriage, divorce, and retirement serve as markers of transition into important life roles (e.g., spouse, parent, and retiree). Through the process of socialization, individuals acquire socially desirable skills and attitudes compatible with the roles they enact. The socialization process is rather predictable, with the socializee changing in response to socializers (such as parents and peers) or adapting to the requirements of the environment (Mortimer and Simmons 1978). For example, divorce prompts reorganization of roles of family members of a dislocated family, and some individuals may assume new roles and responsibilities such as purchasing certain types of products and preparing meals.

Stress
A central idea of life course models is that life events, negative as well as positive and neutral ones, create

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Journal of Marketing Theory and Practice pothesis can be built from more than one perspective and provide a framework to test competing theories. Within the life course framework, one can study the development of materialism among youths due to disruptive family events in significant others life course (such as divorce and separation). Psychologists offer intrapsychic explanations; they argue that young people turn to material goods to alleviate aversive feelings such as stress and insecurities created by family dislocations. In contrast, sociologists attribute such responses to socioeconomic deprivation created by family dislocation experienced in formative years (reduction in economic resources), which elevate the importance of material possessions, and to changes in parentchild relations and disrupted socialization (McLeod and Almazan 2003).

disequilibrium; they are treated as stressors that create a generalized demand for readjustment by the individual aimed at establishing a new balance (De Jong Gierveld and Dykstra 1993). The person builds a unique set of strategies to cope with unacceptable and painful feelings produced by expected and unexpected events over the life course (Vaillant 1977). For example, one may try to reduce stress by seeking various forms of recreation. Thoughts and behaviors that help reduce the stress an individual experiences during a particular time span in his or her life course are originally effortful and reflect coping, but the experience of persistent stress over time may result in frequent use of such coping strategies that could develop into habitual responses and become the persons way of life (Faber et al. 1995).

Human Capital
Human capital refers to the resources, qualifications, skills, and knowledge that people acquire and influence future income and consumption (Frytak, Harley, and Finch 2003, p. 627). Its development is derived from and influenced by environmental factors that can range from large social systems (e.g., cultures, social classes) to small groups (e.g., peers, families). These factors tend to be interrelated, with the larger social systems influencing the smaller units. The macro-system defines the character, structure, and function of smaller units, which include the environment with which the person is in contact and can interact directly (e.g., family, school, leisure settings) and constitute the vehicles of behavior change and individual development (Bolger et al. 1988, p. 2). Unlike the normative perspective that assumes that individuals develop and change their patterns of thought and action in line with socially desirable norms, theories of human capital allow for change in outcomes; they recognize that a persons actions shape his or her behavior which may not be necessarily socially desirable and could include maladaptive and deviant behaviors (e.g., excessive, compulsive) (Mortimer and Simmons 1978). Sherrod and Brim (1986) note that the various disciplinary approaches to life course research are neither conflicting nor mutually exclusive; they are complementary. In this context, the life course paradigm provides a framework for integrating diverse theoretical perspectives into a multitheoretical conceptual framework (Figure 1), which is consistent with recent efforts of life course researchers to develop models that include variables derived from diverse theories (e.g., Elder, George, and Shanahan 1996; Mortimer and Shanahan 2003; Pearlin and Skaff 1996). Such models are helpful for showing how the same hy-

HyPotHESES
The three life course perspectives suggest several hypotheses that can be incorporated into a model, as shown in Figure 2. The specific hypothesized relationships shown in this integrated model derive from theory and research related to each perspective, as explained in the sections that follow.

normative Explanations
In countries where people value material possessions, the normative perspective would consider materialistic values as socially desirable orientations. People are expected to pursue the acquisition of material possessions as a means of happiness, success, and social progress. Such norms are expected to be embedded in various social settings, and their desirability is communicated to others formally and informally. For example, in Western countries such as the United States, material possessions are valued, and such norms are most likely to be acquired from the mass media (television in particular) and peers (for studies, see Moschis 1987; OGuinn and Shrum 1997). With respect to the effects of television, cultivation theory proposes that the amount of television a person is exposed to shapes his or her perceptions and beliefs about the world that reflect the television world messages (e.g., Kwak, Zinkhan, and Dominick 2002; OGuinn and Shrum 1997). Eventually, for some audiences, television content is accepted as reality and behavior can be shaped based on these (possibly distorted) views (OGuinn et al. 1989). Although research by OGuinn and Shrum (1997) supports the cultivation perspective, showing that exposure to

