LAURA HARRIS 200108379

Te Tohu Paetahi Nga Poutoko Whakarara Oranga

Bachelor of Social Work (Biculturalism In Practice) Year Three WHASW 711 Nga Tirohanga Worldviews: Significance and Consequence Te Whakatauanga Mahi Tuarua Assignment Two Too Little; Too Often: The Problem of Food Insecurity In New Zealand
4/1/2011

To enable humans to develop and function at their optimal best, including physical, cognitive and emotional development, individuals require access to food of adequate quantity and quality at all stages of lifespan (Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs, 2007). The need for adequate food is the most basic and instinctive need and all other human needs become secondary unless this physiological requirement is met (along with water, air and sleep). As theorised in Eriksons Stages of Development,security of lifes basics can mean the difference between success and failure towards progression for many individuals and families/whanau in New Zealand, which can contribute to a flow -on effect through the following generations (The New York Times Company, 2011).Bronfenbrenners Ecological Systems Theory recognises the interwoven relationship between the individual and their environment. Whilst individuals are responsible for instigating and maintaining a healthy lifestyle as best they can, individual behaviour is determined, to a large extent, by the environment around them eg, community norms and values, government policy, etc (Zubrick, 2000).

Food security can be defined as individuals having access to nutritionally safe, acceptable and suffi cient foods and the ability to obtain them in a non disparaging manner. (Parnell, 2008). Furthermore, food security for a household means access by all members, at all times, to enough food for a healthy active life.

Alternatively, as cited in A.Kendall and E. Kennedys 1998 report on domestic food and nutrition security , Food insecurity relates to not having enough food, experiencing hunger, consuming a decreased quality diet, anxiety related to acquiring food or relying on food relief. (Kendall & Kennedy, 1998, p. 337).

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Throughout this writing I hope to explore the question of (1) who is affected by food insecurity and (2) how does this influence the journey toward Mauri ora? These two questions will be examined through several areas of discussion including historical and contemporary perspectiv es, socio-economic status, the impact and consequences of food insecu rity as well as other points of interest regarding this subject. I have chosen not to fully and completely segregate this kaupapa between Maori and non -Maori, although as I will show, th ere is significant evidence showing that Maori and Pacific Island groups are notably more affected than other New Zealanders. I have also constrained myself regarding the statistical evidence (due to the fact it can be overwhelming) and so will only include estimated percentages, though from reliable sources. There are too many health consequences to discuss individually so I will attempt to outline these more in general terms and their relationship to the achievement of mauri ora. Lastly, by reflecting on past history and the present, I hope to be able to give some positive direction or focus for the future of food insecurity within Aotearoa New Zealand.

Historically, New Zealand has had a relatively positive relationship with food availability and secu rity. Maori brought kumara, taro, gourds, yam and tii pore (Pacific cabbage tree) with them from Polynesia which sustained them, in addition to fishing for various kaimoana, shellfish, seaweed, eels, etc. Maori also developed a food production calendar w hereby work took place depending on the season. The rangatira of the hapu organised large activities such as food production and the tohunga would recite karakia and ceremonies to help maintain the mauri of food resources(Ahuwhenua M ori land and agriculture, 2009) . To increase mana and receive a varied diet , food was traded between tribes and

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sub-tribes. Coastal iwi often exchanged food with inland tribes, giving food from the sea and receiving forest and land kai such as birds and fern root.

With the onset of colonisation, early European settlers brought with them a huge array of seeds, cuttings and seedlings. They were unsure of what food sources New Zealand provided nor whether this new countrys climate would be suitable for growing the fo od they were accustomed to enjoying. Most settlers came from a rural background and had the practical knowledge to grow a variety of vegetables and fruit, although for the first few seasons, until their own gardens became productive, the settlers relied u pon food raised by local Maori. Towards the late 1700s and early 1800s domesticated animals, crops and iron tools were imported to New Zealand which began a shift towards intensive farming, benefiting both Maori and European. Reflecting on Te Tiriti o Waitangi, specifically the Preamble, two interpretations can clearly been seen. The Preamble of the English version states the British intentions were to protect Maori interests from the encroaching British settlement; provide for British settlement and; establish a government to maintain peace and order. To me this sounds like a contradiction in terms. Maori interpreted the Preamble to mean that the Queen promised Maori that she would provide a government while securing tribal rangatiratanga and Maori lan d ownership for as long as they wished to retain it. Overall, during the early settlement of Maori and Europeans within New Zealand, food security was well established. Amongst Maori there was the value of sharing, community, manaakitanga and kaitiakitanga which was extended to European settlers. Life was certainly not easy within the different cultures but hard work was usually rewarded with plentiful harvests and a better way of life for those who had escaped the oppressive British lifestyle .

