Professional Documents
Culture Documents
INTERNATIONAL STATISTICS
I
Edited by
S. Harrendorf, M. Heiskanen, S. Malby
E
H
EuropeanInstitutefor UnitedNationsOfficeonDrugsandCrime(UNODC)
CrimePreventionandControl, POBox500
AffiliatedwiththeUnitedNations(HEUNI) 1400Vienna
P.O.Box444 Austria
FINǦ00531Helsinki
Finland
StefanHarrendorf,MarkkuHeiskanen,StevenMalby(eds.)
InternationalStatisticsonCrimeandJustice
Helsinki2010
1
Disclaimers
Thisreporthasnotbeenformallyedited.
ThecontentsofthispublicationdonotnecessarilyreflecttheviewsorpoliciesoftheUnitedNations,UNODCor
contributory organizations and neither do they imply any endorsement. The designations employed and the
presentationofmaterialinthispublicationdonotimplytheexpressionofanyopinionwhatsoeveronthepartof
the United Nations or UNODC concerning the legal status of any country, territory or city or its authorities, or
concerningthedelimitationofitsfrontiersorboundaries.
ISBN978Ǧ952Ǧ5333Ǧ78Ǧ7
ISSN1237Ǧ4741
2
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Contents
Introduction………………………………………………………………………………….............................................. 5
KaukoAromaa
1 Homicide……………………………………………………………………………………................................................. 7
StevenMalby
2 TrendsinpoliceǦrecordedcrime………………………………………………………………………………............. 21
MarkkuHeiskanen
3 Drugcrime…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………............... 49
StevenMalby
4 Complexcrimes……………………………………………………………………………............................................. 65
AnnaAlvazzidelFrate
5 Responsesofthecriminaljusticesystem………………………………………………............................... 87
PaulSmitandStefanHarrendorf
6 Attributesofcriminaljusticesystems–resources,performanceandpunitivity………….. 113
StefanHarrendorfandPaulSmit
7 Trendsinworldprisonpopulation……………………………………………………………………………………… 153
RoyWalmsley
8 Crimeandcriminaljusticestatisticschallenges……………………………………………………………….. 167
AnnaAlvazzidelFrate
3
4
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Introduction
Introduction
KaukoAromaa*
5
Forthoseinneedofimprovingtheirstatistics,the countries undergoing irregular rapid
UNODC has been working on a support and transformations – for such countries, however, a
assistanceapproachwhichisalsobearingfruitin UNǦCTSishardlyofimmediateinterestanyway.
the long term. Those member states that, for a
We have not reproduced the data collection
multiplicity of reasons, have failed to respond to
instruments in this volume. Due to various
theSurveysalthoughtheyareinthepossessionof
changesovertime,each UNǦCTSquestionnaireis
the relevant data, should take this task more
slightly different. The questionnaires can be
seriouslyinthefuture.Thiswouldalsobeintheir
foundinallUNlanguagesattheaddress:
owninterestastheywouldbenefitfromknowing
their position in a global dataset. Also others in http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/dataǦandǦ
the global community would be keen to know analysis/Ninth(Tenth)ǦUnitedǦNationsǦSurveyǦ
how others have been doing in core issues of onǦCrimeǦTrendsǦandǦtheǦOperationsǦofǦ
crimeandcriminaljustice. CriminalǦJusticeǦSystems.html
Some of the unavoidable delay problems have The report comprises eight chapters. They are
been partially resolved by the UNODC in that designedtodealwithallcentral issuesaddressed
they publish some data from the country inthequestionnaires.First,policeǦrecordedcrime
responses on their website as soon as they are isdiscussed,withseparatechaptersonhomicides
made available by the member states. The (chapter 1), other policeǦrecorded crimes
advantageisthatthedelayisasshortasitcanbe (chapter 2), and drugǦrelated crime and drug
under the circumstances, where national trafficking (chapter 3). Also, complex crimes are
responsesarethebasis.Ofcourse,beforethereis analysedseparately,suchasorganisedcrime,and
a national response, nothing can be made trafficking in human beings (c hapter 4). Such
available.Itisthereforeofparamountimportance offenceshaveplayedamarginalroleintraditional
that delays caused by member states are crime statistics, and in order to improve the
minimized. –The drawback of the UNODC relevance of the data on such offences, new
solution isthatthe informationonthewebsite is solutions need to be developed. Chapter 5,
not – and cannot be – validated and processed, shifting to the next stage of the criminal justice
leaving the potential user without expert system, presents data on responses of the
assistance when trying to interpret the data. It is criminal justice system, including an innovation
highly problematic and perhaps not advisable at where attrition issues are being discussed. A
all to publish raw data of this kind without parallel issue to responses of the criminal justice
adequatecommentaryregardingknownproblems system are resources and performance. These are
related to its validity and interpretation discussedin chapter6wherealsoadiscussionon
problems. the punitivity of criminal justice systems is
included. Next, a presentation on prison
The tenǦyear time span applied should illustrate
populations of the world closes the analysis of
that for many criteria, it is often of no massive
criminal justice data. The last chapter, finally
importance that the data are never fully up to
discusses challenges with crime and criminal
date:manyofthetrendsdisplayedcanbeseento
justice statistics, arguing for the importance of
be rather stable, meaning that simple basic
furtherimprovementsinthearea.
indicators of features of recorded crime and
operationsofthecriminaljusticesystemareoften The objective of this report is to show potential
of a rather robust nature. Consequently, a large usersofinternationalcrimedatawhattheycould
proportion of the presented data and findings, learn from these, and provide guidance as to
even if outdated, are unlikely to change restrictions, pitfalls and strengths of the unique
significantly from one year to another. set of data that is now available thanks to the
Consequently, thecurrentdelay in the timeliness countriesthathaverespondedtotheUNSurveys.
of the presented data is mostly of no major
concern.Themostobviousexceptionsare
6
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Chapter1– Homicide
StevenMalby*
Homicide
Abstract
This chapter presents available data on the crime of intentional homicide – the intentional killing of a
person by another. As one of the most effectively recorded crimes, law enforcement data on intentional
homicideistypicallymorereadilyavailablethanforothercrimes.Assuch,ratesofintentionalhomicideper
100,000 population have sometimes been used as a proxy for levels of violent crime or even overall crime.
Data from both law enforcement and public health sources may be combined to increase data availability
and geographic coverage. Results suggest that the highest homicide levels are found in the Americas and
Africa region, with the lowest homicide levels generally in countries in Europe. For those countries where
trend data is available, the majority show decreasing or stable homicide rates, with the exception of a
number of countries, predominantly in the Americas that show high and increasing rates. Such increases
may be linked to the challenges of organized crime, drug trafficking, and gang activity. Significant data
challenges remain however, particularly in Africa, where criminal justice data on intentional homicide is
presentlyverylimited.
Introduction
The intentional killing of a person by another qualify as ‘intentional’ homicide or murder.
(‘intentional homicide’) represents the most Infanticide, assault leading to death and killings
serious end of the spectrum of violent crime. carried out by law enforcement officers (acting
Recent attention on the issue of armed violence legitimately inthelineofdutyornot)all mayor
and the growing importance of homicide as an maynotbeincludedinpoliceǦrecordedstatistics.
indicator has resulted in increased efforts to In addition, differences in police recording
improve statistics at international, regional and practices such as differences in counting units
nationallevels. (offences, suspects or cases), whether or not
attempted homicide or nonǦintentional
The results presented in this chapter derive
homicidesare included inpublished figures,and
primarily from criminal justice data. Despite
the point in the investigation at which a
varying definitions, ‘homicide’ is perhaps the
suspiciousdeathisclassifiedashomicideallvary
most widely collected and reported crime in law
asbetweencountries.
enforcement and criminal justice statistics. Due
toitsseriousness,thekillingofapersontendsto Moreover, as forms of organized criminality and
berecordedmoreeffectivelythanothercrimes. state insecurity become increasingly intertwined,
the line between violent deaths that occur in
Nonetheless, the challenges of crossǦnational
armed conf lict and those that can be labelled
comparability are considerable. National legal
‘crime’isoftenblurred.Actswhicharelikelytobe
systems may have different thresholds for
recordedbylawenforcementandcriminaljustice
categorising a death as intentional homicide.
institutions as intentional homicide can take
Whilstintentionalhomicideusuallyrequiresthat
place in a wide range of contexts, including the
theperpetratorpurposefully intendstocausethe
home, family, social or domestic setting, in the
death or serious injury of a victim, in some
courseofburglary,theftorrobbery,orassociated
countries a death that occurs in the act or
with gang, organized, or drugǦrelated crime.
attempted act of another serious crime may also
*ResearchOfficer,UnitedNationsOfficeonDrugsandCrime(UNODC)
7
Combiningdatasources
This chapter differs from others in this American Health Organization (PAHO). Public
publication in that – for criminal justice healthstatisticsonintentionalhomicidetypically
information – it draws on data wider than that consist of data recorded under the International
reported through the United Nations Survey of Classification of Disease (ICDǦ10) codes
CrimeTrendsand Operationsof Criminal Justice corresponding to ‘injuries inf licted by another
Systems(UNǦCTS). personwithintenttoinjureorkill,byanymeans’.
Foradeathto beclassifiedinthiscategory,there
Whilst UNǦCTS data is included in the analysis,
must be sufficient evidence for a medical
inordertoprovideaswideageographiccoverage
professionaltodeterminethatthecauseofdeath
as possible the chapter uses data from other
wasassaultandnotanaccidentorselfǦharm.
available criminal justice sources. These include
other crossǦnational data sources, such as data Whether from criminal justice or public health
collected and published by the Statistical Office sources, it must be remembered that official
of the European Communities (Eurostat), the statistics rarely capture the number of actual
United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), the criminaleventsthathaveoccurred.Homicidecan
International Police Organization (Interpol),and be reported by relatives and witnesses, but
the Observatorio Centroamericano sobre obviouslycannotbemeasuredthroughreportsby
Violencia (OCAVI). The analysis also makes use victims. The quality of homicide figures is also
of data available at the national level, including affected by approaches to case recording and the
that published on national police, Ministry of capacity of national institutions to gather data
Interiorand Ministryof Justicewebsites. Priority andaccuratelyrecordevents.
was given to data available at the regional or
The capacity gap between developed and
international level over national data due to the
developing countries particularly affects the
fact that crossǦnational data collections (such as
crossǦnational comparison of policeǦrecorded
the UNǦCTS and Eurostat) make use of
crime statistics, with the result that
standardized definitions of intentional homicide
administrative statistics are not a particularly
and are usually supported by extensive metadata
strong basis for the study of crossǦnational
that allows the user to better understand the
differences in criminal activity. As shown in this
contentofreportednumbers.
Chapter, the differences between health and
Althoughthischapterderivesitsresultsprimarily police statistics are especially marked in
from such ‘multiǦsource’ policeǦrecorded crime developingcountries.Inhigherincomecountries,
statistics, the fact of a death means that such as those in West and Central Europe,
homicides are usually processed both by the significant differences also remain for countries
medical system and the criminal justice system, between police and health statistics. Such
creating two potential sources of administrative differences may be linked to limitations in the
statistics. These two systems measure subtly capacity of police and law enforcement agencies
differentphenomenonand–whilstfigurescanbe to identify and record homicide events, and to
expected to show reasonable levels of agreement other factors such as the lethality of assaults.
–theyareunlikelytogenerateidenticalnumbers. Indeed, the lethality of assaults can be a
In order to provide as complete a picture of particularly important factor in understanding
possibleofthelevelandtrendofhomicidesinthe crossǦnational differences and longǦterm trends
world,andforcomparativepurposes,thischapter inhomicides.Evidencesuggeststhatthelethality
providesdataavailablefrompublichealthsources ofassaultsinNorthAmericaandWesternEurope
alongsidethose fromcriminal justice.Thepublic for example has dropped dramatically due to
health sources used are predominantly crossǦ developmentsinmedicaltechnologyandmedical
national, including data published by the World supportservices(Aebi2004).
Health Organization (WHO) and the PanǦ
Globalhomicidelevels
Data previously published by the United Nations rate in 2004 of 7.6 per 100,000 population. The
Office on Drugs and Crime suggests that dataset used for this calculation focused on
approximately 490,000 deaths from intentional maximum geographic coverage at the expense of
homicide occurred in 2004 (Geneva Declaration morerecentlyavailabledataforsomecountriesin
2008).Thisrepresentedaworldaveragehomicide
8
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
order to produce a single global dataset for one limited set of countries in each subǦregion (144
pointintime(UNODC2008). countries in total); being those forwhichat least
one criminal justice and public health value for
In contrast, this chapter takes the approach of
intentional homicide are available during the
‘latest available year’ data in order to provide as
period 2003 to 2008. The range of countries for
timely information as possible, whilst also
Homicide
which data is available for each source alone is
maintainingwidegeographiccoverage.
somewhat greater and it should be noted that
In order to represent the distribution of this average rates calculated on this wider set of
nearlyhalfamillionannualhomicidesbyregions countrieswouldbedifferent.
oftheworld,figure1belowshowstheaverageofa
Figure1.AverageintentionalhomicideratebysubͲregion,latestavailableyear,criminaljusticeand
publichealthdata
SouthernAfrica(5/5countries)
MiddleAfrica(2/9countries)
EasternAfrica(9/19countries)
SouthAmerica(12/13countries)
WesternAfrica(9/17countries)
CentralAmerica(8/8countries)
Caribbean(9/24countries)
EasternEurope(10/10countries)
SouthͲEasternAsia(8/11countries)
CentralAsia(5/5countries)
NorthernAmerica(2/3countries)
SouthernAsia(8/9countries)
NorthernAfrica(5/7countries)
WesternAsia(16/18countries)
NorthernEurope(9/10countries)
EasternAsia(4/5countries)
Oceania(3/25countries)
SouthernEurope(12/13countries)
WesternEurope(8/9countries)
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Rateper100,000population
CriminalJustice PublicHealth
Note: Figure 1 includes only those countries for which at least one criminal justice and one public health value for intentional
homicide are available in the period 2003Ͳ2008. This is indicated alongside each subͲregion name by the number of countries
includedoutofthetotalcountriesinthesubͲregion.
9
are able to provide criminal justice data on publichealthfigures.Thelimitationsincriminal
intentional homicide. Where data is available, justicedataavailabilityinAfricarelativetoother
significant differences exist as compared with regionsareshowninfigure2.
Figure 2. Availability of criminal justice data on intentional homicide: Countries with at least one
criminaljusticesourceavailable(2003Ͳ2008)
Note:TheboundariesanddesignationsusedonthismapdonotimplyendorsementoracceptancebytheUnitedNations
For those countries where both criminal justice death registration data, resulting in possible
and public health data are available, significant underǦcaptureofviolentdeaths.Finally,asshown
differences often exist. As shown in figure 1, for later in thischapter, homicide rates in a number
nine countries in Western Africa, for example, of countries in the Central America and
thepublichealthaveragerateistentimesthatof Caribbean subǦregions have increased in recent
thecriminaljusticeaveragerate. years.Criminaljusticedataforcountriesinthese
subǦregions corresponds to more recent years
In countries in both Central America and the
(mostly 2007 and 2008) than public health data
Caribbean subǦregions, the average rate of
(mostly 2003Ǧ2006). A combination of these
intentionalhomicidereportedbycriminaljustice
factorsmayexplainthepatternobserved.
institutionsishigherthanthatreportedbypublic
healthinstitutions.Thismaybeduetoanumber The pattern of differences between criminal
of factors. The dataset used in figure 1 relies justice and public health data, and indeed the
primarily on national data for countries in level of availability of criminal justice data on
Central America and the Caribbean. Data homicide, can be more clearly seen at the
published by national authorities may be less individual country level. Figures 3 to 5 represent
comparable than that collected through crossǦ the latest year criminal justice data available by
national initiatives, such as the UNǦCTS, which country, presented alongside a set of country
make use of standard definitions and metadata. ‘death by violence’ estimates produced by the
Further, with respect to the public health data, World Health Organization for the year 2004
some countries in these regions have incomplete (WHO2009).
10
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure3.Homiciderateper100,000population,Africaregion,bycountry(criminaljustice,latest
availableyear;publichealth,2004)
SouthAfricaͲ 07
Côted'IvoireͲ 00
Burundi
Homicide
SierraLeoneͲ06
DemocraticRepublicofthe…
AngolaͲ 04
ZimbabweͲ 04
CentralAfricanRepublic
RwandaͲ 04
Sudan
UnitedRepublicofTanzaniaͲ…
UgandaͲ 08
ZambiaͲ 00
BotswanaͲ 06
Swaziland
KenyaͲ 08
EthiopiaͲ 04
Niger
Mozambique
Congo
Chad
EquatorialGuinea
BurkinaFaso
NigeriaͲ 06
GuineaͲBissau
Mali
Malawi
Liberia
Guinea
Gabon
CameroonͲ 03
Eritrea
Mauritania
SenegalͲ 04
Gambia
Togo
Benin
LesothoͲ 05
Namibia
Madagascar
Comoros
GhanaͲ 05
CapeVerdeͲ 07
AlgeriaͲ 06
SaoTomeandPrincipe
Djibouti
SeychellesͲ 06
Somalia
LibyanArabJamahiriyaͲ 03 Criminaljustice
MauritiusͲ 06
TunisiaͲ 04 WHO2004
EgyptͲ 05
MoroccoͲ 06
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Intentionalhomiciderateper100,000population
Note:Numberbycountrynamesignifiesyearofcriminaljusticedata
11
Jamahiriya, and Cape Verde. Further research is may explain the significant public
needed to identify ‘true’ underlying homicide health/criminal justice differences for Belize,
rates in countries in Africa. WHO estimates of Trinidad and Tobago, Honduras, and Jamaica in
death by violence rates for the majority of particular.
countries on the continent (with the exception
Both criminal justice and public health data are
mostlyofcountriesinNorthAfrica)aretypically
clear, however, that some of the countries with
high, ranging from around 7 to 40 times that of
the highest homicide rates in the world can be
averagesinWesternEurope.Countryinformation
found in the Americas region. El Salvador,
on mortality is not available for the majority of
Guatemala, Venezuela, Honduras, Trinidad and
countries in Africa and public health values for
Tobago and Jamaica all show policeǦrecorded
thesecountriesaremostlyderivedfromestimates
homicide rates over 40 per 100,000 population.
using causeǦofǦdeath models. (WHO 2009) Only
Colombia has shown declines in policeǦrecorded
inveryfewcountriesareestimatesbasedoncause
homicide rates in recent years and according to
of death registration data with complete or
police data for 2008 is now well under 40
almostcompletegeographiccoverage.Whilstthe
homicides per 100,000 population. WHO 2004
accuracy of WHO estimates is unknown, at the
data for Colombia estimates a far higher figure
same time it is likely that law enforcement and
andthismaybeduetoboththedifferenceinyear
criminaljusticeinstitutionsinthesecountriesdo
of measurementandthepossibilitythata higher
significantly underǦcapture levels of violent
proportionofconf lictǦrelateddeaths(asopposed
deaths. This can be due to factors including
to criminal homicide) are captured by public
limitations in the capacity of police and law
healthfigures.
enforcement agencies to identify and record
homicideevents. As shown later in this chapter, a number of the
countries with some of the highest homicide
Figure 4 shows significantly greater criminal
rates have shown significant increases in
justice data availability in the Americas but also
homicide rate over the last five years. Research
some significant differences at the country level
suggeststhathomiciderelatedtointimate,family
as between criminal justice and public health
or other close/known persons tends to stay
data. As noted above, this may be due to a
relativelystable,oronlychangeslowlyovertime.
number of factors, including the fact that some
As such, it is likely that particularly high and
WHO country estimates are not based on
increasing homicide rates in a number of
complete cause of death recording systems and
countries in the Americas are due on the most
the fact that a number of countries in the
part to increasing presence of organized crime,
Americas show significantly increased homicide
drug trafficking and gang activity (UNODC
rates as between 2004 and 2006/2007. As shown
2007).
later in this chapter, increasing homicide rates
12
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure4.Homiciderateper100,000population,Americasregion,bycountry(criminaljustice,latest
availableyear;publichealth,2004)
ColombiaͲ 08
ElSalvadorͲ 08
GuatemalaͲ 06
Homicide
Venezuela(BolivarianRepublicof)Ͳ 08
JamaicaͲ 07
BrazilͲ 07
EcuadorͲ06
Bahamas
BelizeͲ 06
SaintLuciaͲ 07
GuyanaͲ 06
BarbadosͲ 00
SaintVincentandtheGrenadines
ParaguayͲ07
DominicanRepublicͲ07
NicaraguaͲ 06
TrinidadandTobagoͲ08
HondurasͲ 07
PanamaͲ 08
SaintKittsandNevisͲ08
SurinameͲ 06
DominicaͲ 00
MexicoͲ 08
AntiguaandBarbudaͲ 07
ArgentinaͲ 07
CostaRicaͲ 06
Cuba
UnitedStatesofAmericaͲ 07
ChileͲ 07
Haiti
Grenada
UruguayͲ 07
BoliviaͲ 06
PeruͲ 06
CanadaͲ 07
Criminaljustice
FrenchGuianaͲ 08
WHO2004
PuertoRicoͲ08
BermudaͲ04
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80
Intentionalhomiciderateper100,000population
Note:Numberbycountrynamesignifiesyearofcriminaljusticedata
Figure 5 shows yet another different pattern to forcrimepreventionandindicativeofmethodical
thatforAfricaandtheAmericas.Criminaljustice and organized policing. Indeed, countries in
data availability is very high with reasonable or Europe with low homicide rates (under 2 per
goodagreementwithpublichealthfiguresforthe 100,000population)havegenerallyachievedsuch
majority of countries. Notably, those countries rates through a focus on crime prevention and
with poorer agreement between public health evidenceǦled policing. Overall, homicide rates in
figures and criminal justice data are also those the region are relatively similar across countries,
with the overall higher homicide rates in the with countries in Northern and Western Europe
region. The link may be more than coincidental. showing rates typically under 2.5 per 100,000
Good agreement between data sources suggests population. In contrast, countries in Eastern
effective administrative recording systems. High Europeshowratesfromthisleveluptoaround10
qualitycrimedataisinturnbothavaluabletool per100,000.
13
Figure5.Homiciderateper100,000population,Europeregion,bycountry(criminaljustice,latest
availableyear;publichealth,2004)
RussianFederationͲ 07
UkraineͲ 07
LatviaͲ 07
BelarusͲ 07
LithuaniaͲ 07
EstoniaͲ 07
RepublicofMoldovaͲ 07
AlbaniaͲ 07
TheformerYugoslavRepublicofMacedoniaͲ 07
RomaniaͲ 07
BulgariaͲ 07
TurkeyͲ 07
SerbiaͲ 07
FinlandͲ07
HungaryͲ 07
SloveniaͲ 07
UnitedKingdomofGreatBritainandNorthernIrelandͲ 07
SlovakiaͲ 07
BosniaandHerzegovinaͲ 08
CroatiaͲ 07
PortugalͲ 07
PolandͲ 07
BelgiumͲ 07
SpainͲ 07
CzechRepublicͲ 07
SwedenͲ 07
NetherlandsͲ 07
LuxembourgͲ 07
IcelandͲ 07
ItalyͲ 07
DenmarkͲ 07
SwitzerlandͲ 07
GreeceͲ 07
MaltaͲ 07
NorwayͲ 07
FranceͲ 07
Andorra
AustriaͲ 07 Criminaljustice
IrelandͲ 07
WHO2004
GermanyͲ 07
CyprusͲ 07
LiechtensteinͲ 07
MontenegroͲ 07
0 5 10 15 20 25 30
Intentionalhomicideper100,000population
Note:Numberbycountrynamesignifiesyearofcriminaljusticedata
Trendsinintentionalhomicide
Whilst country and regional homicide rates can The underlying dataset used in this chapter
be used for crossǦnational comparison only with contained sufficient information for calculation
caution, somewhat greater confidence may be ofyearly trenddata forsome 88countries in the
placed in the analysis of yearly trend data. As Americas, Asia, Europe and Oceania. This set of
long as factors such as approaches to police data countries is smaller than that used in figure 1.
recording remain constant, then changes over Whilst many countries have a value for at least
time can be effectively followed, irrespective of one recent year available, far fewer are able to
absolute levels. In so faras intentional homicide report a consistent time series. Figures 6 to 9
has been used as a proxy indicator for forms of showaverage intentional homicide rates in these
violent crime, and even crime in general, such 88 countries, organized by subǦregion. Overall
informationisimportantindeterminingpatterns averages for countries in the Americas, Asia and
ofcrimeandemergingthreats. Oceania, and Europe regions are also shown.
14
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure6.AverageintentionalhomicideratesforcountriesintheAmericas(2003Ͳ2008)
Figure6.AverageintentionalhomicideratesforcountriesintheAmericas(2003Ͳ2
140
Homicide
120
Basis:
2003=100 100
80
60
40
20
0
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
Caribbean(7/24countries)
CentralAmerica(7/8countries)
SouthAmerica(12/13countries)
NorthernAmerica(2/3countries)
Americas(28countries)
Note:Weightedaverageofhomicideratesincountriesconsistentlyreportinghomicidefortheentireperiod2003Ͳ
2008(basis:2003=100)
Figure7.AverageintentionalhomicideratesforcountriesinAsiaandOceania(2003Ͳ2008)
Figure7.AverageintentionalhomicideratesforcountriesinAsiaandOceania(20
140
120
Basis:
2003=100
100
80
60
40
20
0
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
CentralAsia(5/5countries)
EastandSouthͲEastern Asia(6/16countries)
SouthernAsia(5/9countries)
WesternAsia(7/18countries)
Oceania(2/25countries)
AsiaandOceania(25countries)
15
Figure8.AverageintentionalhomicideratesforcountriesinEurope(2003–2008)
140
120
Basis:
2003=100
100
80
60
40
20
0
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
EasternEurope(10/10countries)
NorthernEurope(10/10countries)
SouthernEurope(9/13countries)
WesternEurope(6/9countries)
Europe(35countries)
At the regional level, average intentional Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, Jamaica, Trinidad
homicide rates recorded by criminal justice and Tobago, as well as in Venezuela, show
institutions decreased over the time period for significant increases in homicide rates in recent
counties in Asia and Oceania and Europe. They years. According to police statistics, the
stayed largely constant for countries in the homicide rate in Honduras, for example,
Americas. At the subǦregional level however, approximately doubled between 2004 and 2008.
subǦregions with high homicide rates such as (UNODC 2010) Increases in homicide rates in
Central America and the Caribbean showed the Central America and Caribbean subǦregions
average increases over time. Nonetheless, subǦ maybelinkedtohomicideassociatedwithgang,
regional rates in general changed reasonable drugǦrelated or organized crime. The drug trade
slowly and did not exhibit unpredictable large fuels crime in numerous ways, through violence
increasesordecreasesfromyeartoyear. linked to trafficking, by normalizing illegal
behaviour,bydivertingcriminaljusticeresources
The story can be different at national level. As
from other activities, and importantly with
shown in figure 9, countries in the Central
respect to homicide, by contributing to the
America and Caribbean subǦregions such as
widespreadavailabilityoffirearms.
16
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure9.Increasinghomicideratesinselectedcountries
180
160
Homicide
140
120
Basis:
2003=100 100
80
60
40
20
0
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
Jamaica Belize
Venezuela Honduras
In contrast, those subǦregions with lower level, a number of countries in the Europe
homicide rates also tend to be those that show region, includingSwitzerland, Latvia, Lithuania,
either stable or gradually decreasing homicide and the Republic of Moldova show small but
rates over time. Countries in Central Asia, noticeable increases in policeǦrecorded
Eastern Europe and Western Europe show intentional homicide rates from 2007 to 2008.
consistent decreasing trends over the time Such changes must be interpreted with caution
period. Whilst trends in these subǦregions are as they may be related to changes, for example,
encouraging, continued concerted crime in police recording methods. Nonetheless, the
prevention action is required to maintain low pattern is particularlystrikingwhenobserved in
and decreasing homicide rates. At the national morethanonecountryforthesameyear.
Figure10.Decreasinghomicideratesinselectedcountries
120
Basis:
2003=100 100
80
60
40
20
0
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
RepublicofMoldova Latvia
Lithuania Switzerland
17
Homicideweapons
Althoughfirearmsarenottheonlyweaponsused data from 61 countries indicate that the
inhomicide,theiravailabilitycanbeakeyfactor percentage of homicides committed by firearm
indrivinglevelsofarmedviolenceandhomicide varies from 10 percent in countries in East and
rates.SubǦregionswithhighhomicideratestend Southeast Europe to around 75 percent in
to be amongst those where a high percentage of CentralAmericaandtheCaribbean.
homicides are committed by firearm. Available
Figure11.Percentageofhomicidescommittedwithafirearm,latestavailableyear(2003Ͳ2008)
CentralAmericaandCaribbean(7countries)
SouthAmerica(7countries)
NorthAmerica(2countries)
WestandCentralEurope(20countries)
Asia(15countries)
Oceania(2countries)
EastandSoutheastEurope(8countries)
0 20 40 60 80
%homicideswithfirearm
Summaryandconclusions
Theoverallglobalhomicideratewasestimatedat per100,000populationinthesesubǦregions.The
7.6 per 100,000 population in 2004, majority of countries for which trend data is
correspondingtosome490,000violentdeathsin available show decreasing or stable homicide
that year. ‘Latest availableyear’ data shows that, trends over the period 2003 – 2008. Overall
despite significant difference between criminal regionalratesbasedondatafromthesecountries
justice and public health data in some subǦ showdecreasingtrends.AtthesubǦregionallevel
regions, the highest homicide rates are likely in however, increasing subǦregional rates are seen
Southern Africa, Central America and the in the Caribbean and Central America. Such
CaribbeansubǦregions.Basedoncriminaljustice increasesare likelyduetoarelativelylimitedset
data, these subǦregions show rates between 20 ofcountriesthatshowincreasinghomiciderates
and30per100,000population.Thelowestglobal including Guatemala, Venezuela, Jamaica,
homicide rates are found in Western Europe, Belize, Trinidad and Tobago, and Honduras.
Southern Europe, Oceania, Eastern Asia and Increasingratesinthesecountriesmaybelinked
Northern Europe subǦregions. Both criminal in particular to the challenges of organized
justiceandpublichealthdatashowratesunder3 crime,drugtraffickingandgangactivity.
18
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
References
AebiMF2004.CrimeTrendsinWesternEurope 2004.Availableat:
from1990to2000.EuropeanJournalonCriminal http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/dataǦandǦ
PolicyandResearch,Vol.10,Nos.2Ǧ3,163Ǧ86 analysis/ihs.html
Homicide
GenevaDeclaration2009.GlobalBurdenof UNODC2010.UnitedNationsOfficeonDrugs
ArmedViolenceReport,GenevaDeclaration andCrime,homicidestatistics.Availableat:
Secretariat.Availableat: http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/dataǦandǦ
www.genevadeclaration.org analysis/homicide.html
UNODC2007.CrimeandDevelopmentin WHO2009.WorldHealthOrganizationdisease
CentralAmerica:Caughtinthecrossfire.United andinjurycountryestimates.Availableat:
NationsPublicationSalesNo.B.07.IV.5 http://www.who.int/healthinfo/global_burden
_disease/estimates_country/en/index.html
UNODC2008.UnitedNationsOfficeonDrugs
andCrime,InternationalHomicideStatistics
19
20
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Chapter2– TrendsinPoliceRecordedCrime
Abstract
This chapter presents prevalence rates and trends on five “traditional” crimes: assault, rape, robbery,
burglary and motor vehicle theft. Also data on kidnapping and crime suspects are shown. The source of
informationistheUnitedNationsSurveyofCrimeTrendsandOperationsofCriminalJusticeSystems(UNǦ
CTS) covering the years 1996Ǧ2006. The results of this chapter are based on police data and describe
therefore only those crimes that are recorded by the police. In general, it seems that recorded property
crimes,burglariesandmotorvehiclethefts,havedecreased.Rapesandrobberieshaveslightlyincreased,and
assaults have increased considerably. The average level of kidnappings has not changed. The large
differences in crime between regions and countries can partly be explained by diverging criminalisation,
efficiencyofthecriminaljusticesystemsandrecordingpractices.Countrylevelresultsshowthatespecially
the latest data isoften from Western Europe, North America and Oceania. A smaller number ofcountries
arerepresentedfromAfricaandLatinAmerica,buteventhescarceavailableinformationshowsthatcrime
iscommonintheseareas.IntheAsianregion,thelevelofrecordedcrimesislowerthaninotherregions.
Introduction
Police recorded crime is, as known, not motor vehicle theft represent types of offences
equivalent to “all” crime. A well known fact is thatarecommon in manycountries. Kidnapping
that a large proportion of “all” crime remains is a more serious crime that violates severely the
unrecorded. Recorded crime may vary personalintegrityofthevictim.Intheendofthe
significantly as a consequence of dissimilar chapter, also total rates of persons suspected are
reporting rates and recording practices. In the analysed. Analysis of homicide has not been
UNǦCTS, the total of all recorded crimes was included here, because a separate chapter has
included. However, the crimes comprised in the beendevotedtolethalviolence.
figurefortotalcrimeareinpracticeincomparable
The crimes are reported first by presenting
across countries, because the scope of criminal
regional estimates of the volume of recorded
codes indifferentcountries is far from identical.
offences. NonǦweighted median values of the
Furthermore, the concept of total crime is very
crime rates (crimes / 100,000 population) are
abstract making it very difficult to interpret any
usedintheanalysis.This meansthattheratesof
figuresonthislevel.
largeandsmallcountrieshaveequalweightwhen
Data on recorded crime, collected by the UNǦ calculating the median. The choice is based on
CTS, is available for over 100 countries. The the argument that we often compare crime rates
number of countries to be included in the between countries without taking into account
analysiscan be maximised if we focus oncertain the size of the country. On the other hand, if
commoncrimecategories.Bothratecomparisons countries would be represented by the actual
and trends of those particular crimes can be number of crimes, very large countries would
presented.Countrylevelfiguresshould,however, totally dominate their regions. The disadvantage
rather be seen as examples than as comparable of the chosen method is that we cannot say, for
indicators. instance, how common rapes are in Europe
overall. Accurate regional comparisons are
Levels and trends of the following recorded
however impossible, because not all countries
crimesaredescribedinthischapter:assault,rape,
have responded to the UNǦCTS. Furthermore,
robbery, burglary, motor vehicle theft and
countries with a population of less than 100,000
kidnapping. Assault, rape, robbery, burglary and
wereexcludedfromtheanalysis.
*SeniorResearchOfficer,EuropeanInstituteforCrimePreventionandControl,
affiliatedwiththeUnitedNations(HEUNI)
21
Figures are presented also on the country level. the available data will be considerably reduced
These comparisons are based on latest available when describing the trends between 1996Ǧ2001Ǧ
data since the year 2000. The results are 2006 because of missing data from many
interpreted against the metadata collected in the countries.
survey. Crime definitions differ between the
Victimsurveys (e.g.van Dijketal. 2007) provide
countries because of different penal codes, and
more extensive and comparable data of criminal
dissimilar reporting behaviour and recording
victimisation of households than the police
practices; consequently the differences of crime
records, since they capture also crimes that are
levels in different countries may be based on
not reported to the police, and because similar
different definitions, reporting behaviour and
crime definitions can be applied in the
recording practices rather than differences in
participating countries. This Chapter focuses on
actual crime. Therefore trend analysis is a more
an overview of the results of the UNǦCTS,
fruitful approach as it shows how crime has
comprisingpolicedataonly.
developed. The problem in trend analysis is that
Assault
According to the definition in the Crime Trends serious form of assault and includes pushing,
Survey questionnaire: “Assault may be slapping, punching and faceǦtoǦface verbal
understood to mean physical attack against the threats. Aggravated assault involves wounding,
body of another person, including battery but maiming, disfiguring or endangering the life of
excluding indecent assault”. The respondents someone.”Somecountriesdefinedthedistinction
wereaskedwhether thedefinitionwasapplied in bytheresultingdaysofmedicalcareordisability
theircountriesinthe2005Ǧ2006survey.OneǦhalf towork.Becausesomecountriesdidnotmakethe
ofthe80countriesthatprovideddataonassaults distinction between simple and major assault,
in the 2005Ǧ2006 survey replied that they had there are fewer data on major assault and these
applied this standard definition. Many of those arealsolesscomparable.
countriesthatdidnotsaythattheyusedthebasic
Large differences in the policeǦrecorded assaults
definition did also not specify the difference in
exist between Oceania, West, Central and
the definition they had applied. Therefore the
Southern Africa, North America and Asia,
proportion of the countries that were following
Southeast and East Europe. West and Central
thestandarddefinitionisprobablyhigherthan50
Europe are located between these extremes
per cent. However, applying the standard
(figure 1). West, Central and Southern Africa
definition does not yet guarantee the
show the highest rates of reported major assault
comparability;20percentofthecountriesreplied
(nearly50%ofallassaultsintheregion),whilein
that their data on assault included threats, and
Oceania nine out of ten assaults were simple
almost 60 per cent said that they included
assaults. The difference between the European
punching and/or slapping. The inclusion of
subǦregions thatwasclearlyvisible inallassaults
threats and punching/slapping may increase the
decreases considerably for major assaults (figure
number of assaults. On the other hand, in some
2). Simple assault recorded by the police is
countries the penal code limits assaults to
uncommon in East and Southeast Europe, but in
comprise incidents causing visible injuries. The
West and Central Europe over 90 per cent of
basicstandarddefinitionisthereforenotaccurate
assaultsweresimpleones.
enoughforreliablecomparison.