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figure 2 Hypothesized relationships Suggested by life course Perspectives

consumption-rich portrayals of television programming is associated with increasing prevalence of consumer beliefs (i.e., acquisition of knowledge about affluent lifestyles in society), cross-cultural studies of cultivation effects have produced mixed results even in similar cultures of the world (e.g., Kwak, Zinkhan, and Dominick 2002). Studies of cultivation effects outside the United States are supported by data from Chinese and Australian samples but not by Turkish and Canadian samples (for these and other studies, see, for example, Kwak, Zinkhan, and Dominick 2002). Cheung and Chan (1996) found strong cultivation effects of television viewing on materialism among tenth grade students in Hong Kong. It has been suggested that a main reason for the inconsistency in the findings regarding the effects of television is the countrys cultural context in general and specifically the values held by a society (Kwak, Zinkhan, and Dominick 2002; OGuinn and Shrum 1997). To the extent that materialism is an important component of the French consumers consumption orientation, it would be expected to be emphasized by the mass media and reference groups that serve as agents of consumer socialization. Hypothesis 1: There is a positive relationship between materialistic values held by a young adult and (a) the

amount of television viewing and (b) the frequency of peer communication about consumption during his or her adolescent years. The disruption of family due to events in parents life course (e.g., divorce, parents increased time dedicated to outside careers) promotes the youths alienation that leads to his or her gravitation to nonfamilial peer groups and increasing interaction with television (see studies cited in Moschis 1987, pp. 8889, pp. 105109, p. 135). There is substantial evidence to suggest that family disruptions weaken adult supervision and monitoring of childrens behavior (see Hill, Yeung, and Duncan 2001 for studies). Therefore, the youths length of experience of family dislocation is expected to increase the youths exposure to television and interaction with peers and, consequently, the opportunities for discussing consumption matters with them. Hypothesis 2: The longer the person lived in a disrupted family during his or her formative years, the greater the (a) level of television viewing and (b) frequency of peer communication about consumption. Because socialization theory and research have shown that young people learn the expressive aspects of consump-

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Journal of Marketing Theory and Practice family communication structure and materialism among adolescents (Moschis 1987). Hypothesis 4: The young adults exposure to a sociooriented family communication structure during adolescent years is positively associated with the strength of his or her materialistic values held as a young adult. The emphasis families place on communicating with their children might be the result of the familys social position. The organismic view on human capital development helps link family communication environments (as micro-systems) to distal settings of social class and culture. People in lower social class families are more likely to have jobs and social roles that require conformity rather than self-direction, and such roles and orientations can then influence the values parents have regarding their offspring (Kasser et al. 1995). Parents of a relatively low socioeconomic status (SES) and those who value conformity more than self-expression may encourage their children to value more the demands and strictures of others rather than their own true desires. Some empirical findings suggest that mothers who are controlling and nonsupportive might lead their children to believe that their own worth hinges primarily on external sources such as money (Kasser et al. 1995). Kasser and his associates (1995) found that materially oriented adolescents had mothers who tended to value conformity more than self-direction, and had a lower income and less education. Thus, we hypothesize that Hypothesis 5: Young adults who were brought up in lower SES environments are more likely to report higher levels of socio-oriented family communication styles than their higher SES counterparts. Another view of the effects of human capital can be found in the economic hardship hypothesis. Several studies have shown that parental divorce is associated with reduction in financial resources, lower SES, and increased conflict over money and the use of material resources (e.g., Amato and Sobolewski 2001; Conger et al. 1994). These findings are consistent with the economic hardship theory, which is compatible with the life course perspective (e.g., Elder 1998). Reduction in financial resources due to family dislocation (e.g., divorce) adversely affects childrens accumulation of human capital, such as the educational attainment necessary for achieving higher occupational status and wealth. Prolonged aversive interactions and socioeconomic deprivation in childhood years may increase the youths awareness of the requirements necessary for acquiring material possessions as well as of the limitations

tion from television and their peers (e.g., Moschis 1987), the greater strength of materialistic values reported by adults who have experienced disruptive family events may well be due to their heavier interactions with these socialization agents during their adolescent years. Available literature also suggests that most of the effects of parental loss are indirect, operating via ineffective socialization and poor quality of social relationships (Elder, George, and Shanahan 1996). Thus, peer interactions and television viewing (socialization processes) are expected to be positively related to materialism and to mediate the relationship between disruptive life events and materialistic attitudes found in Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Dentons (1997) study. Hypothesis 3: There is a positive relationship between disruptive family events and (a) television viewing and (b) peer communication about consumption.