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The progression towards contemporary New Zealand has been a difficult and sometimes volatile journey. A large proportion of this instability can be attributed to the differing cultural understanding of Te Tiriti o Waitangi Articles. In the English text of Article One Maori leaders gave the Queen all rights and powers of sovereignty over their land. Maori read the text as Maori leaders giving the Queen te kawanatanga katoa the complete government over their land. Maori led a communal lifestyle and th e notion of ownership was not comprehended. With this in mind, the word government would have been interpreted more as governance looking after, taking care of. The English text of Article Two states that Maori leaders and people, collectively an d individually, were confirmed and guaranteed exclusive and undisturbed possession of their lands and estates, forests, fisheries and other properties. It also reads that Maori yield to the Crown an exclusive right to purchase their land. The Maori text reads that Maori were guaranteed te tino rangatiratanga the unqualified exercise of their chieftainship over their land whenua, villages kainga, and all their property/treasures taonga katoa. Furthermore, Maori agreed to give the Crown first r efusal to buy land from them should Maori wish to sell it. A problem that stands out here is that land was seen as communal, there were no documents to state who owned the land. In the Third Article of the Treaty both Maori and English texts are very similar. The Crown gave an assurance that Maori would have the Queens protection and all rights tikanga accorded to British subjects. Of course, Maori had more to lose than the settlers and overtime, with the onslaught of one -sided legislation, growing racism and assimilation, Maori lost a great deal of their traditional culture and communal lifestyle . This has contributed to Maori experiencing food shortages, impacting their overall Mauri ora. New Zealand Europeans have

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done quite well since establ ishing themselves in New Zealand. They have been able to purchase land to farm and have created a lifestyle many would not have lived back in Britain. New Zealand Europeans were given many opportunities which were not available to Maori although, in fair ness, many Europeans grew up with poverty and restrictions which influenced their values and attitudes. Survival was usually at the fore and this survival mode still holds true today.

Single parent families, indigenous communities, unemployed people an d those with illness and disability are more likely to be food insecure (Bidwell, 2009). This insecurity seems to be closely related to limited household resources, low disposable income and poor soci o-economic status. Other factors include difficulty accessing supermarkets, geographical remoteness, high availability to fast food outlets and difficulty accessing a variety of healthy foods. Food insecurity is not restricted to the poorest members of society and those o n benefits. Low waged workers, particularly those without secure housing are affected. Tarasuk and Vogt states people on moderate incomes who have higher than average costs because of mortgage or loan repayments or who experience sudden illness or unemp loyment also experience food insecurity.(Tarasuk, 2009)

New Zealand is often described as a land of plenty but food security is an issue for 20-22% of New Zealanders, with higher rates among Pacific peoples and Maori. Furthermore, younger females (age 25 -44) are more often representative of having an association with food insecurity (Ministry of Health, 2003). This can be explained by mothers missing a meal or meals in order to feed the rest of the family, especially her children and partner. My own

Laura Harris 200108379

personal experiences of not having enough food have been missing a meal in order for my children and husband to have more to eat or my husband and myself having Weetbix or porridge so our children can have the meat and vegetables. On average, New Zealand families need to spend between 23 -53% of their net income and 42 -75% once rent is deducted, to purchase a basic healthy diet(Ministry of Health, 2003).

