ASocietyConsumedbyLocusts:YouthintheAgeofMoralandPoliticalPlagues

Monday05April2010 by:HenryA.Giroux,truthout|OpEd

(Image:JaredRodriguez/truthout;Adapted:DSharonPruitt,[niv],'Playingwithbrushes') Astherecenthealthcaredebatehasmadeclear,thedecadeslongconservativecampaignagainstthe allegedabusesof"biggovernment"isfarfromover.Inthe1980s,whenRonaldReaganinsistedthat governmentwastheproblemnotthesolution,heunleashedwhatwastobecomeaneoliberaljuggernaut againstboththewelfarestateandtheconceptofthepublicgood.Reagan'sconservativeideological stancerevealedasmolderingmarketdrivendisdainforanyformofgovernancethatassumedameasure ofresponsibilityfortheeducation,healthandgeneralwelfareofthecountry'scitizens.Healsohelped launchanewpoliticalerainwhichconsumerismandprofitmakingweredefinedastheessenceof democracy, and freedom was redefined as the unrestricted ability of markets to govern economic relationsfreeofgovernmentregulation.Evenworse,theobligationsofcitizenship,ifnotagencyitself, werereducedtotheneverendingneedtoconsumegoods,buyintomarketdrivenservicesandfashion publicneedsaccordingtotheprotocolsofcelebrityculture. Forover30years,theAmericanpublichasbeenrearedonaneoliberaldystopianvisionthatlegitimates itselfthroughthelargelyunchallengedclaimthattherearenoalternativestoamarketdrivensociety, that economic growth should not be constrained by considerations of social costs or moral responsibility and that democracy and capitalism were virtually synonymous. At the heart of this marketrationalityisanegocentricphilosophyandcultureofcrueltythatsoldoffpublicgoodsand servicestothehighestbiddersinthecorporateandprivatesectors,whilesimultaneouslydismantling

thosepublicspheres,socialprotectionsandinstitutionsservingthepublicgood.Aseconomicpower freed itself from traditional government regulations, a new global financial class reasserted the prerogativesofcapitalandsystemicallydestroyedthosepublicspheresadvocatingsocialequalityand aneducatedcitizenryasaconditionforaviabledemocracy.Atthesametime,economicderegulation mergedpowerfullywiththeideologyofindividualresponsibility,effectivelyevadinganynotionof corporate responsibility, while effectively undercutting any sense of corporate accountability to a broaderpublic. Asaresultofthetriumphofcorporatesovereigntyoverdemocraticvalues,thesupervisoryauthorityof thestatewasreconfiguredintoadisciplinarydevicelargelyresponsibleformanagingandexpanding themechanismsofcontrol,containmentandpunishmentoveravastnumberofAmericaninstitutions. Asthesocialcontractcameundersustainedattack,thebridgesbetweenpublicandprivatelifewere dismantledandthemarketbecameatemplateforstructuringallsocialrelations.Withthedevaluingof publicgoods,publicvaluesandpublicinstitutions,themodeloftheprisonemergedasacoreinstitution and mode of governance under the neoliberal state. Democracy suffered a major hit. The list of casualties is long and includes the ongoing privatization of public schools, health care, prisons, transportation,wars,thepublicairwaves,publiclands,andothercrucialelementsofthecommons along with the undermining of some of our most basic civil liberties. At the same time, those institutionsthatonceofferedreliefandhopetopeoplewerenowreplacedbythepolice,courtsandthe prison, all of which had a disproportionate effect on poor and minority youth.[1] Thelegacyofcasinocapitalismwithitsrecklessgamblingandcorruptionhascontributedtothelossof trillions of dollars from the public coffers, while simultaneously undermining the most basic democratic values. Making a mockery of an aspiring American democracy, the economic neo Darwinism of the last 30 years has given free reign to a society that "celebrates fraud, theft and violence."[2] Theholytrinityofderegulation,privatizationandcommodificationhasproducedvast inequitiesinwealth,incomeandpower,exemplifiedbythefactthat"atthestartoftherecessionthe collectivewealthoftherichest1percentofAmericanswasgreaterthanthatofthebottom90percent combined."[3] But the regime of freemarket fundamentalism has not only produced "the biggest concentrationofincomeandwealthsince1928,"[4]ithasalsocausedenormoushardshipandsuffering amongthosepopulationsnowconsideredredundantandincreasinglydisposable. Undeniably,thesocialandeconomiccollapsewearenowexperiencingwasprecededbyamoraland