Human capital Explanations

The human capital perspective would view the development of materialistic orientations deriving from and influenced by environmental factors that are defined at different levels of aggregation and stability. Developmental researchers view the family as a source of human capital (Frytak, Harley, and Finch 2003), with the presence or absence of family resources, such as parents knowledge and effective socialization practices, as mechanisms that link the family as a micro-system to more aggregate social structures such as social class. For example, there is considerable evidence to suggest that certain family communication environments promote or deter the development of the persons consumer values, knowledge, and skills (e.g., Moschis 1987), and that such environments are not equally found in different social classes (Kasser et al. 1995; Moschis 1987). In the area of consumer behavior, research shows that a socio-oriented family communication environmenta communication structure or style that stresses conformity to social norms and the importance of judging others as persons based on their consumption habitsis likely to promote the importance of symbolic consumption. Such an emphasis on symbolic consumption may promote the development of materialistic orientations in youths, because materialism is viewed as an orientation that emphasizes possessions and money for personal happiness and progress (e.g., Moschis and Churchill 1978, p. 607). The available evidence, albeit limited and based on studies in the United States and United Kingdom (Flouri 2000; Moschis 1987), support this line of reasoning, showing a significant positive relationship between a socio-oriented

Winter 2010 of being in an economically disadvantaged family, which may increase the young adults desire to acquire scarce material possessions that symbolize success and status (Moschis 1987; OGuinn and Shrum 1997). Thus, economic hardship due to the reduction of income is based on the human capital perspective and is expected to be a mechanism that increases the importance of material possessions. This line of reasoning might explain the direct relationships between a persons experience of family disruptions during adolescent years and the strength of materialistic attitudes found in the study by Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Denton (1997). Thus, unlike the view that family communication is the mechanism that links SES to materialism, the economic hardship view suggests a direct effect of ones socioeconomic deprivation. Hypothesis 6: The young persons family SES is inversely related to the length of time the family experienced dislocation during the youths formative years. Hypothesis 7: The young persons experience of a low standard of living (SES) during formative years is positively associated with his or her strength of materialistic values held as an adult.

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(Thoits 1995); it has been consistently found to be a strong predictor of materialistic attitudes (e.g., Belk 1988). People who hold a high level of materialism seem to have a lower level of self-esteem (Chaplin and John 2007; Kasser 2001; Richins and Dawson 1990, 1992). Thus, self-esteem may be viewed as both a mechanism that mediates the impact of family disruption events and as a moderator of the effects of potentially stressful life events, such as family dislocation, on both the perceived impact of disruptive family events and materialistic values. Hypothesis 8: Self-esteem mediates the impact of family disruption events on materialistic values; it is negatively associated with (a) stressful family disruption events and (b) materialistic values.

tHE Study Sample

A convenience sample of 162 undergraduate French students in a French university age 19 to 29 was used (average age = 21.03, standard deviation [SD] = 1.33 years). Although we recognize that a more diverse sample is always preferable, we do not believe our sample compromises the validity of our findings. Kasser calls college students the backbone of much scientific research in psychology (2002, p. 7), and many of his studies (and others published in top journals) use samples of this approximate size. Furthermore, as Wooten (2006) notes, young adults are ideally suited both to remember the circumstances of their adolescence and to report these circumstances honestly. This combination of accuracy and honesty is crucial given our retrospective study design. Due to the convenience nature of the sample, females were overrepresented (63.6 percent) due to the higher percentage of female students attending classes where the survey was administered. The anonymous surveys were selfadministered in classes; asking subjects not to place their names on the questionnaires and return them to a secure location to guarantee anonymity. Because the measures used were similar to those used in previous studies conducted in the United States, back translation was necessary. A translation into French was conducted by one of the authors, followed by a second translation back to the original language carried out by a bilingual Ph.D. student. Furthermore, a bilingual English teacher checked the translated document and the original version and confirmed that the translation was appropriate. Before administrating the French version, a qualitative pretest was conducted to ensure that each item

Stress Explanations
Even though studies suggest that most effects of parental loss are indirect, operating via other factors such as chronic stressors and poor quality of social relationships (socialization) (Elder, George, and Shanahan 1996), such effects are yet to be confirmed with respect to materialistic values. Studies by Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Denton (1997) and Roberts, Manolis, and Tanner (2003; 2006) have inferred the development of materialism from peoples experience of events (family disruption events of divorce and separation) during their adolescent years. Both studies report a direct link between adverse evaluations of family disruption events and the strength of materialistic values, which are considered coping responses to stress because they are believed to provide temporary relief from aversive psychological feelings (Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Denton 1997). However, these studies show that stressfulness of family disruption events does not mediate family dislocation and suggest that other processes may mediate such effects. Studies in the United States report linkages between disruptive family events, impaired parental behavior, and childrens impaired social behavior and self-esteem (for a review, see Hill, Yeung, and Duncan 2001). Self-esteem, in turn, is a strong resource in combating stressful life events