According to victimisation surveys, the
In the 10th UNǦCTS, the respondents were asked
differencesinassaultsandthreatsbetweenNorth
whether a distinction was made in their country
America and West & Central Europe are small,
between aggravated and simple assault,
andthefiguresfromthecountriesofOceaniaare
dependingonthedegreeoftheresultinginjury.If
somewhat higher. Unfortunately, the last
yes, they were asked for the main criteria for the
international crime victimisation surveys are
distinction. Nearly oneǦhalf of the countries
available for these regions only (van Dijk et al.
made the distinction, but the criteria for the
2007,81).
distinction differed. For instance, the Canadian
response stated that “simple assault is the least
22
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure1.Majorandsimpleassaultsper100,000populationindifferentregions,
Oceania(3)
West,CentralandSouthernAfrica(7)
NorthAmerica(2)
West&CentralEurope(31)
LatinAmericaandCaribbean(17)
NorthandEast Africa(6)
NearandMiddleEast/SouthͲWest…
SoutheastEurope(9)
EastEurope(3)
SouthAsia(5)
EastandSouthͲEast Asia(11)
Majorassault Simpleassault
CentralAsiaandTranscaucasian…
Figure2.Majorassaultsper100,000populationindifferentareas,median,2006or
latestrate(n=99)
West,CentralandSouthernAfrica
NorthAmerica
Oceania
LatinAmericaandCaribbean
NorthandEast Africa
West&CentralEurope
EastEurope
SoutheastEurope
SouthAsia
NearandMiddleEast/SouthͲWest Asia
EastandSouthͲEast Asia
CentralAsiaandTranscaucasian countries
The country level comparisons do not evidently countries. Victimisation surveys show that many
describe differences in real crime between the Europeancountriesabovethethirdquartile(table
countries because of different crime definitions, 1)werealsoabovetheWesternaverageinassaults.
reporting behaviour and recording practices. Mostofthecountrieswithlowassaultratescome
Nevertheless, the figures reveal how many fromAsia.
offences are handled in the criminal justice
Total assault has increased between 1996 and
system. The region of West and Central Europe
2006, while major assaults have increased since
was located in the middle of the regional
1996, but not between 2001 and 2006 (table 1).
comparison,butcountriesfromWestandCentral
The trend in ten selected countries (10 countries
Europescorehighoncountrylevel(table1inthe
withhighestassaultrates)isincreasing,andfrom
Annex). Below the first quartile (the group with
2001 to 2006 in many more countries, and the
lowest assault rates), there is only one country
increase is larger than from 1996 to 2001 (figure
fromWestandCentral Europe (Cyprus).Byrates
3). Table 2 in the Annex shows the mean annual
of major assault, many countries with a high
changes in the individual countries.
assault rate would not have been high ranking
23
Table1.Trendofassaultandmajorassault(medianrates)
Figure3.Trendofassaultinselectedcountries(10highestrates,log.scale)
10000,0
Scotland
EnglandandWales
Mauritius
Sweden
NewZealand
Canada
1000,0 Belgium
Finland
Chile
Spain
100,0
1996 2001 2006
Rape
RapewasdefinedintheUNCrimeTrendsSurvey neutral offence (in the metadata some countries
questionnaire to mean sexual intercourse explained that they could not follow the
without valid consent. Two out of three standard definition given in the questionnaire
respondents to the 10th survey replied that they becauseaccordingtotheirpenalcodethevictim
were able to follow the definition. One reason couldonlybeawoman).IntheUNǦCTSdata,the
why the definition was not followed was that rape rate is calculated per 100,000 population.
attemptedrapeswereincludedintheirdata.This Therefore the rates for the female population,
problem applies to other crime types as well, being theprincipalvictims,are inpractice twice
includingassault. ashighasthosepresentedinthischapter.
The numberofrecordedrapes isrelativelysmall Southern Africa, Oceania and North America
since these offences are rarely reported to the have the highest recorded rape rates, Asia the
police.Becauseoftheverysensitivenatureofthe lowest. The differences between the regions are
offence, it has been concluded that also large. The comparability between the regions is
victimisation surveys underestimate the number limited because many figures from developing
of rapes. Rapes are mostly committed by males, countries are from older surveys (e.g. no data
and the victims are women.1 The penal codes of were provided for Southern Africa in the most
somecountriesdefine,however,rapeasagender recentCrimeTrendssurvey).
1
Comparableinformationofthegenderofthevictimsisnotavailable.TheEuropeanSourcebookasksforthe
sexoftheoffender.Inaboutonepercentofrecordedrapesin24Europeancountriesthesuspectedoffender
wasawoman(year2006).Thisis,however,notevidenceforthatthevictimwasaman,andthefemale
offendermayhaveparticipatedintheoffencetogetherwithamaleoffender.Norisitcertainthatinthecases
withmaleperpetrators,thevictimisawoman,althoughthisisthesituationinmostcases.
24
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
The differences between the rape rates of “Data includes sexual assaults, i.e. any physical
Figure4.Rapesper100,000populationindifferentregions,median,2006orlatest
rate(n=116)
NorthAmerica(2)
SouthernAfrica(5)
Oceania(3)
LatinAmericaandCaribbean(19)
West&CentralEurope(30)
EastEurope(4)
EastAfrica(3)
EastandSouthͲEast Asia(12)
SoutheastEurope(9)
NorthAfrica(4)
SouthAsia(5)
NearandMiddleEast/SouthͲWest Asia(12)
CentralAsiaandTranscaucasian countries(7)
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
Figure5.Countriesabovethe3rdQuartileaccordingtotheraperate(policerecorded
rapes/100,000population,latestrate)
Australia (2003)
Swaziland (2004)
Canada (2006)
Jamaica (2000)
Suriname (2004)
Sweden (2006)
Zimbabwe (2004)
Nicaragua (2006)
Barbados (2000)
Belgium (2004)
Panama (2006)
Peru (2004)
El Salvador (2006)
Scotland (2006)
Norway (2006)
Iceland (2004)
France (2004)
Belize (2006)
Israel (2004)
Namibia (2002)
Mongolia (2006)
Mexico (2006)
0 20 40 60 80 100 120
25
Fromthelowestquartilethedevelopedcountries Thetrendinrapeisincreasing(table2).Figure6
aremissing.Somedevelopingcountrieshavenear shows the ten countries with the highest rape
tozeroratesofrape,andsomeofthesecountries rates and data for all three (or nearby) points in
have also been recently in a state of war2 and time. The figure comprises developed countries
suffered from internal conf licts. In these only. The rates are levelling off; rapes in Canada
countries rapes may not be recorded in a way and the United States were most frequent in
comparabletoothercountries. 1996, but have decreased by 2006, while in the
othercountriestheyhaveincreased(figure6).
Table2.Trendinrape(n=49)
Figure6.Trendofrapeinselectedcountries(10highestrates,log.scale)
100
Canada
Sweden
NewZealand
UnitedStatesofAmerica
10 NorthernIreland
EnglandandWales
Scotland
Finland
Germany
Denmark
1
1996 2001 2006
Robbery
Robbery isa propertycrime that involvestheuse andtheinclusionofattemptswasreported.TwoǦ
ofviolenceorthreatofviolence.Itwasdefinedin thirds of the countries were able to apply the
the 10th UNǦCTS Questionnaire to mean theft of definitiongiveninthequestionnaire.
propertyfromaperson,overcomingresistanceby BagǦsnatchingwas included in 54percentof the
force or threat of force. Robbery included countries, but in Poland, and some other
muggings,bagǦsnatchingandtheftwithviolence. countries, offences below a certain monetary
The responses in the metadata comprised valueareclassifiedasmisdemeanours.59percent
specifications of the crime scenes (e.g. banks, of the countries responded that theft with
post offices, commercial businesses or streets), violencewasincludedinrobbery.
2
“The incidence of violence against women in armed conflict, particularly sexual violence including rape, has
beenincreasinglyacknowledgedanddocumented.Violenceagainstwomenhasbeenreportedfromconflictor
post Ͳconflict situations in many countries or areas including Afghanistan, Burundi, Chad, Colombia, Côte
d’Ivoire,DemocraticRepublicoftheCongo,Liberia,Peru,Rwanda,SierraLeone,Chechnya/RussianFederation,
Darfur, Sudan, northern Uganda and the former Yugoslavia” (SecretaryͲGeneral's study on violence against
women.http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/vaw/violenceagainstwomenstudydoc.pdf,6.11.2009)
26
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Robbery was most common in Southern Africa Europe, North Africa and Oceania are on the
SouthernAfrica(4)
LatinAmericaandCaribbean(21)
NorthAmerica(2)
EastEurope(4)
NorthAfrica(3)
West&CentralEurope(29)
Oceania(3)
SoutheastEurope(9)
EastandSouthͲEast Asia(11)
EastAfrica(3)
NearandMiddleEast/SouthͲWest Asia(12)
CentralAsiaandTranscaucasian countries(7)
SouthAsia(5)
Table3.Trendinrobbery(n=35)
Housebreaking/burglary
Burglarywasdescribedtomean“togainaccessto Sourcebook, in most countries the majority of
a closed part of a building or other premises by burglaries are, however, committed against
use of force with the intent to steal goods”. businessesandcorporations(Aebietal.2006).
Figures on burglary were asked to include theft
The burglary rate is highest in the region of
from a factory, shop or office, theft from a
Oceania (especially in Australia and New
military establishment, theft by using false keys,
Zealand). Of North America, Canada and the
and to exclude theft from a car, theft from a
USA, as well as South Africa, Swaziland and
container, theft from a vending machine, theft
ZimbabweofSouthernAfrica(figure8andAnnex
from a parking meter and theft from fenced
table 7) have high rates. All of these regions are
meadow/compound. The inclusion and exclusion
representedby3Ǧ4countries.Severalcountriesin
criteriawerequitedetailed,and41percentofthe
West & Central Europe have high burglary rates
71 countries that responded to the metadata
(the highest in Denmark, Austria, England &
section replied that they were able to follow the
WalesandSweden),butsomehavealsorelatively
definition. The metadata does not give
low rates (Estonia, Latvia, Norway). Israel
information on the inf luence of the included or
belongs to the region Near and Middle East
excludeditemsonthefigures.
/SouthǦWestAsia,andithadahighburglaryrate.
Domesticburglaryisnotdistinguishedfromtotal In the other seven countries of the region the
burglary. Domestic burglary is an important burglary rate is very low. No European or North
safety indicator, because it resembles a crime American countries belong to the low crime
againstaperson,suchasviolence,byitssensitive category(belowthe1stQuartile).
nature to the victim. According to the European
27
Figure8.Burglariesper100,000populationindifferentregions,median,2006orlatestrate(n=95)
Oceania(3)
NorthAmerica(2)
SouthernAfrica(3)
West&CentralEurope(30)
SoutheastandEastEurope(9)
EastandSouthͲEast Asia(9)
LatinAmericaandCaribbean(13)
NorthAfrica(3)
EastAfrica(3)
CentralAsiaandTranscaucasian countries(5)
NearandMiddleEast/SouthͲWest Asia(8)
SouthAsia(5)
The trend of burglary is declining in most (Belarus, Croatia, Cyprus, Mauritius and
countries (table 4, figure 9, Annex table 8). At Slovenia) burglary had increased from 1996 to
thesame timedifferences between thecountries 2006.
are decreasing. In only five of 25 countries
Table4.Trendinburglary(n=25)
Figure9.Trendofburglaryinselectedcountries(10highestrates,log.scale)
10000
NewZealand
Denmark
EnglandandWales
Sweden
1000 Slovenia
Switzerland
UnitedStatesofAmerica
Canada
NorthernIreland
Scotland
100
1996 2001 2006
Motorvehicle/automobiletheft
Crimes against motor vehicles represent an thefts are reported (Alvazzi del Frate 2005, van
importantelementofpropertycrime 3.According Dijketal. 2007).The reason for reporting is the
to victimisation surveys, motor vehicle theft is relatively high value of the commodities.
very often reported to the police; in developed Furthermore,inmanycountriespolicereporting
countries 80Ǧ90 per cent of car and motorcycle isrequiredforinsurancecompensation.
28
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure10.Motorvehicletheftindifferentregionsper100,000population,median,
latestyear
NorthAmerica(2)
Oceania(4)
West&CentralEurope(30)
NearandMiddleEast/ SouthͲWestAsia(14)
LatinAmericaandCaribbean(21)
EastandSouthͲEast Asia(10)
SoutheastEurope(9)
Africa(13)
SouthAsia(5)
EastEurope(4)
CentralAsiaandTranscaucasian countries(7)
29
Table5.Trendinmotorvehiclethefts(n=43)
Figure11.Motorvehicletheftratetrendinselectedcountries(10highestrates,log.scale)
1000
Sweden
NewZealand
Italy
Ireland*
UnitedStatesofAmerica
EnglandandWales
Malaysia
Norway*
Scotland
Finland
100
1996 2001 2006
Kidnapping
The definition of kidnapping was as follows: and plagium (child theft); it is simply the
“Kidnapping may be understood to mean carryingoff,orconfiningofanyperson,forcibly,
unlawfullydetainingapersonorpersonsagainst andwithoutlawfulauthority,andneednothave
theirwill(ornationalequivalente.g.usingforce, a particular motive or purpose). Both countries
threat, fraud or enticement) for the purpose of had high kidnapping rates. In the United States
demanding for their liberation an illicit gain or data on kidnapping is not collected at national
any other economic gain or other material levelintheUniformCrimeReport.
benefit, or in order to oblige someone to do or
The kidnapping rate was highest in Southern
not to do something.” About oneǦhalf of the
Africa (figure 12). Here Southern Africa consists
countriesreplied thatthedefinitionwasapplied
of three countries (South Africa (2002),
in their countries. Examples of specified
Swaziland and Zimbabwe (both have provided
definitionscomefrom Canada (includesforcible
data for 2004). In Zimbabwe the recorded rate
confinementandtransportingpersonsoutsideof
was lower (1,6/100,000 pop.) compared to South
Canada (i.e. human trafficking, etc.)) and
Africa and Swaziland. Of individual counties,
Scotland (kidnapping is classified as abduction
Turkeyhasthehighestscore.
30
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure12.Kidnappingsper100,000populationindifferentregions,median,2006or
SouthernAfrica(3)
SouthAsia(8)
NearandMiddleEast/SouthͲWest Asia(10)
SoutheastEurope(9)
West&CentralEurope(25)
CentralAsiaandTranscaucasian countries(7)
LatinAmerica&Caribbean(15)
NorthAfrica(4)
EastEurope(3)
EastandSouthͲEast Asia(7)
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Figure13.Countriesabovethe3rdquartileaccordingtothekidnappingrate(police
recordedkidnappings/100,000population,latestrate
Turkey(2006)
Canada(2006)
Kuwait(2006)
Swaziland(2006)
Scotland(2004)
SouthAfrica(2004)
Tunisia(2006)
OccupiedPalestinianTerritory(2006)
Portugal(2006)
Luxembourg(2006)
SriLanka(2006)
EnglandandWales(2006)
Australia(2006)
Belgium(2006)
Switzerland(2004)
France(2006)
NorthernIreland(2006)
Bahrain(2004)
Belize(2002)
Turkmenistan(2006)
Bulgaria(2002)
India(2006)
UnitedArabEmirates(2006)
0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16
In India the kidnapping rate was one of the 1986Ǧ2001Ǧ2006wereavailable fortrendanalysis.
lowestinthehighestquartile.Theirnumberwas, Thetrendoftencountriesshowsmedianratesof
however, highest among the countries, nearly 1.3 – 2.0 – 1.3; the average level of kidnappings
24,000offencesin2006. doesnotseemtohavechangedoverthe20years.
Data on kidnapping have been collected from
1980 to 1986 and since 2001. Therefore the years
31
Suspects
The total number of persons brought into committed many crimes. On the average, the
contactwiththepoliceorotherwisecontactedby ratiobetweenoffendersandoffencesislessthan
the criminal justice system – persons suspected, one (mean=0.69, median=0.48, in the highest
arrestedorcautioned–weredefinedinasimilar quartile0.85).Thetotalnumberofoffendershas
manner as the number of recorded crimes, been increasing steadily since 1996 (table 9).
excluding minor traffic offences and other petty According to the 9th UNǦCTS (detailed
offences. The number of suspects is in most information on suspects was not asked in the
countries smaller than the number of recorded 10thSurvey)inEuropeandNorthAmerica14per
crimes,becausemanycrimesarenotcleared,i.e. cent of suspects were women in 2004 (the
asuspectfortheoffencehasnotbeenfound.On proportion varied between 2 and 26 per cent
theotherhand,onecrimemayinvolvemorethan between the countries; Heiskanen 2008).
one offender, and one offender may have
Table9.Trendofsuspects(n=104)
NorthAmerica(2)
SouthernAfrica(3)
Oceania(2)
West&CentralEurope(27)
NorthAfrica(3)
SoutheastEurope(9)
LatinAmericaandCaribbean(18)
NearandMiddleEast/SouthͲWest Asia(11)
SouthAsia(5)
EastEurope(4)
EastandSouthͲEast Asia(9)
CentralAsiaandTranscaucasian countries(7)
EastAfrica(3)
32
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure15.Suspectratetrendinselectedcountries(10highestrates,log.scale)
NewZealand
RepublicofKorea
UnitedStatesofAmerica
Germany
Portugal
Netherlands
Canada
Mauritius
Poland
1000
1996 2001 2006
Countriesthataremissingfromthetrendfigure, (2004), Sri Lanka (2004), Israel (2004) and El
but had high rates of suspects were Uruguay Salvador(2006)(suspectratesinthesecountries
(2004), Chile (2004), Austria (2006), England wereover2,000/100,000pop.).
and Wales (2006), Swaziland (2004), Zimbabwe
Summaryandconclusions
“Traditional” violent and property crimes have rapes and robberies have increased, but to a
taken different directions (figure 16; the figure lesserextent. Propertycrimes,measured here by
summarises trends of individual crime rates burglaryandmotorvehicletheft,havedecreased.
presented earlier in this chapter). Assaults have The decrease of motor vehicle thefts has
increased,andtheincreaseislargerfrom2001to occurred during the latter time period 2001Ǧ
2006 as compared to the period 1996Ǧ2001. Also 2006.
Figure16.Trendsofviolentandpropertycrimes
200
180
160
140
120 Robbery
Rape
100
Assault
80
Burglary
60
Motorvehicletheft
40
20
0
1996 2001 2006
33
Crimesrecordedbythepoliceareinmanywaysa affected by crime that the developed countries.
problematic measure for criminality, and in On the other hand, the more developed
particular for country comparisons, because all surveillance systems in the developed countries
crimes are not reported to the police (see e.g. may produce relatively high crime rates
Lewis 1999, Barclay et al. 2009). Especially compared to less developed statistical
violent crimes are very sensitive by nature, and monitoring.
for instance rapes are often not reported to
There are also large differences between
authorities in fear of secondary victimisation
developing countries in the different regions. It
(process of blaming the victims for their
seems thatviolence is inAsia lesscommon than
victimisation; it is also known that in many
elsewhere in the developing world, and certain
countries the perpetrator is rarely punished for
areas of Africa, Oceania and America suffer
therape).Thepenalcodesmayalsodefinelimits
severely from violence. Also inside the same
for the cases (e.g. certain monetary values for
region, the differences in recorded crime rates
property crimes) to be accepted for recording as
are often very large: developing countries from
crimes. On the other hand, most motor vehicle
the same region are often found in the highest
thefts and burglaries are in many countries
and the lowest quartile of a particular offence
reportedtothepolice;thesecrimecategoriesare
type.
therefore better represented in the police
statistics. Property crimes are more common in the
developed world. For instance, burglary is more
The shortcomings of the police statistics speak
prevalentinOceania,NorthAmericaandWest&
strongly for victimisation surveys. From the
Central Europe (and also in Southern Africa)
developed world we have national trends and
compared to other parts of the world. Motor
international comparisons. Unfortunately,
vehicle theft rates are high in the developed
representative victimisation surveys are scarce
countries, because of the number of cars. The
among the developing countries. But also the
rates, which are calculated against the
police data from the developing countries are
population, not the numberofcars,are likelyto
defective;too manycountriesaretotally missing
exaggeratethedifferencesfurther.
from the UNǦCTS data, and even those
developing countries that have participated do Also one crime that does not belong to volume
not often have the possibility to deliver the data crimes was studied; kidnapping seems to be
regularly;thereforetheirlatestdatamaybeold. overallin2006atthesamelevelasitwasin1986,
but its variation across regions is considerable.
Nevertheless, theresultsof thischapter indicate
thatmanydevelopingcountriesaremoreheavily
Dataanalysis
The crime rates in the data were validated by populationlessthan100,000wereexcludedfrom
studying the trends between the surveys in the theanalysis.
respective countries. If there was reason to
NonǦweighted median values of the crime rates
believe that the figure was incorrect, it was
(crimes / 100,000 population) are used in the
removed.InEuropetwointernationalsourcesare
figures. This means that the rates of large and
available for validating the data: The European
small countries have equal weight when
Sourcebook (European Sourcebook… 2003, Aebi
calculating the median.Thechoice was made to
etal. 2006and the fourth EuropeanSourcebook
facilitate comparison of crime rates between
database covering the years 2003Ǧ2007), and
countrieswithouttakingintoaccountthesizeof
Statistics in Focus by Eurostat (Tavares, Thomas
the country. The disadvantage of the method is
2009).TheUNǦCTSdatawerecontrolledagainst
that we cannot exactly estimate the volume of
these sources, and replaced if needed. No
crime in different regions. Accurate and
individual missing countries were, however,
complete regional comparisons are, however,
addedtothedatafromtheothersources.
impossible because not all countries have
Thecrimesarereportedbyregionifatleastthree respondedtotheCrimeTrendsSurvey.
countries in the region had provided data.
Country level data are based on latest available
Otherwise, thecountrieswereadded toadjacent
data since the year 2000. The results are
regions. North America is an exception
interpretedagainstthemetadatacollectedinthe
comprising Canada and USA. Countries with a
survey. Crime definitions differ between the
34
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
References
Aebi M F, Aromaa K, Aubusson de Cavarlay B, Justice Systems in Europe and North America
Barclay G, Gruszczynska B, Hofer H von, Hysi 1995Ǧ2004. HEUNI Publication Series No. 55.
V,JehleJǦM, Killias M,Smit P,Tavares C2003. Helsinki:HakapainoOy,70Ǧ93.
European Sourcebook of Crime and Criminal
Lewis C 1999. Police records of crime. In
JusticeStatistics–2003,2ndedition.DenHaag:
NewmanG(ed.):GlobalReportonCrimeand
Boom.
Justice. United Nations Office for Drug
Aebi M F, Aromaa K, Aubusson de Cavarlay B, Control and Crime Prevention. USA: Oxford
BarclayG,Gruszczynska B, Hofer Hvon, Hysi UniversityPress,43Ǧ64.
V, Jehle JǦM, Smit P and Tavares C 2006.
Tavares C, Thomas G 2009. Crime and Criminal
European Sourcebook of Crime and Criminal
Justice. Population and social conditions.
JusticeStatistics–2006.DenHaag:Boom.
StatisticsinFocus36/2009.Eurostat.
Alvazzi del Frate A 2005. Trends in Crime. In
vanDijkJ,vanKesterenJ,SmitP2007.Criminal
TrendsinCrimeandJustice.March2005.(Not
Victimisation in International Perspective.
published),55Ǧ100.
Key Findings from the 2004Ǧ2005 ICVS and
Aromaa K, Heiskanen M (eds.) 2008. Crimeand EU ICS. Onderzoek en beleid 257. WODC:
CriminalJusticeSystemsinEuropeandNorth DenHaag.
America1995Ǧ2004.HEUNIPublicationSeries
http://www.interpol.int/public/vehicle/default.a
No.55.Helsinki:HakapainoOy.
sp,5.11.2009.
Barclay G, Rose M, Rubin M 2009. Police data.
SecretaryǦGeneral's study on violence against
Forum on Crime and Society. Volume 5,
women. http://www.un.org/womenwatch/
Number1,2006.UNODC,131Ǧ135.
daw/vaw/violenceagainstwomenstudydoc.
Heiskanen M 2008. Persons Brought into Initial pdf, 6.11.2009. SecretaryǦGeneral's study on
Contact with the Police. In Aromaa K, violenceagainstwomen.
HeiskanenM(eds.)2008.CrimeandCriminal
35
AnnexBtochapter2
Table 1. Assault and major assault rates in different countries (police recorded assaults/100,000
population)4
Median - highest Quartile (3) Assault Above the highest Quartile (4) Assault Major
Country total Major assault Country total assault
Algeria (2006) 108.6 91.8 Argentina (2006/-) 366.4 0.0
Brunei Darussalam (2006) 119.5 0.8 Australia (2003/2006) 797.0 3.1
Denmark (2006/2004) 214.1 26.7 Austria (2006/-) 440.3 ..
Dominican Republic (2006/-) 155.1 .. Bahrain (2006/2004) 464.7 5.9
Estonia (2006) 291.5 10.5 Barbados (2000) 611.9 109.3
France (2000) 180.1 0.3 Belgium (2004/-) 627.2 ..
Hungary (2004) 127.0 80.7 Canada (2006) 737.5 173.8
Ireland (2006) 93.9 93.9 Chile (2004) 531.3 49.4
Italy (2006) 123.7 100.3 England and Wales (2006) 1365.3 32.2
Jordan (2006) 273.1 11.5 Finland (2006) 586.9 39.1
Lithuania (2006) 131.2 10.0 Germany (2006) 619.9 183.1
Luxembourg (2002) 296.5 91.8 Iceland (2004) 394.0 20.2
Maldives (2004/2002) 212.6 15.0 Israel (2004) 763.3 50.3
Malta (2006) 272.9 27.5 Jamaica (2000) 421.9 220.0
Mexico (2006) 223.5 160.4 Mauritius (2006) 1044.9 9.8
Mongolia (2006) 144.0 16.3 Netherlands (2006/-) 351.8 ..
Morocco (2006) 186.0 113.3 New Zealand (2006) 839.4 150.4
Nicaragua (2006/-) 332.9 .. Northern Ireland (2006) 1426.0 70.3
Norway (2006) 346.0 69.1 Portugal (2006) 377.4 6.5
Occupied Palestinian Territory (2005) 174.7 14.4 Scotland (2006) 1655.1 127.5
Peru (2002) 99.9 70.3 South Africa (2002) 1188.0 576.5
Slovenia (2006) 120.2 1.0 Spain (2006/2000) 414.7 25.2
4
Thecountriesaredividedintofourgroupsofequalsizeaccordingtotherecordedassaultrate.Thecategory“belowthe1st
quartile”(lowerquartile)containsthose25%ofcountrieswithlowestrecordedcrimerate,thegroup“abovethe3rdquartile”
(upperquartile)the25%thathavehighestrate.
36
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
37
Table3.Raperatesindifferentcountries(policerecordedassaults/100.000population)
Median - highest Quartile (3) Rape Above the highest Quartile (4) Rape
38
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
(Contd.)
Finland (2006) 11.6 Mongolia (2006) 13.5
Germany (2006) 9.9 Namibia (2002) 15.1
Ireland (2006) 10.0 New Zealand (2006) 32.2
Italy (2006) 7.7 Nicaragua (2006) 27.6
Kazakhstan (2006) 10.4 Northern Ireland (2006) 26.2
Latvia (2006) 5.7 Norway (2006) 18.0
Lithuania (2006) 7.5 Panama (2006) 24.1
Luxembourg (2002) 8.7 Papua New Guinea (2000) 24.0
Malaysia (2000) 5.2 Peru (2004) 20.8
Netherlands (2006) 8.7 Republic of Korea (2004) 13.3
Paraguay (2006) 6.0 Scotland (2006) 18.0
Poland (2006) 5.2 South Africa (2002) 113.5
Republic of Moldova (2006) 6.2 Suriname (2004) 45.2
Romania (2006) 5.2 Swaziland (2004) 76.1
Sri Lanka (2004) 7.4 Sweden (2006) 40.6
Switzerland (2006) 8.5 United States of America (2006) 30.2
Thailand (2006) 8.0 Zimbabwe (2004) 40.0
Uruguay (2000) 9.8
Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of) (2000) 12.0
Mean 11.7
1st Quartile 2.4
Median 5.2
3 rd Quartile 12.2
39
Table4.Meanannualchangesintheraperates
40
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Table5.Robberyratesindifferentcountries(policerecordedassaults/100,000population)
41
Table6.Meanannualchangesintherobberyrates
42
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Table7.Burglaryratesindifferentcountries(policerecordedcases/100,000population)
43
Table8.Meanannualchangesintheburglaryrates
Table9.Motorvehicletheftratesindifferentcountries(policerecordedcases/100,000population)
44
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
(Contd.)
Syrian Arab Republic (2006) 4.5 Suriname (2004) 8.1
Tajikistan (2006) 0.6 Swaziland (2004) 27.5
Turkmenistan (2006) 0.0 Thailand (2006) 35.1
The Former Yugoslavian Republic of
Uganda (1997) 2.1 Macedonia (2006) 17.9
United Republic of Tanzania (1997) 0.8 Tunisia (2002) 17.6
Yemen (2000) 4.5 Ukraine (2006) 11.9
Zambia (2000) 7.6 United Arab Emirates (2006) 14.3
Zimbabwe (2000) 8.8
Median - highest Quartile (3) Above the highest Quartile (4)
Car theft Car theft
Argentina (2006) 84.9 Australia (2004) 436.2
Austria (2006) 78.5 Bahamas (1997) 334.0
Barbados (2000) 88.6 Bahrain (2006) 289.3
Bosnia and Herzegovina (2006) 64.5 Belgium (2004) 180.4
Brunei Darussalam (2006) 44.8 Canada (2006) 268.3
Bulgaria (2000) 99.0 Cyprus (2006) 211.1
Chile (2004) 57.9 Czech Republic (2006) 205.3
Colombia (2000) 83.3 Denmark (2006) 281.9
Costa Rica (2006) 127.4 England and Wales (2006) 360.0
Croatia (2006) 45.8 Finland (2006) 290.3
Ecuador (2006) 53.7 France (2004) 323.4
Estonia (2004) 46.5 Greece (2006) 138.6
Fiji (1997) 54.9 Iceland (2004) 150.3
Germany (2006) 51.4 Ireland (2004) 326.3
Guatemala (2000) 63.0 Israel (2004) 469.4
Hungary (2004) 73.8 Italy (2006) 475.0
Iran (2004) 134.9 Malaysia (2006) 315.3
Kuwait (1996) 57.3 Malta (2006) 144.4
Latvia (2006) 95.1 Netherlands (2006) 138.3
Lebanon (2006) 47.8 New Zealand (2006) 563.2
Lithuania (2006) 93.7 Northern Ireland (2006) 196.3
Luxembourg (2002) 128.4 Norway (2006) 312.6
Maldives (2004) 109.6 Portugal (2006) 231.3
Mauritius (2006) 79.6 Scotland (2006) 293.1
Mexico (2006) 136.8 South Africa (2002) 201.6
Poland (2006) 80.0 Spain (2006) 271.9
Saudi Arabia (2002) 85.4 Sweden (2006) 566.7
Slovakia (2006) 96.9 Switzerland (2006) 768.8
Slovenia (2006) 42.5 United States of America (2006) 390.2
Turkey (2006) 45.9 Uruguay (2004) 140.7
Mean 118
1st Quartile 4
Median 46
3rd Quartile 135
45
Table10.Meanannualchangesinthemotorvehicletheftrates
46
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Table11.Kidnappingratesindifferentcountries(policerecordedcases/100,000population)
Mean 1.7
1st Quartile 0.2
Median 0.5
3rd Quartile 1.9
47
48
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Chapter3– Drugcrime
Drug crime
StevenMalby*
Abstract
This chapter presents available policeǦrecorded data on drug crime. Whilst many forms of crime may
ultimately be driven by or related in some way to the use or effects of narcotic drugs or psychotropic
substances, mostcountriesalsoemployspecific lawsconcerning theproduction, use, purchaseandsaleof
drugs. It is offences under these specific laws with which this chapter is concerned. The chapter
demonstrates the challenges of collection and crossǦnational comparability of data on drug crime with
referencetoapplicableinternationaldefinitionsandthetranslationofsuchdefinitionsintonationallaws.It
explores regionaldifferences between the proportionof major to minor policeǦrecordeddrugoffencesand
examinesavailabletrendsindrugǦcrime.ItconcludesthatlevelsofpoliceǦrecordeddrugoffencesarelikely
driven as much by law enforcement policies and priorities concerning narcotic drugs and psychotropic
substancesastheyarebyunderlyinglevelsofdruguseandmarkets.
Introduction
Crimerecordedbylawenforcementagenciesmay Protocol), the Convention on Psychotropic
be directly or indirectly related to drugs. A Substances of 1971, and the United Nations
proportion of crimes such as robbery, theft, Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic
assault or burglary are driven by underlying DrugsandPsychotropicSubstancesof1988.Over
factors such as drug use. However, from a 95 percent of all States have chosen to become
statisticalpointofview,theextenttowhichdrug parties to the conventions. The conventions
use is responsible for such crimes is not easily require parties toestablishawide rangeofdrugǦ
capturedandrarelyformspartofofficialreports. relatedactivitiesascriminaloffences under their
On the other hand, law enforcement agencies in domesticlaw.
most countries produce and retain information
The Conventions do, however, grant some
onoffencesthatdirectlyinvolvenarcoticdrugsor
latitude with regard to the penalization of
psychotropicsubstances.
personalconsumptionǦrelatedoffences.Partiesto
Collecting and analyzing such data on a crossǦ the 1961 Convention, for example, are under
national basis presents a considerable challenge. obligation not to permit the possession of drugs
Nationaldrug lawsshowsignificantvariations in forpersonalnonǦmedicalconsumption.Partiesto
theextent to which the rangeof possibleactions the 1988 Convention are required to establish as
involving drugs (such as cultivation, possession, criminal offences activities preparatory to
use, or sale) are made into criminal offences. personal consumption (possession, purchase or
National laws further differ on the extent to cultivation),subjecttoeachparty’sconstitutional
which criminal sanctions apply according to the principlesandbasiclegalconcepts.
particular drug and the specific amount in
Analysis of the wording of the Conventions
question.
indicates that there is a sharp distinction
Guidance on appropriate definitions in this between offences related to drug trafficking and
respect may be obtained from the international offences related to personal use of illicit drugs.
frameworkfordrugcontrol.Thisconsistsofthree Thisdistinctioncanbeusedtodefinethreebroad
drugǦrelated treaties: The Single Convention on categories for data collection on offences
Narcotic Drugs of 1961 (as amended by the 1972 involvingdrugs:
*ResearchOfficer,UnitedNationsOfficeonDrugsandCrime(UNODC)
49
x DrugǦrelated crime (corresponding to all definition supplied was drawn from the
offencesinvolvingdrugs); international drug conventions and included
cultivation, production, manufacture, extraction,
x Drug possession/use (the ‘less serious’
preparation, offering for sale, distribution,
offence corresponding most closely to
purchase,sale,deliveryonany termswhatsoever,
personaluseoffences);and
brokerage, dispatch, dispatch in transit,
x Drugtrafficking(the‘moreserious’offence transport,importation,exportation,possessionor
corresponding more closely to the traffickingofinternationallycontrolleddrugs.
production, manufacture, delivery or sale of
The Tenth UNǦCTS (2005Ǧ2006) collected data
drugsnotforpersonaluse).
both on total drugǦrelated crime, and also on
drug trafficking, which it defined as ‘drug
offences, which are not in connection with
The Sixth to Tenth United Nations Surveys of
personal use’. The Eleventh UNǦCTS (2007Ǧ2008)
CrimeTrendsand Operationsof Criminal Justice
(datafromwhichisnotincludedinthisanalysis)
Systems (UNǦCTS), covering the years 1995 to
expanded thequestions further tocoverall three
2006, collected data on the first of these
categories – total drugǦrelated crime,
categories; total drugǦrelated crime. The
possession/use,anddrugtrafficking.