There are numerous impacts and consequences for individuals, families/whanau and the wider community regarding food insecurity. Not having enough food to feed the whanau, for a Maori man or women, could personally lead to him or her feeling inadequate, creating tau kume kume and lowering tino rangatiratanga and mauri ora. Overall, the mana of the individual and/or whanau could be negatively impacted, leading onto other issues, such as depression (tetahahinengaro), negative parent-child interaction and attachment (tetaha whanau), neglect and abuse. All of these consequences can be related back to Mason Duries Maori health model TeWhare Tapa Wha. If any of the four cornerstones to this holistic health model are disturbed in any way, the Mauri ora of the individual and often whanau will be unbalanced (Ministry of Health New Zealand). This can also be true of the New Zealand European culture, though more often experienced within Maoridom due to many hitting rock bottom before requesting help.

Food insecurity impacts greatly on the familys ability to gain good nutrition and subsequently many low income families have a degree of obesity and nutrition related health conditions. These can be attributed to not being able to purchase or access nutritionally healthy foods such as fruit and vegetables,

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being able to afford mostly cheap, p rocessed or fast food, in bulk, to make their finances stretch further. Chronic illnesses, such as cancer, heart disease and diabetes, are all consequences of food insecurity and poor availability of choice. These lasting ailments can contribute to a f amilys feelings of inadequacy, unease and anxiety and put extra stress on already stretched financial resources. There are many other competing expenses of daily life and healthy, more expensive food choices, or food at all, are usually last to be considered. Several other consequences of inadequate food security are, individuals resorting to criminal activities such as food theft or theft of money/property. Selling personal or stolen items to pawn shops is a frequent quick fix, though receiving the r eal value of these items is rare and advantages are taken by these trades, who are in the business of desperation.

All of these impacts and consequences have a huge bearing on the recipients, influencing te whakakoha rangatiratanga within whanau and commu nities, creating tau kume kume between individuals, those individuals, family and agencies, and at governmental levels. Many heads of familys feel their tino rangatiratanga, honour and reliability decline, believing they are responsible for not providing enough. Many families feel whakama when having to resort to asking for help. For Maori especially , ahurutanga is difficult within the sometimes judgmental departments of the Ministry of Social Development and having to rely on Work and Income help usu ally has a negative effect on whanau and personal mana and mauri ora.

Central government has played a large role in N ew Zealands food insecurity. The mid-1980s and early 1990s neo-liberal reforms promised economic growth,

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reduced poverty and a reduction of unemployment. This promise did not come to fruition. Income inequalities had widened between the rich and poor and it has been suggested that the economic reforms benefited only a s mall minority (Chatterjee, 1999). These trends have continued to the present day despite substantial anti-poverty strategies being introduced to government policy (Working for Families Tax Credit, income -related rent on State Housing). Economic hardship has increased for many and incre asingly, people have been unable to manage without the help of the community welfare sector. Government is also reliant on community welfare. They have factored food banks into their welfare policies, allowing the continued underfunding and under provision of their own welfare services. Inadvertently, the food bank industry allows the public to believe that the problem of hunger in our communities is being answered. Additionally, government agencies such as WINZ will regularly refer clients on to food banks, usually instead of granting clients their entitled three food grants per year, despite New Zealand food banks receiving no direct state funding.

I believe there is a thin line between helping and enabling and as a social worker part of my role is to find a balance between meeting food needs and empowering clients. Community welfare food banks also face the challenge of how to meet clients food needs while addressing other needs and reducing dependency at the same time.

So where do we go from here? We know that the largest contributing factor to food insecurity is the lack of financial resources. This can be attributed to rising household bills, including housing costs, family expenses, as well as debts

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(hire purchases, loans, etc). Improvements and changes that can make a real change regarding the security of food for individuals, whanau and communities include providing increased incomes for those reliant on income assistance and low paid workers. Government could raise the minimum hourly rate to provide for this and increase benefit allowances so they are more in line with todays living costs. Affordable housing could also be greater subsidised for those most in need. Making clients aware of all their entitlements should be a priority of WINZ staff as well as providing a user -friendly service to all users.