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Journal of Marketing Theory and Practice the Appendix). Its alpha reliability coefficient was 0.633. This relatively low figure is fairly consistent with reliability coefficient for this scale reported in the literature (e.g., Rubin, Palmgreen, and Sypher 1994). We used a measure of peer communication about consumption that had been used in previous consumer socialization studies (e.g., Moschis and Moore 1979; 1982) (shown in the Appendix). This measure, which consists of eight items, had an alpha reliability coefficient of 0.763. Our television viewing measure was similar to those of previous studies of television effects that used indexes of exposure to television (in hours). Respondents were asked to estimate the approximate number of hours they used to spend weekly watching various types of programs on television when they were between the ages of 12 and 18 (see the Appendix) (e.g., OGuinn and Shrum 1997; Rubin, Palmgreen, and Sypher 1994). Family dislocation was measured in a similar way as in previous studies (e.g., Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Denton 1997; Roberts, Manolis, and Tanner 2003, 2006). Respondents were asked: Up until your 18th birthday, did you live in the same house as both your biological mother and father for your entire life, not counting the times spent away at college or other temporary periods in which you were away from home? (yes response = intact; no response = dislocated). We also collected information on the same 10 disruptive family life events and their perceived stressfulness used in previous studies (e.g., Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Denton 1997; Roberts, Manolis, and Tanner 2003). Rather than using all 10 events, though, we used six family disruption events from these studies (e.g., Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Denton 1997; Roberts, Manolis, and Tanner 2003) that suggested a direct impact of family on the persons emotional well-being (Appendix) to develop a 0-to-6 point measure (index). We used the same six family disruption events to develop the scale of stressfulness of family disruption events. We viewed the remaining four events (e.g., encounters with juvenile authorities or police) as unrelated to intrafamily affairs. From a psychometric standpoint, the various events are not expected to be estimates of a single underlying construct or characteristic and, therefore, should have nothing in common (Herbert and Cohen 1996, p. 304). In addition, because each event may occur independently from other events and there is no necessary expectation that the experience of one event increases the likelihood of another, we did not expect composite measures of stressful events experienced to display internal validity or consistency (e.g., Herbert and Cohen 1996; Kim et al. 2003).

on the questionnaire was well understood and reflected their original meaning of the English version.

Measures
In constructing measures for the variables of our study, we relied on past research and used measures similar to those of previous studies which suggested their desirability. The specific items used in these measures are shown in the Appendix. Because the Richins and Dawson (1992) scale was previously tested on a French sample and was found to be culturally biased with weak psychometric properties (Griffin, Babin, and Christensen 2004; Ladwein 2005), we used a modified version of the materialism scale. Specifically, we relied on the research findings by Wong, Rindfleisch, and Burroughs (2003), who surveyed consumers from several Asians countries and found that the replacement of items posed as statements with items framed as questions enhances the validity and reliability of the Richins and Dawson scale. We used nine of the 15 items used by Wong, Rindfleisch, and Burroughss (2003) scale on an a priori basis, excluding six items that did not particularly relate to younger people (such as items referring to accumulation of material possessions as a measure of success in their careers, because most of our subjects were yet to begin their careers) (see the Appendix). The instructions, response format, and scoring method for these items were identical to those used by Wong, Rindfleisch, and Burroughs (2003). The alpha reliability coefficient was acceptable ( = 0.737). The two family communication structuressocio-oriented and concept-orientedwhich were developed more than 40 years ago, have been measured in various ways with respect to number of items used and response formats (e.g., Rubin, Palmgreen, and Sypher 1994). The number of items used has varied from one or two (Flouri 2000; Saphir and Chaffee 2002) to 15 (Ritchie and Fitzpatrick 1990), and response formats have been in the form of frequency (very oftennever) and dis/agreement with statements (Rubin, Palmgreen, and Sypher 1994). We decided to use the same items originally developed (shown in the Appendix) because longer scales have included these items and are part of the same factors (albeit with disagreement in their interpretation; see Rubin, Palmgreen, and Sypher 1994). Previous research has validated the two family communication measures, but has provided variance in reliabilities depending on the number of items used and the nature of the sample (Rubin, Palmgreen, and Sypher 1994). Only the socio-orientation measure was needed for hypothesis testing in our study. The scale was purified and only four items were retained (see