Drugcrimedatacollectionatthenationalandinternationallevel
Whilst the exact border between possession/use available, buying and possession. The law allows
and trafficking offences will differ as between the prosecutor or the court to drop a case with
countries, the use of these categories offers a respect to small quantities for personal
broad approach to data collection on less and consumption only. In addition to the ‘small
more serious drug offences. In national law and quantity’ provisions, the Act also specifies ‘large
practice, the distinction is likely to be made quantities’ (most important in Article 29a). In
either by reference to the quantity of drugs order to construct the number of drug
involvedorthroughthewayinwhichtheoffender ‘trafficking’ offences it is necessary to add the
operates (such as part of organized criminal relevant criminological categories of police
operations). The distinction may be set out in a statistics together from the general primary
separate ‘trafficking’ offence, or simply by an offence and the different qualified offences
additional criterion applied to a single general (Articles 29a to 30b, mainly covering aggravated
drugǦrelatedcrimeoffence. forms of trafficking, such as trafficking of large
quantities). These statistical categories include
For example, in Austria, offences akin to
illegal trade or smuggling, illegal importation of
‘trafficking’ are distinguished based on the
large quantities, cultivation, production or
quantityofdruginvolvedandan‘intentiontoput
trading,givingdrugstominors,andirresponsibly
it on the market’. The ‘trafficking’ offence is set
causingthedeathofanotherbygivinghimorher
outseparatelyinlaw(Articles28(narcoticdrugs)
drugs. Moreover, the distinction for these
and 31 (psychotropic substances) of the Narcotic
categories can be made with respect to either
Substances Act (Suchtmittelgesetz)) and Austria
‘medium’ quantities of drugs (not ‘small’ or
reportsoffencesrecordedunderArticles28and31
‘large’) or only in respect of ‘large quantities’. As
at the international level when asked for drug
shown in b ox 2 in this chapter, this distinction
‘trafficking’ offences under the definition ‘not
cancausedifficultiesinthecomparabilityofdata,
solely in connection with personal use’. A general
depending upon the approach adopted to
primary offence (Article 27) covers possession,
reporting of data at the international or regional
production, import, export and purchase of
level.
quantitiesthatdonotqualifyforthemoreserious
Article 28 offence. Article 27 further includes a Such examples illustrate the complexity of
‘personal use’ exception that allows for a lesser translating data recorded under national offence
sentenceinthecaseofpersonaluse. definitionsintofigureswithsomedegreeofcrossǦ
national comparability. Such differences are not
InGermany,ageneralprimaryoffence(Article29
limitedtothenationallevelonly however.Atthe
Narcotic Substances Act
international and regional level, a range of
(Betäubungsmittelgesetz)) covers all drugǦrelated
approachestodatacollectionondrugcrimeexist.
activities, including cultivation, production,
trade, import, export, sale, transfer, making
50
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Drug crime
UNODC ‘Annual Reports Questionnaire’used for definitionsandcountingunitapproaches.
datacollectionondrugissues,(iii)thecrimeand
Asshowninbox1,thiscanresult,forexample,in
criminal justice data collection of the Statistical
different data being provided for the same
Officeofthe EuropeanUnion (Eurostat),(iv)the
definition, or even the same data provided for
European Sourcebook of Crime and Criminal
different definitions. As such, reconciling data
Justice Statistics (European Sourcebook), and (v)
collected on drug crime by different crossǦ
data collected by the European Monitoring
national initiatives represents a significant
CentreforDrugsandDrugAddiction(EMCDDA).
challengeinunderstandingunderlyingchangesin
levels and trends of drug offences.
Table1.Definitions,unitsofcountandmetadatausedbyfivecrossͲnationaldatacollection
initiativesondrugcrime
Data Collection
UNCTS
Instrument
Geographic
All UN Member states
Coverage
Data Collection
Biennial
Frequency
Crime Category Definition applied Unit of Count Other Metadata
Cases/ Arrested Convicted
Offences
Total Intentional acts that involve the 9 9 9 Tick box for where definition
cultivation, production, manufacture, differs
extraction, preparation, offering for Free text comments field
sale, distribution, purchase, sale,
delivery on any terms whatsoever,
brokerage, dispatch, dispatch in
transit, transport, importation,
exportation and possession of
internationally controlled drugs
Use Drug offences related to drug use or 9 9 9 Tick box for where definition
possession for use (11th CTS only) differs
Free text comments field
Trafficking Drug offences, which are not in 9 9 9 Tick box for where definition
connection with personal use differs
Free text comments field
Data Collection
UN ARQ
Instrument
Geographic
All UN Member States
Coverage
Data Collection
Annual
Frequency
Crime Category Definition applied Unit of Count Other Metadata
Cases/ Arrested Convicted
Offences
51
Data Collection
Eurostat crime and criminal justice statistics
Instrument
EU-27
EU Candidate: HR, MK, TR
Geographic
EU Potential Candidate: AL, BiH, Kosovo under UNSCR 1244, Montenegro, Serbia
Coverage
EFTA/EEA: IS, LI, NO, CH
Other countries: Australia, Canada, Japan, New Zealand, Russian Federation, USA, South Africa
Data Collection
Annual
Frequency
Crime Category Definition applied Unit of Count Other Metadata
Cases/ Arrested Convicted
Offences
Total Data not collected
Data Collection
European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (EMCDDA)
Instrument
EU-27 (except HU & SK)
Geographic
EU Candidate: HR, TR (MK not reporting)
Coverage
EFTA/EEA: NO
Data Collection
Annual
Frequency
Crime Category Definition applied Unit of Count Other Metadata
Cases/ Arrested Convicted
Offences
Total Number of reports of all offences 9 9? Metadata by country for
against national drug legislation (use, statistical units and counting
possession, trafficking, etc.) – criminal rules [Unit of count varies by
and non criminal – reported by all law country between offences
enforcement agencies at national (all/main), persons (double
level during the year counting possible) and
cases(double counting
possible)], stage in the criminal
justice system of the statistics,
geographic coverage, details of
categories ‘other’, details on
deviations.
Data by drug type and broad
type of drug law offence (use,
supply)
Use The category 'Drug-related 9 9?
use/possession' refers to drug law
offences which are related to drug use
and/or possession for use. (PT-ES-IT-
52
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Drug crime
production or any other offence
related to these types of illicit activities
Use and supply The category 'Drug-related use and 9 9?
trafficking' refers to offences of use
and trafficking simultaneously (not
applicable when counting offences or
main offences); it may also refer to a
specific category existing in some
countries in their national monitoring
system.
In addition to exact definitions used, further having committed an offence, or persons
challenges arise from the counting unit used by ‘referred’ by the police to prosecutorial or
law enforcement authorities and requested by judicial authorities). Due to the challenges of
crossǦnational data collections. The UNǦCTS comparing ‘suspect’ data, the analysis in this
questionnaire,forinstance,requestsbothpoliceǦ chapter is limited to policeǦrecorded offences.
recorded drug ‘offences’ and ‘suspects’. The Theanalysis covers both most recent data (rates
definition of ‘suspects’ in particular may differ per 100,000 population) reported for as many
significantlyatdifferentstagesofthesystem(for countries as possible, in addition to trend
example, persons ‘suspected’ by the police of analysisforasmallerselectionofcountries.
ResponsesprovidedtotheUNͲCTS,EurostatandEuropeanSourcebookquestionsondrugtraffickingfortheyear
2006illustratethedatacollectionchallengesforthiscrimetype.Useofthesamedefinitionbytwoquestionnaires
(UNͲCTSandEurostat)resultedinthereportingofdifferentdatabySwitzerland.Incontrast,Denmarkreported
Box1.CrossͲnationaldatacollectionchallenges
approximatelythesamedatafortwodifferentdefinitions:
Samedefinition/differentdata:
Switzerland2006
th
10 CTS Eurostat
Drugtrafficking(‘notinconnection Drugtrafficking(‘notin
withpersonaluse’) connectionwithpersonaluse’)
47,001 6,296
Differentdefinitions/samedata:
Denmark2006
EuropeanSourcebook Eurostat(2008edition) EuropeanSourcebook
Possible reasons for such differences may include the fact that different national agencies respond to different
data collections, that data may refer to different points in time, and that lack of metadata in data collection
instrumentsdonotallowforcorrectinterpretationoffiguresprovided.Remediesincludeenrichingdatawithas
much additional information (metadata) as possible, in addition to the nomination of a single focal point
responsible for provision of data at the international or regional level. The inconsistencies shown above have
largelybeenresolvedinsubsequentyears.Switzerland,forexample,reviseditsfigurefordrugtraffickingfor2006
th
to6,296initslaterreportingtothe11 UNͲCTS.Denmarkreviseditsfigurefor2006fordrugtraffickingreported
toEurostatto2,917inthe2009editionofEurostatStatisticsinFocus.
53
RelationshipbetweentotaldrugͲrelatedcrimeanddrugtrafficking
Despite the challenges of drug crime data population. The range of responses for drug
recording and collection at national and traffickingoffencesshowsamaximumof628per
international level, it nonetheless remains 100,000 population and a minimum of 0.07 per
possibletocarryoutsomeanalysis,atleastwhen 100,000population.
dealingwithasingledatasourcesuchastheUNǦ
Caution must however be exercised in the
CTS.
interpretation of results. The number of drug
A first approach to analysis that may prove offencesrecorded isaproduct bothoftheextent
informative concerns the relationship between ofunderlyingdrugactivityandtheextentofdrug
overall,ortotal,drugǦrelatedcrime,andthemore enforcement activities. As a result, it is possible
serious end of the spectrum of drug crime, such that countries with relatively minor drug
as drug trafficking. Whilst drug trafficking problemscanhavedrugoffencerateshigherthan
offences are themselves often included in the thosewithverysevereones.
total number of drugǦrelated crime offences
Data published by UNODC in the World Drug
reported, examination of the relative size of the
Report 2009, for example, suggests that law
two numbers (total offences and trafficking
enforcement priorities play a particularly
offences) nonetheless provides some indication
important rolewhen itcomes to levelsof policeǦ
of the response of the criminal justice system to
recorded drug offences. Of all countries which
drugissues.
showed an increase in drug trafficking offences
Where a large number of, more minor, drug over a two year period, for example, almost 70
personal use offences are recorded, the total percent also showed an increase in possession
number of recorded drugǦrelated offences is offences (UNODC 2009). This strong association
likelytoberelativelylargeincomparisontodrug suggests that overall levels of recorded offences
trafficking offences. In comparison, where the may be driven by law enforcement priorities as
criminal justice system does not focus on more muchaschangesinthedrugsituationitself.
minor offences, drug trafficking offences may
Attheregional level,despitethe limited number
constitute a greater proportion of overall drugǦ
ofcountries forwhichdata isavailable (Africa, 4
relatedcrime.
countries; Americas, 6 countries; Asia, 14
ThetableintheAnnextothischaptershowsrates countries; Europe, 26 countries) some patterns
per 100,000 population of policeǦrecorded total cannonethelessbeidentified.
drugǦrelated crime and drug trafficking as
Figure 1 shows policeǦrecorded rates per 100,000
reported to the UNǦCTS, for the latest available
population for both total drugǦrelated offences
year after 2000. As noted above, data for drug
anddrugtraffickingoffences.
trafficking were only collected by the Tenth UNǦ
CTS,coveringtheyears2005and2006. Median rates of policeǦrecorded drug trafficking
offencesarereasonablycomparable.Thisislikely
Data from some 109 countries for which
due to the somewhat more restricted definition
informationisavailableindicatesthatthemedian
of this crime, than the more general ‘total drugǦ
rate for total drugǦrelated offences (latest
relatedoffences’.
available year, 2002Ǧ2006) is 45 per 100,000
population. PoliceǦrecordeddrugtraffickingratesper100,000
population were highest in Europe (around 30
In contrast, the median rate for drug trafficking
per 100,000 population) and lowest in Asia
offences(55countries,latestavailableyear,2005Ǧ
(around10per100,000population).Ratesoftotal
2006)is20per100,000population.
policeǦrecorded drugǦrelated crime showed
Both measures, however, show a huge range of considerablygreatervariabilitywithaparticularly
values. Total drugǦrelated offences show a high number of drugǦrelated crime offences in
maximum of 868 per 100,000 population and a Europe (over 80 per 100,000 population) as
minimum reported value of 0.15 per 100,000 comparedwithotherregions.
54
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure 1. Median regional drug trafficking and total drugͲrelated offence rates (2005/2006) per
100,000population
90
Drug crime
Rateper100,000population (medianforregion)
Drugtrafficking
80
DrugͲrelatedcrime
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Africa(4 Americas(6 Asia(14 Europe(26
countries) countries) countries) countries)
In interpretation of the results, it should be countries of Europe on less serious offences
noted that reporting practices differed as relative to more serious offences than in other
between respondent States with respect to regionsoftheworld.
whether numbers for the more serious
Furtherexplorationofthelinkbetweenlevelsof
‘trafficking’ offence were included in the ‘total’
policeǦrecorded total drugǦrelated crime and
drugǦrelatedcrimefigure.
drugtraffickingshowsaweakassociation.Figure
Nonetheless, in general, whether trafficking was 2showsascatterplotofratesofpoliceǦrecorded
includedinthetotalornot,itcanbeconsidered total drugǦrelated crime (x) against policeǦ
thatthemajorityofthe‘totaldrugǦrelatedcrime’ recordeddrugtrafficking(y)forthe51countries
figure likely corresponds to the less serious (excluding 2outliers) that reported both figures
possession/use offence. This would suggest that totheTenthUNǦCTS.
lawenforcement placea greateremphasis in the
55
Figure2.PoliceͲrecordeddrugͲrelatedcrimeanddrugͲtrafficking,byregion(eachdatapointcorrespondsto
onecountry)
Figure 2 shows a range of values of policeǦ result in a different ratio of overall drugǦrelated
recorded drug trafficking compared to policeǦ crimetodrugtrafficking.
recorded total drugǦrelated crime. In very
Figure 2 suggests that such variability is greater
general terms however, at the national level,
for countries in Europe, than for Africa, the
increased levels of policeǦrecorded drugǦrelated
Americas and Asia. Countries in East and South
crime do seem to go handǦinǦhand with
East Europe, for example, show rates of drug
increased levels of policeǦrecorded drug
traffickingoffencesthatare muchcloser tototal
traffickingoffences.
drugǦrelated crime than those for countries in
Both the broad correlation and variability can West and Central Europe. This likely indicates
likely be explained by a combination of either different distinctions between less and
underlying drug use/trafficking levels and the more serious drug offences in criminal laws, or
range of law enforcement priorities. A higher differentlawenforcementprioritiesinpractice.
underlying level of drug use naturally requires
Overall, figure 2 shows that a large range of
cultivation, manufacture, import, handling and
national approaches lie behind the global
sale of drugs. Assuming equal distribution of
median values of 45 offences per 100,000
policeresourcesacrosscrimetypes,thismaywell
population for total drugǦrelated crime and 20
be ref lected in increased contact of both drug
offences per 100,000 population for drug
traffickers and drug users with law enforcement
trafficking (a ratio of around 2:1). A number of
officers.
factorsmaymeanthatinanyindividualcountry,
On the other hand, in some countries, national law enforcement authorities could record up to
drug policies that specifically target the more more than one hundred times as many total
serious drug offences, such as trafficking, may drugǦrelated offences as drug trafficking
offences.
56
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Countryexample:Germany FigureI.TotalDrugͲrelatedcrime(Germany,1997Ͳ2008)
Data reported by Germany 350000
to a number of crossͲ
national data collection
Drug crime
initiatives well exemplify the 300000
challenges of data collection
on drug crime. Figures I and
IIshowcountsfortotaldrugͲ 250000
Box2.DrugͲcrimedatacollectionchallenges(Countryexample:Germany)
Countreported
drug trafficking (figure II)
200000
reported to four different
sources for the period 1997
to2008. 150000
The four sources used in
figures I and II are the 100000
United Nations Survey of
CrimeTrendsandOperations
of Criminal Justice Systems
50000
(UNͲCTS),theUnitedNations
drug Annual Reports 0
Questionnaire(UNͲARQ),the 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008
CTSisconsistentlyaround25
Countreported
60000
percent lower than the
number of recorded
offences. Whilst the number
50000
approximateagreementwith
suspectandoffencedata. UNͲCTS(Offences) Eurostat(Offences)
ESB(Offences) ESB(AggravatedOffences)
UNͲARQ
Figure II shows data reported to the UNͲCTS, European Sourcebook and Eurostat for drug trafficking offences. Two
broad categories of data reporting are apparent – drug trafficking and aggravated drug trafficking. The European
Sourcebookcorrespondentreportedaggravatedtraffickinginsteadoftotaltraffickinguntil2002,whereafterfigures
reportedareclosertodrugtraffickingcountsreportedtotheUNͲCTSandEurostat.Nonetheless,between2003and
2008,thereisnoclearagreementonthecountofpoliceͲrecordeddrugͲtraffickingoffencesbetweendatareportedto
the UNͲCTS, Eurostat, UNͲARQ and the European Sourcebook. Counts corresponding to aggravated trafficking were
reportedtotheUNͲARQforoneyear(2002)butcorrespondmorecloselytothebroaderdrugtraffickingcategoryfor
allotheryears.
57
TrendsindrugͲrelatedcrime
In addition to comparison of levels of total withthemajorityofcountrieslocatedinCentral
recorded drugǦrelated offences and recorded and Eastern Europe. Despite this limited subset
drug trafficking offences, a second productive of countries, analysis of national level data on
approach to analysis concerns examination of drugǦrelated crime shows a clear emerging
trendsindrugcrime. picture.
Whilst absolute levels of policeǦrecorded drugǦ Figure 3 shows trends in drugǦrelated crime
related crime and drug trafficking may be compared to trends in robbery for 20 countries
particularly challenging to interpret, changes (Canada, Belarus, Bulgaria, Czech Republic,
over time may nonetheless be more accurately Englandand Wales, Finland, Germany, Hungary,
followed. Even trends monitoring, however, is Japan, Latvia, Lithuania, Mauritius, Poland,
dependent upon the maintenance over time of Portugal, Republic of Moldova, Romania,
equivalent policeǦrecording systems within a Russian Federation (robbery only), Slovakia,
country. Slovenia,andSwitzerland)fortheperiod1995to
2008 as reported to the UNǦCTS. The medianof
LongǦterm trends monitoring further requires
the rates of each crime type was calculated for
consistent periodic reporting by Member States
each year, followed by ‘normalization’ to a
attheinternationallevel.
starting value of 100 for the year 1995. As such,
Over a ten year period, the number of Member the figure shows percentage change for each
States for which data on drugǦrelated crime is subsequentyear,comparedtotheinitialyear.
available for each year is comparatively small,
Figure3.TrendsintotaldrugͲrelatedcrimeandrobberyin20countries(Median,1995Ͳ2008)
400
350
300
250
200
150
Basis:
1995=100 100
50
0
1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005
DrugͲrelatedcrime Robbery
The pattern is quite striking. Whereas policeǦ Such trends cannot, however, be interpreted as
recorded rates of robbery stayed reasonably indicative of changes in the underlying amount
constant over the time period, policeǦrecorded of drug crime in these countries. Rather, it is
drugǦrelated crime increased some threeǦfold. likelythattheincreaseisduetoacombinationof
58
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
both changes in underlying drug levels and law figure 3above) forcocaineat least from the late
enforcement activity. Policy considerations may ninetiesuntilaround2007(UNODC2009).
result, for example, in increased police and law
enforcement focus on relatively minor offences, Thepatternisalsointerestingwhenviewedfrom
including drug possession/use. Whilst drugǦ the individual country perspective. Figure 4
Drug crime
related crime has almost certainly received shows relativelysimilaroverall increases in total
increased attention by law enforcement drugǦrelated crime reported to the UNǦCTS for
authoritiesinthepastdecade,drugdemanddata the period 1995 to 2008 in four countries with
nonetheless does show rising demand in reasonable geographic dispersion: Canada,
countriesinEurope(includingcountriesusedin Finland,GermanyandMauritius.
Figure4.TrendsintotaldrugͲrelatedcrimeinselectedcountries
200
150
Basis:
1995=100 100
50
0
1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007
Germany Finland
Canada Mauritius
Summaryandconclusions
PoliceǦrecorded data on drug crime is typically drug ‘possession/use’ and a more serious offence
collected by countries using categories inspired, of ‘drug trafficking’. At the regional level,
at least in part, by definitions found in the comparison of median levels of policeǦrecorded
international drug control conventions. These total drugǦrelated crime and drug trafficking for
include ‘total’ drugǦrelated crime and the countrieswheredataisavailableshowsignificant
distinction between the more minor offence of differences as between regions. PoliceǦrecorded
59
drug trafficking rates per 100,000 population Indeed,trendanalysis incountrieswithavailable
were highest in Europe (around 30 per 100,000 data suggests that a number of geographicallyǦ
population) and lowest in Asia (around 10 per dispersed countries show broadly equivalent
100,000 population). Rates of total policeǦ increasing trends in drugǦrelated crime,
recordeddrugǦrelatedcrimeshowedconsiderably supporting the proposition that such changes
greater variability with a particularly high may be related to law enforcement activity.
numberofdrugǦrelatedcrimeoffences in Europe Analysis of trend data from individual countries
(over 80 per 100,000 population) as compared using multiple sources further highlights the
withotherregions. Caution must beexercised in challenges in collection and reporting of drug
interpretation of such results however. The crime data. A number of crossǦnational sources
content of data reported as drugǦtrafficking areseentoreportnonǦidenticaldataforthesame
offencesdifferssignificantlyasbetweencountries definitionandsameyearforthesamecountry.
in terms of the range of actions (such as
Improvementofdataaccuracyandavailabilityon
production, selling, transport) that are included
drug crime requires careful use of definitions in
and the seriousness threshold (such as
crossǦnational data collection instruments and
weight/amount of drug or intent to supply). In
the inclusion of additional questions (metadata)
addition, overall numbers of police recorded
in order to understand the content of offence
offences are likely to be as related to law
counts reported by national law enforcement
enforcement policiesandactivitiesas theyare to
authorities.
underlyinglevelsofdruguseandmarkets.
References
AebiMF, Aromaa K, Aubusson de Cavarlay B, Smit P and Thorisdottir R 2010. European
BarclayG,Gruszczyñska B, Hofer Hvon,HysiV, Sourcebook of Crime and Criminal Justice
Jehle JǦM, Killias M, Smit P, Tavares C 2003. Statistics–2010,4thedition.DenHaag:Boom.
European Sourcebook of Crime and Criminal
EuropeanMonitoringCentreforDrugsandDrug
Justice Statistics – 2003, 2ndedition. Den Haag:
Addiction 2009. Drug lawoffences. Available at:
Boom.
http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/stats09/dlo
AebiMF, Aromaa K, Aubusson de Cavarlay, B,
Eurostat2009.StatisticsinFocus36/2009,Crime
Barclay,G,GruszczyñskaB,vonHoferH,HysiV,
andCriminalJustice.
JehleJǦM,KilliasM,SmitP,TavaresC.European
Sourcebook of Crime and Criminal Justice Eurostat2008.StatisticsinFocus19/2008,Crime
Statistics2006.3rdedition.DenHaag:Boom. andCriminalJustice.
AebiMF,Aubusson de Cavarlay B, Barclay G, UNODC 2009 World Drug Report. DrugǦrelated
Gruszczyñska B, Harrendorf S, Heiskanen M, crimedatapublishedinStatisticalAnnex.
HysiV,JaquierV,JehleJǦM,KilliasM,ShostkoO,
60
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Annextochapter3
Table1.DrugͲrelatedcrimeanddrugtraffickingoffences(ratesper100,000population)reportedto
theUNͲCTS,latestavailableyear
Drug crime
Drug-Related Crime Drug Trafficking
61
Drug-Related Crime Drug Trafficking
62
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Drug crime
Turkey 4 2006 4 2006
Austria 24 2006
Belgium 427 2004
Cyprus 77 2006 24 2006
Czech Rep. 29 2006 22 2006
Denmark 374 2006 2 2006
Estonia 73 2006
Finland 253 2006 92 2006
France 57 2004
Germany 310 2006 74 2006
Greece 74 2006
Hungary 66 2004
Iceland 574 2004
Ireland 85 2006
Italy 55 2006 40 2006
Latvia 44 2006
63
64
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Chapter4– Complexcrimes
Complex crimes
AnnaAlvazzidelFrate*
Abstract
Thischapterpresentsavailabledataon ‘complexcrimes’, i.e.acategoryofcrimeswhichare legallydefined
and identified by national and international law, but hardly fall into the category of ‘volume’ crime. Yet,
suchcrimesare highlyrelevant fromapolicypointofview,sincethey may beconsideredamongthe most
serious threats to stability of any country, and are often transnational in their nature, thus affecting more
than one country at the same time. Organized crime, trafficking in persons, smuggling of migrants,
currency counterfeiting and corruption are surely considered among the most dangerous crimes affecting
societies but their seriousness cannot be assessed by their frequency in administrative statistics.
Nevertheless, awareness of the dimensionsof such phenomena may be crucial for the development of any
prevention and control strategy. However, the current availability of data, especially administrative
statistics, on such crimes is particularly limited, thus making the analysis and understanding of the
dimensionsandcharacteristicsofcrimeproblemsaverydifficulttask.
Introduction
An accurate description of the crime situation simple to count how many homicides are
requires development of statistics and research committed, counting episodes in trafficking in
that reveal the nature and extent of both personsrequireseitheralegislativeconstructthat
‘conventional’crimeandorganized,transnational criminalizes trafficking or splitting the concept
or complex crimes. Organized crime, trafficking into the different crimes which may be
in persons, smuggling of migrants, bribery/ committed in the course of the more complex
corruption and counterfeited currency were trafficking action. Administrative data are useful
covered by the Tenth United Nations Survey of toanalysetheavailabilityofstatisticsoncriminal
CrimeTrendsandOperationsofCriminalJustice justice response to these phenomena. Some of
Systems(UNǦCTS)forthefirsttime. these crimes have recently been defined by
international law (UN Convention against
Thesetypesofcrimearefrequentlycomposedby
TransnationalOrganizedCrimeanditsProtocols,
morethanasingleaction,oftenacombinationof
UN Convention Against Corruption), which
different illicit behaviours (thus ‘complex’
foresees criminalization of specific illicit
crimes).Itisnoteasy,andactuallynotadvisable,
behaviours. Once the new types of crime are
to measure them by using administrative
translated into domestic criminal law – as is the
statistics. Indeed, inǦdepth research and
case, for example, when countries introduce a
populationǦbased surveys may be better tools to
specific crime of trafficking in persons after
assess the extent of these phenomena. While
ratifying the TOC convention – the new
most ‘conventional’ crimes correspond to quite
legislation may be used in some cases instead of
simple behaviours (killing, stealing and raping
other types of crime. On the other hand, it may
are almost universal concepts), some crime
happen that courts tend to continue using old
definitions are so complex that it is extremely
legislation even in the presence of new specific
difficulttotranslatethemintosingleacts.
formsofcrime.
Simpler acts are more likely to be measured as
they occur. In practice, whilst it is relatively
*ResearchOfficer,UnitedNationsOfficeonDrugsandCrime(UNODC)
65
In both scenarios it will be relatively difficult to may be registered under the new category. This
analysetrends.Fromthestatisticalpointofview, maydependonlackofadequateinformationand
every time new specific legislation is adopted to training on the application of the new legal
deal with a ‘complex’ type of crime and relevant instruments. Furthermore, due to the absence of
data are collected, a drop in another type of trend data, criminological interpretation of
offence is likely to beobserved. On thecontrary, statistics on new types of offences may be
in cases where new legislation may be initially particularlydifficult.
difficult to use for the judiciary, very few cases
Organizedcrime,traffickinginpersonsandsmugglingofmigrants
In principle, transnational organized crime is A.Participationinorganizedcriminalgroups
better defined at the international level than the
The definition of participation in organized
majority of ‘conventional’ or ‘volume’ crime.
criminal groups was taken from the UNTOC. It
International instruments such as the United
may apply to anyone who, being aware of the
Nations Convention on Transnational Organized
group’s criminal objectives, becomes involved in
Crime (UNTOC) ref lect consensus on the core
activities that contribute to the achievement of
elementsoforganizedcrime.TheUNTOCandits
such objectives. Statistics were collected at the
Protocols on Trafficking in persons and
police, prosecution and courts level. Figure 1
Smuggling of migrants include several types of
shows that relatively few countries were able to
illicitbehaviourswhichshouldbecriminalizedin
respond. ThirtyǦsix countries provided statistics
all countries ratifying these international
of police recorded crimes for the years 2005Ǧ06,
instruments. (United Nations 2003) Relevant
38providedprosecutionstatisticsfor2005and37
crimes included in the 10th UNǦCTS were the
for2006,whilecourtdataweretheleastavailable,
following: a) participation in organized criminal
with only 31 countries for both 2005 and 2006.
groups,b)traffickinginpersonsandc)smuggling
However, only some 20 countries confirmed that
of migrants. Definitions of these crimes are
the definition applied by the UNǦCTS matched
presentedinbox1.
theonetheyhadbeenusingatthenationallevel.
th
DefinitionsofParticipationinorganizedcriminalgroups,HumanTraffickingandSmugglingofMigrantsinthe10 UNͲCTS:
Box1.UNͲCTScrimesfromtheUNConventiononTransnationalOrganizedCrime
Participationinorganizedcriminalgroups
“Participationinorganizedcriminalgroups”maybeunderstoodasparticipatingintheactivitiesofanorganized
criminalgroupand/ororganizing,directing,aiding,abetting,facilitatingorcounsellingseriouscrimesinvolving
organizedcriminalgroups.Thisdefinitionmayapplytoanyonewho,beingawareofthegroup’scriminal
objectives,becomesinvolvedinactivitiesthatcontributetotheachievementofsuchobjectives.When
applicable,referencemaybemadetotheprovisionsoftheUnitedNationsConventionagainstTransnational
OrganizedCrime.
HumanTrafficking
“HumanTrafficking”maybeunderstoodtomeantherecruitment,transportation,transfer,harbouringor
receiptofpersons,bymeansofthreatoruseofforceorotherformsofcoercion,ofabduction,offraud,of
deception,ofabuseofpowerorpositionofvulnerabilityorofgivingorreceivingpaymentsorbenefitsto
achievetheconsentofapersonhavingcontroloveranotherperson,forthepurposeofexploitation.When
applicablereferencemaybemadetotheprovisionsoftheProtocoltoPrevent,Suppress,andPunish
TraffickinginPersons,supplementingtheUnitedNationsConventionagainstTransnationalOrganizedCrime.
Smugglingofmigrants
“Smugglingofmigrants”maybeunderstoodtomeantheprocurement,inordertoobtain,directlyor
indirectly,afinancialorothermaterialbenefitsofillegalentryintothecountryofapersonwhoisnota
nationalorapermanentresident.WhenapplicablereferencemaybemadetotheprovisionsoftheProtocol
againsttheSmugglingofMigrantsbyLand,SeaandAirsupplementingtheUnitedNationsConventionagainst
TransnationalOrganizedCrime.
66
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure 1. Number of countries responding to the Similar rates were observed in prosecution
10th UNͲCTS question on participation in statistics, with a median rate of approximately 1
organizedcriminalgroups personprosecutedper 100,000 population (0.9 in
Complex crimes
2005and 1.0 in 2006). Only 13outof 31reporting
countries showed an increase between 2005 and
2006. The distribution across the categories
largelyref lected thatobservedat the police level,
with 40% of the countries below 1 per 100,000
pop., 40% between 1 and 5, and 20% above 5 per
100,000 population. Participation in organized
criminal groups is of high relevance for the
criminal justice system, and is more likely to
appearinpersonǦbasedratherthanoffenceǦbased
statistics.Asthetypeofcrimewouldsuggest,the
numberofoffendersislikelytobelargerthanthe
numberofoffences,thusexplainingtherelatively
high rates and no attrition observed at the
prosecution level. However, at the court level,
rates of persons convicted fall to a median of 0.3
per100,000population(bothin2005and2006).
It is difficult to draw conclusions about the
frequency of this crime on the basis of the
available statistics. At the police level, high B.Traffickinginpersons
variations can be observed between countries,
Specific legislation on trafficking in persons was
with a median rate of 0.9 crimes per 100,000
passed in many countries pursuant to the entry
population in 2005 and 1.4 in 2006. Figure 2
intoforceoftheProtocoltoPrevent,Suppressand
shows the distribution of countries in five
Punish Trafficking in Persons (December 2003).
categories depending on the observed rate in
The number of countries having specific antiǦ
2006,withthecategorybelow1crimeper100,000
traffickinglegislationmorethandoubledbetween
population counting 18 countries, i.e. half of the
2003 and 2008 (UNODC 2009). Still, many
responses received. Approximately one third of
countriesmayuselegislationonspecificformsor
the countries showed rates above 2 per 100,000
aspects of trafficking in persons to criminalize
population,with7countries(19%)abovefive.The
this phenomenon. For example, laws on slavery,
observedtrendtowardsincrease,althoughlimited
sexualor labourexploitation,orchild protection,
to two years, is determined by half of the
may be applied instead or in the absence of
countries, while in the other half the observed
specificlegislationontrafficking.
ratesweremostlystable.
The measurement of trafficking in persons is the
object of considerable attention at the
Figure 2. Participation in organized criminal international level. Criminal justice data alone
groups, police recorded offences. Number and cannot measure the extent of human trafficking
percentage of countries responding to the Tenth f lows,whichwouldrequireabroaderapproachto
United Nations Survey of Crime Trends and include surveyǦbased information. Criminal
OperationsofCriminalJusticeSystems(UNͲCTS), justicestatistics maydealwithvictims (trafficked
bycategory,2006 persons)andoffenders.Bycollectinginformation
from a wide range of sources in 111 countries, the
UNODC Global Report on Trafficking in Persons
3,8.3%
found over 21,400 identified victims of human
traffickingfortheyear2006.
4,11.1% Below1per100,000population
67
that responses to the Police section were more C.Smugglingofmigrants
numerousthanthosetotheotherparts,andwere
A slightly lower number of countries were able to
received from 51 countries as regards the year
provide data on smuggling of migrants than on
2005and52asregards2006.
trafficking in persons. Figure 4 shows that only 45
In many countries (33 out of 52 in 2006), the countries could provide data on the question about
definition applied by the UNǦCTS was the same police recorded offences for the year 2006 (33 of
used in national statistics, thus demonstrating whichconfirmedusingthesamedefinitionasinthe
the increased availability of data on this specific UN protocol). Many less countries could provide
formofcrime. dataonprosecution (39 fortheyear 2005and 37 for
2006) and courts (35 for 2005 and 34 for 2006). As
wasthecaseforhumantrafficking,themedianrates
Figure 3. Number of countries responding to the
per 100,000 population are very low (1.4 police
10thUNͲCTSquestionontraffickinginpersons
recorded offences, 1 person prosecuted and 0.7
persons convicted for the year 2006). Contrary to
trafficking in persons, the two countries with the
highratesofrecordedoffencesin2006(131.1and61.5
per 100,000 population respectively) were using the
samedefinitionaspertheUNProtocol.
Figure 4. Number of countries responding to the
10thUNͲCTSquestiononsmugglingofmigrants
As regards the actual crime levels observed, it
should be noted that the seriousness of these
crimes cannot be measured by their frequency,
especially as regards the number of incidents
recordedoroffendersarrested. In 2006,a median
of0.2per100,000populationwasobservedatthe
police and prosecution level, while the median
rateatthecourtlevelwas0.1per100,000pop.The
highest rate of police recorded offences (49.4 per
100,000 population, almost 7 times higher than
thesecondhighestrateof7.8)wasactuallyfroma
country in which the UNTOC definition was not
used,thusthehighernumberofoffencesrecorded
mayindeedrefertodifferenttypesofcrime.