Contrary to popular belief, basic education on healthy eating and living (budgeting) does not solve the problem of lack of income(New Zealand Network Against Food Poverty (NZNAFP), 1999). It has recently been discussed whether the removal of GST from healthy foods would help with this problem. During World War I and II, community gardens (known then as Victory Gardens) sprang up all across Britain. They w ere used as a method of increasing local food supplies. In New Zealand today they are seen as much more than a source of food. They also tend to improve psychological wellbeing, social relations, enhance the attractiveness of the area and create opportun ities for community development. Hunter (2006) describes the purpose of community gardens is to increase food security, to connect people with where their food comes from, how to grow and cook it, the learning of life skills and the building of vibrant communities.

My own worldview on the benefits of gardening and community gardens is that of better access to fresh, wholesome food, cost savings, culturally appropriate foods otherwise unavailable or too expensive and improvement to physical and

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mental wellbeing. Other community benefits include improved relationships among people, community pride, sharing produce with others, empowerment of communities, an increase in self -esteem, mana, tino rangatiratanga, as well as social engagement with different cul tures using food and shared experiences.

From my observations in my placements food bank, food insecurity is alive and well in New Zealand. Blame can be laid at the feet of Government and society. Unless attitudes change, cultures are understood, value s and morals upheld, food security for all will never be achieved. Changes to government social policy need to be examined; those with a vested interest in those policies need to be consulted, from the user to the minister. Communities need to get together and work on strategies to empower themselves, network with community welfare agencies and plan with local government on the best use of derelict land usage. Lastly, as individuals, we ne ed to look at our own attitudes? H ave we isolated ourselves from our neighbours and communities? Are we too busy to contribute our time to a community project? What skills can we offer our community ? Do we really care, if not, why not? I s it every man for himself or can we have empathy for our fellow human beings? At the very least, every individual should have the right, ability and access to a fundamenta l healthy diet. Without this, mauri ora is impossible to achieve and maintain.

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Bibliography
Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs. (2007, December 01). Retrieved March 27, 2011, from My Teaching Experience From Student to Professional With Lesson Plans: http://www.imteachingfrench.com/?p=87 Ahuwhenua M ori land and agriculture. (2009, March 1). Retrieved March 11, 2011, from Te Ara, The Encyclopedia of New Zealand: http://www.teara.govt.nz/en/ahuwhenua -maori-landand-agriculture/1 Te Mahi Kai. (2009, March 1). Retrieved March 10, 2011, from Te Ara, the Encyclopedia of New Zealand.: http://www.TeAwa.govt.nz/en/te-mahi-kai-food-production-economics/shortstory Bidwell, S. (2009). Food Security: A Review and Synthesis of Themes from the Literature. Christchurch: Canterbury District Health Board. Chatterjee, S. (1999). The New Politics. In S. Chatterjee, A Third Way for New Zealand (pp. 121-138). Palmerston North: Dunmore Press Ltd. Health, M. O. (2003). NZ Food, NZ Children: Key results of the 2002 National Childrens Nutrition Survey. Wellington: Ministry of Health. Hunter, J. (2006). Community Gardening in SA: Project Report. Adelaide, SA: Australian City Farms & Community Gardens Network. Ministry of Health New Zealand. (n.d.). Addressing Maori Health. Retrieved March 27, 2011, from Maori Health Models - Te Whare Tapa Wha: http://www.maorihealth.govt.nz/moh.nsf/pagesma/445 New Zealand Network Against Food Poverty (NZNAFP). (1999). Hidden Hunger: Food and Low Income in New Zealand. Wellington: The Downtown Community Ministry. Parnell, W. &. (2008). Food Security: Current Research Initiatives, Globally and in New Zealand. Christchurch: Nutrition Society of New Zealand. Robinson, V. (2010). Food Costs for Families. Wellington: Wellington Regional Public Health. Tarasuk, V. &. (2009). Household food insecurity in Ontario. Canadian Journal of Public Health Revue Canadienne De Sante Publique, 100, 184 - 188. The New York Times Company. (2011). Erikson's Stages of Psychosocial Development. Retrieved March 27, 2011, from About.com: http://psychosocial.about.com/library/bl_psychosocial_summary.htm Zubrick, S. .. (2000). Indicators of Social and Family Functioning. Canberra: Department of Family and Community Services.

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