Winter 2010 We used a social desirability scale (Strahan and Gerbasi 1972) to control for socially desirable responses. However, the alpha reliability of this scale was below the minimum acceptable level recommended by Nunnally (1978) even after purification ( = 0.560). Socioeconomic status was measured in a similar way as in previous research (Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Denton 1997) by asking respondents to indicate (1) how financially well-off their household was when they were growing up on a four-point very well-off = 4 to not well-off at all = 1 scale, (2) whether at the time of their eighteenth birthday their family owned (a score of 2) or rented (a score of 1) the home where they lived, and (3) total number of years of both parents education. The three measures were standardized and summed. Scores above the mean indicated higher SES, whereas a score below the mean indicated a lower SES. Due to the nature of this measure, the use of a reliability coefficient was not appropriate (Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Denton 1997). Finally, self-esteem was measured using Rosenbergs (1965) ten-item scale. We used only nine items for our analysis that were significantly related and eliminated the item that was not related to the others (see Table 1). We used Rosenbergs scale because it has been widely used in previous studies, despite some criticisms (e.g., Richins and Dawson 1992). The alpha reliability coefficient was acceptable ( = 0.864).

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rESultS
Descriptive statistics and correlations among the main variables of our study are shown in Table 2. We used partial correlation and regression analyses to test our hypotheses, in line with previous research in this area (e.g., Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Denton 1997; Roberts, Manolis, and Tanner 2003). For hypothesized relationships between the two variables, we controlled for social desirability and for the effects of other variables that were hypothesized to relate to the two variables of interest, and we reported partial correlations. Hypothesis 1a concerned the relationship between exposure to television during adolescent years and the strength of materialistic attitudes in early adulthood. The partial correlation produced a statistically significant relationship (r = 0.202, p < 0.011) after controlling for self-esteem, peer communication, socio-oriented family communication, SES, and social desirability. The amount of television viewing during adolescent years correlated significantly with the respondents materialistic values held as a young adult. The

standardized regression coefficient was 0.209 (p < 0.008). Thus, Hypothesis 1a was fully supported. Hypothesis 1b posited a positive relationship between the persons exposure to peer communication about consumption during his or her adolescent years and the strength of materialistic values held as a young adult. The relationship between the two variables was statistically significant (r = 0.305, p < 0.001), after controlling for self-esteem, television viewing, socio-oriented family communication, SES, and social desirability tendencies. Moreover, the standardized regression coefficient was equally significant (= 0.309, p < 0.001). Thus, Hypothesis 1b was supported. Hypothesis 2a concerned the effects of living in a dislocated family, expecting the young persons duration in a dislocated family to have an impact on the amount of television viewing during adolescent years. Partial correlation produced a statistically significant relationship (r = 0.433, p < 0.027), controlling for disruptive family events and social desirability. The standardized regression coefficient was equally significant (= 0.429, p < 0.023). Hypothesis 2b concerned the effects of years in a disruptive family on the frequency of peer communication about consumption. The partial correlation between the two variables was not significant (r = 0.028, ns) when disruptive family events and social desirability are controlled. Thus, the data support Hypothesis 2a but not Hypothesis 2b. Hypothesis 3a posited a positive relationship between disruptive family events and peer communication about consumption. The partial correlation did not produce a statistically significant relationship between these two variables after controlling for the time spent in a disrupted family and social desirability (r = 0.177, ns). Hypothesis 3b concerned the positive link between disruptive family events and exposure to television during adolescent years. The partial correlation did not produce a statistically significant relationship between these two variables (r = 0.061, ns), after controlling for the time spent in a disrupted family and social desirability tendencies. Therefore, neither peer communication (Hypothesis 3a) nor exposure to television (Hypothesis 3b) appear to have a direct relationship with family disruption events. Hypothesis 4 posited a positive relationship between the persons exposure to a socio-oriented family communication environment during his or her adolescent years and the strength of materialistic values held as a young adult. The partial correlation between the two variables was not significant (r = 0.004, ns), after controlling for social desir-

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Table 1 Correlations Between Self-Esteem Items

Self-Esteem 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Self-Esteem 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 1 0.026 0.515* 0.396* 0.434* 0.447* 0.406* 0.469* 0.572* 1 0.015 0.025 0.041 0.038 0.042 0.032 0.000 1 0.482* 0.388* 0.439* 0.502* 0.373* 0.565* 1 0.338* 0.372* 0.260* 0.295* 0.387* 1 0.754* 0.244* 0.417* 0.450*

1 0.267* 0.013 0.288* 0.319* 0.358* 0.347* 0.209* 0.215* 0.286*

1 0.275* 0.396* 0.447*

1 0.44* 0.437*

1 0.652*

* Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (two-tailed).