68
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Briberyandcorruption
Data based on reported cases of bribery/ Convention dealing with criminalization, have
Complex crimes
corruption usually do not ref lect the real extent been used in the 10th UNǦCTS to formulate
of corruption. Administrative statistics on questions aimed at collecting relevant statistics.
bribery and corruption cannot provide much Activecorruptionreferstothesituationinwhich
information on the extent of the phenomenon. acitizenoracompanyactivelyseeksfavoursfrom
Nevertheless, it is important to look at them in a public official by promising or offering other
ordertoconsiderthecriminaljusticeresponseto favours, gifts or money. Passive bribery/
behaviourswhichhaverecentlybeentheobjectof corruption instead is the case in which a public
international treaties (UN Convention Against official who is in the position to provide
Corruption)andgainedmorevisibilityintheeyes advantages or favours to private citizens or
ofthepublic. companies, requests them for gifts, money or
otherfavoursinexchange.
The UNCAC concepts of ‘active’ and ‘passive’
bribery(see box2),includedinallarticlesofthe
TheUNConventionAgainstCorruption(UNCAC)providesabroadframeworkforthecriminalizationofcorruptbehaviours.In
particular,itispossibletoidentifythetwoaspectsof‘active’and‘passive’bribery.
Box2.Briberyandcorruption:definitions
Briberyand/orcorruption
“Briberyand/orcorruption”maybeunderstoodtomeanrequestingand/oraccepting
materialorpersonalbenefits,orthepromisethereof,inconnectionwiththe
performanceofapublicfunctionforanactionthatmayormaynotbeaviolationoflaw
and/orpromisingaswellasgivingmaterialorpersonalbenefitstoapublicofficerin
exchangeforarequestedfavour.Whereappropriate,referencemaybemadetothe
provisionsoftheUnitedNationsConventionagainstCorruption.
Activebribery Passivebribery
Thepromise,offeringorgiving,toapublicofficial, Thesolicitationoracceptancebyapublicofficial,
directlyorindirectly,ofanundueadvantage,for directlyorindirectly,ofanundueadvantage,for
theofficialhimselforherselforanotherpersonor theofficialhimselforherselforanotherpersonor
entity,inorderthattheofficialactorrefrainfrom entity,inorderthattheofficialactorrefrainfrom
actingintheexerciseofhisorherofficialduties. actingintheexerciseofhisorherofficialduties.
Source:UNCAC,UnitedNationsConventionagainstCorruption(GeneralAssemblyresolution58/4,Annex),ChapterIII,Criminalizationandlawenforcement.
Datafromthe10thUNǦCTSthereforedealwith 5). Among them, more than half confirmed that
totalrecordedoffencesatthepolicelevelfora) their definitions matched those provided by the
bribery/corruption, b) active bribery, and c) UNǦCTS. Thirteen countries specified that no
passive bribery. Availability of detailed distinction between active and passive
statistics is still limited, nevertheless 53 bribery/corruption exists in their countries. One
countries wereable to provide dataon general countryspecifiedthatwhilethedistinctionexistsin
offences related to bribery/corruption, 35 on thelaw,noseparatestatisticsarecollected.
activebriberyand30onpassivebribery(figure
69
Figure5.Numberofcountriesrespondingtothe nature and extent of corruption is necessary to
10th UNͲCTS questions on corruption, police assessitsimpactoneconomyanddevelopmentas
recordedoffences well as for monitoring trends. In this context,
UNODC has developed a ‘package’ of surveys
100 capable of providing information on the
90 experience and perception of corruption events,
80 risk factors, modalities of corruption, and
Numberofrespondingcountries
70 attitudes on integrity. Such surveys may be
60
53 53 targeted to the general population, to the
50 business sector, to civil servants, or to specific
40 35 34 32
government institutions, such as the justice
31
30 sector.
20
Samplepopulationsurveys,whenconducted ina
10
methodologicallysoundmanner,cansupplement
0
Corruption Activebribery Passivebribery information on the proportion of individuals (or
enterprises)thatpaidabribeinthepreviousyear,
2005 2006
the characteristics of victims and perpetrators,
changes inthe levelofcorruptionovertime,and
Themedianrateforthegeneralcrimeofbribery/ the sectors/regions most affected by corruption.
corruption is 1.3 per 100,000 population, while Results from recent surveys conducted in five
activeandpassivebriberyshowedratesof0.6and African countries, for example, indicated that
0.7 per 100,000 population respectively. The between around 30 percent and 3 percent of
majority of countries showed a rate below 1 per respondents had paid a bribe to a public official
100,000 population, while only 6 countries had inthe12monthsbeforethesurvey(seefigure6).
rates above 10 per 100,000 population. In many (UNODC 2009a) Survey results also suggest that
countries, the small number of cases reported bribes paid by businesses are more frequently
may depend on the difficulty of considering paid to some government sectors, including the
corruption as a matter for the police. Indeed, police and medical sectors, than to other
somecountrieshaveestablishedspecializedantiǦ institutions, such as tax or municipal officials.
corruptionauthorities. Inorder toobtaina more Further survey responses indicated that police
comprehensive picture it would be important to investigations and traffic offences were typical
capture incidents reported to such authorities as situationsinwhichbribeshadbeenpaid.
well.
A number of alternative approaches to
Figure 6. Percentage of survey respondents
administrative statistics have been developed.
(individuals and/or businesses) who were
Several attempts at measuring the worldwide
requested to pay at least one bribe over the
extent of corruption have been made, both in
previousyear,bycountry(UNODC2008Ͳ09)
broadcontextsandspecificareas.Theseattempts
include the use of populationǦbased surveys and
the production of composite indices, such as the Uganda
31
Corruption Perception Index of Transparency
Tanzania
International. Increased information on the 26
Egypt
18
CapeVerde 3
4
Rwanda
3 Businesses
Individuals
Nigeria 10
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35
Percentageofrespondingcountries
70
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Counterfeitedcurrency
Aquestiononcounterfeitcurrencywasincluded increasededucationandawarenessbymerchants
Complex crimes
for the first time in the 10th UNǦCTS. According andretailersindetectingcounterfeitbills,andto
to Interpol,thecrimeofcounterfeitingcurrency law enforcement efforts”. (UNODC 2008) The
continuestopresentaseriousdangertonational majority of countries (44) indicated that the
economies, as well as financial losses to definition in use matched that provided by the
consumers. Interpol used to collect statistics on questionnaire. Interestingly, one country
this type of crime. Upon discontinuation of the specified that the counting unit was each single
Interpolseriesin2004,UNODCagreedtoinsert counterfeitnote,whichleavessomedoubtabout
thisquestioninthepolicesectionoftheUNǦCTS whichcountingothercountriesmayuse.
for continuity. Among the 64 countries which
provided information to the UNǦCTS for the
years 2005Ǧ06, only 27 had provided data to Figure8.Counterfeitedcurrency,policerecorded
Interpol for theyear 2004. For threecountries it offences. Number and percentage of countries
was clear that the source used to respond to responding to the Tenth United Nations Survey
Interpolwas notthesameastheonereplyingto of Crime Trends and Operations of Criminal
UNODC, so they have been excluded from the JusticeSystems(UNͲCTS),bycategory,2006.
trend analysis presented in figure 7. It appears
that, at least in the 24 countries under
consideration,adecreaseinthistypeofoffences
hasbeenobserved.
17,26.6%
17,26.6%
Below1per100,000population
Between1and2per100,000population
Figure7.Counterfeitedcurrency.Trendinpolice Between2and5per100,000population
recorded offences (2004 = 100). Sources: Between5and10per100,000population
6,9.4% Morethan10per100,000population
Interpol and Tenth United Nations Survey of 9,14.1%
120
110
Figure 8shows that rates per 100,000population
index2004=100
100
100 varied in reporting countries, with the same
96
numberofcountries(17,i.e.27%)fallingintothe
90 lowestand highestcategories (below 1andabove
83 10 per 100,000 population). Another quarter of
responding countries, 15, were in the category
80
between 2 and 5 per 100,000 population, while
the remaining countries were distributed in the
70
2004 2005 2006
categories between 1 and 2 per 100,000
population (6 countries) and between 5 and 10
Counterfeitcurrency(24countries)
per100,000population(9countries).Themedian
observedamongthe64respondingcountrieswas
4.3 per 100,000 population in 2005 and 3.5 in
Indeed, one country observed that “the large
2006, thus confirming the decreasing trend
decreaseincounterfeitinginrecentyearsmaybe
observed in the 24 countries having data for a
partiallyattributedtoenhancedsecurityfeatures
longerperiod.
that make the replication of bills more difficult,
71
Summaryandconclusions
This chapter has analysed the available respondents to the 10th UNǦCTS who provided
statistics on a number of ‘complex’ types of extensivecommentstothesequestions,information
crimeincludedinthe10thUNǦCTS.Thesedata receivedappearsinsufficient.
represent a small treasure to which more
Themechanismsformonitoringimplementationof
information should be added to develop
the UNTOC and UNCAC will definitely require a
further analysis. Figure 9 shows that only for
parallel mechanism for the collection of
three ‘complex’ types of crime (counterfeit
informationontheextentofthephenomenaaswell
currency, corruption and smuggling of
as on the response of the criminal justice system.
migrants) could the majority of countries
The UNǦCTS may indeed represent the most
responding to the 10th UNǦCTS provide data.
appropriate vehicle for collecting the latter type of
Forsmugglingofmigrantsandparticipationin
information, while specific methodologies should
organized crime groups, it appears that a
bedevelopedandused(includingpopulationbased
comprehensive collection of international
surveys and other types of research) for the
statistics may be too early. More than half of
assessment of the extent and f lows of the
theresponsestothe10thUNǦCTSweremissing
phenomena.
thisinformation.
This suggests that in the future the UNǦCTS may
It is well known, however, that at the
opt for inǦdepth modules, which may even go
international level, data on trafficked persons
beyond criminal justice data, on each ‘complex’
andsmugglingofmigrantsareoftenconfused,
crime. The questionnaire could be conceived in a
together with statistics on migrants, illegal
waytoaccommodatemoremetadataandadditional
migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees. It is
references. This will result in supplementing the
therefore important to note that many
scarce numbers with relevant qualitative
countries are aligning their definitions for
information.
statistical purposes to those provided by the
relevant international instruments. Despite
the excellent collaboration of several
Figure9.Percentageofcountriesrespondingtothe10thUNͲCTSwhoansweredpolicequestionson
organizedcrime,traffickinginpersons,smugglingofmigrants,corruptionandcounterfeited
currency,2005and2006
100
90
Percentageofrespondingcountries
80
69 69
70
60 57 57 55 56
50 46 48
39 39
40
30
20
10
0
counterfeit corruption traffickingin smugglingof participationin
currency persons migrants organizedcrime
groups
2005 2006
72
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
References
UnitedNations2003,Conventionagainst Availableat:
Complex crimes
Corruption,adoptedbyGeneralAssembly http://www.unodc.org/documents/humanǦ
Resolution58/4of31October2003.Availableat: trafficking/Global_Report_on_TIP.pdf
http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/treaties/CAC/inde
x.html UNODC2009a,Quantitativeapproachestoassess
anddescribecorruptionandtheroleofUNODCin
UNODC2008.ResponseofCanadatotheTenth supportingcountriesinperformingsuch
UNǦCTSquestionnaire. assessments.CAC/COSP/2009/CRP.2,2November
2009.
UNODC2009.UnitedNationsOfficeonDrugsand
Crime,GlobalreportonTraffickinginPersons.
73
Annextochapter4
Table1.Participationinorganizedcriminalgroups:policerecordedoffences,personsprosecuted,persons
convicted,2005and2006
Country Definition Police-recorded offences Persons prosecuted Persons convicted
consistent
Count Rate Count Rate Count Rate
2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006
Algeria Yes Yes 1,586 437 4.8 1.3 2,782 543 8.5 1.6
Armenia 15 95 0.5 3.2 13 31 0.4 1.0 17 101 0.6 3.4
Austria 234 156 2.8 1.9 716 518 8.6 6.2 28 17 0.3 0.2
Azerbaijan 52 117 0.6 1.4 65 118 0.8 1.4
Belarus Yes Yes 867 590 8.9 6.1 346 433 3.5 4.4 150 149 1.5 1.5
Belize 1 1 0.4 0.4 0 0 0.0 0.0
Bermuda 0 0 0.0 0.0
Bolivia
Bosnia and Yes Yes 0 15 0.0 0.4
Herzegovina
Brunei Darussalam 0 0 0.0 0.0
Canada 19 42 0.1 0.1
Costa Rica Yes Yes 1 2 0.0 0.0
Croatia Yes Yes 29 26 0.6 0.6 132 94 2.9 2.1 1 0.0
Cyprus 0 0 0.0 0.0 0 0 0.0 0.0
Czech Republic 902 623 8.9 6.1 181 118 1.8 1.2 9 21 0.1 0.2
Ecuador 311 242 2.4 1.8 178 176 1.4 1.3
El Salvador 148 243 2.2 3.6 9 84 0.1 1.2
Estonia 217 332 16.1 24.8
Finland Yes Yes 3 0 0.1 0.0 0 0 0.0 0.0 0 0 0.0 0.0
Georgia Yes Yes 24 15 0.5 0.3 31 38 0.7 0.9
Germany 23 8 0.0 0.0 15 6 0.0 0.0
Hong Kong SAR of 356 449 5.0 6.3 169 249 2.4 3.5
China
Hungary 69 57 0.7 0.6
Ireland Yes Yes 5 18 0.1 0.4
Italy 153 128 0.3 0.2 457 0.8 2,109 1,656 3.6 2.8
Japan
Kazakhstan 70 54 0.5 0.4 359 345 2.4 2.3 6 5 0.0 0.0
Kyrgyzstan Yes Yes 47 24 0.9 0.5 47 24 0.9 0.5
Latvia Yes Yes 102 61 4.4 2.7 16 0.7 13 27 0.6 1.2
Liechtenstein Yes Yes 2 2 5.8 5.7 1 0 2.9 0.0 0 0 0.0 0.0
Lithuania Yes Yes 31 5 0.9 0.1 20 19 0.6 0.6 2 10 0.1 0.3
Malaysia 2,996 2,364 11.7 9.1 1,179 1,077 4.6 4.1
Malta 4 1 1.0 0.2 4 1 1.0 0.2
Mauritius 0 0 0.0 0.0 4 7 0.3 0.6
Mexico 172 187 0.2 0.2
Monaco 0 0 0.0 0.0 0 0 0.0 0.0
Mongolia 23 11 0.9 0.4 41 18 1.6 0.7
Montenegro 42 263 6.9 43.8
Morocco 94 156 0.3 0.5
Nepal 35 33 0.1 0.1
Netherlands 343 419 2.1 2.6 245 171 1.5 1.0
New Zealand 8 3 0.2 0.1
Nicaragua Yes Yes 82 82 1.5 1.5 753 992 13.8 17.9
Northern Ireland 12 0.7 4 0.2
Panama 11 46 0.3 1.4
Paraguay
Philippines 0 0 0.0 0.0
Poland Yes Yes 868 914 2.3 2.4 337 261 0.9 0.7
Republic of Moldova Yes Yes 78 92 2.0 2.4 4 0.1
Romania Yes Yes 474 897 2.2 4.2 152 305 0.7 1.4 24 0.1
Serbia
Singapore
74
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Complex crimes
2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006
75
Table2.Traffickinginpersons(Humantrafficking):policerecordedoffences,personsprosecuted,persons
convicted,2005and2006
2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006
76
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Complex crimes
2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006
77
Table3.Smugglingofmigrants:policerecordedoffences,personsprosecuted,personsconvicted,2005and2006
2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006
Algeria Yes Yes 321 403 1.0 1.2 8,806 3,593 26.8 10.8
Austria Yes Yes 1,298 3,088 15.7 37.1 1,619 1,380 19.5 16.6 369 323 4.5 3.9
Bangladesh Yes Yes 4,181 4,772 2.7 3.1
Belarus 12 10 0.1 0.1
Belize Yes Yes 1 4 0.4 1.4 0 0 0.0 0.0
Bermuda 0 0 0.0 0.0
Bosnia and Yes Yes 34 65 0.9 1.7
Herzegovina
Brunei Darussalam 0 0 0.0 0.0
Canada
Costa Rica 1 0.0
Croatia Yes Yes 260 320 5.7 7.0 321 371 7.1 8.1 214 200 4.7 4.4
Cyprus Yes Yes 13 10 1.6 1.2
Czech Republic Yes Yes 114 81 1.1 0.8 130 70 1.3 0.7 104 136 1.0 1.3
Denmark Yes Yes 210 199 3.9 3.7 119 132 2.2 2.4
Denmark Yes Yes 210 199 3.9 3.7 119 132 2.2 2.4
Dominican Republic 4 6 0.0 0.1
Ecuador Yes Yes 25 58 0.2 0.4 470 771 3.6 5.8
El Salvador Yes Yes 16 16 0.2 0.2 674 540 10.1 8.0 3 3 0.0 0.0
England and Wales 138 131 0.3 0.2 167 137 0.3 0.3
Estonia
Finland Yes Yes 26 15 0.5 0.3 19 19 0.4 0.4 15 19 0.3 0.4
Georgia Yes Yes 0 0 0.0 0.0
Germany Yes Yes 5,154 3,572 6.2 4.3 1,340 973 1.6 1.2 1,117 766 1.4 0.9
Hong Kong SAR of Yes Yes 2 0 0.0 0.0 2 0 0.0 0.0
China
Hungary 496 455 4.9 4.5
Ireland 2 3 0.0 0.1
Italy Yes Yes 5,057 5,399 8.6 9.2 939 961 1.6 1.6
Japan 29 23 0.0 0.0 6 26 0.0 0.0
Kazakhstan 42 79 0.3 0.5 37 56 0.2 0.4 85 35 0.6 0.2
Kyrgyzstan
Latvia 14 33 0.6 1.4 8 0.3 4 4 0.2 0.2
Lebanon 3,299 2,496 82.3 61.5
Liechtenstein Yes Yes 8 7 23.1 20.0 0 4 0.0 11.5 0 0 0.0 0.0
Lithuania Yes Yes 9 22 0.3 0.6 3 32 0.1 0.9 7 29 0.2 0.9
Malaysia 650 549 2.5 2.1 1,163 738 4.5 2.8
Malta 0 7 0.0 1.7 0 7 0.0 1.7
Mauritius 0 0 0.0 0.0 0 0 0.0 0.0
Mexico 2,024 1,771 1.9 1.7 964 621 0.9 0.6
Monaco 0 0 0.0 0.0 0 0 0.0 0.0
Mongolia
Montenegro 8 10 1.3 1.7
Morocco 7,687 7,500 25.2 24.3 15,574 12,139 51.1 39.3
Nepal 19 28 0.1 0.1
Netherlands 215 236 1.3 1.4 158 116 1.0 0.7
New Zealand 0 0 0.0 0.0
Nicaragua 23 12 0.4 0.2
Northern Ireland 2 0.1 2 0.1
Norway 33 41 0.7 0.9 7 0.2 5 8 0.1 0.2
Panama 3 14 0.1 0.4
Paraguay Yes Yes 0 0 0.0 0.0
Philippines 0 0 0.0 0.0
Poland Yes Yes 182 111 0.5 0.3 430 288 1.1 0.8
Republic of Moldova Yes 39 1.0
Romania Yes Yes 32 82 0.1 0.4 992 1,448 4.6 6.7
Romania Yes Yes 32 82 0.1 0.4 992 1,448 4.6 6.7
Serbia 90 0.9
78
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Complex crimes
2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006
Singapore Yes Yes 7,865 5,744 181.7 131.1 6,146 4,987 142.0 113.8
Slovakia Yes Yes 93 130 1.7 2.4 116 93 2.2 1.7 63 52 1.2 1.0
Slovenia Yes Yes 463 348 23.2 17.4 162 300 8.1 15.0
Spain Yes Yes 806 669 1.9 1.5
Swaziland 0 0 0.0 0.0
Sweden 1,478 1,131 16.4 12.5 23 15 0.3 0.2 383 435 4.2 4.8
Switzerland 47 20 0.6 0.3
Syrian Arab 227 272 1.2 1.4
Republic
Thailand 34,241 38,025 54.3 59.9
The FYR of Yes Yes 35 23 1.7 1.1 14 25 0.7 1.2 11 9 0.5 0.4
Macedonia
Turkey Yes Yes 2,257 2,633 3.1 3.6 3,794 2,181 5.2 3.0 2,042 1,585 2.8 2.1
Ukraine Yes Yes 0 19 0.0 0.0
United Arab 83 44 2.0 1.0 114 477 2.8 11.2
Emirates
United States of 3,773 3,831 1.3 1.3
America
Venezuela 307 86 1.1 0.3
79
Table4.Corruption:policerecordedoffences,2005and2006
Count Rate
80
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Count Rate
Complex crimes
2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006
Sweden
Syrian Arab Republic Yes
Tajikistan 1,248 967 19.1 14.6
The FYR of Macedonia Yes Yes 19 10 0.9 0.5
Turkey Yes Yes 291 300 0.4 0.4
Turkmenistan 107 64 2.2 1.3
Ukraine Yes Yes 3,771 3,259 8.0 7.0
United Arab Emirates 71 65 1.7 1.5
United States of America
81
Table5.Activeandpassivebribery:policerecordedoffences,2005and2006
82
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Complex crimes
2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006 2005 2006
83
Table6.Counterfeitedcurrency:policerecordedoffences,2005and2006(UNͲCTS)and2004(Interpol)1
1
Interpoldatafor2004wereprovidedtoUNODCforresearchpurposes.
84
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Complex crimes
2005 2006 2004 2005 2006 2005 2006
85
86
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Chapter5–Responsesofthecriminaljustice
PaulSmit*andStefanHarrendorf**
Abstract
In this chapter the responses of the criminal justice system on crime are described, from the moment an
offender is found until a decision of a judge at a penal court. The number of persons prosecuted and
convictedareanalysed,bothadultsandjuvenilesaswellastheproportionoffemales.Thisisdonefortotal
offences and separately for intentional homicide. Where possible, data are given by country and by
continent.Next,theattritionprocessisdiscussedintwoways.Firstlythenumberofoffendersconvictedare
comparedtotheoffendersfound.Secondly,theattritionprocessisshowninmoredetailwithfourmoments
in the criminal justice system, i.e. crimes recorded, offenders found, offenders prosecuted and offenders
convicted.
Introduction
This chapter describes the reaction from the will be given regardless of the crime type with
criminal justice system on crime. Although this oneexception:intentionalhomicidewillbedealt
canstartatthemomentavictimreportsacrime withseparately.
to the police Ǧ or one can argue maybe even
At every phase in the criminal justice system
before that with general preventive measures Ǧ
some attrition is expected to take place. This is
the starting point for this chapter is when a
causedbothbytechnical/legalreasons(e.g.not
suspected offender is found. And the end point
enough evidence for an alleged offender found)
will be the decision of a judge at a penal court.
and by efficiency reasons where police and/or
Again, one could also consider the types of
prosecution make a case ending decision
sanctions and the prison population as part of
themselves. In this chapter the attrition process
the criminal justice system. However,
willbedescribedbetweenthemomentacrimeis
informationontypesofsanctionswasnotasked
registeredandtheconvictionbyacourt.
for in the 8th, 9th and 10th survey of the UNǦ
CTS. Information on prisons and prisoners will Data are taken from the UNǦCTS exclusively,
bedealtwithinchapter7. from the 6th to the 10th survey (and for some
countriesthe5thsurveywasusedaswell).Where
This means that the main theme in this chapter
possible,datafromthethreeyears1996,2001and
is what happens in the prosecution stage and at
2006 were used. However, in order to minimize
the court level. Some attention is given to the
the number of ‘missing values’, other years were
police level as well, but mainly from the
taken instead if there were no data available for
perspective of the prosecution (i.e. as potential
one or more of these three years for a specific
input for the prosecution). The main indicators
country.Besides,aqualitycheckwasmadeonthe
in this chapter are the number of persons that
data. This could have resulted in using another
havebeenprosecutedandthenumberofpersons
year for a country as well (or in not considering
thathavebeenconvicted.Forbothindicatorsthe
thedataatall).SeeAnnexBandCforacomplete
proportions of females and juveniles will be
descriptionofthedataselectionprocess.
consideredaswell.Prosecutionsandconvictions
* Program Supervisor Modelling and JusƟce StaƟsƟcs WODC, Ministry of JusƟce, the Netherlands
** Senior researcher at the Department of Criminology, InsƟtute of Criminal Law and JusƟce,
University of Göƫngen, Germany
87
In the following sections the number of persons while data will also be given by country. Finally,
prosecutedandconvictedwillbedescribed,both the attrition process will be described, starting
themostrecentdataavailableandthetrendsover with the relation between alleged offenders and
the last ten years. Median values per continent recorded crime and ending with convicted
will be presented where possible (see Annex B) offenders.
Prosecutions
In the 10th UNǦCTS the following definition was intentional homicide which is remarkably low
usedfor‘personsprosecuted’: (0.25).
“Personsprosecuted”maybeunderstoodtomean In table 1 the latest available figures for person
alleged offenders prosecuted by means of an prosecuted are given. Unless otherwise
officialcharge,initiatedbythepublicprosecutor mentioned(inthecolumns‘yr’),thedataarefor
or the law enforcement agency responsible for 2006.Theearliestyearpossibleis2000.Onlythe
prosecution. 92 countries that were able to provide at least
one figure for ‘persons prosecuted’ are in the
In many countries the general procedure in the
table. The countries are grouped by continent
criminal justice system is that, after an offender
and if at least five responses were available in a
is found, the Prosecution Service will be the
continentthemedianwascomputed.Bothforall
institutionthat brings the offenderto the court.
offences and for intentional homicide the total
The court then decides on the guilt of the
number of persons prosecuted are given (in the
offender and the appropriate punishment.
case of ‘all offences’ the total number was split
Within this general scheme many variations are
betweenadultsandjuveniles)aswellastherates
possible, depending on the precise function of
per 100,000 inhabitants. Both for adults and
theProsecutionService:whetherthecountryhas
juveniles the proportion of females was
alegalityoropportunityprincipleorwhetherthe
computed.
ProsecutionServiceinacountryhasamonopoly
to prosecute. Other variations can be found in As expected, when looking at the rates per
the options the police has to end proceedings 100,000 there is considerable variation in the
without any involvement of the Prosecution number of persons prosecuted. Nepal and
Service. For a more detailed discussion on these Pakistan are the lowest with 5 and 6 persons
issues see (Elsner, Smit, Zila 2008; Jehle, Smit, prosecuted per 100,000 inhabitants. Other
Zila 2008; Smit 2008; Wade 2006) These countries with less than 50 are Guatemala,
variations obviously have a considerable impact Venezuela, the Republic of Moldova and Papua
inthefigurespresentedhere. New Guinea. For most of these countries, by
comparing with the persons prosecuted for
But other, more technical or statistical factors
intentionalhomicide,thereisastrongsuspicion
are responsible for variations in the figures as
that only the most serious crimes are included
well: three offences by one suspected offender
here.Asanexample,inVenezuelaalmosthalfof
could be counted as one or three, depending on
the 9,550 persons prosecuted are prosecuted for
thestatisticalcountingchoicemadeinacountry.
homicide.
And although in the UN definition ‘other law
enforcement agencies’ are explicitly included, Countries with the highest number of persons
presumably not every country would be able to prosecuted are Belgium (6,512) and Turkey
provide figures for these besides the Public (4,588). Other countries with numbers of 2,000
Prosecutor. ormoreareSouthAfrica,theRepublicofKorea,
Austria, Finland, England & Wales and New
Another factor, probably causing considerable
Zealand.
variation in the total number of persons
prosecuted is the precise operationalisation of Clearly, most countries with higher numbers of
whatisincludedin‘alloffences’inthecontextof personsprosecutedcanbefoundinEurope,with
the prosecution process. Are only the most amedianof973.Americahasthelowestmedian
serious crimes considered here? Or also minor (191).However,duetotheconsiderablevariation
crimes (even infractions)? That this is probably and the low number of countries responding in
an important factor is also shown by the some continents (only 6 in Africa) it is very
correlationbetweenthetotalnumberofpersons problematictodrawconclusionsfromthis.
prosecuted and the number of prosecutions for
88
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Less variation can be seen in the proportion of Belgium, Belarus, Estonia, Lithuania, the
Convictions
In the 10th UNǦCTS the following definition was 2008; Wade 2006). Other factors, like special
usedfor‘personsconvicted’: procedures for juveniles or for minor offences
willalsocausesomevariationinthefigures.
“Persons convicted” may be understood to mean
persons found guilty by any legal body duly As was the case with persons prosecuted,
authorized to pronounce them convicted under technical or statistical factors could be
national law, whether the conviction was later responsible for variations in the figures as well.
upheldornot. And also here, the issue of which offences are
exactly included in ‘all offences’ is important.
Not all persons against whom a prosecution has
Themoresoasthecorrelationbetweenthetotal
started will be convicted. Apartfrom a – usually
numberofpersonsconvictedandthenumberof
small – percentage of alleged offenders found
persons convicted for intentional homicide is
not guilty in court, in many countries this is
almostzero(Ǧ0.07).
mainly dependent on the possibilities for the
prosecutor to end a case, either with or without In table 3 (Annex A) the latest available figures
consequences for the alleged offender. For some forpersonconvictedare given.Unless otherwise
European countries the different options for the mentioned(inthecolumns‘yr’),thedataarefor
prosecutor has been shown in (Jehle, Smit, Zila 2006.Theearliestyearpossibleis2000.Onlythe
89
95 countries that were able to provide at least duetolowabsolutenumbers), Hong Kong (28%
onefigurefor‘personsconvicted’areinthetable. for adults) and Thailand (26% for adults).
Thecountriesaregroupedbycontinentandifat Mauritius, Afghanistan, Armenia, the Occupied
leastfiveresponseswereavailableinacontinent Palestinian Territory, the Philippines and Qatar
the median was computed. Both for all offences have very low proportions of females convicted,
andforintentionalhomicidethetotalnumberof either for adults, juveniles or both. The highest
persons convicted are given (in the case of ‘all percentages can be found in Europe and
offences’ the total number was split between America. The median proportion of females
adults and juveniles) as well as the rates per convicted is considerably lower than females
100,000 inhabitants. Both for adults and prosecuted. This could well be explained by the
juveniles the proportion of females was fact that crimes committed by female offenders
computed. tend to be less serious and thus have a greater
chancetogetasettlementoutsidethecourt.
Generally and for most countries, looking at the
rates per 100,000, the number of persons As with prosecution, possibly because some
convicted is somewhat lower than persons countries could have presented the data
prosecuted.Thiswillbediscussedmoreindetail including attempts (see Annex B), the variation
below. Still, there is a considerable variation in in persons convicted for intentional homicide is
therates.Colombiawitharateof0andEthiopia considerable. Guatemala (26.3), Turkey (18.6),
and Papua New Guinea with 4 are the lowest. theRussianFederation(13.2)Mongolia(11.0)and
Other countries with a rate less than 30 are Belarus(10.0)arethe highest whileonthe other
Zambia, Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela, hand for 15 countries the rate is 0.5 or less. The
Afghanistan, Nepal, the Philippines and Malta. median is about 1 for all continents except for
Aswealsosawwiththeprosecutionsintable5.1, Americawhereitis3.6.
by comparing with the persons convicted for
In table 4 the trends in persons convicted are
intentionalhomicide,thereisastrongsuspicion
shown. Trends for adults and juveniles are
for some of these countries that only the most
computed separately, as well as trends for
seriouscrimesareincludedhere.Asanexample,
homicides. For two periods the average annual
inPapuaNewGuineaalmostall(220ofthe283)
changeisgiven:forthemostrecentyears2001to
personsconvictedareconvictedforhomicide.
2006, and for the whole period 1996 to 2006. It
Countries with the highest number of persons was not possible to use these exact periods for
convicted are Mauritius (10,762) and Egypt everycountry,insomecasesotheryearswetaken
(7,105). Other countries with numbers of 2,000 as substitute. See Annex B for a detailed
or more are Finland, England & Wales and New description. However, by computing the average
Zealand. annual change the figures in the table are
comparable. For 57 countries at least one trend
Clearly, most countries with higher numbers of
figurecouldbecomputed.
personsconvictedcanbefoundinEurope,witha
median of 698. America has the lowest median In most countries the number of adults
(75). However, due to the considerable variation convicted seems to increase over the years,
and the low number of countries responding in particularly in the last few years (the median of
some continents (only 7 in Africa) it is very theaverageannualincreaseis3.0%).Thelargest
problematictodrawconclusionsfromthis. increases can be seen in Malaysia (24.4% in the
whole period 1996 – 2006), England & Wales
Thehighestpercentagesofjuvenilescomparedto
(20.2% in 1996 – 2006) and Northern Ireland
the total number of persons convicted can be
(37.6% in the period 2001 – 2006). Kazakhstan
found in Malta (60%) and Australia (46%). In
(Ǧ13.6%)andArmenia(Ǧ11.8%)showadecreasein
thecaseofMaltathiscouldwellbecausedbythe
the period 2001 – 2006. With some exceptions
low absolute numbers. The highest percentages
(Georgia, Spain, Sweden and Northern Ireland)
can be found in America (median 11%) and
the trends in juveniles convicted is downward.
Europe (median 7%). In general the proportion
This is consistent with what we saw for
of juveniles convicted is somewhat lower than
prosecutions: for adults an increase and for
juveniles prosecuted. A possible explanation
juvenilesadecrease.
could be that a prosecutor is more inclined to
endacasewithjuvenilesoutsidethecourt. Forhomicidehoweverthereisanincreaseinthe
numberofpersonsconvictedinthelastperiod
The percentage of females convicted is generally
(2001–2006).Butthevariationbetweencountries
about 10%, for adults somewhat higher than for
isconsiderable.
juveniles. Outliers are Barbados (53%, possibly
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International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
91
convicted)or'O'(foroffendersfound).Onlythe GenerallytheattritionisinAsiasomewhatlower
81 countries where at least one attrition rate than in Europe. Due to the small number of
could be computed are in the table. The countries responding in Africa and America the
countriesaregroupedbycontinentandifatleast highmedianattritioninthesecontinentscannot
five responses were available in a continent the beseenasrepresentativeforthesecontinents.
medianwascomputed.
Clearly juvenile offenders are usually dealt with
As in previous tables the variations between outsideapenalcourt,atleastcomparedtoadult
countries seem to be considerable. Indeed, very offenders. Only 35% of the juvenile offenders
low percentages (under 10%) or percentages (andwith22%evenlessfemalejuveniles)willbe
much higher than 100% are difficult to convicted in court. Again, the attrition is
understand. Possibly these are due to data somewhat lower in Asia. As expected, the
availability or other statistical artefacts. If, for attrition rate for homicide offenders is much
example, all convictions are counted regardless lower,i.e.higherpercentagesfortheConvictions
of crime type but for offenders found only /Offendersquotients.Themedianrateis71%,in
offenders suspected of more serious crimes (e.g. Europetherateisthehighestwith84%.
excluding traffic offences) are counted, a
In figure 1 the trends are shown for the
percentage higher than 100% could well be the
convictionsaspercentageoftheoffendersfound.
result.
Duetothelackoftrenddataitwasnotusefulto
For adults, the median Convictions / Offenders givetheinformationbycontinent.Also,because
quotient is 60%. Not surprisingly this is the data used for the trends analysis are not
somewhat lower for females (49%). Except for exactly the same as those for the 'last year
some Asian countries Ǧ where the attrition available' (see Annex B for an explanation), the
measuredinthiswayisactuallylowerforfemales percentagesfor2006infigure1arenotthesame
Ǧ in almost all countries the Conviction / as in table 5. Trends for adults, juveniles and
Offendersquotientislowerforfemales. homicidesareshowninthefigure.