politicalcollapse,largelycausedbyapoliticalclassandaformativeculturedeeplyinsensitivetoits socialandethicalresponsibilities.TherenownedhistorianTonyJudthasinsistedthatsincethe1980s, we have inhabited what he calls "an age of pygmies," a time largely "consumed by locusts" and characterized byan"uncriticaladmirationforunfetteredmarkets,disdainforthepublicsector, the delusionofendlessgrowth....andanobsessionwith"thepursuitofmaterialwealth[while]indifferent tosomuchelse."[5] Thedreamscapeofneoliberalismhasusheredinalongperiodofsocialandeconomicrevengeagainst thosepopulationsmarginalizedbyraceandclass.Thenewgovernmentofinsecurityhasreshaped welfarethroughpunitivepoliciesthatcriminalizedpoverty,pushedpeopleintoworkfareprogramssoas toforcethemintomeniallaborandwherethatfailedmadeincarcerationtheprimarytoolofmaking suchpopulationsdisappear.AsLoicWacquanthasargued,"Povertyhasnotrecededbutthesocial visibilityandcivicstandingofthetroublemakingpoorhavebeenreduced."[6] Moreover,wehave witnessedinthelastfewdecadestheriseofapunishingstatethat"offersreliefnottothepoorbutfrom thepoor,byforcibly'disappearing'themostdisruptiveofthem,fromtheshrinkingwelfarerollsonthe onehandandintotheswellingdungeonsofthecarceralcastleontheother."[7] Populationsthatwereonceviewedasfacingdireproblemsinneedofstateinterventionsandsocial protectionsarenowseenasaproblemthreateningsociety.Thisbecomesclearwhenthewaronpoverty istransformedintoawaragainstthepoor;whenyoungpeople,toparaphraseW.E.B.DuBois,become problempeopleratherthanpeoplewhofaceproblems;whentheplightofthehomelessisdefinedless asapoliticalandeconomicissueinneedofsocialreformthanasamatteroflawandorder;orwhenthe statebudgetsforprisonconstructioneclipsebudgetsforhighereducation.Thereachofthepunishing stateisespeciallyevidentinthewaysinwhichmanypublicschoolsnowusepunishmentasthemain toolforcontrol.Inthedevaluedlandscapeofpublicschooling,whatbecomesclearisthatpunishing youngpeopleseemstobefarmoreimportantthaneducatingthem.[8]Similarly,asadvocatesofmarket rationalityraiseanentiregenerationontheallegedvirtuesof"unrestrictedindividualresponsibility," thedisdaintowardthecommongoodfindsitscounterpartinincreasingactsof"collectiveandpolitical irresponsibility."[9] Whatmightitmeantoopposetheinstitutions,reversethevaluesandchallengethepowerrelationsthat createdthistheaterofcivicmorbidityandcultureofcruelty?Dareonenottakeaccountoftheprofound emotionalappeal,letaloneideologicalhold,ofneoliberalismontheAmericanpublic?Thesuccessofa