Table 2 Correlations and Descriptive Statistics for Variables

Mean 3.07 2.73 3.24 19.54 2.23 1.52 3.06 11.25 2.68 1.20 3.07 1 0.116 0.206** 0.102 0.010 0.143 0.092 0.074 0.036 0.171* 1 0.054 0.067 0.053 0.079 0.069 0.126 0.029 0.127 Socioeconomic Status Self-Esteem Years in Disruptive Family Social Desirability 0.62 0.71 0.62 16.01 1.34 0.50 0.52 5.82 1.55 0.399 0.310 1 0.070 0.309** 0.209** 0.065 0.006 0.039 0.226 0.048 0.023 0.097

Standard Deviation Materialism

Socioorientation

Peer communication

Television viewing

Disruptive family events

Materialism Socio-Orientation Peer Communication Television Viewing Disruptive Family Events Socioeconomic Status Self-Esteem Years in Disruptive Familya Social Desirability Family Dislocationa Perceived Stress of Events

1 0.100 0.147 0.050 0.429* 0.065 0.043 0.056 Family Dislocation Perceived Stress of Events

1 0.131 0.087 0.185 0.135 0.530** 0.202**

1 0.035
b

Materialism Socio-Orientation Peer Communication Television Viewing Disruptive Family Events Socioeconomic Status Self-Esteem Years in Disruptive Familya Social Desirability Family Dislocationa Perceived Stress of Events 1 0.005 0.354 0.041 0.056 0.030 1 0.010 0.000 0.067 0.164*

0.277

1 0.049 0.000

1 0.185*

Notes: a Correlations of this variable with the rest of the variables are only for respondents who experienced family dislocation (N = 32). b Cannot be computed because the value of family dislocation is constant for all the young adults who lived one or several years in a disruptive family. * The correlation is significant at the 0.05 level; ** the correlation is significant at the 0.01 level.

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Journal of Marketing Theory and Practice Table 3 Test of Mediating Effects of Self-Esteem

Dependent Variable Regression 1: Self-esteem Regression 2: Materialism Regression 3: Materialism

Independent Variable Disruptive family events Disruptive family events Disruptive family events Self-esteem

Coefficient 0.087 0.065 0.069 0.045

p-value 0.273 0.408 0.383 0.569

Notes: For regression model 1, F = 1.209 (ns) and R2 = 0.008. For regression model 2, F = 0.688 (ns) and R2 = 0.004. For regression model 3, F = 0.505 (ns) and R2 = 0.006.

ability, peer communication, television viewing, SES, and self-esteem, providing no support for Hypothesis 4. Hypothesis 5 concerned the negative relationship between SES and exposure to a socio-oriented family communication environment during the young persons adolescent years. The partial correlation was not significant (r = 0.007, ns), after controlling for social desirability. Thus, Hypothesis 5 was not supported. Hypothesis 6 posited a negative relationship between length of time in disrupted family events and SES during adolescent years. Partial correlation produced a relationship that approached significance (r = 0.352, p < 0.070), after controlling for social desirability. The standardized regression coefficient was equally supported at the 0.07 level (= 0.354, p < 0.065). Thus, Hypothesis 6 was supported only at the 0.07 level. Hypothesis 7 posited a direct effect of SES during adolescent years on materialism in early adulthood. Partial correlation did not produce statistically significant relationships (r = 0.020, ns), after controlling for social desirability, socio-oriented communication, peer communication, television viewing, and self-esteem, providing no support for Hypothesis 7. Hypothesis 8 posited self-esteem as a mediator variable between disruptive family events experienced during adolescence and materialism, suggesting a negative relationship between disruptive family events and self-esteem (Hypothesis 8a), and between self-esteem and materialism (Hypothesis 8b). In order to test the mediating role of these variables, we used the procedure suggested by Baron and Kenny (1986), which involves three steps. The first step is to test the direct effect of the independent variable (disruptive family events) on the dependent variable (materialism). This first regression model showed a nonsignificant relationship between these two variables ( = 0.065, ns) (see Table 3), providing no support for Hypothesis 8. Furthermore, we tested the hypothesized negative relationship between selfesteem and family disruption events (Hypothesis 8a). The

partial correlation was not significant (r < 0.087, ns). We also posited a negative association between self-esteem and materialism (Hypothesis 8b). The partial correlation did not produce a statistically significant relationship between both variables after controlling for television viewing, peer communication, socio-orientation family environment, SES, and social desirability tendencies (r = 0.078, ns).