Figure1.Percentageofpersonsconvictedpersuspectedoffenders,trends1996Ͳ2006
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
1996
50%
2001
40%
2006
30%
20%
10%
0%
Adults Juveniles Homicide
92
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
20
10
0
Recorded Offenders Prosecuted Convicted
On average Ǧ or, more precisely, by taking the between offenders found and offenders
medianoverallcountriesǦoneoffenderisfound prosecuted can be very different from the
foreverytwocrimesrecorded.Inbothstepsthat attrition between offenders prosecuted and
followtheattritionisaboutonethird:twoofthe convicted.AsanexampleinFinland41ofthe68
threeoffendersfoundareprosecutedandtwoof adult offenders found are prosecuted, but then
the three offenders prosecuted are convicted. At almostall(40)areconvicted.ButinSlovakiathe
the individual country level the attrition attrition mainly takes place in the last part:
93
almostall(37outof41)adultoffendersfoundare while some homicides will never be solved (and
prosecuted,butonly21areconvicted. no offenders will be found) there will also be
homicides with more than one offender. Hardly
In Asia the attrition is less than in the other
anyattritionisfoundfortheprosecution:almost
continents. However, the rate of offences
all (102 out of 108) offenders found will be
recorded is low for Asia. A possible mechanism
prosecuted. But in the next stage there is some
here could be that crimes with a low chance of
attrition:threeoutoffourprosecutionsendina
finding an offender are not always recorded. In
conviction.
America the overall attrition is very high with
only 4.6 adult and 0.5 juvenile offenders Different from other offences, the attrition for
convictedper100crimesrecorded. homicideislessinEuropethaninAsia.Thedata
in the other continents are too unstable to draw
For homicide the attrition is much less.
any conclusions. Remarkably, in many European
Obviously because the criminal justice system,
countries the number of persons prosecuted is
starting with a police investigation, will give a
higherthanthenumberofoffendersfound.This
higher priority to homicides than to less serious
could be due to the fact that where a case starts
offences. Also, when an offender is found the
asa'threat'or'assault'case,theprosecutorcould
casewillusuallybebroughtbeforeapenalcourt.
decide to prosecute for (attempted) homicide
Inmanycountriesmoreoffendersarefoundthan
instead.
offences recorded. One of the reasons is that,
Summaryandconclusions
In this chapter the responses of the criminal Looking at trends, for both prosecutions and
justice system on crime are described, in convictionsthereisanincreaseinthenumberof
particular from the moment an alleged offender adults, mainly in the last 5 years and a decrease
is found until the decision of a judge at a penal in the number of juveniles, also mainly in the
court. The main indicators are persons last 5 years. Differences between continents are
prosecuted and persons convicted. Both the small.
latest information available and trend data over
The variations in persons prosecuted and
thelast10yearsareused.
convictedforintentionalhomicidearealsolarge.
Due to organisational, technical and statistical Partly this is because probably some countries
factors the variation in the number of persons included attempts as well in their responses.
prosecutedandconvictedisveryhigh.Countries Although some countries in Europe and Asia
with the highest rate per 100,000 inhabitants haveveryhighratesper100,000inhabitants,the
havearateofmorethan1,000timesofcountries medianvaluesforthesetwocontinentsarelower
with the lowest rate, both for prosecutions and than in America and Africa. While there is a
for convictions. Countries in Europe show the decreaseofpersonsprosecutedforhomicide,the
highestrates,inAmericathelowest. trendforconvictionsisupward.
The proportion of juveniles is about 7% for In every step between the commitment of a
persons prosecuted and 6% for persons crimeandtheconvictionoftheoffender(s)some
convicted.Thehighestproportionscanbefound attrition can and will occur. This can be due to
in Europe and America. The proportion of technical or legal reasons – e.g. the offender is
femalesprosecutedistypicallybetween10%and not found, or there is not enough evidence – or
15% and about 10% for convictions. The because ofefficiencyreasons.In manycountries
proportion of adult females is somewhat larger the prosecution and/or the police have the
than for juveniles, and the highest proportion possibility to end a proceeding, with or without
can be seen in Europe. For juveniles the lower consequencesfortheallegedoffender.
percentages for convictions could be explained
Looking at persons convicted as a percentage of
by the fact that a prosecutor will be more
suspectedoffenders,themedianforallcountries
inclinedtoend acasewithjuveniles outsidethe
that answered both questions in the UNǦCTS is
court. For female offenders this is probably
60%foradultsand35%forjuveniles.Forfemales
because crimes committed by female offenders
these percentages are considerably lower: 49%
tend to be less serious and thus have a greater
for adults and 22% for females. But, not
chancetogetasettlementoutsidethecourt.
surprisingly, for homicide it is higher: 71%.
Becauseofthescarcityofdataitishardtoshow
94
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
References
vanDijkJ,vanKesterenJ,SmitP2007.Criminal Mayhew P 2003. Operation of the Criminal
Victimisation in International Perspective; Key Justice System, in Aromaa K, Leppä S, Nevala S,
findings from the 2004Ǧ2005 ICVS and EU ICS. Ollus N (eds.), Crime and Criminal Justice
JuridischeUitgevers.ReeksOnderzoekenBeleid, Systems in Europe and North America 1995 Ǧ
nr.257.DenHaag:Boom. 1997.Helsinki:HEUNI.
Elsner B, Smit P, Zila J 2008. Police CaseǦending SmitP2008.ProsecutionandCourts,inAromaa
Possibilities within Criminal Investigations, in K, Heiskanen M (eds.), Crime and Criminal
European Journal of Criminal Policy and Justice Systems in Europe and North America
Research,14.2Ǧ3,191–201. 1995–2004.Helsinki:HEUNI:94–117.
Jehle JǦM 2000. Prosecutions in Europe: Varying Tonry M, Farrington D 2005. Punishment and
structures, convergent trends, in European Crime across Space and Time. In Tonry M,
Journal of Criminal Policy and Research, 8.1, 3 – Farrington D (eds.), Crime and Punishment in
12. Western Countries 1980 Ǧ 1999. Crime and
Justice,vol.33.Chicago.
Jehle JǦM, Smit P, Zila J 2008. The public
prosecutor as the key player: Prosecutorial caseǦ Wade M 2006. The Power to Decide –
ending decisions. European Journal on Criminal Prosecutorial Control, Diversion and
PolicyandResearch,14(2–3),161–179. Punishment in European Criminal Justice
Systems Today, in Jehle JǦM, Wade M (eds.),
Marshall I H 1998. Operation of the Criminal
Coping with Overloaded Criminal Justice
Justice System 1998, in Kangaspunta K, Joutsen
Systems, The Rise of Prosecutorial Power across
M, Ollus N (eds.), Crime and Criminal Justice
Europe.Berlin,Heidelberg:Springer,27–126.
Systems in Europe and North America 1990 Ǧ
1994.Helsinki:HEUNI.
95
AnnexAtochapter5:Tables
Table1.Personsprosecuted,2006
All offences International homicide
96
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
All
median 657 13% 11% 7% 2.7
countries
97
Table2.Personsprosecuted,trends2001–2006;1996–2006
Adults Juveniles Homicides
98
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Table3.Personsconvicted,2006
Americas Argentina 68 02
Barbados 15 00 53% 00 8.3 21 00
Bolivia 20 1.735 13% 180 13% 9% 2.3 198 02
Canada 849 242.988 14% 34.065 19% 12% 0.5 161
Chile 318 04 15.494 04 10% 04 2.845 04 6% 04 16% 2.7 432 04
Colombia 0 04 38 04 16% 04
Costa Rica 82 3.586 10% 236 2% 00 6% 2.9 128
Dominican
38 3.416 17% 213 17% 6% 5.0 485
Republic
Ecuador 18 04 2.345 04 2.5 325 04
El Salvador 39 02 2.059 02 5% 02 270 02 7% 02 12% 7.2 429 02
Guatemala 312 00 34.115 00 14% 00 26.3 2.954 00
Mexico 135 143.214 9% 3.6 3.846
Panama 141 4.130 8% 499 6% 11% 2.6 85
Uruguay 147 00 7.704 00 8% 00 7.3 243 00
Venezuela
(Bolivarian 18 00 4.294 00 4% 00 6.4 1.555 00
Republic of)
Median 75 10% 10% 11% 3.6
99
Singapore 293 00 0.4 17
Syrian Arab
421 03 13.376 03 1.7 275 00
Republic
Tajikistan 109 3.4 225
Thailand 962 620.957 26% 18.799 8% 3%
Turkmenistan 181 8.770 15% 141 5% 2% 4.5 222
United Arab
1.934 81.060 15% 803 1% 0.7 28
Emirates
median 264 10% 6% 4% 1.0
All
median 341 11% 8% 6% 1.4
countries
100
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Table4.Personsconvicted,trends2001–2006;1996–2006
101
England and Wales 4.0% 20.2% -18.1% -1.2% 5.2% 3.6%
Northern Ireland 37.6% 14.4% 22.4% 7.9% 1.7% 1.6%
Scotland 2.8% -0.7% -2.0% -3.7% 5.4% -3.1%
median 3.3% 2.6% -1.8% -1.2% 0.4% -0.1%
Table5.Percentagepersonsconvictedpersuspectedoffenders,2006
All offences Homicide
Adults Juveniles
102
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
103
Table6.Attritioninthecriminaljusticesystemforalloffences,2006
104
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Occupied Palestinian
Oceania New Zealand 10.212 38.8 9.2 29.5 00 0.9 00 22.1 00 0.1 00
Papua New Guinea 247 00 7.8 00 2.1 00 0.1 00
all countries median 1.380 45.4 4.1 30.4 2.2 18.5 1.4
105
Table7.Attritioninthecriminaljusticesystemforhomicide,2006
Recorded Offenders Prosecuted Convicted
106
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
107
AnnexBtochapter5:Methodologicalnotes
Fourdatapointsintime
Foreverycountryandforeveryvariablefourfigures,representingfourdifferentpointsintime,weretaken
fromtheUNCrimeTrends Survey dataset. One of these figures was used for all analyses, tables and graphs
thatarebasedonthelatestyearavailable,theotherthreewereusedforthetables,graphsandanalysesthat
dealwithtrends.Sincenoteverycountryrespondedtoallsurveysthesepointsintimecandifferfrom
countrytocountry.Thefollowingdecisionruleswereusedtoobtainthefourfigures:
Latestyearavailable
Ifavailable,theyear2006fromthe10thsurveywastaken.Otherwisethelastavailableyearwas
taken,providedthisyearwas2000orlater.Ifthelastavailableyearwas1999orearlierthisdata
pointhadamissingvalue.
Trends
Fortrendsthreepointsintimeweretaken.Ifavailabletheseweretheyears1996(designated
'Start'),2001('Mid')and2006('End').
If2006wasnotavailableforaspecificvariableandcountry,theyear2005wastakenas'End'
pointoralternativelytheyear2004,if2005wasnotavailableeither.
If2001wasnotavailableforaspecificvariableandcountry,theyear2000wastakenas'Mid'
pointoralternativelytheyear2002,if2000wasnotavailableeither.
If1996wasnotavailableforaspecificvariableandcountry,theyear1995wastakenas'Start'
pointoralternativelytheyear1994,if1995wasnotavailableeither.Ifnoneofthesethree
yearswereavailable,1997wastakenasanalternative.
Thiswasdonebecauseusingonlytheyears1996,2001and2006wouldhaveresultedintoomany
missingvalues.
Dataqualitychecking
Afterdeterminingthe'Latest','Start','Mid'and'End'pointsaqualitycheckwascarriedoutonthedata.
Firstly,becauseoftheinstabilityofthedataduetosmallnumbers,alldatafromcountrieswithlessthan
100,000inhabitantswereremoved.
Nextfortheothercountriesitwasfoundthatsomeofthedatawerenotstableorclearlynotconsistentwith
otherdata(eitherinothersurveysorinthesamesurveycomparedtoothervariables).Examplesof
suspectedinconsistencieswere:
Thedatagivenforonesurveywereclearlydifferentfromthedatagivenforothersurveys.
Thesumofthenumberofadultsplusthenumberofjuvenileswascompletelydifferentfromthetotal
numberofsuspects/prosecuted/convictedpersons.Althoughthissumdoesnotnecessarilyneedto
beexactlythesame(duetootherdatasourcesused,orduetocountingalsocompaniesasoffenders),
ifthedifferenceistoolargethiscouldbeasignthatthefiguresgivenindicatesomethingdifferent
fromwhatwasmeantinthequestionnaire.
Thenumberofpersonsprosecutedwasfromadifferentorderofmagnitudecomparedtothenumber
ofsuspectedoffendersand/orthenumberofconvictedpersons.Thiswouldprobablyreflectan
unusualorganisationorfunctionoftheprosecutionserviceandcouldthereforenotbeusedfor
attritionanalyses.
Thenumberofpersonsprosecutedand/orconvictedforhomicidewasmuchlargerthanthenumber
ofsuspects.Actuallythiswasmostprobablyduetothefactthatapparentlythequestionnairewasnot
clearonthispoint:manycountriesincludedthenumberofattemptedhomicidesintheprosecution
andconvictionpartsofthequestionnaire.
Whenasuspectedinconsistencywasfoundadecisionhadtobemadehowtodealwithit.Basicallythere
werethreepossibilities:
108
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
1. Thesuspectedfigurewasremoved
Computingtrends
Whenpresentingandcomparingtrends,thecomplicationisthattheperiodisnotthesameforevery
country:e.g.forsomecountriesthe'Start'yearcouldbe1996andthe'End'year2006,forothersthiscould
be1997and2004.Tocircumventthisthemeanannualchangewascomputedwiththefollowingformula:
Ifx1isthevalueatyeart1andx2thevalueatyeart2(witht2>t1),themeanannualchangeis:
(x2/x1 )1/(t2Ǧt1)Ǧ1
Thismeanannualchangewascomputedfortwoperiods,i.e.between'Start'and'End'(formostcountries
1996Ǧ2006)andbetween'Mid'and'End'(formostcountriesbetween2001and2006).
Figuresbycontinent
Whencomputingfigurespercontinentthemedianwascalculated.Thiswasdoneonthecontinentallevel
andnotonthesubcontinentallevelbecauseotherwisethenumberofobservations(countries)wouldhave
beentoolowforalmostallsubcontinents.Also,themedianwasonlycomputedwhentherewereatleast
fiveobservations.ThismeantthatnomediansaregivenforOceania,whereonlyfourcountriescould
providedataforthischapter.ForthetrendsanalysesusuallyonlyAsiaandEuropehadatleast5countries
withsufficienttrenddata.Whencomparingmediansbetweentablesorbetweencolumnswithinonetable
oneshouldbeawarethatineverytableandcolumndifferentcountriescontributetothemedian.
109
AnnexCtochapter5: Datamodifications
Country Variable(s) Observation Solution
Albania all prosecution variables 8th survey not consistent with 9th Mid point removed
except homicide survey and obviously too low
Algeria Convicted for homicide 10th survey clearly different and out The year 2004 used as Latest year and
of line End point
Prosecuted for homicide 10th survey too high and not Latest year and End point removed
consistent with suspects
Bosnia and Adult suspects Not in line with total suspects Replaced by an estimated 28500
Herzegovina juveniles prosecuted 10th survey not consistent with Latest year and End point removed
suspects and convictions
Chili total adults prosecuted 8th survey not consistent with other Mid point removed
surveys
total persons 8th and 9th survey not consistent with Only Start point kept
prosecuted, juveniles other surveys and other variables
and females prosecuted
Juveniles and female 5th survey too low compared to 9th Start point removed
juveniles convicted survey
China Juveniles prosecuted Total minus adults is not equal to Juveniles recomputed (= total minus adults)
juveniles
Costa Rica all prosecution variables 7th and 8th survey not consistent with Mid point removed
other surveys
adults prosecuted 10th survey too low Latest year and End point estimated by
7800 based on total prosecuted
Juvenile suspects 10th survey atypically low Latest year and End point removed
Cyprus all prosecution and 9th and 10th survey not consistent Only Start point kept
conviction variables with other surveys. And they can not
except homicide be used for comparisons
homicide suspects 9th and 10th survey apparent break in Latest year and End point removed
series and too low absolute numbers
Denmark all conviction variables 8th survey inconsistent with other The year 2000 used as Mid point
surveys
Ecuador Prosecuted for homicide 10th survey too high and not The year 2004 used as Latest year and
consistent with suspects End point
Egypt Recorded crimes total 10th survey not consistent with other Latest year and End point removed
surveys
El Salvador all conviction variables 10th survey inconsistent with other The year 2004 used as Latest year, End
except homicide surveys point removed
France all prosecution variables only 7th survey present, figures Latest year removed
atypically low
Guatemala total adults convicted Not consistent with total persons Year 2000 replaced by estimated 34,115
convicted
homicide suspects 7th survey not consistent with other Latest year and Mid point removed
homicide variables
Indonesia suspected offenders 5th survey not consistent with Start point removed
prosecution and court figures
TFYR Macedonia homicide suspects The year 2000 is an outlier The year 1999 used as Mid point
Malaysia all offender variables 7th and 10th survey inconsistent with Latest year removed
except homicide other data
Malta recorded homicides and Too low absolute numbers for Latest year and End point removed
homicide suspects analysis
Mexico juvenile suspects 9th survey obviously too low The year 2002 used as Latest year. End
point removed.
adults prosecuted 8th survey not consistent with total Estimated based on total by 91,000 (2002,
Latest year) and 83,000 (2001, Mid point)
Myanmar all conviction variables 5th survey completely different from Start point removed
8th survey
total and female juvenile 8th survey too low Latest year removed
suspects
juveniles prosecuted 8th survey atypically low Latest year and Mid point removed
The Netherlands Convicted for homicide Numbers in all surveys reflect Latest year and End point replaced by 142
attempts as well (year 2004); Start point removed
Prosecuted for homicide Latest year and End point replaced by an
estimated 180 (year 2006); Start point
removed
Peru Prosecuted for homicide 8th survey atypically high Latest year removed
Saudi Arabia persons convicted for 8th survey too high, not consistent Latest year removed
homicide with suspected and prosecuted
Slovakia Prosecuted for homicide 10th survey not consistent with other The year 2004 used for Latest year and
surveys End point
110
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
111
112
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Chapter6– Attributesofcriminaljusticesystems:
StefanHarrendorf*andPaulSmit**
Abstract
Thischapterfocusesonattributesofthecriminaljusticesystemitself,namelyonresourcesofthesystem,its
performance and the systemic punitivity. Regarding resources, it focuses on police and prosecution
personnel, professional judges and the staff in adult prisons. With respect to performance, quantitative
productivityofthedifferentcriminaljusticesystemsisanalyzed,focusingontheratesofpersonssuspected
perpoliceofficer,personsprosecutedperprosecutor,personsbroughtbeforeacriminalcourtperprosecutor
and persons convicted per prosecutor. Finally, systemic punitivity is estimated by the rate of total persons
incarceratedpertotalpersonsconvicted.Thechaptercoversdatanotonlyfromthe10thUNǦCTS,butalso
fromearlierwaves,backaslateas tothe6thwavefor trendanalysis. Asin theotherchapters,thescale is
worldwide.Tryingtocoverasmanycountriesaspossible,datafortheanalysisofthemostrecentstatusquo
was not only taken from the 10th UNǦCTS survey, but also from the 7th to 9th waves, with the year 2000
beingtheearliest“latestavailable”yearcoveredhere.Fortrendanalysis,thepreferredstartingyearwas1995,
the first point in time in the 6th wave. If necessary, trend analysis was made for shorter periods of time
instead.
Criminaljusticesystemresources
Firstly,wewilltakeacloselookatcriminaljustice representingthewholepolice(etc.)budgetwould
system resources. As in preceding publications be extremely questionable, as long as it is not
based on UNǦCTS data (Marshall 1998; Mayhew clear which budget posts have been included
2003; Gruszczynska, Marshall 2008), once again thereandwhichnot.Moreover,theexchangerate
the resources variables analyzed have been problem will render comparison between
restricted to personnel variables. While the UNǦ countries almost impossible, especially with
CTS questionnaire also asks for data on financial respect to countries with a large variance in the
resources in all its sections (police, prosecution, rates.
courts, and prisons), these data have been
Small countries with a population of less than
excluded from analysis due to problems
100,000 persons have been excluded from
regarding the interpretation: The resources were
analysis (except where noted otherwise) because
to be added up to a single variable per chapter.
it could be feared that these data might be
The value had to be given in millions of local
misleadingly different from results for larger
currency units. Such a value would be extremely
countries because of the special structure and
hard to compare between countries. First of all,
necessitiesofverysmallcountries.
the comparability of a single monetary value
* Senior researcher at the Department of Criminology, Institute of Criminal Law and Justice,
University of Göttingen, Germany
** Program Supervisor Modelling and JusƟce StaƟsƟcs WODC, Ministry of Justice, the Netherlands
113
Policepersonnel
The 10th UNǦCTS questionnaire defines “police theworld.Thereareseveraltypesofpoliceforces
personnel or law enforcement personnel” as that might exist in one country, but not in
“personnel in public agencies whose principal another. Also, the tasks executed by the police
functions are the prevention, detection and maydifferbetweencountries.Thus,figuresmight
investigation of crime and the apprehension of include (or not include) data on criminal police,
alleged offenders. Data concerning support staff traffic police, border police, gendarmerie,
(secretaries,clerks,etc.)shouldbeexcludedfrom uniformed police,city guardor municipalpolice,
your replies.” The definition is in line with the but also customs officers, tax police, military
definition used in earlier survey waves covered police,secretservicepolice,policereserves,cadet
here(6thto9th). policeofficersorcourtpolice.Apartfromthis,the
way of counting personnel might differ (e.g.
Regarding police personnel, the questionnaire
heads vs. budget posts, which will make a
not only asks for the total, but also for the
difference when counting partǦtime personnel).
number of females, males and police officers
Therefore, comparability could be considered
assignedtothepolicingoforganizedcrime.Apart
fairly weak. One cannot be sure that each and
from this, the questionnaire includes some
every country was able to exclude support staff
metadata on the police, like whether there was
from their data, because this would depend on
morethanonepoliceforceintherelevantcountry
the statistical possibility to do so. Also, it is not
etc.
fullyclearwhether,apartfromsupportstaff,other
Still, data analysis in this publication has been civilians in the police force are included or only
restricted to the total of police personnel (for uniformedpolicearecounted.
analysis of rates of female officers see previous
AsinearlierwavesoftheUNǦCTS,informationon
publications: Mayhew 2003; Gruszczynska,
private security personnel is not included in the
Marshall 2008). Attempting to measure the total
data, although the private security sector is of
police personnel with only one value, one has to
greatimportanceinmanycountries,thusmaking
keep in mind the shortcomings of such an
comparisons even more problematic (Marshall
approach: The police force is not a monolithic
1998; Mayhew 2003; Gruszczynska, Marshall
entity with similar structures and tasks all over
2008).
Figure1.Policepersonnelbypopulation(includingsmallcountries;log.scales)
5000000
India
UnitedStatesofAmerica
Mexico
500000 Turkey
Italy
Japan
Germany
UnitedKingdomofGreatBritain
Thailand
Ukraine
andNorthernIreland
EnglandandWales
Spain
France Bangladesh
Philippines
SouthAfrica
Kazakhstan
Poland
RepublicofKorea
Colombia
Peru
Malaysia
Myanmar
SriLanka
Canada
Nepal
Romania
Policepersonnel
CzechRepublic
Australia
Portugal
EcuadorMorocco
Serbia
Greece
Belgium
Netherlands Kenya
50000 Belarus
Hungary
HongKongSARC Chile
DominicanRepublic
Kuwait
Lebanon Austria
Guatemala
Zimbabwe
Israel
Slovakia
Paraguay
Croatia
Singapore Bolivia
Sweden
Uruguay
Kyrgyzstan
ElSalvador
Switzerland
Scotland
Bahrain Panama
Georgia
LatviaIreland
CostaRica
Albania
Lithuania
Norway Zambia
Azerbaijan
Denmark
BosniaandHerzegovina
RepublicofMoldova
Mauritius
TFYRMacedonia
NorthernIrelandNicaragua
Finland
Slovenia
NewZealand
Jamaica
Mongolia Jordan
Montenegro
Cyprus PapuaNewGuinea
BruneiDarussalam Venezuela
5000 Qatar
Estonia
Swaziland
Malta SyrianArabRepublic
Barbados
Luxembourg
Belize
Maldives
Iceland
Monaco
Bermuda
Dominica
500
HolySee
Montserrat Liechtenstein
50
500 5000 50000 500000 5000000 50000000 500000000 5E+09
Population
114
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
As figure 1 shows, while comparability of police If one looks at the police personnel rates per
Figure2.Policeofficersper100,000populationbyregionsandsubͲregions(medians)
Asia:NearandMiddleEast 435.5
Europe:EastandSouthEast 389.7
Asia:Central 326.6
Europe:WestandCentral 311.5
Americas:LatinandCaribbean 283.9
Americas:Canada/USA 207.5
Asia:South 202.0
Oceania 187.0
Africa 186.8
Theassumptionofanecessaryminimumnumber Figure 2 shows summary results for regions and
of police officers in a certain country can also be subǦregions.Ascanbeseenbytheseresults,there
backed by the individual country results as are two regions in the world with relatively high
presented in table 1 in the Annex. Only four numbers of police personnel (around 400), the
countriesshowpolicepersonnelvalueslowerthan Near and Middle East as well as East and South
100 officers per 100,000 population, and only two East Europe. Central, East and South East Asia,
havevaluesthatarefarbelowthatlevel.Forthese Latin America and the Caribbean as well as West
two countries (Venezuela and Syrian Arab andCentralEuropeshowmedianratesaroundthe
Republic)therespectivevaluesaresolow(16and overall median, i.e. around about 300. Lower
10, respectively) that one can quite definitely levels of police officers (median around 200) can
assume that they do not represent the whole be found in Africa, Canada, USA, South Asia and
police force of these two countries. Figure 1 also Oceania.
showed that the values for these countries are
clearoutliers.
115
As could be expected, the countries with the Details on this process can be found in the
highest police personnel figures are oftenlocated technicalAnnextothischapter.
in regions where the median is quite high, too
Ascanbeseen,policepersonnelfigurestendtobe
(see table 1). This is the case for Bahrain (1867
quitestableacrosstime.Themeanandmedianof
police officers per 100,000 population), Kuwait
the change rates per year are around 0 % with a
(1065) and Montenegro (891), but not for Brunei
standard deviation of 2.5 percentage points.
Darussalam(1087)andMauritius(777).
However,somecountriesshowlargerincreasesor
Table 1 also shows the trends in the development decreases across longer periods of time, ref lected
of police personnel figures. Where possible (i.e. in average annual change rates around 5 %, e.g.
for the minimum of a threeǦyear trend) average theRepublicofMoldova,SloveniaorTurkeywith
annual change rates have been calculated. The averageyearlyincreasesof4.7%,6.4%and7.4%
longest trends cover 11 years (1995 – 2006). Data across an elevenǦyear period. Remarkable
have been validated, especially with respect to decreases over longer periods of time can be
trend analysis, and unreliable data, e.g. values in observed for example in Hong Kong, Lithuania,
certainsurveywavesthatdidnotfittheresponses Israel,Estonia,SwedenandChile(Ǧ3.0%,Ǧ3.3%,Ǧ
from the other waves, have been deleted, or, 3.1%,Ǧ3.2%,Ǧ3.4%,Ǧ3.7%).
where possible, replaced with the right values.
Prosecutionpersonnel
Regarding prosecution personnel, the 10th UNǦ a strict principle of legality is still more or less
CTSusedthefollowingdefinition: observed, obliging prosecution officers to
investigate each case until the decision can be
“Prosecution personnel” may be understood to
made to present an indictment to the court or
mean a government official whose duty is to
dropthecasebasedonlegalorfactualreasons.In
initiate and maintain criminal proceedings on
other countries, the binding to a principle of
behalf of the state against persons accused of
legality is less strict or even replaced by a
committing a criminal offence. Data concerning
principleofexpediency,allowingtheprosecution
support staff (secretaries, clerks, etc.) should be
serviceto dropcasesnot onlyforlegal or factual
excluded.
reasons, but also in cases of minor guilt without
This definition has also been used in the 6th to any sanction or dispose of cases under the
9th UNǦCTS waves. As with the police force, condition of a certain activity to be executed by
summarising information on the prosecution theaccusedvoluntarily,likepayingacertainsum
serviceinonesinglevariableisveryproblematic. of money or doing community work. In some
The problems are even bigger than on the police countriesapartfromthisthe prosecutionservice
level, since the prosecution service is placed at a incertainclearcasescanevenissuerealsanctions
later stage of the criminal justice process. thatcountasconvictions.
Therefore, legal differences between systems are
In addition, efficiency and structure of the
evenmoreremarkablehere.Sizeandstructureof
prosecution service may inf luence the personnel
the prosecution service will be subject to
numbersaswellasstatisticalissueslikecounting
significant variation across countries due to the
rules (instructive with respect to the effect of
differentlegaltasksassignedtoprosecutors:
countingrulesonpolicelevelAebi2008).
Not all cases investigated by the police will
Table 2 (in the Annex) and figure 3 show the
necessarily show up on prosecution level (see
results for the prosecution personnel rates per
Elsner,Smit,Zila2008andalsoElsner,Lewis,Zila
100,000 population. As with police rates,
2008), for example due to police competences to
prosecutor rates are subject to remarkable
drop cases if no offender was found or if there
variation. The differences are even bigger here
was insufficient evidence. In minor cases the
than on police level, with rates ranging from 0.2
police in some countries can even impose or
inZambiato44.9inColombia.Inanycase,inall
suggest some kind of sanction (e.g. a police
countries the rate of prosecutors is much lower
caution). Therefore, the input that prosecutors
thantherateofpoliceofficers.Themedianis6.1,
have to face in different countries is subject to
the mean 8.0. The standard deviation is 7.9 and
hugevariation.
thedistributionofvaluesisonceagainpositively
Apart from this, the competences of the skewed. Differently from police figures,
prosecutors themselves are quite different (see prosecution personnel rates do not imply that
Wade2006;Wadeetal.2008).Insomecountries there is any minimum rate of prosecutors per
116
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure3.Prosecutorsper100,000populationbyregionsandsubͲregions(medians)
Europe:East 22.1
Asia:Central 13.4
Americas:Canada/USA 10.2
Europe:SouthEast 9.5
Europe:WestandCentral 6.9
Americas:LatinandCaribbean 5.0
Asia:NearandMiddleEast 4.1
Africa 1.8
Oceania(PapuaNewGuineaonly) 0.5
0 5 10 15 20 25
The same observation (although less extreme) higher than the rates for the other two
can be made in Western and Central Europe, participating North African countries (Algeria:
evenifexcludingthecountriesthatwereformerly 1.7,Morocco:1.8).
socialist: In the remaining countries, rates range
Table 2 in the Annex also shows the trends for
from1.5inMaltato11.6inPortugal,withoutany
prosecution personnel rates over time.
clear pattern. For example, in Scandinavia rates
Differently from police personnel, the general
rangefrom2.0inNorwayto11.2inDenmark.
trend shows increasing personnel rates. The
Clearly lower median rates can be found for the median average annual change rate is 2.0 %, the
Near and Middle East (4.1), for East, South East mean 1.9 %, the standard deviation 3.9
andSouthAsia(2.5),forthewholeofAfrica(1.8) percentage points. There are countries with
and for the only country from Oceania that was remarkable increases up to 11.4 % per year in an
abletoprovidedata(PapuaNewGuinea:0.5).But elevenǦyearperiod(Malaysia).Onlyfewcountries
even in these areas, there are some outliers with show relevant decreases, most prominently the
much higher values. For example, Egypt shows a Dominican Republic with an annual change rate
rate of 25.4 prosecutors, which is also much ofǦ7.4%duringaperiodof8years.
117
Judges
The data collected on judges is again even more respect. The comparability problem might get
critical than the data collected on prosecutors. even worse because some countries might still
While the issues addressed in the prosecution only report the number of judges whose duty is
section should also appear at courts level (legal the judgment of criminal cases. Apart from this,
and factual differences in criminal justice it is not clear whether really all judges are
systems and therefore in the duties of and need included in the reported figures in all countries.
for judges, efficiency and structure of the court Numbers will often only include judges at
system, differences in statistical counting rules), ordinary courts, but not those working at
thereisalsoasevereproblemwiththedefinition specialized courts (like administrative courts
used: etc.).
Firstofall,thequestionnaireasksforthenumber Still, this chapter will present some main results
ofprofessional judgesor magistrates and defines on the rates of professional judges and
thisgroupofpersons“tomeanbothfullǦtimeand magistrates in international comparison. The
partǦtime officials authorized to hear civil, reader should, however, keep in mind the
criminal and other cases, including in appeal restrictions regarding the comparability of these
courts, and make dispositions in a court of law. figures. We will not report results on lay judges.
Please include in that category associate judges While the UNǦCTS questionnaire also includes a
and magistrates, who may be authorized as question regarding this group of judges, their
above”. tasksandtheareasofthecriminaljusticeprocess
and other court hearings where laypersons are
The numbers reported are not restricted to
neededaresomuchdependentontheindividual
judges deciding criminal cases. Therefore, this
legalsystemofeachcountrythatvaluesarenotat
value is not at all directly related to criminal
allcomparable.
justice. It does not mean very much in this
Figure4.Professionaljudgesper100,000population(medians)
Europe:SouthEast 19.6
Europe:WestandCentral 15.9
Europe:East 11.5
Africa:North 9.8
Americas:Canada/USA 8.6
Asia:NearandMiddleEast 8.2
Americas:LatinandCaribbean 5.9
Asia:Central 5.8
Africa:Southern 2.6
Asia:East, SouthEastandSouth 2.5
Oceania(NZ,PapuaNewGuinea) 2.1
Africa:East 0.8
0 5 10 15 20 25
Figure 4 and table 3 (in the Annex) show the The highest rates can be found in Europe, with
distributionofratesofprofessionaljudgesacross mediansofmorethan10forallthreesubǦregions
the world. There is significant variation in the thatwereseparatelyanalyzed(WestandCentral,
rates, with a median rate of 9.7, a mean of 11.5 East, South East). This result is repeated even
and a standard deviation of 9.9. Once again, moreimpressivelywhenlookingattheindividual
skewnessispositive.Ratesforprofessionaljudges countryresults:Amongthe20countrieswiththe
are as wideǦranged as are the rates for highest rates of professional judges are 19
prosecutors: The lowest rate can be found in countriesfromEurope,withCostaRicabeingthe
Ethiopia(0.2judgesper100,000population),the only exception (19.6). Additionally, there are 42
highestinSlovenia(50.0). countries with judges rates of 10 or more per
100,000population,ofwhich33arefromEurope.
118
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Among the topǦranking countries, there are also Low rates of professional judges can be found in
Prisonstaff
The fourth section of the UNǦCTS questionnaire world.Apartfromorinsteadofprisons,thereare
addressesprisons/penalinstitutions.Apartfrom reformatories, borstals and other types of
budgetandstaffvariables,whichareincludedin custodial institutions for juvenile offenders
all sections of the UNǦCTS questionnaire, the availableinsideoroutsideofcriminallaw.Notall
prisons section also includes questions on the of the custodial institutions would be counted
number of adult and juvenile prisons and the under a prison staff heading (especially if not
number of available places (without under prison administration, see definition
overcrowding). These latter variables are not below). Apart from this, many countries focus
evaluated here (but see Walmsley in this primarily on nonǦcustodial responses to juvenile
publication, chapter 7, for some results on delinquency. The staff figure will therefore be
overcrowding). The sheer number of institutions subject to wide variation and cannot be validly
means nothing with respect to resources (since interpreted without looking in detail into the
thisnumberwouldalsodependonthenumberof differentsystems.
available places per prison and is therefore not a
Evenwithrespecttoadultprisonstaff,theresults
direct indicator of the amount of resources
have to be interpreted carefully. The staff
spent). The number of places available without
numbers are only collected as a total (and
overcrowdingisalsonotameasurefortheextent
differentiated by sex), but not differentiated by
ofresourcesspent,becausethe“officialcapacity”
functions. Therefore, a high number of prison
ofprisonsismainlysubjecttodefinitionbyeach
staff may be an outcome of a high number of
and every country, which does not necessarily
custodialpersonneloritmightbeanoutcomeof
imply a certain minimum standard and thus
a high number of treatment personnel. The
minimumstandardcosts.
interpretationwouldbeverydifferent,depending
In this publication, we are going to focus on the on the distribution of the different functions
totalstaffinadultprisonsonly.TheUNǦCTSalso within the total prison staff. With respect to
asksfordataonjuvenileprisonstaff,butthisdata custodialpersonnel,thenecessarynumbermight
can also not be interpreted under the resources dramaticallybereducedinprisonswheresecurity
aspect.Theextenttowhichjuvenilescanbesent is mainly guaranteed by technical means and
to prison is subject to wide variation across the architecture(therefore,theinmate/staffratiois
119
also no valid indicator for the quality of prison include, but are not limited to, penal,
conditions: see Mayhew 2003, 93, although an correctional, and psychiatric facilities under the
extremely low rate might be a piece of evidence prison administration.” This definition is in line
forlackofquality). withtheearliereditionscoveredhere,too.