diScuSSion
The life course perspective views the adult consumers values as a result of early-in-life socialization experiences in the context of three complementary perspectives. This study adopted this approach as an overarching conceptual framework for assessing (1) the influence of three important socialization agentsfamily, television, and peers (in line with the normative perspective); (2) the impact of stressfulness of experiences derived from family dislocation (in line with the stress perspective); and (3) the effects of social structure (SES) (in line with the human capital perspective) on materialistic values of young French consumers. We are cognizant of two important challenges present in life course studies: (1) the validity of retrospective measures that rely on respondents ability to recall earlierin-life experiences accurately and (2) inferring causality from cross-sectional data. With respect to the validity of retrospective measures, which are common substitutes for more expensive and time-consuming longitudinal studies in life course research, longitudinal studies indicate that people can accurately recall important life events they had experienced in the distant past, but the reliability of measures of psychological constructs tend to suffer when people must report attitudinal and emotional states they experienced more than two years in the past (Henry et al. 1994). We also recognize the limitation of cross-sectional studies, such as this one, in determining causality. However, we subscribe to Poppers (1959) view that the main value of correlational data stems from their ability to falsify hypotheses, not

Winter 2010 confirm them in a positive sense. Thus, if television viewing during adolescent years and materialistic values during early adulthood are not statistically related, for example, we would be inclined to accept the null hypothesis and cease speculating on the causal links between the two variables. Communication researchers use precisely the same kind of reasoning in concluding that television viewing does not induce aggression in youngsters (e.g., Klapper 1960). With these challenges in mind, we proceed to the data analysis. Our study has several limitations and, therefore, the findings should be viewed in the light of these limitations. First, the reliabilities of socio-oriented family communication and social desirability scales are low. The first concept may require the development of a new measure in the French context. The French family functioning could be different from the American family functioning, and the socio-oriented family communication scale used in this study may not accurately represent the communication structure within the French family. The second concept also needs to be studied in-depth in order to understand French peoples conception of what is socially desirable. Furthermore, the use of retrospective methods presents a potential bias in measures that are based on the persons ability to accurately recall information from the distant past, although scientists and consumer researchers continue to use these measures in life course studies that have appeared in leading journals (e.g., Henry et al. 1994; Rindfleisch, Burroughs, and Denton 1997). Finally, our sample is solely composed of French college students and does not include the less-educated young adults. These limitations notwithstanding, the study results support the socialization perspective, showing a significant positive relationship between exposure to television and the strength of materialistic values held by a young adult. This finding is in line with previous research findings in the United States (Moschis 1987; OGuinn and Shrum 1997). This study also supports the relationship between exposure to peer communication about consumption during ones adolescent years and materialistic values held by a young adult. This finding is also in line with previous research findings based on data from the United States using adolescents (e.g., Moschis and Churchill 1978). These results confirmed the expectation that French youths may acquire symbolic consumption norms from socialization agents such as television and peers. Nevertheless, only one of these two socialization agents appears to play a significant role for those French adolescents who lived in dislocated families. Among these youths, exposure to television during adolescent years (but not

65

peer communication about consumption) was positively associated with materialistic values held as young adults. Thus, youths who experience family dislocation spend more time watching television, perhaps as a way of coping with single parenthood or substituting decreased interaction with parents. Perhaps the most interesting and surprising finding concerns the lack of a relationship between self-esteem and materialism. It may be that in France, individuals possessing a low self-esteem do not use material possessions to convey their self-worth to others because the display of material possessions in this culture is not a socially acceptable norm (Brunet 2007; Lamont 1992). This result further underlines the importance of different explanatory variables of materialism in different cultural settings, even in similar cultures (e.g., Western countries). The finding concerning young persons exposure to socio-oriented family communication structure that was found to predict the strength of materialistic values in Western countries was not confirmed in the present study. This finding suggests that French parents who stress conformity in their communication with their children do not emphasize the importance of the acquisition of material possessions and symbolic consumption as much as American parents. The hypotheses concerning the effects of disruptive family events and SES during ones adolescent years on materialistic values of the young adults were not supported. The absence of SESs effect on materialism could be due to the idiosyncratic nature of our sample. The university from which the students sample was drawn is attended mainly by students from upper and middle classes. Thus, the subjects objective bases for SES might have been highly skewed, despite variance in their subjective self-assessment. Nevertheless, there are additional possible explanations for the lack of significant relationships between socio-orientation, disruptive family events, and SES and materialism. First, it may be more difficult for the French to admit to themselves that they are materialistic persons, in comparison to Americans (Ladwein 2005). Second, several of the questions asked in this survey (e.g., communication style with his or her family, past events with strong emotional consequences, social and economic level, and how a person perceives himself or herself) are of a personal nature, and French people are culturally very discreet about the personal aspects of their lives, especially about socioeconomic matters (Brunet 2007; Lamont 1992). Thus, the results can be due to a confidentiality bias, despite the anonymity of the survey.