Apart from this, prison staff is highly dependent Table 4 (in the Annex) and figure 5 show the
on the number of persons sent to prison. This results for the total staff in adult prisons in
number – in relation to the total number of internationalcomparison.Onceagaintheresults
persons in contact with the system and / or the are quite wideǦranged, with a minimum of 2.4
numberofpersonsconvicted–issubjecttowide prison staff members per 100,000 population in
variation, too, and it especially depends on the Nepaland a maximumof 160.4 staff members in
punitivity of the system. Therefore, one might Colombia.Themedianis50.7,themean54.4,the
say, personnel rates are high in countries were a standard deviation 33.6. The distribution of
highnumberofpersonnelisneededduetoahigh valuesisonceagainpositivelyskewed.
number of prisoners (although this is no general
RegionalandsubǦregionalanalysisshowsthatthe
rule; see Mayhew 2003, 93). This makes the
highestprisonstaffratescanbefoundinthearea
interpretation of staff numbers under a mere
of Canada and the USA (median: 115.4, USA:
resourcesaspectquestionable.
138.3, Canada: 92.5). Only five other areas in the
The 10th UNǦCTS questionnaire defines prison world also show median prison staff rates above
staff “to mean all individuals employed in penal the overall median: East Africa (54.0), Southern
or correctional institutions, including Africa (61.7), Central Asia (70.5) and West and
management, treatment, custodial and other CentralEurope(69.3).Clearlylowerratesaround
(maintenance, food service etc.) personnel.” 30 can be found in Latin America and the
Prisons, penal institutions or correctional Caribbean(33.0),EastandSouthEastAsia(27.7)
institutions are defined as “all public and and South East Europe (35.8), while the lowest
privately financed institutions where persons are rates by far can be found in North Africa (16.4)
deprived of their liberty. The institutions may andespeciallyinSouthAsia(5.4).
Figure5.Correctionalstaffinadultprisonsper100,000populationbyregionsandsubͲregions
(medians)
Americas:Canada/USA 115.4
Europe:East 71.6
Asia:Central 70.5
Europe:WestandCentral 69.2
Africa:Southern 61.7
Africa:East(Kenya,Mauritius) 54.0
Asia:NearandMiddleEast 46.7
Oceania(NZ,PapuaNewGuinea) 41.1
Europe:SouthEast 35.8
Americas:LatinandCaribbean 33.0
Asia:East andSouthEast 27.7
Africa:North 16.4
Asia:South 5.4
120
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Table 4 in the Annex also informs about the example, Jordan and the Dominican Republic
Possiblemeasuresofcriminaljusticeperformance
Regarding criminal justice system performance, distribution of functions among prison staff is
the indicators the UNǦCTS data provide are notclear,thisratecanalsonotbeinterpretedasa
somewhatlimited.However,somebriefestimates support or attendance rate (see above, and also
can be made by connecting data on criminal Mayhew2003,93,whotestedthis).Neithercanit
justicepersonnelwiththedataonoffendersthey be interpreted as a security rate, especially when
have to deal with. This is – of course – only a taking into account the other, technical and
restricted view on performance, not looking at architectural means of achieving security, which
the quality, but on the quantity of work done by arenotref lectedinstaffrates.
thedifferentactorsinthecriminaljusticesystem:
For the police and prosecution services there are
Quantitative productivity defined as the relation
also many problems connected with this kind of
between personnel strength and the output
measurement. These problems will be addressed
produced (see Mayhew 2003 and Smit 2008 with
in detail within the relevant subsections.
comparableapproaches).
However,asageneralremark,itshouldbenoted
Theterm“productivity”isusedherewithoutany that the structure of the criminal justice process
judgment or quality assessment connected (for should be taken into consideration when
criticism of this term see Smit 2008, 108). This measuring the productivity of a system.
means: High quantitative productivity is not a Therefore, police productivity can be measured
measure for the overall performance of a system by the number of suspects they “produced”, but
or for the quality of the results produced. The notbythenumberofprosecutionsorconvictions
extentofproductivityishighlydependentonthe that resulted afterwards. This is due to the fact
structure of a criminal justice system. Therefore, thatatleastunderusualcircumstancesthepolice
the results presented do not imply that a system have no powers to prosecute cases in their own
withhighproductivityratesperformsbetterthan competenceorpresentthemincourt(seeElsner,
asystemwithlowproductivityrates. Smit, Zila 2008; Elsner, Lewis, Zila 2008).
Therefore,theproducts“personsprosecuted”and
In the resources section of this chapter, we
“persons convicted” are not produced by the
discusseddataonfourdifferentactorswithinthe
police.
criminal justice system, namely the police,
prosecutionservice,judgesandcorrectionalstaff. Both of these are, however, usually produced by
In this section, we only focus on the police and the prosecution service. This is also the case for
prosecutionservice: convictions, although these fall primarily under
thedutiesofjudges.Buttheprosecutorwillhave
Judges’outputcannotbevalidlymeasureddueto
to present the case in court, thus making the
restrictions of the definition used. Since it is not
resulting convictions his or her product,too (see
clear to what extent the judgment of criminal
Wade, Smit, Aubusson de Cavarlay 2008 on the
cases is part of the judges’ duties (see above),
inf luence of prosecutors on the decisions of
their performance cannot be measured by the
criminalcourts).Thesamewouldbetrueforthe
output(inconvictions)theyproduced.Regarding
number of persons brought before the criminal
prison staff, one should clearly think about the
courts. This product, that is located at an
meaning of the ratio persons incarcerated per
intermediate stage between persons prosecuted
prisonstaffmember,becauseincarcerationisnot
and persons convicted, is also usually produced
theproductofprisonstaffmembers.Sincethe
bytheprosecutionservice.
121
Personssuspectedperpoliceofficer
Starting from these initial thoughts, a first Of course, the number of policeǦrecorded
performance indicator would be the number of suspects also depends on the definition of
suspects produced per police officer. This “suspect” and other issues of criminal law
relationship is visualized in figure 6; the (especially the definition of what is considered a
connected rates can be found in table 5 in the “criminal” offence), criminal procedure law
Annex. Please note that the figure uses (defining the fields of investigative work to be
logarithmic scales for both values, due to large done by police officers, in some countries
varianceintherespectiverates.Thediagramalso excludingcertainoffencetypes,liketaxoffences,
does not start with 1, but with 50 for both from their responsibility) and rules of statistical
variables,duetothefactthatlowervaluesdonot recording.
occur1, and in order to allow looking at the
The number of suspects as a system produced
distributionofcountriesinmoredetail.Thesame
value is also less dependent on the population
has been done with the other figures in this
size than is the number of police officers. While
section, which also use logarithmic scales and
in the beginning of this chapter we showed that
havesometimesbeentrimmed,too.
thereisaverystrongcorrelationbetweenthesize
As can clearly be seen from the figure, country of the police force and the population size (corr.
valuesdonotsuggestasimplelinearrelationship 0.93, R² 0.87), the correlation between the
between police personnel rates and the rate of absolute total number of suspects and the
suspects produced (see also Mayhew 2003, 104). population size is much weaker (corr. 0.59, R²:
Theassumptionthatmorepoliceofficerswillalso 0.35).
produce a higher output must therefore be
In accordance with the distribution shown in
rejected. This is at least the case with respect to
figure 6, there is no correlation between the rate
UNǦCTS data with all of its methodological
of suspects and the rate of police officers in a
problems, some of which have already been
country(corr.0.02).Asfigure6indicates,thereis
addressed above. Especially, suspects are not the
also no clear relationship between police
only product of the police, which have not only
productivity and the region a country is located
repressive, but also preventive functions. One of
in.Butitcanbeseenthatthosecountriesranking
differentotherproductsofthepoliceistherefore
lowestonthepoliceproductivityscalearemostly
security. This part of police performance cannot,
from Latin America and Asia (countries below
however, be measured in terms of suspects.
the 1st Quartile). Although there is no linear
Depending onthe relationship ofpreventiveand
relationship between the suspects rate and the
repressive functions of the police personnel of
rate of police officers, there seems to exist one
any given country, the importance of the
clearcentreinthefigure.
repressive product of “suspects produced” might
vary.
1
Withoneexception:TheSyrianArabRepublichasbeenexcludedfromthisdiagramduetoanunrealisticallylow
policepersonnelrateofonlyabout10(seeabove).
122
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure6.Suspectsperpoliceofficerbycountriesandregions(log.scales)
NewZealand
RepublicofKorea
UnitedStatesofAmerica
5000 Uruguay
Greece
Chile
Austria
Germany
Zimbabwe EnglandandWales
Swaziland
SriLanka Portugal Bahrain
NetherlandsElSalvadorIsrael
Canada NorthernIreland
Mauritius
Poland Belize
Jamaica
Estonia Hungary Italy
Sweden Iceland
Ireland Turkey
CzechRepublic Montenegro
Cyprus
Denmark
Personssuspected
Morocco Slovakia
Romania Maldives TFYRMacedonia
Slovenia
Switzerland Belarus Malta
BosniaandHerzegovina
Norway Croatia Latvia Kuwait
Nicaragua DominicanRepublic QatarPanama
Mongolia Spain
LithuaniaHongKongSARC
Guatemala Kazakhstan
India BruneiDarussalam
Kyrgyzstan
RepublicofMoldova Singapore
500 Georgia
Colombia
Ukraine
Thailand
Japan
Africa
50
50 500
Policepersonnel
Personssuspectedperpoliceofficer
Asecondproductwearegoingtohaveadetailed directlybetweencountries.Onceagainthisisdue
look at is the number of prosecutions per to the differences between criminal justice
prosecutor.Thisrelationismadevisibleinfigure systems, inf luencing prosecution input and
7.Thecalculatedratescanbefoundintable5in output (see above). Apart from this, as always,
theAnnex.Aswiththesuspectsperpoliceofficer, differences in statistical recording have to be
the rate of persons prosecuted per prosecutor is taken into account. In addition, there is a
subject to wild variation (a result already found problem related to the definition used for
by Mayhew 2003, 106, and Smit 2008, 105). The “persons prosecuted” in the UNǦCTS
median is 82.6 persons prosecuted, the mean questionnaire:
194.0andthestandarddeviation262.3.Again,we
“’Personsprosecuted’maybeunderstoodtomean
find a positively skewed distribution. The
alleged offenders prosecuted by means of an
minimum is 4.1 for China, the maximum 1057.9
officialcharge,initiatedbythepublicprosecutor
forNorthernIreland.
or the law enforcement agency responsible for
Aswiththesuspectsperpoliceofficerrates,these prosecution.”
values do not mean very much if compared
123
Figure7.Personsprosecutedperprosecutorbycountriesandregions(log.scales)
10000
Turkey Finland
Austria
EnglandandWales
RepublicofKorea
Swaziland
Barbados CroatiaPoland
Canada
Algeria
NorthernIreland Netherlands
CzechRepublic
Sweden Estonia
Thailand Scotland
ElSalvador
Maldives TFYRMacedonia RussianFederation
Italy Portugal Hungary
Mauritius Germany Iceland Slovakia
1000 Bulgaria
Slovenia BelarusLatvia
OmanMongolia
NorwayPanama Israel BosniaandHerzegovina
Ireland Denmark RepublicofMoldova
Personsprosecuted
124
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Earlier publications by Mayhew (2003, 106) and according to which a lower workload of the
Personsbroughtbeforeacourtperprosecutor
Althoughdefinedasaninputvalueatcourtlevel confirmed by checking for the correlation
intheUNǦCTSquestionnaire,therateofpersons between the rate of persons prosecuted and the
broughtbeforeacourtcouldbeinterpretedasan rateofpersonsbroughtbeforeacourt(corr.0.87,
output by the public prosecution service, since R² 0.75). Additionally, the ratio of persons
thisisthepublicbodyinchargeofbringingcases broughtbeforeacourtperpersonsprosecutedis
before the court in most countries. The results exactly 1 in the median, the mean being 1.28.
for this variable in relation to the prosecution However, the interpretation of both variables
personnel variable are, however, equally seems to be quite different across countries,
problematicastheresultsforpersonsprosecuted sincetheminimumisabitover0.2forJapan(i.e.
(discussed above). Once again, the rates differ about 4 to 5 persons brought before court per 1
very much: The median is 85.5 cases brought person prosecuted), the maximum 5.8 for the
before a court per prosecutor, the mean is 201.2, Republic of Korea. The standard deviation is,
thestandarddeviation266.2.Theminimumrate accordingly,1.0.
is 3.6 for Ecuador, the maximum 1057.9 for
Apart from differences in the criminal justice
Northern Ireland. The ratio between persons
systems,theseresultsref lectproblemsrelatedto
brought before a court and the number of
the quality and the comprehensibility of these
prosecutorsisthereforenotevenclosetobeinga
definitions. The majority of respondents,
constant.Thereisnolinearrelationshipbetween
however, tend to understand both variables
thesetwovalues(corr.Ǧ0.08).
almost synonymously. Therefore, the ratio of
The distribution is quite similar to the persons brought beforea courtperprosecutor is
distribution that can be found for persons notanalyzedmorecloselyhere.
prosecuted per prosecutor. This can also be
Personsconvictedperprosecutor
A final “productivity” indicator introduced here differences (see also the earlier results by
is the ratio between persons convicted and the Mayhew 2003, 107). The median is 44.3
number of prosecutors. The results for this convictions per prosecutor, the mean 97.1, the
relation can be seen in figure 8 and table 5 (in standarddeviation138.6.Withaminimumof2.3
theAnnex). (Ecuador)andamaximumof654.9(UnitedArab
Emirates), the maximum is once again much
As with the other ratios already discussed, this
higher than the minimum. The distribution is
final ratio shows once again pronounced
positivelyskewed.
125
Figure8.Personsconvictedperprosecutorbycountriesandregions(log.scales)
10000
Finland
EnglandandWales
UnitedArabEmirates
Mauritius
Turkey Sweden
Denmark Poland
France ScotlandCanada
Hungary
Estonia
Iceland
1000 Netherlands Germany RussianFederation
Belarus
Zimbabwe CzechRepublic
Portugal
Israel Austria TFYRMacedonia Croatia
RepublicofKorea BosniaandHerzegovina
Qatar Slovenia Slovakia Latvia
Georgia
Bulgaria Lithuania
Malaysia Italy Chile Ukraine
RepublicofMoldova
Guatemala
Norway Singapore Mongolia
SaudiArabiaRomaniaKyrgyzstan
Personsconvicted
Azerbaijan
Uruguay
Panama
Mexico Albania
Armenia
100 CostaRica
Japan
OccupiedPalestinianTerritory China
DominicanRepublic ElSalvador
Myanmar
Zambia Bolivia
Ecuador Africa
Americas
Nepal
Asia
10
Europe
Ethiopia
PapuaNewGuinea Oceania
3rdQuartile
Median
1stQuartile
1
0,1 1 10
Prosecutionpersonnel
As wasalready shown for theother performance recording. At least, the variable of “persons
indicators, it can be clearly seen in figure 8 that convicted”islessambiguousthanothervariables
there is also no linear relationship between discussed here, especially the “persons
prosecutionpersonnelratesandconvictionrates prosecuted”variable.
(corr. 0.02). However, the relationship between
The definition used by the UNǦCTS was:
quantitative productivity and the region a
“’Personsconvicted’maybeunderstoodtomean
country is located in seems to be more
persons found guilty by any legal body duly
pronounced:Whilebelowthe1stQuartilealmost
authorized to pronounce them convicted under
all countries are located in Asia, Latin America
national law, whether the conviction was later
and the Caribbean, above the 3rd Quartile most
upheldornot.”
countries are located in Europe. Apart from
these, three out of four represented countries However, since the conviction is located at the
from Africa can be found here. There are also a end of the criminal justice process of first
number of Asian countries in the highestǦ instance,thedifferencesofthelegalsystemsare
rankingquartile. fully pronounced here. Rates are, for example,
inf luenced by the percentage of cases that are
Of course, as for the other variables discussed
subject to diversion and thus not or only
here, once again comparability issues have to be
informally sanctioned (for details on attrition
taken into account, based on the differences of
within the criminal justice process see Smit and
the criminal justice systems and of statistical
Harrendorfinthisbook,chapter5).
Combiningthemeasures
So far, we presented four different indicators of three ratios, we calculated correlations. The
quantitative productivity of criminal justice results are 0.45 for suspects ratio by persons
systems. One of these measures (persons prosecuted ratio, 0.65 for suspects ratio by
brought before the court per prosecutor) was persons convicted ratio and 0.66 for persons
rejected due to the close interrelation with and prosecuted ratio by persons convicted ratio.
dubious connection to the ratio of person Therefore, systems with a high quantitative
prosecuted per prosecutor. For the remaining productivity with respect to one of these
126
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
measures also tend to have a high quantitative country, these were added together and the
Punitivityofthesystem
Punitivity is an ambiguous term that requires number of convictions. Systemic punitivity can
definition. One might understand punitivity to now be estimated by the ratio between the rate
mean an attitude within the population, a ofsentencedpersonsincarceratedandtherateof
measure for the demand for harsh punishment. personsconvicted(seeSmit2009):
Thistypeof punitivitycannotbemeasuredwith
The number of sentenced persons in prison at
UNǦCTS data. However, punitivity can also be
anygivendateisinf luenced1)bythenumberof
understood to mean a feature of the criminal
persons sent to prison and 2) by the actual
justice system itself, e.g. measuring the
lengths of prison sentences served. The ratio
harshness of sentences (juridical punitivity; see
betweensentencedpersonsincarceratedandthe
Kury,Ferdinand2008).Punitivitywithrespectto
total of persons convicted is, however, only an
theUNǦCTScanonlybeunderstoodinthislatter
estimate for systemic punitivity due to the fact
way. Therefore, punitivity is regarded here as an
that 1) counting units do not exactly fit and 2)
attribute of any given criminal justice system,
the persons actually in prison at a given date in
measuring the severity of the response to
the reference year have been sent there before.
criminaloffending.
They might have already been in prison for a
UNǦCTS data does not cover information on longer period of time. Therefore, the estimate
sentencesimposedforsurveywavesafterthe7th calculatedthiswayisnotrobustagainstchanges
anymore. Therefore, the length and severity of inthedegreeofsystemicpunitivityovertime.
sentencescannotbedirectlycalculatedwithUNǦ
Taking all this into account, we calculated
CTS data. However, there is another possible
punitivity ratios (see table 6). Additionally,
approach: The UNǦCTS still covers information
figure 9 visualizes the connection between the
on the number of sentenced persons
rates of sentenced persons incarcerated and the
incarcerated. It also includes data on the total
rateofpersonsconvicted.
127
Figure 9. Sentenced persons incarcerated per persons convicted by countries and
regions(log.scales)
1000,00
RussianFederation
Belarus
KazakhstanUkraine
Singapore
Kyrgyzstan
Georgia Estonia
Mongolia LatviaIsrael
RepublicofMoldova
Lithuania Poland
Turkmenistan
Azerbaijan
ElSalvador
CostaRica
Malaysia CzechRepublic
HongKongSARC
Chile
Thailand
Swaziland
UnitedArabEmirates
Panama Romania Mauritius
NewZealand
Uruguay Zimbabwe Bulgaria
Slovakia Hungary EnglandandWales
Scotland UnitedKingdom
Australia Mexico Portugal
TFYRMacedonia
Sentencedpersonsincarcerated
100,00 Zambia
Armenia Bahrain Austria Germany
Canada Egypt
Japan Cyprus
Italy
RepublicofKorea
NorwayQatarCroatia Denmark
SaudiArabia
Sweden
France
Finland
Argentina NorthernIreland
Albania Slovenia Belgium
Switzerland
PapuaNewGuinea
Philippines Venezuela
Ecuador
Netherlands
Luxembourg
BosniaandHerzegovina Turkey
DominicanRepublic Iceland
Guatemala
Bolivia
SyrianArabRepublic
Nepal
Africa
10,00
Americas
Asia
Europe
Oceania
Myanmar
3rdQuartile
Median
1stQuartile
1,00
1,00 10,00 100,00 1000,00 10000,00
Personsconvicted
There is remarkable variation in the results Since the punitivity ratio calculated here gives
producedthisway.Astable6shows,themedian only an estimate of the “real” punitivity of a
ratio is 0.23, the mean 0.92. The standard system, it is useful to test its quality against
deviation is 2.56 with a minimum of 0.01 for othermeasuresofpunitivity.Oneothermeasure
FinlandandEgyptandamaximumof19.83forEl of punitivity of the system is the rate of harsh
Salvador. The distribution is – again – positively sanctions among all sanctions imposed, namely
skewed. The results for countries ranking the percentage of longer unsuspended prison
extremelyhighforthisratioshould,however,be sentences within the total of convictions for a
interpretedwithcare:Resultsmuchabove1need certainoffenceorforallconvictions.
justification and explanation. Such results are
Based on the approach chosen, there are
possible if the input into prison is continuously
different advantages and problems connected: If
higher than the output (in the meaning of
onewantstomeasurethepunitivityofthewhole
released persons) and the rate of unsuspended
system,onemightthinkthebestsolutionwould
prison sentences per total convictions and the
be to calculate the above mentioned percentage
average sentence lengths are high. However,
for all convictions, regardless of offence type.
extremely high rates are likely to invite some
However, there are certain problems regarding
other explanations: For example, the “top six”
this solution. The term “total convictions” is a
countries in table 6 (in the Annex) all show
black box with respect to offences covered. This
extremely low conviction rates. This combined
is due to the fact that the borderline between
with the higher incarceration rates leads to the
criminal and nonǦcriminal behaviour is drawn
assumptionthatthesecountriesdonotreportall
somewhat differently in every country. Apart
of their convictions, but only a small part of
from this, convictions stand at the end of the
them,intheUNǦCTS.
criminal justice process. Therefore, depending
Asfigure9shows,mostofthecountriesranking on the system, a larger or smaller quantity of
lowest for the punitivity ratio are located in (especially: minor) offences might have dropped
Europe, while most highǦranking countries can out of the criminal justice process without any
be found in Asia, Latin America and the convictionatall,e.g.duetodiversionetc.Alow
Caribbean. percentage of long prison sentences might also
128
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Table1.CorrelationsandR²forpunitivitymeasures
Correlations
incarceration / public incarceration / long incarceration / long incarceration / long theft
opinion sentences total robbery sentences sentences
0.20 0.92 0.46 0.89
public opinion / long public opinion / long public opinion / long
sentences total robbery sentences theft sentences
-0.03 0.39 -0.01
long sentences total / long long sentences total / long
robbery sentences theft sentences
0.53 0.88
long robbery / long theft
sentences
0.70
R²
incarceration / public incarceration / long incarceration / long incarceration / long theft
opinion sentences total robbery sentences sentences
0.04 0.85 0.21 0.78
public opinion / long public opinion / long public opinion / long
sentences total robbery sentences theft sentences
0.00 0.15 0.00
long sentences total / long long sentences total / long
robbery sentences theft sentences
0.28 0.77
long robbery / long theft
sentences
0.49
129
Correlations and R² between each pair of these system are two different issues that have to be
measures are shown in table 1. As can be seen addressed separately (although there might be a
there, all measures of systemic punitivity are weak relationship between them, as was also
highly correlated. There is a 0.92 correlation foundinvanDijk,vanKesteren,Smit2007,151).
between the rate of sentenced persons Thishypothesisisalsosupportedbythefactthat
incarcerated per total convictions and the most other measures for the punitivity of the
percentage of sentences longer than one year in system used in table 6 (in the Annex) are not
all convictions. The punitivity measure correlated with the public opinion variable.
calculatedwithUNǦCTSdataisalsoverystrongly Accordingtotheresultspresentedintable1,this
correlated with the percentage of unsuspended is the case for long sentences total (corr. Ǧ0.03)
theftsentencesoveroneyearinthetotaloftheft and long theft sentences (corr. Ǧ0.01). Only the
convictions (corr. 0.89). As could be expected, punishmentformoresevereoffencesseemstobe
based on the theoretical thoughts presented more strongly inf luenced by public opinion (or
above, the correlation with long robbery inanyotherwayinterrelated):Herewecanfinda
sentences above two years is weaker, though not correlationof0.39.Thesefindingssupportother
irrelevant(0.46). researchresultsthatshowthattheinterrelations
between public opinion, lawmaking and legal
The correlation with the measure for the
practice are complex (see i.a. Green 2008;
punitivity of the general public, on the other
Theodore, Kury 2008; Kury, Ferdinand,
hand,isonly0.20.Thissupportstheassumption
ObergfellǦFuchs2008).
that public punitivity and punitivity of the
Summaryandconclusions
Thischapterfocusedonthreedifferentattributes namely resources, performance (productivity)
of criminal justice systems all over the world, andpunitivity.
Resources
Regarding criminal justice resources, four year are around 0 % (standard deviation 2.45
personnelvariablesprovidedintheUNǦCTSdata percentagepoints).
were analyzed: police personnel, prosecution
For prosecution personnel, we observed that
personnel, professional judges and staff in adult
rates vary remarkably, ranging from 0.2 to 44.9.
prisons.
In all countries the rate of prosecutors is much
With respect to police personnel, the following lowerthantherateofpoliceofficers.Themedian
main results were found: Absolute police is 6.1, the mean 8.0. The standard deviation is
personnelfiguresarequiteclearlydependenton 7.9, and the distribution of values is positively
thepopulationsize(corr.0.93).Policepersonnel skewed. The highest rates of prosecution
rates per 100,000 population vary significantly personnelcanbefoundinEasternEurope(above
between countries. The median is 303.3, the 20). All other countries that were formerly part
mean 341.8, the standard deviation 241.5. The of the Soviet Union also show high prosecutor
distribution is positively skewed. Results imply rates (between 25.2 and 10.8). To a lesser extent,
that there is a minimum number of police thesameistrueforthecountriesformerlyunder
officers per 100,000 population that is necessary socialist regimes in Central Europe. Moreover,
in any country. Only four countries worldwide results for China and Mongolia also support the
show police personnel values lower than 100 assumption that there is a connection between
officers per 100,000 population. There are two (former) socialist inf luence and high
regions in theworld with relatively highmedian prosecution personnel rates. Regarding the
ratesofpolicepersonnel(around400),theNear Americas, there is considerable variation in
and Middle East as well as East and South East prosecutorrates.BothCanada(11.6)andtheUSA
Europe, while the regions with the lowest (8.8) show prosecutor rates above the average.
medianrates(medianaround200)canbefound For Latin America and the Caribbean, the
in Africa, Canada / USA, South Asia and median rate is much lower (5.0). However, rates
Oceania. Police personnel figures were quite rangefrom2.2to44.9.Asimilarobservationcan
stable across the reference period (1995 – 2006). be made in Western and Central Europe
The mean and median of the change rates per (excluding formerly socialist countries): Rates
130
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
range from 1.5 to 11.6 without any clear pattern. comparable with trends in prosecutors rates,
Productivity
Regarding criminal justice system performance, suspects as a system produced value is also less
the indicators the UNǦCTS data provide are dependent on the population size than is the
somewhat limited. Estimates can be made by numberofpoliceofficers(corr.0.59).Asaresult,
connecting data on criminal justice personnel the ratio of suspects per police officer is subject
with the data on offenders they have to deal to remarkable variation, with a median of 2.4, a
with: Quantitative productivity defined as the meanof5.2andastandarddeviationof8.0.The
relation between personnel strength and the minimumis0.1,themaximum46.0.
output produced. In this section, we focused on
Therateofpersonsprosecutedperprosecutoris
thepoliceandprosecutionservice,lookingatthe
varyingstrongly,too:Themedianis82.6persons
“products” persons suspected per police officer,
prosecuted, the mean 194.0 and the standard
persons prosecuted per prosecutor, persons
deviation 262.3. The minimum is 4.1, the
brought before the court per prosecutor and
maximum1057.9.Aswiththesuspectsperpolice
personsconvictedperprosecutor.
officerrates,thesevaluesdonotmeanverymuch
Regardingtheratiopersonssuspectedperpolice ifcompareddirectlyacrosscountries.Onceagain
officer,itshouldbenotedthatthereisnolinear this is due to the differences between criminal
relationship between police personnel rates and justice systems and differences in statistical
the rate of suspects produced (corr. 0.02). More recording. In addition, the definition used for
police officers will not necessarily produce a personsprosecutedintheUNǦCTSisambiguous,
higheroutput.Thereisalsonoclearrelationship because official charge might be understood to
between police productivity and the region a meanallpersonsofficiallyprosecuted,butmight
countryislocatedin,althoughcountriesranking alsoalternativelybeunderstoodtomeanpersons
lowestonthepoliceproductivityscalearemostly indicted. Accordingly, there is no linear
from Latin America and Asia. The number of relationship between the number of persons
131
prosecuted and the number of prosecution (corr. 0.02). However, the relationship between
personnel (corr. Ǧ0.12). There is also once again quantitative productivity and the region a
no clear relationship between the region in country is located in seems to be more
which a country is located and the quantitative pronounced:Whilebelowthe1stQuartilealmost
productivityoftheprosecutionservice.However, all countries are located in Asia, Latin America
many of the countries from Asia and all from and the Caribbean, above the 3rd Quartile most
Europebelowthe1stQuartilearecountrieswith countriesarelocatedinEurope.
a socialist past, i.e. also countries with a
The interrelation of the three ratios persons
relatively high rate of prosecutors. Tasks of
suspected per police officer, persons prosecuted
prosecutorsinthesecountriesmightbebroader,
per prosecutor and persons convicted per
thusreducingthequantitativeproductivity.
prosecutor was analyzed, too. Correlations are
The distribution of the ratio of persons brought 0.45 for suspects ratio by persons prosecuted
before a court per prosecutor ratios is quite ratio,0.65forsuspectsratiobypersonsconvicted
similar to the distribution that can be found for ratio and 0.66 for persons prosecuted ratio by
persons prosecuted per prosecutor as regards persons convicted ratio. Therefore, systems with
mean, median, standard deviation, minimum a high quantitative productivity with respect to
andmaximum.Thecorrelationbetweentherate one of these measures also tend to have a high
of persons prosecuted and the rate of persons quantitative productivity with respect to the
brought before a court is 0.87. Additionally, the other two measures. We calculated a combined
test ratio of persons brought before a court per productivitymeasurebasedonthesethreeratios
persons prosecuted is exactly 1 in the median, (seetable5intheAnnex).Thisis,however,stilla
the mean is 1.3. However, the interpretation of measure for quantitative productivity, not for
both variables seems to differ across countries. qualityoftheoutputorworkofacriminaljustice
These results indicate problems related to the system.
quality and the comprehensibility of these
As regards the overall performance of criminal
definitions, although the majority of
justicesystemsininternationalperspective,UNǦ
respondents seem to understand both variables
CTS data is not able to provide a valid answer.
almostsynonymously.
Such an overall assessment would necessarily
Fortheratioofpersonsconvictedperprosecutor, mean an inǦdepth look at the criminal justice
pronounceddifferencescanonceagainbefound, systems of the different countries in theory and
withamedianof44.3convictionsperprosecutor, practice. Andeven with sufficient knowledgeon
ameanof97.1andastandarddeviationof138.6. allcriminaljusticesystemsoftheworlditwould
Accordingly,thedistributioniswideǦrangedwith be a very ambitious task to translate this
a minimum of 2.3 and a maximum of 654.9. knowledge into a handy performance index,
There is also no linear relationship between allowing for a ranking of countries based on the
prosecutionpersonnelratesandconvictionrates qualityofcriminaljusticeperformance.
Punitivity
Finally, this chapter focused on the punitivityof Latin America and the Caribbean. Since the
the system in themeaningof the severity of the punitivity ratio calculated here gives only an
response to criminal offending. Systemic estimate of the “real” punitivity of a system, its
punitivitywasestimatedbytheratiobetweenthe quality was tested against other measures of
rate of sentenced persons incarcerated and the punitivity, taken from the European Sourcebook
rate of persons convicted. Punitivity ratios were of Crime and Criminal Justice Statistics (Aebi et
calculated, with remarkable variation in the al. 2010) and from EU ICS and ICVS data (taken
results produced this way. The median ratio is from: van Dijk, van Kesteren, Smit 2007, 149).
0.23, the mean 0.92. The standard deviation is Results show that we have a good measure of
2.56withaminimumof0.01andamaximumof systemicpunitivitythatishighlycorrelatedwith
19.83.Theresultsforcountriesrankingextremely punitivity measures taken from the ESB,
high for this ratio need, however, be interpreted especially the percentage of sentences longer
with care: Results much above 1 need than one year in all convictions (corr. 0.92) and
justificationandexplanation. the percentage of unsuspended theft sentences
over one year in the total of theft convictions
Most of the countries ranking lowest for the
(corr. 0.89). The correlation with long robbery
punitivityratioarelocatedinEurope,whilemost
sentences above two years is weaker, though not
highǦranking countries can be found in Asia,
132
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
irrelevant (0.46). There is only a weak with public opinion (corr. 0.39 for long robbery
133
Kalidien S N, Eggen A Th J (eds.), Criminaliteit en Systems, The Rise of Prosecutorial Power across
Rechtshandhaving 2008. Den Haag: Boom: 261 – Europe.Berlin,Heidelberg:Springer:27–126.
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WadeM, Aebi M F, Aubusson de Cavarlay B, Balcells M,
Smit P, Harrendorf S 2010. Responses of the Criminal Gilliéron G, Hakeri H, Killias M, Lewis C, Roth E,
JusticeSystem(inthispublication,chapter5). SmitP,SobotaP,TurkovicK,ZilaJ2008.Whenthe
Line is Crossed... Paths to Control and Sanction
Statistisches Bundesamt (ed.) 2007. Ausgewählte
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Zahlen für die Rechtspflege 2006. Wiesbaden:
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–122.
Statistisches Bundesamt (ed.) 2008. Ausgewählte
Wade M, Smit P, Aubusson de Cavarlay B 2008. The
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Prosecution Role where Courts Decide Cases. In
StatistischesBundesamt.
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Walmsley R 2010. Trends in world prison population
CriminalJusticeSystemsToday.InJehleJǦM,Wade
(inthispublication,chapter7).
M (eds.), Coping with Overloaded Criminal Justice
134
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
135
Mexico Americas Latin 485.9 2002 … … … …
Mongolia Asia East / South-East 277.3 2004 … … … …
Montenegro Europe Southeast 890.9 2006 … … … …
Morocco Africa North 142.8 2006 142.9 2001 0.0% 5
Myanmar Asia East / South-East 145.6 2002 146.6 2001 … …
Nepal Asia South 202.0 2006 185.8 2001 1.7% 5
Netherlands Europe West & Central 215.5 2006 195.4 1995 0.9% 11
New Zealand Oceania … 187.0 2006 185.8 1995 0.1% 11
Nicaragua Americas Latin 166.8 2006 … … … …
Northern Ireland Europe West & Central 523.8 2006 698.3 1995 -2.6% 11
Norway Europe West & Central 248.3 2000 233.9 1998 … …
Panama Americas Latin 498.0 2002 482.8 1997 0.6% 5
Papua New Guinea Oceania … 101.4 2000 114.6 1998 … …
Paraguay Americas Latin 331.5 2006 … … … …
Peru Americas Latin 323.0 2004 … … … …
Philippines Asia East / South-East 131.9 2006 149.1 1998 -1.5% 8
Poland Europe West & Central 259.6 2006 257.9 1995 0.1% 11
Portugal Europe West & Central 419.4 2006 435.7 1995 -0.3% 11
Qatar Asia Near and Middle East 435.5 2004 … … … …
Republic of Korea Asia East / South-East 195.1 2004 180.6 1995 0.9% 9
Republic of Moldova Europe East 281.5 2006 169.7 1995 4.7% 11
Romania Europe Southeast 233.8 2006 237.9 1995 -0.2% 11
Scotland Europe West & Central 317.2 2006 361.4 1995 -1.2% 11
Serbia Europe Southeast 440.1 2006 … … … …
Singapore Asia East / South-East 396.4 2006 264.3 1995 3.8% 11
Slovakia Europe West & Central 378.4 2006 370.3 1998 0.3% 8
Slovenia Europe West & Central 391.8 2006 199.1 1995 6.3% 11
South Africa Africa Southern 219.9 2002 343.5 1995 -6.2% 7
Spain Europe West & Central 313.0 2006 310.7 1995 0.1% 11
Sri Lanka Asia South 330.5 2004 310.7 1995 0.7% 9
Swaziland Africa Southern 263.4 2004 225.0 1998 2.7% 6
Sweden Europe West & Central 191.2 2006 280.5 1995 -3.4% 11
Switzerland Europe West & Central 222.6 2006 201.1 1995 0.9% 11
Syrian Arab Republic Asia Near and Middle East 10.2 2004 … … … …
TFYR Macedonia Europe Southeast 480.0 2006 420.0 1998 1.7% 8
Thailand Asia East / South-East 321.0 2006 365.2 1995 -1.2% 11
Turkey Europe Southeast 451.9 2006 206.1 1995 7.4% 11
Ukraine Europe East 358.2 2006 467.0 1995 -2.4% 11
Uruguay Americas Latin 507.4 2004 532.1 2001 -1.6% 3
USA Americas Canada / USA 223.6 2006 243.6 1995 -0.8% 11
Venezuela Americas Latin 15.6 2002 15.1 2001 … …
Zambia Africa Southern 122.3 2000 111.3 1998 … …
Zimbabwe Africa Southern 186.8 2004 161.3 1997 2.1% 7
Median 303.3 272.4 0.1% 11.0
Mean 341.8 315.8 0.0% 9.1
Standard deviation 241.5 164.4 2.4% 2.5
136
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Table2.Prosecutorsper100,000populationbycountry
137
Oman Asia Near and Middle East 12.0 2002 12.4 2001 … …
Panama Americas Latin 2.4 2006 … … … …
Papua New Guinea Oceania ... 0.5 2000 0.6 1998 … …
Peru Americas Latin 16.3 2004 13.2 2001 7.1% 3
Philippines Asia East and South-East 1.7 2004 … … … …
Poland Europe West & Central 15.6 2006 14.1 2001 2.1% 5
Portugal Europe West & Central 11.6 2006 9.4 1995 2.0% 11
Qatar Asia Near and Middle East 5.7 2000 6.3 1998 … …
Republic of Korea Asia East and South-East 3.1 2004 2.1 1995 4.2% 9
Republic of Moldova Europe East 20.1 2006 10.9 1995 5.8% 11
Romania Europe Southeast 9.5 2006 8.2 1995 1.4% 11
Russian Federation Europe East 30.3 2000 29.8 1999 … …
Saudi Arabia Asia Near and Middle East 6.6 2002 6.0 2001 … …
Scotland Europe West & Central 9.3 2006 5.4 1995 5.1% 11
Singapore Asia East and South-East 2.2 2006 2.0 1995 0.9% 11
Slovakia Europe West & Central 14.5 2006 10.3 1995 3.2% 11
Slovenia Europe West & Central 9.7 2006 7.2 1995 2.8% 11
South Africa Africa Southern 5.5 2002 3.9 1995 4.9% 7
Spain Europe West & Central 3.6 2000 … … … …
Swaziland Africa Southern 4.4 2006 … … … …
Sweden Europe West & Central 8.9 2006 7.9 1995 1.0% 11
Syrian Arab Republic Asia Near and Middle East 1.8 2000 1.9 1998 … …
TFYR Macedonia Europe Southeast 9.1 2006 8.6 1998 0.7% 8
Thailand Asia East and South-East 3.1 2000 2.7 1998 … …
Turkey Europe Southeast 4.8 2006 4.6 1995 0.4% 11
Ukraine Europe East 23.8 2006 … … … …
United Arab Emirates Asia Near and Middle East 3.0 2006 … … … …
Uruguay Americas Latin 12.7 2000 11.7 1998 … …
USA Americas Canada / USA 8.8 2005 8.7 1997 0.1% 8
Venezuela Americas Latin 4.8 2006 … … … …
Zambia Africa Southern 0.2 2000 0.3 1998 … …
Zimbabwe Africa Southern 1.4 2000 1.2 1998 … …
Median 6.1 6.9 2.0% 11.0
Mean 8.8 8.8 1.9% 8.8
Standard deviation 7.9 8.6 3.8% 2.7
Table3.Professionaljudgesper100,000populationbycountry
Afghanistan Asia Near and Middle East 8.8 2002 9.1 2001 … …
Albania Europe Southeast 10.8 2002 8.8 1998 5.4% 4
Algeria Africa North 9.3 2006 … … … …
Armenia Asia Central 5.8 2006 … … … …
Austria Europe West & Central 28.5 2006 … … … …
Azerbaijan Asia Central 3.9 2004 2.7 1995 4.2% 9
Bahrain Asia Near and Middle East 15.9 2005 9.3 1995 5.5% 10
Barbados Americas Latin 7.2 2000 7.1 1998 … …
Belarus Europe East 9.7 2006 8.5 1995 1.2% 11
Belgium Europe West & Central 23.2 2002 12.3 1995 9.5% 7
Bolivia Americas Latin 10.3 2006 … … … …
Bosnia and Herzegovina Europe Southeast 22.4 2006 … … … …
Bulgaria Europe Southeast 19.6 2004 12.1 1995 5.5% 9
Canada Americas Canada / USA 6.5 2003 6.6 1998 -0.3% 5
Chile Americas Latin 5.0 2004 3.4 1998 6.8% 6
China Asia East and South-East 15.9 2002 14.0 1995 1.8% 7
Colombia Americas Latin 10.0 2000 11.0 1995 -1.8% 5
Costa Rica Americas Latin 18.0 2006 14.3 1995 2.1% 11
Croatia Europe Southeast 43.7 2006 25.1 1995 5.2% 11
Cyprus Europe West & Central 11.7 2006 8.2 1995 3.3% 11
Czech Republic Europe West & Central 28.6 2006 21.1 1995 2.8% 11
138
138
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Denmark Europe West & Central 12.9 2004 12.4 1997 0.6% 7
139
139
Turkey Europe Southeast 8.6 2006 9.0 1995 -0.4% 11
Ukraine Europe East 11.5 2004 13.9 1995 -2.1% 9
Uruguay Americas Latin 13.2 2000 14.1 1995 -1.2% 5
USA Americas Canada / USA 10.8 2001 10.2 1998 1.7% 3
Venezuela Americas Latin 2.6 2000 1.2 1998 … …
Zambia Africa Southern 9.8 2000 … … … …
Zimbabwe Africa Southern 0.7 2000 0.6 1998 … …
Median 9.7 8.3 1.8% 9.0
Mean 11.4 9.8 2.2% 8.9
Standard deviation 9.9 8.2 4.2% 2.4
Table4.Correctionalstaffinadultprisonsper100,000populationbycountry
140
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
141
Table5.Performanceratesandtrendsbycountry
142
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Table 6. Total number of prisoners by total number of convictions and other punitivity
measuresbycountry
143
Canada Americas 0.08 849.1 06 72.1 06 44% ICVS … … … … … …
Chile Americas 0.44 317.7 04 138.7 04 … … … … … … … …
Costa Rica Americas 1.81 81.6 06 147.5 06 … … … … … … … …
Croatia Europe 0.10 567.9 06 54.8 06 … … 3.7% ESB 15.6% ESB 3.8% ESB
Cyprus Europe 0.34 174.4 06 58.6 06 … … 14.3% ESB 26.9% ESB 13.4% ESB
Czech Republic Europe 0.23 679.2 06 158.2 06 … … 5.2% ESB 22.6% ESB 5.3% ESB
2
144
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
145
AnnexBtochapter6:Methodologicalnotes
Datavalidation
UNǦCTS data were provided unǦvalidated by the rule was violated, data and trend for both
UN.Therefore,forthepurposesofthischapter,a variables were thoroughly checked. If the data
quality check was carried out on the data. All seemed trustworthy except for the violation of
data from countries with less than 100,000 this rule, this was accepted if the ratio was not
inhabitantswereremoved(withtheexceptionof much bigger than 1, because this might be
the results presented in Figure 1) because of the explained by incomplete statistical recording at
instabilityofthesedataduetothesmallabsolute police level (e.g. restricted to certain offence
numbers. types etc.) and other factors, such as time lags
withinthecriminaljusticeprocess.
Then,threetypesof checkswere made,the first
two of these routinely for all variables used: d) Persons brought before court by persons
Trend check, internal validity check, other suspected: This ratio was expected to be smaller
sources check. The internal validity check was than1.Violationswerehandledasunder2.c).
always carried out after the trend check and
e) Persons convicted by persons suspected: This
thereforealsoafterpossiblemodificationsdueto
ratio was expected to be smaller than 1.
thisfirstcheck.Othersourceswereonlychecked
Violationswerehandledasunder2.c).
for suspicious values and only where such other
sourceswereavailable. f ) Persons convicted by persons prosecuted: This
ratio was expected to be smaller than 1.
Trend check was a check for consistency of data
Violationswerehandledasunder2.c).
within responses provided all over the reference
periodofthispublication(6thto10thUNǦCTS).It g) Persons convicted by persons brought before
was mainly looked for significant “jumps” in the court:Thisratiowasexpectedtobesmallerthan
time series between adjacent UNǦCTS waves. 1.Violationswerenotaccepted.
Where a gap in the time series existed since a
h) PreǦtrial detainees by total prison population:
country did not respond to all waves, the trend
This ratio was expected to be smaller than 1.
check was still carried out. However, the
Violationswerenotaccepted.
acceptable thresholds for f luctuations were
adaptedinsuchacase. i)Sentencedprisonersbytotalprisonpopulation:
This ratio was expected to be smaller than or
Internalvaliditycheckwasacheckfor:
equalto1.Violationswerenotaccepted.
1.) Extreme, implausible outliers in the
j) PreǦtrial detainees plus sentenced prisoners by
responsesfromthedifferentcountries,i.e.values
total prison population: This ratio was expected
totally outside the acceptable and expectable
to be equal to or moderately lower than 1.
variationofacertainvariable.
Violations were accepted in both directions, if
2.) Consistency of data within responses not too extreme, for lower ratios already due to
provided to different questions of the UNǦCTS. the existence of other categories (“convicted
The following consistency checks were routinely awaiting sentence” and “other”) in the UNǦCTS
madeforchapter7: data, for higher ratios due to possible
overlapping between both categories and / or
a) Prosecution personnel per police personnel:
doublecounts.
This ratio was expected to be far smaller than 1.
Thisrulewasneverviolated. k) Adult prisoners by total prison population:
This ratio was expected to be smaller than or
b) Judges per police personnel: This ratio was
equal to 1. Violations were not accepted in
expected to be far smaller than 1. This rule was
principle. However, in the case of very small
neverviolated.
differences (excess of less than 10 %) these were
c) Juvenile prison staff by adult prison staff: This allowed if the data were plausible in all other
ratiowasexpectedtobesmallerthan1.Thisrule respects,becausethedifferencesmightbedueto
wasneverviolated. different sources or reference dates for these
data.
c) Persons prosecuted by persons suspected: This
ratio was expected to be smaller than 1. If this
146
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
l) Juvenile prisoners by total prison population: Ǧ The suspected value was replaced by another
Latestavailableyearandstart/endyearfortrendanalysis
If available, the year 2006 from the 10th survey accepted as possible starting dates for trend
was taken. Otherwise the latest available year analysis,whereastheyears2006(preferred)back
was taken, provided this year was 2000 or later. to2000wereacceptedaspossibleenddates.The
Data from 1999 or earlier were not used for this end date for trend analysis is therefore always
datapoint. identical to the latest available year throughout
chapter 7. Thestarting and end year canalso be
Inordertoincludeasmanycountriesaspossible
seen directly in the table, allowing the reader to
in trend analysis, trends were computed using
interpret the results correctly. In trend tables
only two points in time (start and end). The
there are always two values printed for each
earliest starting date for trends was – different
country which had at least two values available
from most other chapters in this book – not
thatcouldbeconsideredasstartingdateandend
1996, but 1995, because resources variables were
datebasedontherulesabove.
only covered for 1995 and 1997 in the 6th UNǦ
CTS. The years 1995 (preferred) to 2001 were
Averageannualchangerate
When presenting and comparing trends, the This mean annual change was computed
complication is that the period is not the same between the 'start' and 'end' (for most countries
for every country: e.g. for some countries the 1995–2006).Butofcourseitwouldbeuselessto
'start'yearcouldbe1995andthe'end'year2006, calculateanaverageannualchangeratewithonly
for others this could be 2000 and 2004. To one or two years in between these dates.
circumvent this, the mean annual change was Therefore,annualaveragechangerateswereonly
computedwiththefollowingformula: calculatedif(endyearǦstartyear>=3).
Ifx1isthevalueatyeart1andx2thevalueatyear
t2(witht2>t1),themeanannualchangeis:
(x2/x1)1/(t2Ǧt1)Ǧ1
147
Summarymeasuresinfiguresandtables
When computing figures per regions and subǦ report as differentiated as possible, the total n
regionsthenonǦweightedmedianwascalculated. valuesforeachregion/subǦregionwereincluded
This means that the rates of large and small in the figure. Sometimes, medians were even
countrieshaveequalweightwhencalculatingthe calculated for only two values, where considered
median. The choice was made to facilitate necessary (e.g. for Oceania not to lose it
comparison of crime rates between countries completely).Inordertoavoidmisinterpretations,
without taking into account the size of the in these cases these two countries were explicitly
country. The disadvantage of the method is that listeddirectlyinthefigure.
onecannotexactlyestimatetheoverallpictureof
The lines “1st Quartile”, “Median” and “3rd
criminaljusticeindifferentregions.Accurateand
Quartile” in the other figures refer to the nonǦ
complete regional comparisons are, however,
weighted Quartiles (1st, 2nd, 3rd) of the respective
impossible because not all countries have
ratio(e.g.infigure6:suspectsperpoliceofficer).
respondedtotheUNǦCTS.
Most tables feature the following summary
Calculation ofmedians wasdone partially on the
measures:median,mean,andstandarddeviation.
regional and partially on the subǦregional level,
Aswiththemedianscalculatedforthefiguresby
basedontheavailablenumberofobservations.In
regions and subǦregions, these measures are
general, medians were not calculated for a subǦ
calculated without weighting them by
region if there were only three or less reporting
population. Since these summary measures refer
countriesthere.Thereweresomeexceptionsfrom
tothetotalofrespondingcountries,thisdecision
this rule where this was necessary in order to
was necessary in order to avoid the
separately show the results for other subǦregions
misinterpretation that the total medians, means
within the same region with more than three
and standard deviations would represent “the
reportingcountries.
world”intotal.
In order to document the restrictions for the
interpretation of medians, but still be able to
148
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Policepersonnel
Azerbaijan: Trend check failed for 8th UN-CTS (2001 / 2002); deleted.
Belgium: Trend and other sources check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted; used ESB 2nd edition data for 1995 instead.
Chile: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted; used 5th UN-CTS data for 1994 (instead of 1995).
Costa Rica: Trend check failed; deleted 7th and 9th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000; 2005 / 2006).
Maldives: Trend check failed; deleted 6th and 8th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997; 2001 / 2002).
Mexico: Trend check failed for 9th UN-CTS (2003 / 2004); deleted.
Spain: Trend and other sources check failed for 6 th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted; used ESB 1st edition data for 1995 instead.
Turkey: Corrected typo in 2006 data.
Totalnumberofpersonssuspected/arrested/cautioned
Austria: Trend and other sources check failed for 8th UN-CTS (2001 / 2002); deleted; used ESB 3rd edition data for 2001 instead.
England & Wales: Trend and other sources check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted; used ESB 2nd edition data for
1995 instead.
Greece: Trend and other sources check failed; deleted 7th and 10th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000; 2005 / 2006); deleted; used ESB 4th
edition data for 2006 instead.
Latvia: Trend and other sources check failed; deleted 6 th and 10th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997; 2005 / 2006); deleted; used ESB 4th
edition data for 2005 / 2006 instead, but not ESB 2nd edition data for 1995 – 1997, because the latter values also failed trend
check.
Malaysia: Trend check failed; deleted 6th and 10th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997; 2005 / 2006).
Morocco: Trend check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Nepal: Trend check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
Occupied Palestine Territory: Trend check failed for 1995 value from 6th UN-CTS; deleted.
Panama: Trend check failed; deleted 6th and 7th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997; 1998 – 2000).
Paraguay: Trend check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Singapore: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Spain: Trend and other sources check failed for 6 th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted; used ESB 2nd edition data for 1995 instead.
Thailand: Trend check and internal validity check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
Venezuela: Internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Prosecutionpersonnel
Argentina: According to 10th UN-CTS metadata, 2006 data only cover federal and Buenos Aires City personnel; excluded from
comparison.
Bahrain: Internal validity check failed for 6th UN-CTS; deleted.
Chile: Trend check failed; deleted 7th and 8th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000; 2001 / 2002).
El Salvador: Trend check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
England & Wales: Trend check failed; deleted 7th and 8th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000; 2001 / 2002).
Georgia: Trend check failed for 9th UN-CTS (2003 / 2004); deleted.
Malta: Trend and internal validity check failed for 2002 value from 8th UN-CTS; deleted.
Mexico: Trend and internal validity check failed for 1999 value from 7th UN-CTS; deleted.
Pakistan: Internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Peru: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Sri Lanka: Internal validity check failed for 9th UN-CTS (2003 / 2004); deleted.
Sweden: Trend and other sources check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted; used ESB 1st edition data for 1995 instead.
149
Totalnumberofpersonsprosecuted
Chile: Trend check failed for 8th UN-CTS (2001 / 2002); deleted.
Cyprus: Trend and internal validity check failed for all survey waves; all deleted.
Ecuador: Trend and internal validity check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006).
England & Wales: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted; internal validity check failed for 2001 value from 8th
CTS.
Guatemala: Internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Ireland: Trend check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
Latvia: Trend check failed for 2006 value from 10th UN-CTS; deleted.
Malta: Trend check failed for 9th UN-CTS (2003 / 2004); deleted.
Nepal: Trend and internal validity check failed for 10 th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
Northern Ireland: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Republic of Moldova: Trend and internal validity check failed; deleted 8th and 9th UN-CTS values (2001 / 2002; 2003 / 2004).
Swaziland: Trend and internal validity check failed for 10 th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
United Arab Emirates: Internal validity check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
United States of America: Trend check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
Venezuela: Trend and internal validity check failed for 8 th UN-CTS (2001 / 2002); deleted.
Zambia: Internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 - 2000); deleted.
Professionaljudges
Colombia: Trend check failed for 9th UN-CTS (2003 / 2004); deleted.
Denmark: Trend check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
England & Wales: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Germany: Trend and other sources check failed; deleted 9th and 10th UN-CTS (2003 / 2004; 2005 / 2006); used data taken from
the Federal Statistical Office in Germany for 2006 instead.
Maldives: Trend and internal validity check failed for all survey waves; all deleted.
Northern Ireland: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Pakistan: Internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Slovakia: Trend check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
United States of America: According to 10th UN-CTS metadata, 2005 / 2006 data only cover federal judges; excluded from
comparison. Trend check also failed for 1997 value from 6th UN-CTS; deleted.
Totalnumberofpersonsbroughtbeforethecriminalcourts
Afghanistan: Internal validity check failed for 8th UN-CTS (2001 / 2002); deleted.
Australia: Trend and internal validity check failed for all survey waves; all deleted.
Bahrain: Trend and internal validity check failed for all survey waves; all deleted.
Bolivia: Trend and internal validity check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
Colombia: Trend and internal validity check failed for all survey waves; all deleted.
Costa Rica: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Cyprus: Trend and internal validity check failed for all survey waves; all deleted.
Denmark: Trend check failed; deleted 6th to 9th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997; 1998 – 2000; 2001 / 2002; 2003 / 2004).
El Salvador: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
England & Wales: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Japan: Trend check failed; deleted 6th and 7th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997; 1998 – 2000).
Luxembourg: Internal validity check failed for 8th UN-CTS (2001 / 2002); deleted.
Malta: Trend and internal validity check failed for 9th UN-CTS (2003 / 2004); deleted.
Mauritius: Trend and internal validity check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
Myanmar: Internal validity check failed for 8th UN-CTS (2001 / 2002); deleted.
Northern Ireland: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Occupied Palestine Territory: Internal validity check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
Saudi Arabia: Internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Sweden: Internal validity check failed for all survey waves; all deleted.
Turkey: Trend check failed for 8th UN-CTS (2001 / 2002); deleted.
Turkmenistan: Internal validity check failed; deleted 9th and 10th UN-CTS (2003 / 2004; 2005 / 2006).
United States of America: Trend and internal validity check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
Venezuela: Internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
150
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Totalnumberofpersonsconvicted
Totalstaffinadultprisons
Colombia: Trend check failed; deleted 6th and 7th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997; 1998 – 2000).
Ecuador: Trend check failed for 8th UN-CTS (2001 / 2002); deleted.
El Salvador: Trend and internal validity check failed for 10th UN-CTS (2005 / 2006); deleted.
Maldives: Trend and internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Mexico: Trend and internal validity check failed for all survey waves; all deleted.
Ukraine: Trend and internal validity check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Totalstaffinjuvenileprisons
Czech Republic: Trend check failed; deleted 7th to 9th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000; 2001 / 2002; 2003 / 2004).
Maldives: Trend and internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Mexico: Trend and internal validity check failed for all survey waves; all deleted.
Phillipines: Trend and internal validity check failed for all survey waves; all deleted.
Totalnumberofpersonsincarcerated
Argentina: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Azerbaijan: Trend check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Cyprus: Trend and other sources check failed; deleted 8th and 10th UN-CTS (2001 / 2002; 2005 / 2006); used ESB 4th edition data
for 2006 instead.
Jordan: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Maldives: Internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Mauritius: Trend check failed; deleted 6 th and 9th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997; 2003 / 2004).
Sri Lanka: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Swaziland: Trend check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Numberofsentencedpersonsincarcerated
Argentina: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Cyprus: Trend and other sources check failed; deleted 8th and 10th UN-CTS (2001 / 2002; 2005 / 2006); used ESB 4th edition data
for 2006 for the variables “total number of prisoners: stock” and “of which in pre-trial detention: stock” to calculate a
replacement value.
Jordan: Trend check failed for 6th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997); deleted.
Kazakhstan: Trend check failed; deleted 6th and 7th UN-CTS (1995 – 1997; 1998 – 2000).
Kyrgyzstan: Trend check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Latvia: Trend check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Maldives: Trend and internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Mauritius: Trend check failed for 9th UN-CTS (2003 / 2004); deleted.
Morocco: Trend check failed for 9th UN-CTS (2003 / 2004); deleted.
Paraguay: Trend and internal validity check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
Phillipines: Trend and internal validity check failed; deleted 7 th and 8th UN-CTS values (1998 – 2000; 2001 / 2002).
Swaziland: Trend check failed for 7th UN-CTS (1998 – 2000); deleted.
151
152
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Chapter7– Trendsinworldprisonpopulation
Prison population
RoyWalmsley*
Abstract
Thechapterfocusesonthreetopicsrelatingtointernationalprisonpopulationlevels.First,itexaminesthe
patternofchangestoprisonpopulationlevelsduringthedecade1997Ǧ2007.Changesoverthewholedecade
andinthemostrecentfiveyearsareconsideredseparately.Second,inrespectofpreǦtrial/remanddetention,
the chapter identifies the countries with the highest proportion of their prison population held in such
conditionsin2007andfinally,asanindicationofovercrowding,attentionisdrawntothehighestoccupancy
levels in 2007. In each case the figures are shown continent by continent. The overall trend is that prison
populationshavegrownduringthedecade1997Ǧ2007.Prisonpopulationratesrosebetween1997and2007in
68%ofthecountriesstudied.Therewaslittledifferencebetweenthecontinentsintermsoftheproportion
of countries showing growth in prison population rates: in every continent there was growth in 60Ǧ75% of
countries.Thereweresharpcontrastsbetweenthehighestandlowestprisonpopulationlevelsinthesame
continent. Of the countries on which information was available 45% had at least 30% of their prison
population in preǦtrial/remand detention in 2007, and in 20% of the countries at least half the prison
populationwereheldinsuchconditions.PreǦtrial/remanddetentionlevelsweregenerallyhigherinAfrica,
theAmericasandAsiathaninEuropeandOceania.Ofthecountriesonwhichinformationwasavailablethe
prisonsystemin61%hadmorethan100%occupancyin2007andin22%theoccupancylevelwasover150%.
Occupancy levels were highest in countries in Africa, the Americas and Asia but also exceeded 100% in
almostahalfofEuropeancountries.
Introduction
This chapter focuses on three topics relating to finalsectiondrawstogetherthemainpointsthat
international prison population levels. First, it emergefromthesefindings.
examines the pattern of changes to prison
The data used are in respect of a total of 144
population levels during the decade 1997Ǧ2007.
UnitedNationsmemberǦstates(threeǦquartersof
Changes over the whole decade and in the most
all memberǦstates): 30 in Africa, 31 in the
recent five years are considered separately. In
Americas, 27 in Asia, 46 in Europe and 10 in
addition, attention is drawn to the highest and
Oceania.
lowestprisonpopulationratesin2007.Second,in
respect of preǦtrial/remand detention, the Sources are the national prison administrations,
Chapter identifies the countries with the highest the Ministries responsible for prisons, national
proportion of their prison population held in statistical offices and data provided by these
such conditions in 2007 and finally, as an bodiesto,forexample,theUnitedNationsCrime
indicationofovercrowding,attentionisdrawnto Trends Surveys, the Asian and Pacific
thehighestoccupancylevelsin2007.Ineachcase Conferences for Correctional Administrators and
the figures are shown continent by continent. A the Council of Europe Annual Penal Statistics
(SPACE).
*AssociateoftheInternationalCentreforPrisonStudies,London
153
Changesinprisonpopulationlevels
Figures 1Ǧ18 show the changes in prison Figure1.LargestincreasesinAfricanprison
population rates over the years 1997Ǧ2007 and populationrates(per100,000ofthenational
2002Ǧ2007. Where figures for one of those two population)1997Ͳ2007(%)
yearsarenotavailable,thoseforadatewithintwo
years of the intended date are substituted and Malawi
asterisked. Lesotho
Rwanda*
Africa Ghana
Algeria
OfthetwentyǦfiveUnitedNationsmemberstates Mozambique
inAfricaonwhichthenecessaryinformationwas Seychelles*
available (1997Ǧ2007), the prison population rose Mauritius
duringthisdecadeintwentyandfellinfive.Rises
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
of more than 50% were recorded in eight
countries.Infivecountriestheprisonpopulation
Figure2.LargestdecreasesinAfricanprison
fell(Annex1,tables1and2).
populationrates(per100,000ofthenational
However, the best indicator of trends in overall population)1997Ͳ2007(%)
prison population levels is not the prison
population total but the prison population rate
Nigeria*
per 100,000 of the national population. The Burundi*
former is affected by changes in the size of the Madagascar
national population and provides therefore a less Namibia*
accuratepictureofthetrends. Zambia*
Botswana*
Removing the effectofchangesin the size of the
Zimbabwe
national population (which was rising in most Morocco*
countries)revealsthatalthoughtherewasindeed
substantial growth over the decade the growth Ͳ60 Ͳ50 Ͳ40 Ͳ30 Ͳ20 Ͳ10 0
affected slightly fewer countries and was less
markedthanthechangesintheprisonpopulation Figure3.LargestincreasesinAfricanprison
totalshadindicated.Infacttheprisonpopulation populationrates(per100,000ofthenational
raterosein15ofthe25countriesandfellin8.In population)2002Ͳ2007(%)
theremainingtwotheratewasunchanged.
Rises of more than 25% were recorded in eight Rwanda
countries(figure1).Itistobenotedthatwhereas Algeria
Seychelles
eightcountrieshadatleast50%increasesintheir
Angola*
prison population totals, the corresponding level Mozambique*
of increases in prison population rates was Benin
markedly lower. The prison population rate SierraLeone*
decreasedineightcountries(figure2).Becauseof Libya*
the growth in national populations in most
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90
countries the decreases were greater than the
decreasesinprisonpopulationtotals.
Figure4.LargestdecreasesinAfricanprison
Thefigures1Ǧ2have shownthe changes inprison
populationrates(per100,000ofthenational
population rates over the whole decade 1997Ǧ
population)2002Ͳ2007(%)
2007. However, it is changes in the most recent
five years (2002Ǧ07) that are perhaps of the most Burundi
immediate interest: Of the thirty United Nations
Namibia*
member states in Africa on which the necessary
Madagascar
information was available, prison population
rates rose during this fiveǦyear period in fifteen Mauritius
and fell in fifteen. Rises of more than 20% were Swaziland
recorded in eight countries (figure 3). Falls of Lesotho
more than 20% were recorded in six countries
(figure4). Ͳ40 Ͳ30 Ͳ20 Ͳ10 0
154
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Americas
Figure5.Largestincreasesinprisonpopulation
Of the thirtyǦone United Nations member states
Prison population
ratesintheAmericas(per100,000ofthe
in the Americas on which the necessary
nationalpopulation)1997Ͳ2007(%)
informationwasavailable(1997Ǧ2007),theprison
population rose in 27 and fell in four. Rises of
more than 50% were recorded in 11 countries StKittsandNevis
Brazil
(Annex, table 3) In four countries the prison
Uruguay*
populationfell1997Ǧ2007(Annex,table4).
Ecuador
However, as stated above, the best indicator of Mexico
trends in overall prison population levels is not Argentina
ElSalvador
the prison population total but the prison
Haiti
population rate per 100,000 of the national Chile
population. Peru
Guyana
AsinAfrica,removingtheeffectofchangesinthe
Paraguay
size of the national population reveals that Barbados*
although there was indeed substantial growth
overthedecade,thegrowthaffectedslightlyfewer 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140
countries and was less marked than the changes
in the prison population totals had indicated. In
facttheprisonpopulationraterosein23ofthe31 Figure6.Largestdecreasesinprisonpopulation
countriesandfellineight. ratesintheAmericas(per100,000ofthe
nationalpopulation)1997Ͳ2007(%)
Rises of more than 25% were recorded in 13
countries(figure5). Also paralleltothe situation
in Africa, it is to be noted that whereas 11 Venezuela
TrinidadandTobago
countries had at least 50% increases in their
StVincent&theGrenadines
prison population totals, the corresponding level
Bahamas*
of increases in prison population rates was
Guatemala*
markedlylower.
Canada
The prison population rate decreased in eight Belize
countries (figure 6). Because of the growth in Dominica
national populations in most countries the
Ͳ40 Ͳ30 Ͳ20 Ͳ10 0
decreases were generally greater than the
decreasesinprisonpopulationnumbers.
Of the 31 United Nations m ember s tates in the Figure7.Largestincreasesinprisonpopulation
Americasonwhichthenecessaryinformationwas ratesintheAmericas(per100,000ofthe
available (2002Ǧ2007), prison population rates nationalpopulation)2002Ͳ2007(%)
rose during this fiveǦyear period in 23, fell in
seven and remained unchanged in one. Rises of Ecuador
more than 20% were recorded in 12 countries Guyana
(figure 7). Only one of the seven countries that Haiti
registered falls in this period had a fall of more Brazil
than20%(figure8). ElSalvador
Peru
StKittsandNevis
AntiguaandBarbuda
Chile
Grenada
Belize
Barbados
0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140
155
Figure8.Largestdecreasesinprisonpopulation Figure9.LargestincreasesinAsianprison
ratesintheAmericas(per100,000ofthe populationrates(per100,000ofthenational
nationalpopulation)2002Ͳ2007(%) population)1997Ͳ2007(%)
Guatemala Indonesia
TrinidadandTobago Cambodia
DominicanRepublic* Israel
SriLanka
Colombia*
Japan
Panama Tajikistan*
Jamaica* SaudiArabia*
Venezuela Bangladesh
Vietnam*
Ͳ30 Ͳ20 Ͳ10 0 BruneiDarussalam*
India*
Falls of more than 20% were recorded in six 0 20 40 60 80 100
countries(figure12).
156
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Figure12.LargestdecreasesinAsianprison Figure13.LargestincreasesinEuropeanprison
populationrates(per100,000ofthenational populationrates(per100,000ofthenational
population)2002Ͳ2007(%) population)1997Ͳ2007(%)
Prison population
Thailand
Singapore Serbia*
Kazakhstan Cyprus(Republicof)
Turkmenistan* Macedonia(fYRof)
Kyrgyzstan Monaco*
Korea(Republicof) Georgia
Croatia
Ͳ50 Ͳ40 Ͳ30 Ͳ20 Ͳ10 0
Greece
Europe Slovenia
Albania*
Of the 45 United Nations member states in
Europe on which the necessary information was Poland
available, the prison population rose during this
0 40 80 120 160
decade (1997Ǧ2007) in 30 and fell in 15. Rises of
morethan50% wererecordedin12countries.Of
the15countrieswheretheprisonpopulationfell,
Figure14.LargestdecreasesinEuropeanprison
inninethedecreasewasmorethan20%(Annex1,
populationrates(per100,000ofthenational
tables7and8).
population)1997Ͳ2007(%)
Turning to the more reliable indicator of change
in prison population trends, the prison Armenia
population rates show that there was indeed Romania
substantial growth over the decade and it was Andorra*
scarcely less marked than the changes in the Latvia
prisonpopulationtotalshadindicated.Infact,as Lithuania
with the prison population totals, the prison Azerbaijan*
populationratesrosein30ofthe45countriesand Portugal
fellin15. Ukraine
Whereas in Africa, the Americas and Asia prison Ͳ60 Ͳ50 Ͳ40 Ͳ30 Ͳ20 Ͳ10 0
population rates showed the rises to be less
marked than had been indicated by the prison
population totals, this was much less evident in Figure15.LargestincreasesinEuropeanprison
European countries; this is because national populationrates(per100,000ofthenational
population totals were fairly stable in many population)2002Ͳ2007(%)
countriesandinotherstheywerefalling.Indeed,
ratesrosebyatleast50%intencountries(figure Georgia
13), just two less than recorded at least 50% rises Luxembourg
intheirprisonpopulationtotals.Ratesrosebyat Cyprus(Republicof)
least25%in18countries. Serbia*
Macedonia(fYRof)
The prison population rate decreased in 15 Turkey
countries,ineightofwhichthedecreaseexceeded Albania
20% (figure 14). The size of the decreases was Croatia
similar to the size of the decreases in prison Malta
populationtotals. Montenegro
Greece
Of the 45 United Nations member states in Bulgaria
Europe on which the necessary information was Slovenia
available,prisonpopulationratesroseduringthis 0 30 60 90 120 150
fiveǦyear period (2002Ǧ2007) in 32 and fell in 14.
Rises of more than 20% were recorded in 13
countries(figure15).Fallsofmorethan20%were
recordedinsevencountries(figure16).
157
Figure16.LargestdecreasesinEuropeanprison population levels in the 144 countries covered by
populationrates(per100,000ofthenational theabovestudyofprisonpopulationtrends.
population)2002Ͳ2007 (%)
Andorra*
Figure17.Changesinprisonpopulationratesin
Armenia
Oceania(per100,000ofthenationalpopulation)
Romania
1997Ͳ2007(%)
Lithuania
Ukraine
Micronesia(Fed.Statesof)
Italy
NewZealand
Latvia
Australia
Ͳ70 Ͳ60 Ͳ50 Ͳ40 Ͳ30 Ͳ20 Ͳ10 0
SolomonIslands
Vanuatu*
Oceania
PapuaNewGuinea*
Of the ten United Nations member states in
Samoa*
Oceania on which the necessary information was
available, the prison population rose during this Tonga
decade (1997Ǧ2007) in nine countries (in two of Fiji
them by more than 50%) and fell in one. The
changesareshowninAnnex1,table9. Kiribati*
The prison population rates show that although Ͳ60 Ͳ30 0 30 60 90 120
there was indeed substantial growth over the
decade the growth affected fewer countries and
was less marked than the changes in the prison Figure18.Changesinprisonpopulationratesin
populationtotalshadindicated.Infacttheprison Oceania(per100,000ofthenationalpopulation)
populationrateroseinsixofthetencountries(in 2002Ͳ2007(%)
threeofthembymorethan25%)andfellinfour
(intwoofthembymorethan20%).Thechanges SolomonIslands
areshowninfigure17.