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Journal of Marketing Theory and Practice

ManaGErial iMPlicationS and dirEctionS for furtHEr rESEarcH

Understanding materialism in different cultural contexts can be of great value to global marketers. Previous research has emphasized the different strategies aimed at consumers holding strong materialistic values versus those consumers who hold weak materialistic orientations. For example, Clarke and Micken (2002) studied consumers in the United States, Australia, France, and Mexico and determined that the French hold strong materialistic values; and those consumers who hold strong materialistic values are attracted to products and appeals that emphasize security, public acceptance, and status. Thus, strategies should differ across countries depending on the strength of materialistic values of consumers in each country. Furthermore, understanding how materialistic values are acquiredthat is, whether these are the result of stress or are acquired from the mass media or peersshould help marketers in positioning their products and services accordingly. For example, if buying expensive products is a coping response, emphasis should be placed on the products value in making consumers feel good (self-indulgence). In contrast, if possessions have a social meaning, emphasis should be placed on the products symbolism, social acceptance, popularity, and prestige. The study findings suggest several directions for further research and theory development. First, we need to understand better how young French people acquire materialistic values. For example, it would be interesting to explore the effect of the use of the Internet during ones adolescent years on the development of these orientations. Second, if family communication structures do not have a direct effect on the development of materialistic orientations, could they affect such values indirectly via the development of other psychological orientations? Kasser and his associates (1995) suggest that parents who are controlling and stress conformity in their communications with their children may be contributing to the development of a degraded self-esteem or creating stressful family environments, both of which are believed to be precursors to the development of materialistic values (Chaplin and John 2007; Moschis 2007). Our study revealed a marginally significant negative relationship between the respondents exposure to a sociooriented family communication style during adolescent years and their self-esteem. Given the low reliabilities of these measures, there is need to address this relationship in different cultural contexts or using different samples. Finally, it would be interesting to investigate the influence of other variables related to the three life course perspec-

tives, such as identification (modeling) processes in the intergenerational transmission of materialistic values, and the role of various beliefs (e.g., religious beliefs) in the development of such orientations.

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aPPEndiX Materialism
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Do you feel that you have all the things you really need to enjoy life? How do you feel about having a lot of luxury in your life? How do you feel about acquiring material possessions as an achievement in life? Would your life be any better if you owned certain things that you dont have? How do you feel about people who own expensive homes, cars, and clothes? How much pleasure do you get from buying things? How do you feel about things you own? How do you feel about owning things that impress people? How do you approach your life in terms of your life possessions (i.e., buying and owning things)?

Socio-oriented family communication

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Say that their ideas were correct and you shouldnt question them. Say that you should give in on arguments rather than making people angry. Say you shouldnt depend on others if you can do something yourself. Answer your arguments by saying something like Youll know better when you grow up. Say that the best ways to stay out of trouble is to keep away from it. Say that you shouldnt argue with adults.

Note: the second and the third items were deleted after purification.

Peer communication about consumption

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. You ask your friends for advice about buying things. You and your friends talk about buying things. You and your friends talk about things you saw or heard advertised. You wonder what your friends would think when you were buying things for yourself. Your friends ask you for advice about buying things. Your friends tell you what things you should or shouldnt buy. You go shopping with your friends. You try to impress your friends.

television Viewing
Approximate number of hours spent weekly viewing the following on television: news, soap operas, action and adventure shows, sport events, drama shows, movies, comedy shows, other (write in number of hours)

family disruption Events

The respondents experience of the following events before their eighteenth birthday: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Did not live in the same home as both of their biological parents. Frequent time periods in which one or both parents were absent. Loss (other than death) or separation from a family member or loved one. Arguments between parents or other family members. Move(s) to a new place of residence. Physical abuse by parents or close family members.

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