NewZealand
Of the ten United Nations member states in Kiribati
Oceania on which the necessary information was
Vanuatu
available, the prison population rose during this
fiveǦyear period (2002Ǧ2007) in seven countries Australia
(inoneofthemby50%)andfellinthree(intwo Fiji
of them by more than 20%). The changes are PapuaNewGuinea
showninfigure18.
Micronesia(Fed.Statesof)
This chapter has focused on prison population
Samoa
trends withoutcommenting ontheactualsizeof
Tonga
theprisonpopulation.Annex2showsthehighest
and lowest prison population rates (per 100,000 Ͳ60 Ͳ30 0 30 60
of the national population) in each continent in
2007. They are based on an analysis of prison
158
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Countrieswiththehighestproportionoftheirprisonpopulation
Prison population
inpreͲtrial/remanddetention
International standards emphasise that preǦ Figure19.Highestproportionofprisonpopulationin
trial/remand detention should be used as preͲtrial/remanddetentionͲAfrica2007(%)
sparingly as possible and that those who are so
detainedshould remaininsuchconditions for as Liberia
shortatimeaspossible.Neverthelessforavariety
Benin
of reasons in many countries such prisoners
constitute a high proportion of the total prison Mali**
Europe 0 20 40 60 80 100
Of the 45 United Nations member states in
Europe on which the necessary information was Figure21.Highestproportionofprisonpopulationin
available,theproportionoftheprisonpopulation preͲtrial/remanddetentionͲAsia2007(%)
in preǦtrial/remand detention exceeded 30% in
nineandinthreeoftheseitexceeded50%(figure Bangladesh*
22). India
Philippines*
Oceania
Lebanon
Of the nine United Nations member states in Nepal
Oceania on which the necessary information was SriLanka
available,theproportionoftheprisonpopulation Jordan*
in preǦtrial/remand detention exceeded 30% in Indonesia*
onlyone(figure23). Israel
Cambodia
Korea(Republicof)
0 20 40 60 80 100
159
Figure22.Highestproportionofprisonpopulationin Figure23.Highestproportionofprisonpopulationin
preͲtrial/remanddetentionͲEurope2007(%) preͲtrial/remanddetention–Oceania2007(%)
Monaco PapuaNewGuinea*
Turkey SolomonIslands
Italy Vanuatu
Andorra Australia
Luxembourg NewZealand
Albania Samoa
Switzerland
Fiji
Netherlands
Kiribati
Belgium
Tonga
0 20 40 60 80 100
0 20 40 60 80 100
Countrieswiththehighestoccupancylevelsin2007
Occupancy rates(densitylevels) arean indication where the rate exceeded 100%, in eight cases it
ofthelevelofovercrowdinginaprisonsystembut exceeded 130.
they are an imperfect measure because they are Europe
based on the officially declared capacity levels
Ofthe45UnitedNationsmemberstatesinEurope
which in some countries allow so little space per
onwhichthenecessaryinformationwasavailable,
prisonerastoconstituteovercrowdingthemselves.
theoccupancylevelexceeded100%in21countries
Furthermore prison systems that do not exceed andwasbelow100%in24.Ofthecountrieswhere
their official capacity levels overall may therateexceeded100%,inelevencasesitexceeded
nonetheless include individual prisons that are 115%.
severelyovercrowded.Table1showingthe highest
Oceania
occupancylevelsineachcontinentin2007should
therefore be considered with those factors in Of the six United Nations memberǦstates in
mind. Where figures for 2007 are not available Oceania on which the necessary information was
available, the occupancy level exceeded 100% in
those for a date within two years of 2007 are
twocountriesandwasbelow100%infour.
substitutedandasterisked.
Africa
Table1.Highestoccupancyratesindifferent
Ofthe24UnitedNationsmemberstatesinAfrica regions2007(%)
onwhichthenecessaryinformationwasavailable,
Africa 2007
theoccupancylevelexceeded100%in19countries
and was below 100% in five. Of the countries Zambia* 330.6%
where the rate exceeded 100%, in 11 cases it Benin* 307.1%
exceeded150%(table1). Kenya* 284.3%
Americas Coted'Ivoire 218.0%
Morocco 197.6%
Of the 29 United Nations member states in the
Tanzania* 193.4%
Americasonwhichthenecessaryinformationwas
Uganda 192.3%
available,theoccupancylevelexceeded100%in23
Burundi 173.4%
countries and was below 100% in six. Of the
countries where the rate exceeded 100%, in 10 Malawi 172.6%
casesitwasatleast150. Algeria 171.8%
Ghana 171.0%
Asia
(contd.)
Of the 20 United Nations member states in Asia
onwhichthenecessaryinformationwasavailable,
theoccupancylevelexceeded100%in11countries
and was below 100% in nine. Of the countries
160
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Prison population
Greece 141.9%
Americas 2007
Spain 136.3%
Grenada** 374.5%
Haiti** 260.2% Croatia 130.6%
Georgia 129.3%
Bolivia 209.3%
Slovenia 122.1%
ElSalvador 207.0%
Ecuador* 202.7% Hungary 121.0%
Albania 119.4%
StVincent&theGrenadines 191%
Poland 119.1%
Panama 159.1%
Peru* 159.1% Belgium 118.5%
France 118.1%
Chile 155.0%
DominicanRepublic 150%
Oceania 2007
PapuaNewGuinea* 119.7%
Asia 2007
Kiribati 110.0%
Bangladesh 315.6%
NewZealand 96.4%
Pakistan 249.5%
Fiji 88.8%
Thailand 170.0%
Vanuatu 61.6%
Indonesia* 166.1%
SolomonIslands 57.3%
Lebanon* 155.0%
Cambodia 148.8% **By2009theoccupancyrateinGrenadahadfallen
India 135.7% to195%,whilethatinHaitihadrisento335.7%.
BruneiDarussalam 132.8%
Conclusion:mainfindings
The overall trend is that prison populations have However, the size of the growth did vary between
grownduringthedecade1997Ǧ2007. thecontinents:only4%ofAfricancountries(2/25)
recorded growth of 50% or more, compared with
Prison population totals rose between 1997 and
26% of countries in the Americas (8/31), 39% of
2007 in 104 of the 134 countries on which
Asiancountries(9/23),22%ofEuropeancountries
informationwasavailable(78%);theyrosebyover
(10/45)and10%(1/10)ofthecountriesinOceania.
50% in 45 countries (34%). Totals fell in 30
countries (22%); in 16 of these they fell by more Wheretheprisonpopulationlevels(i.e.rates)fell
than20%. between 1997 and 2007 there was little difference
between the continents in the size of the falls,
However, prison population totals are affected by
with one exception: falls of more than 20% were
changesinthesizeofthenationalpopulation.The
recorded by about 20% of countries in Africa
best indicator of trends in overall prison
(5/25), Asia (5/23), Europe (8/45) and Oceania
populationlevelsistheprisonpopulationrateper
(2/10)butintheAmericasfallsofsuchasizewere
100,000ofthenationalpopulation.
recordedonlyin6%ofcountries(2/31).
Prison population rates rose between 1997 and
Between 2002 and 2007 prison population rates
2007 in 91 of the countries studied (68%); they
rose in 90 of the 143 countries on which
rosebyover50%in30countries(22%).Totalsfell
informationwasavailable(63%);theyrosebyover
in 41 countries (31%); in 22 of these they fell by
25% in 36 countries (25%). Totals fell in 52
morethan20%.
countries (36%); in 22 of these they fell by more
Therewaslittledifferencebetweenthecontinents than20%.
in terms of the proportion of countries showing
Therewassomedifferencebetweenthecontinents
growth in prison population rates between 1997
in the proportion of countries showing growth in
and 2007: in every continent there was growth in
prisonpopulationratesbetween2002and2007:it
60Ǧ75% of countries (Africa 60%, Americas 74%,
was somewhat lower in Africa (50% Ǧ 15/30) and
Asia74%,Europe67%,Oceania60%).
Asia (50% Ǧ 13/26) than in the Americas (74% Ǧ
161
23/31),EuropeandOceania(both70%Ǧ32/46and detention in 2007 and in 28 countries (20%) at
7/10respectively). leasthalftheprisonpopulationwereheldinsuch
conditions.
Similarly, there was some continental variation in
thesizeofgrowthbetween2002and2007:growth PreǦtrial/remand detention levels were generally
of 25% or more was recorded in 15% of European higher in Africa, the Americas and Asia than in
countries (7/46) and 17% of African countries EuropeandOceania:
(5/30) but in 27% of those in Asia (7/26), 29% of
x In Africa more than twoǦthirds of countries
those in America (9/31) and 30% of those in
studied had over 30% of their prison
Oceania(3/10).
population in preǦtrial/remand detention and
Where the prison population rates fell between almostathirdhadover50%insuchconditions.
2002 and 2007 there was little difference between x IntheAmericasalmosttwoǦthirdsofcountries
the continents in the size of the falls, again with studied had over 30% of their prison
the exception of the Americas: falls of more than population in preǦtrial/remand detention and
20% were recorded by 15Ǧ23% of countries in more than a third had over 50% in such
Africa (6/30), Asia (6/26), Europe (7/46) and conditions.
Oceania (2/10) but in only 1 (3%) of the 31 x InAsiahalfthecountriesstudiedhadover30%
countries in the Americas on which such of their prison population in preǦtrial/remand
informationwasavailable. detentionandnearlyaquarterhadover50%in
suchconditions.
Comparisonofthechangesoverthewhole10Ǧyear
x By contrast, only oneǦfifth of European
periodfrom1997withthoseinthefiveyearsfrom
countries studied had over30% of their prison
2002 shows that a smaller proportion of African
population in preǦtrial/remand detention and
andAsiancountriesshowedgrowthbetween2002
onlythreehadover50%insuchconditions.
and 2007 than showed growth over the whole
x Only one of the countries studied in Oceania
decade1997Ǧ2007.Nosuchchangewasapparentin
had over 30% of the prison population in preǦ
thefiguresfortheothercontinents.
trial/remanddetention.
There were sharp contrasts between the highest
Of the 124 countries on which information was
and lowest prison population levels in the same
available the prison system in 76 (61%) had more
continent:
than100%occupancyin2007andin27(22%)the
x In Africa the highest rates tend to be in occupancylevelwasover150%.
southern Africa, and the lowest rates in
Occupancy levels were highest in countries in
westernAfrica.
Africa, the Americas and Asia but also exceeded
x In the Americas many of the highest rates are
100%inalmostahalfofEuropeancountries.
intheCaribbeanwhilethelowestratestendto
beinsouthernAmerica. x In 79% of African countries studied the
x In Asia the highest rates tend to be in (former occupancy level exceeded 100% and in 46% it
Soviet) central Asia and the lowest rates in exceeded150%.
southAsia. x In79%ofcountriesstudiedintheAmericasthe
x InEuropethehighestratesareinthecountries occupancy level exceeded 100% and in 34% it
of the former Soviet Union, while the lowest exceeded150%.
ratestendtobeintheNordiccountries. x In 55% of Asian countries studied the
x In Oceania the highest rates are in New occupancy level exceeded 100% and in 25% it
Zealand and Australia and the lowest rates in exceeded150%.
Pacificislandnations. x In 47% of European countries studied the
occupancy level exceeded 100% and in one of
PreǦtrial/remand detention levels were high in
themitexceeded150%.
many countries. Of the 137 countries on which
x In 2 of 6 countries studied in Oceania (33%)
information was available 62 (45%) had at least
the occupancy level exceeded 100% but it did
30%oftheirprisonpopulationinpreǦtrial/remand
notexceed120%ineitherofthem.
162
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Annextochapter7
Table1.Changesinprisonpopulationtotals1997Ͳ2007(%)
Prison population
6.LargestdecreasesinAsianprisonpopulationtotals1997Ͳ2007
1.LargestincreasesinAfricanprisonpopulationtotals1997Ͳ2007 Asia 1997-2007
Africa 1997-2007
Kazakhstan -33.8%
Malawi +114.7%
Singapore -25.3%
Rwanda * +95.6%
Kyrgyzstan -23.8%
Benin +81.9%
Korea (Republic of) -21.9%
Mozambique +68.3%
Nepal * -0.7%
Angola * +61.3%
Algeria +54.6%
Mauritius +53.4% 7.LargestincreasesinEuropeanprisonpopulationtotals1997Ͳ2007
Lesotho +50.4% Europe 1997-2007
Cyprus (Republic of) +155.1%
163
Table2.Countrieswiththehighestandlowestprisonpopulationrates(per100,000ofthenational
population)2007
1.HighestprisonpopulationratesinAfrica 4.Lowestprisonpopulationratesinthe
Americas
Africa 2007 Americas 2007
SouthAfrica 348 Guatemala 54
Botswana 329 Haiti 71
Seychelles 270 Venezuela 76
Swaziland 247 Bolivia 80
Libya 209 Paraguay 98
Rwanda 202 Nicaragua* 107
Namibia 194 Canada 116
Morocco* 167 Colombia 128
Algeria 161 Argentina 132
Mauritius 153 Ecuador 134
2.LowestprisonpopulationratesinAfrica 5.HighestprisonpopulationratesintheAsia
Africa 2007 Asia 2007
Nigeria 28 Kazakhstan 366
Mali** 33 Israel 313
SierraLeone 33 Kyrgyzstan 283
Angola* 52 Singapore 267
Senegal 53 Thailand 253
Ghana 58 Mongolia* 250
Mozambique 73 Turkmenistan* 224
Benin 76 Iran 222
Malawi 83 SaudiArabia* 178
SaoTomeePrincipe 83 Lebanon 159
Tajikistan 149
**thefigureforMalirelatesto2004
Malaysia* 147
3.Highestprisonpopulationratesinthe
Americas
6.LowestprisonpopulationratesinAsia
Americas 2007
Asia 2007
UnitedStatesofAmerica 762
Nepal 24
StKitts&Nevis 588
India 32
Belize 460
Pakistan 52
Bahamas 422
Indonesia 56
Grenada 408
Bangladesh 57
Barbados 384
Japan 65
Dominica 351
Cambodia 71
Panama 339
Korea(Republicof) 96
StVincent&theGrenadines 323
Vietnam 107
Guyana 283
Philippines* 108
Antigua&Barbuda 282
Trinidad&Tobago 270
Where figures for 2007 are not available those for a date within
Chile 265
twoyearsof2007aresubstitutedandasterisked.
ElSalvador 235
Brazil 219
164
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
7.HighestprisonpopulationratesintheEurope 9.PrisonpopulationratesinOceania
Europe 2007 Oceania 2007
Prison population
RussianFederation 613 NewZealand 188
Belarus* 468 Australia 130
Georgia 417 Fiji 112
Ukraine 323 Samoa 99
Estonia 322 Micronesia 89
Latvia 287 Kiribati 86
Moldova 242 Tonga 74
Lithuania 239 PapuaNewGuinea 61
Poland 230 Vanuatu 56
Azerbaijan* 229 SolomonIslands 42
CzechRepublic 182
Luxembourg 155 Wherefiguresfor2007arenotavailablethose
foradatewithintwoyearsof2007are
substitutedandasterisked.
8.LowestprisonpopulationratesinEurope
Europe 2007
Andorra* 37
Iceland 37
Bosnia 62
Slovenia 66
Denmark 67
Finland 67
Norway 73
Sweden 74
Ireland 76
Monaco 76
Switzerland 76
Italy 77
165
166
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Chapter8–Crimeandcriminaljusticestatistics
challenges
Challenges
AnnaAlvazzidelFrate*
Abstract
An efficient system for the collection, analysis and dissemination of information on crime and criminal
justice is a prerequisite for effective crime prevention. Over the past few years much emphasis has been
placedonissuesofmeasurementofcrimeattheinternationallevel.Quantitativeinformationoncrimeand
criminal justice remain scarce and mostly limited to the developed world. Furthermore, the availability of
internationally comparable statistics is very limited. Different sources may provide slightly different
information, thus increasing the confusion of the users. There is still no unique reliable source of
internationalcrimestatisticswhichcouldguaranteesimpleuseandcomparabilityofdata.Thisisaproblem
whichmayneverfindasolutionbecauseoftheseriouschallengesofmeasuringhiddenphenomena:whatis
measurableisonlywhatcomestolight.
Introduction
Administrative statistics on recorded crimes are a) The availability of specific data collection
the most readily available type of data. Virtually methods and instruments, adapted to the local
all law enforcement systems keep records of context;
crimes committed in their respective
b)Theavailabilityoftechnicalexpertiseand/or
jurisdictions. If these data are regularly
equipment to carry out data collection and
published, they can also be used to monitor
analysis;and
trends in the same jurisdiction over time.
Nevertheless, there are well known challenges in c) The commitment and motivation of relevant
straightforward comparisons of administrative government agencies to introduce a strategic
datainthefieldofcriminaljustice.Victimization approachtothecollectionandanalysisofcrime
surveys not only provide information that andcriminaljusticestatistics.
supplements and complements administrative
Lack of resources may often be considered the
statistics, but may be easier to compare across
main obstacle to the collection and analysis of
countries. This chapter will highlight the current
statistics. However, experts often suggest that
challenges in the collection and analysis of
lack of training, lack of commitment either
international statistics on crime and criminal
from the government or heads of responsible
justice,withparticularreferencetothedifficulties
institutions, lack of proper legislation, fear of
faced by developing countries in producing
misuse of the data or insufficient information
reliablestatistics.
on the good use that can be made of statistics
The difficulty or even impossibility to assess the may equally represent serious obstacles.
crime situation depends on the lack or Participantsinaworkshoponcrimestatisticsin
insufficiency of reliable relevant statistics. There Addis Ababa in 2008 (UNODCǦUNECA 2008)
are three prerequisites to the development of a indicated a number of issues they perceived as
solid system of crime and criminal justice priorities to be addressed in order to improve
statistics: crime and criminal justice statistics in their
respectivecountries(figure1).
*ResearchOfficer,UnitedNationsOfficeonDrugsandCrime(UNODC)
167
Issues such as better coordination among Furthermore, the scattered information
agencies, better dissemination of statistics, and produced by a variety of different sources, the
improved IT software and provision of relevant difficulty of having more than one source
training were indicated as problems to be available to reconcile and verify the data, the
urgently addressed. Respondents also mentioned irregular frequency of data collection, the lack
the need to increase the use of surveys and of feedback given to communities in which
comparability with other countries. All surveysarecarriedout,thepoorfollowupgiven
participantsintheAddisworkshopalsoindicated to recommendations, and the scarce sharing
their willingness to have a forum where to and dissemination of information are all
exchange their experiences with other experts in problems shared by many countries in the
theregion. world.
Figure 1. Priority needs for improving crime and criminal justice statistics as indicated by African
countries(NumberofrespondingcountriesͲSource:UNODCͲUNECA,2008)
Nationaldefinitionsforinternationalproblems
Which type of data is required to produce the circumstances of the crime are requested, it may
particular crime information needed by the final be more complicated for countries to meet the
users to measure crime trends? The strict requirements for international reporting. As an
measurementofcrimecannotbeseparatedfromthe example, whilst more than 90% of countries
response to crime, i.e. the enforcement of laws respondingtotheUNǦCTSareabletoprovidedata
definingcrime. onintentionalhomicidesandapproximatelythree
quarters to indicate the relevant number of
For the purpose of international comparability, it is
persons arrested, only twoǦthirds can provide
important to ensure that data ref lect shared
information on homicides committed with
concepts and clear definitions. The type of offences
firearms.
includedinthecoreUNǦCTSaregenerallyincluded
in national statistical classifications. Indeed, most Nevertheless, in order to advance with
countries are able to provide police statistics on international comparisons of crime statistics, it is
general categories like homicide, robbery, theft, important to gain knowledge on a number of
assault and rape. When more details on the agreed upon and stable indicators. Different
168
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
countries may have different priorities, which may may also establish priorities in the collection and
result in different ways to collect statistics. analysis of different crime and criminal justice
Countries may however need to compare data on indicators.Theidentificationofcoreindicatorsfor
their respective priority issues at the international selected crimes and components of the activity of
level. criminal justice systems is also a priority for
Challenges
UNODC. Part of this work is being conducted in
Victimization surveys of general population and
collaboration with international and regional
businesses, as well as selfǦreport surveys, are widely
organizations.
accepted as important tools to understand crime
problems and trends. They also represent a An interesting approach is the establishment of
promising area for the development of sets of regional indicators. For example, a recent
internationallycomparableindicators.TheUNODCǦ initiative promoted by the Institute CISALVA,
UNECE Manual on Victimization Surveys has Universidad del Valle of Cali, Colombia, with the
recentlybeenfinalized(UNODCǦUNECE 2010).The support of the Interamerican Development Bank,
Manual was drafted by a Task Force composed of consistsofthedevelopmentofasystemofregional
experts from seven countries and five international indicators to monitor urban safety and security in
institutions. It covers a wide range of issues related South American countries. The system of
to planning and implementing a victimization indicatorsincludesadministrativeandsurveydata
survey. The Manual deals with ways to analyse, and represents an interesting sample of ‘core’
present and interpret data with a view to indicators for the comparison across countries.
communicating key findings and results. It is Table 1 shows the proposed indicators and
addressed in particular to countries that are in the indicateswhichareincludedintheUNǦCTS.
processofdevelopingvictimsurveyprogrammesfor
AninterestingaspectoftheCISALVAprojectisthe
the first time and have limited experience in this
work done in identifying national sources in each
field.ItisexpectedthattheManualwillassistinthe
countryforeachindicator,whichcanbe basedon
carrying out of victimization surveys, which may as
administrative statistics produced by the criminal
a result provide important information on a wide
justice system or the result of populationǦbased
range of issues that are best measured through
surveys. Since a number of these indicators are
populationǦbasedsurvey.
among those included in the core UNǦCTS, their
The mix of administrative statistics and surveyǦ useattheregionallevelislikelytostrengthenthe
based indicators is considered the best way to go commitment and motivation of countries to
aboutassessingcrime.Theinternationalcommunity providerelevantstatistics.
169
Table1.Proposedregionalindicatorsforurbansafety,SouthAmerica,andinclusionintheUNͲCTS
Type of data Indicator Included in
UN-CTS
Survey Percentage of survey respondents who justify the use of violence, by reason
Survey Fear of crime (percentage of survey respondents who feel that they may
become victims of crime in the near future)
Administrative Rate of (police) recorded sexual offences per 100,000 Yes (rape)
AttheEuropeanlevel,theEuropeanCommission, broad activities: (i) developing a set of
through the work of the Expert Group on policy principles around international crime
needsfordataoncrimeandcriminaljustice(and classification systems for statistical use; (ii)
relevant subǦgroups) as well as a parallel group undertaking a case study of defining and
established at the Statistical Office of the classifying selected offences; and (iii) working
European Commission (Eurostat), has promoted with the European Commission on the current
thecollectionofadministrativestatisticsonaset EUlevelclassificationproject.
of indicators (total crime, homicide, violent
Another activity at the EU level is the
crime,robbery,domesticburglary,theftofmotor
advancement of research aimed at developing
vehicle, drug trafficking, prison population and
indicators for the effectiveness of criminal
number of police officers), which are regularly
justicesystemsandjuvenilecriminaljustice.
published(Eurostat 2009). Furthermore, as a first
result ofthe ongoingexercise onassessingpolicy A two year project (2009Ǧ2011) coordinated by
prioritiesforcrimestatisticsattheregionallevel, UNODC, in partnership with the European
Eurostathasstartedthecollectionofstatisticson Institute for Crime Prevention and Control
moneyǦlaundering, based on a set of 24 selected affiliatedwiththeUnitedNations(HEUNI),the
indicators. Joint Research Centre on Transnational Crime
(Transcrime), and the International Centre for
Work on a classification of criminal offences for
Migration Policy Development (ICMPD),
statisticalpurposesisbeingcarriedoutattheEUǦ
funded by the European Commission, deals
level and as a collaboration between UNODC,
with the ‘Development of monitoring
UNECE and the Conference of European
instruments for judicial and law enforcement
Statisticians (CES), through a Task Force
institutionsintheWesternBalkans’.Theaimof
established in 2010. This includes the following
the project is to bring national statistics
170
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
mechanisms in justice and home affairs iv) Total and age specific rate of women
institutionstowardscompliancewithrelevantEU subjected to sexual violence during lifetime by
and international standards and good practices, severity of violence, relationship to the
with the overall objective to strengthen the perpetratorandfrequency;
responsetocrimeandcorruption.
Challenges
v) Total and age specific rate of everǦpartnered
A further important example of ongoing women subjected to sexual and/or physical
statistical work at the UN is the development of violence by current or former intimate partner
indicators on violence against women. (United inthelast12monthsbyfrequency;
Nations 2008) The Friends of the Chair, in their
vi)Totaland agespecific rateof everǦpartnered
report to the Statistical Commission,
women subjected to sexual and/or physical
recommended ‘both the use of statistical surveys
violence by current or former intimate partner
and administrative records, depending on the
duringlifetimebyfrequency;
form of violence experienced by women’ and
proposed a core set of statistical indicators for vii) Total and age specific rate of women
measuringviolenceagainstwomen,asfollows: subjected to psychological violence in the past
12monthsbytheintimatepartner;
i)Totalandagespecific rateofwomensubjected
to physical violence in the last 12 months by viii) Total and age specific rate of women
severity of violence, relationship to the subjected to economic violence in the past 12
perpetratorandfrequency; monthsbytheintimatepartner;
ii)Totalandagespecificrateofwomensubjected ix) Total and age specific rate of women
tophysicalviolenceduringlifetimebyseverityof subjectedtofemalegenitalmutilation.
violence, relationship to the perpetrator and
Theoutcomeofthecurrentworkwillresultina
frequency;
strongmandateforthecollectionofdataonthe
iii)Totalandagespecificrateofwomensubjected aboveindicatorsinallMemberStates.
tosexualviolenceinthelast12monthsbyseverity
of violence, relationship to the perpetrator and
frequency;
Internationaldatacollection
UNODC regularly collects statistics on crime and from a variable number of countries (see figure
criminal justice through the United Nations 2). After reaching a peak in 1996 with the Fifth
Survey of Crime Trends and the Operations of UNǦCTS (103 responses received), a decline
Criminal Justice Systems (UNǦCTS). Regular followed until 2003, which represented the
collectionofinformationoncrimetrendsandthe minimum with only 66 responding countries.
operations of criminal justice systems by the Since then, the Ninth and Tenth UNǦCTS
United Nations started in the 1970s in pursuance showed a marked increase. Althoughthe overall
to a request from the General Assembly (GA Res. rate of response remains quite low, (50%
3021, XXVII, 1972). A detailed questionnaire for approximately at the Tenth UNǦCTS), efforts
data collection was developed in the midǦ70s and towards better coordination at the central level
the UNǦCTS started in 1977, aimed at collecting andtoprovidetechnicalassistancetorequesting
police and judicial statistics, virtually from all countries have proven effective. It can be
Member States. Ten surveys have been concluded observed that the upwards trend in the Tenth
sofar,representingdatafortheperiod1975Ǧ2006. UNǦCTS was mostly determined by countries
The Eleventh Survey, sent to Member States in outside Europe and North America, which now
2009,isongoing(UNODC2009). representthemajorityofrespondents(56versus
38).
The UNǦCTS consists of a questionnaire dealing
with information from the police, prosecution, Whilst there have been a number of recent
courts and prisons. It is sent to all UN Member initiativestoimprovecrimeandcriminaljustice
States through diplomatic (Permanent Missions, statistics in recent years, including the
Ministries of Foreign Affairs) and statistical emergence of crime, violence and delinquency
channels (National Statistical Offices, nationally observatories, the overall availability of crime
appointed focal points for crime statistics). Over andcriminaljusticestatisticsremainsscarce,at
the years, replies to the UNǦCTS were received the national, regional and international level.
171
Manycountriesstillfacesignificantchallengesin buildingmustinvolveassistancenotonlytothe
compiling,processinganddisseminatingrelevant processofgenerationandcollectionofcriminal
crime and criminal justice statistics in a justice statistics, but also in institutional
systematicandsustainableway.Theinternational reporting at the national, regional and
community has recognized the importance of international levels, including systematic
buildingthecapacity of member statestocollect participationintheUNǦCTS.
and report such information. Such capacity
Figure 2. Number of m ember s tates responding to the United Nations Survey of Crime Trends and
OperationsofCriminalJusticeSystems(UNͲCTS),bymainregions(1978Ͳ2010)
110
100
90
Numberofrespondingcountries
80
55 56
70
56 55
60 62 44
61 36
33
50 31
52
40
30
46 47
20 39 39 38 38
36 35
31
27
10 20
0
FirstCTS Second ThirdCTS Fourth FifthCTS SixthCTS Seventh EighthCTS NinthCTS TenthCTS Eleventh
CTS CTS CTS CTS(asof
5/1/10)
Europe& North America OtherContinents
UNODC, in cooperation with relevant partners Trafficking in Human Beings. UNODC has
has begun strengthening its capacity to support takenconcretestepsinthisdirection,including
countries in this respect, with the aim of throughthedevelopmentofexpertnetworkson
increasing the quality, availability and aregionalbasis.ExperienceintheAfricaregion
internationalcomparabilityofcrimeandcriminal within the ‘Data for Africa’ initiative suggests
justice information. The establishment of a that national single points of contact can
network of national contact points for crime and represent an effective approach to increasing
criminaljusticestatisticsisalsoanimportantstep country responses and stimulating discussion
in achieving sustainable reporting of crime and onissuesofmutualinterestamongcountriesin
criminal justice data at the international level. the same region. The number of African
Such a network should include contact focal countries responding to the Eleventh UNǦCTS
points in national statistical offices, law (2007Ǧ2008), for example, significantly
enforcement, prosecution, courts and national increased compared to the Tenth UNǦCTS
penal administrations. For specific crime issues, (2005Ǧ2006)asatthetimeofwriting(seefigure
including corruption and forms of organized 3).
crime, national focal points should also be
Analysis of missing responses within the
established on a thematic basis as in the case of
returned questionnaires (figure 4) shows that
the informal EU Network of National
eightypercentoftherespondingcountrieswere
Rapporteurs or Equivalent Mechanisms on
able to provide data on more than half of the
172
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
questions included in the Tenth UNǦCTS limited capacity to provide good quality
questionnaire. This was slightly less than in the information. Indeed, the percentage of
NinthUNǦCTS(83%),butitshouldbenotedthat countries responding to less than a quarter of
many more developing countries responded to thequestionswentdowntoonly9%.
the Tenth UNǦCTS and some of them still have
Challenges
Figure3.PercentageofmemberstatesrespondingtotheTenthandEleventhUnitedNationsSurveys
ofCrimeTrendsandOperationsofCriminalJusticeSystems(UNͲCTS),bycontinent
100
90
80
Percentageofrespondingcountries
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Africa Americas Asia Europe Oceania
CTS10 CTS11
Figure4.OverallratesofresponsetoquestionnairevariablesintheNinth,TenthandEleventhUnited
NationsSurveyonCrimeTrendsandOperationsofCriminalJusticeSystems(UNͲCTS)
60
50
Percentageofrespondingcountries
40
30
20
10
0
0Ͳ25 26Ͳ50 51Ͳ75 76Ͳ100
Percentageofquestionnairevariablesrespondedto
173
Figure5.Percentageofnumericalvariablescompleted–Ninth,TenthandEleventhUnited
NationsSurveyonCrimeTrendsandOperationsofCriminalJusticeSystems(UNͲCTS)
80
70
60
Precentageofquestionsanswered
50
40
30
20
10
0
Police Prosecution Courts Prisons
9thCTS 10thCTS 11thCTS
When considering which parts of the It was mostly developing countries that were
questionnaire were completed in the Tenth UNǦ unable to complete the questionnaire, thus
CTS, it should be noted that 21 countries did not indicatingtheneedforfurtherworktobedone
return either the prosecution or the courts to assist them in producing crime and criminal
section, 15 countries did not provide prison justicestatistics.Lackofinformationisnotonly
statistics and only 7 countries did not report an obstacle to the formulation of evidenceǦ
police data. When looking only at the filled based policies and crime prevention strategies,
questionnaires, it can be observed that the but also represents a limit to the possibility to
percentage of numerical items completed by accessinternationaldevelopmentaid.
countries was quite high, with the majority of
countriesbeingabletorespondtomorethanhalf
ofthequestions(figure4).
Conclusionandwayforward
UNODC will continue to work to improve the 2008), UNODCpublishedupdated figuresearly
availability and quality of crime and criminal in 2010, drawing on multiple sources for the
justice statistics at national and international years2003Ǧ2008(UNODC2010).
level. In particular, it will, subject to funding,
UNODC homicide statistics are intended to
continue to support countries in building
represent a starting point for further research
institutional capacity to conduct victimization
andrequiredevelopmentandupdatingasmore
surveyswiththeguidanceofrelevantpartsofthe
timely information becomes available.
Manual on Victimization Surveys. It will also
Nonetheless,withintheframeworkofinitiatives
continue its ongoing work in the area of
such as the Geneva Declaration on Armed
corruption surveys in countries that request
Violence and Development, such data sources
assistance in establishing baseline data and
play an important role in forming the basis of
monitoring trends regarding corruptionǦrelated
indicators for measuring the nature and extent
behaviours.
of nonǦconf lict related armed violence. In
Furthermore,workwillcontinuetowardsabetter response to the need for a greater
understanding of global and regional homicide understanding of armed violence, UNODC has
patterns through research on available homicide alsocarriedoutrecentresearchonthestructure
statistics from multiple sources. Following the and underlying causes of intentional homicide
publication of an international homicide in selected regions, in addition to
statistics dataset in December 2008 (UNODC methodologicalapproachestothemeasurement
174
International Statistics on Crime and Criminal Justice
Challenges
collection, research and analysis, UNODC 2009/25, including the need to simplify and
organized an expert group meeting on crime improvethereportingsystemoftheUNǦCTSin
statistics(Vienna,28Ǧ30January2009).Following order to encourage more Member States to
the subsequent ECOSOC Resolution 2009/25 report, in a coordinated and integrated way, on
(entitled“Improvingthecollection,reportingand their efforts, achievements and challenges in
analysis of data to enhance knowledge on trends specificareasofcrime.Themeetingresultedin
inspecificareasofcrime),UNODCestablishedan a set of practical recommendations for the
openǦended intergovernmental expert working advancement of work in the collection and
group to prepare recommendations on the analysis of international crime and criminal
improvement of tools for the collection of justice statistics. A key recommendation was to
relevantcrimedata,inparticular,theUNǦCTS.At revise the UNǦCTS questionnaire in order to
the kind invitation of the Government of improvetheresponserate,producemoretimely
Argentina, the first meeting of the openǦended data and minimize the reporting burden and
complexityforMemberStates.
References
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Interamerican Development Bank. Informe ofǦCriminalǦJusticeǦSystems.html
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175
176
I
N
U
E
The objec ve of this report is to show users of interna onal crime data what they could
learn from these, and provide guidance as to restric ons, pi alls and strengths of the
unique set of data that is now available thanks to the countries that have responded to the
H
United Na ons Surveys of Crime Trends and Opera ons of Criminal Jus ce Systems. The
present report, prepared in partnership of HEUNI and the UNODC, for the first me pulls
together global responses of the surveys.
The report comprises eight chapters. They are designed to deal with all central issues
addressed in the surveys. First, police-recorded crime is discussed, with separate chapters
on homicides (Chapter 1), other police-recorded crimes (Chapter 2), and drug-related
crime and drug trafficking (Chapter 3). Also, complex crimes are analysed, such as
organised crime, and trafficking in human beings (Chapter 4). Such offences have played
a marginal role in tradi onal crime sta s cs, and in order to improve the relevance of the
data on such offences, new solu ons need to be developed. Chapter 5, shi ing to the next
stage of the criminal jus ce system, presents data on responses of the criminal jus ce
system, including an innova on where a ri on issues are being discussed. A parallel issue
to responses of the criminal jus ce system are resources and performance. These are
discussed in Chapter 6 where also a discussion on the puni vity of criminal jus ce systems
is included. Next, a presenta on on prison popula ons of the world closes the analysis of
criminal jus ce data. The last chapter finally discusses challenges with crime and criminal
jus ce sta s cs, arguing for the importance of further improvements in the area.
ISBN 978-952-5333-78-7
ISSN 1237-4741