market ideology that has produced shocking levels of inequality, poverty and human suffering buttressed by a market morality that has spawned rapacious greed and corruption should raise fundamentalquestions.Howdidmarketruleprovecapableofenlistinginsuchacompellingwaythe consentofthevastmajorityofAmericans,whocastthemselves,noless,intheroleofthe"moral majority"? Thismeans thequestions weneedtobeaskingourselvesmustextendbeyondhow we proceedwithcompetentandeffectiveeconomicreform.Justasneoliberallogicextendswellbeyondthe economicrealm,wemustalsoconsideratadeeperlevelhowwedismantlethecultureofpermanent warandfear,howwelearntothinkbeyondthenarrowdictatesofinstrumentalrationalities,howwe decriminalizecertainidentities,howwedepathologizetheconceptofdependencyandrecognizeitas our common fate, how we foster a culture of questioning and shared responsibilities and how we reclaimthepublicgoodhowwereconstitute,inshort,aviable,sustainableandaspiringdemocratic society.Whataretheimplicationsoftheorizingeducation,pedagogyandthepracticeoflearningas essential to socialchangeandwheremightsuchinterventionstakeplace?Inthecurrenthistorical moment,youngpeopleareincreasinglydefinedthroughayouthcontrolcomplexthatispredatoryin natureandpunishinginitsconsequences,leavingagenerationofyoungpeoplewithdamagedlives impoverishedspirits,andbankruptedhopes.Onesuchplacetobegin,especiallyforeducators,iswith thecurrentstateofyoungpeopleintheUnitedStates. Whileyouthhavealwaysrepresentedanambiguouscategory,youngpeopleareunderassaulttodayin waysthatareentirelynewbecausetheynowfaceaworldthatisfarmoredangerousthanatanyother timeinrecenthistory.AsJeanMarieDurandpointedout,aswarandthecriminalizationofsocial problemsbecomeamodeofgovernance,"Youthisnolongerconsideredtheworld'sfuture,butasa threattoitspresent.[For]youth,thereisnolongeranypoliticaldiscourseexceptforadisciplinary one."[10] Thisintensifyingassaultonyoungpeoplecanbemorefullygraspedthroughtherelated conceptsof"softwar"and"hardwar." Thesoftwaranalysesthechangingconditionsofyouthwithintherelentlessexpansionofaglobal marketsocietythatpunishesallyouthbytreatingthemlargelyasmarketsandcommodities.Thislow intensitywariswagedthroughtheeducationalforceofaculturethatnotonlycommercializesevery aspectofkids'lives,butalsousestheInternet,cellphonesandvarioussocialnetworksalongwiththe newmediatechnologiestoaddressyoungpeopleasmarketsandconsumersinwaysthataremoredirect andexpansive.Thereachofthenewscreenandelectroniccultureonyoungpeopleisdisturbing.For instance,arecentstudybytheKaiserFamilyfoundationfoundthatyoungpeopleages8to18are

spendingmorethansevenandahalfhoursadaywithsmartphones,computers,television,andother electronicdevices,comparedwithlessthansixandahalfhoursfiveyearsago."[11]Whenyouaddthe additional time youth spend texting, talking on their cell phones, "watching TV while updating Facebookthenumberrisesto11hoursoftotalmediacontenteachday."[12]Thereismoreatstake herethanwhatsomecallanewformofattentiondeficitdisorder,oneinwhichyouthavoidthetime necessaryforthoughtfulanalysisandengagedmodesofreading,thereisalsotheissueofhowthis mediaisbeingusedtocreateanewgenerationofconsumingsubjects.Corporationshavehitgoldwith thenewmediaandcaninundateyoungpeopledirectlywiththeirmarketdrivenvalues,desiresand identities,allofwhichareremovedfromthemediationandwatchfuleyesofparentsandotheradults. Thehardwarismoreseriousanddangerousforyoungpeopleandreferstotheharshestelements, valuesanddictatesofagrowingyouthcrimecomplexthatincreasinglygovernspoorminorityyouth throughalogicofpunishment,surveillanceandcontrol.Forexample,theimprintoftheyouthcrime complex is evident in the increasingly popular practice of organizing schools through disciplinary practices that subject them to constant surveillance through hightech security technologies while imposing upon them harsh and often thoughtless zerotolerance policies that closely resemble the cultureofprisons.Inthisinstance,evenasthecorporatestateisinfinancialturmoil,itistransformed intoapunishingstateandcertainsegmentsoftheyouthpopulationbecometheobjectofanewmodeof governancebasedonthecrudestformsofdisciplinarycontrol.Poorminorityyouthhavenotjustbeen excluded from "the American dream," but have become utterly redundant and disposable, waste productsofasocietythatnolongerconsidersthemofanyvalue.Suchyouthsubjectedtoaformof racialdumpingnowexperienceakindofsocialdeathastheyarepushedoutofschools,deniedjob trainingopportunities,subjecttorigorousmodesofsurveillanceandcriminalsanctionsandviewedless asdisadvantagedthanasflawedconsumersandcivicfelons.Undersuchcircumstances,mattersof survivalanddisposabilitybecomecentraltohowwethinkaboutandimaginenotjustpolitics,butthe everydayexistenceofpoorwhiteandminorityyouth. Asthesocialsafetynetandprotectionsunraveledinthelast30years,thecultureandadministrative apparatusoftheprison,operatingwithinthenarrowregistersofpunishmentandcrimemanagement, hasbecomeacoreinstitutionofAmericansociety.Inpart,thisisevidentinthefactthatoverseven millionpeoplearenowunderthejurisdictionofsomeelementofthecriminaljusticesystem.Within thisregimeofharshdisciplinarycontrol,thereisnopoliticalormoralvocabularyforeitherrecognizing thesystemiceconomic,socialandeducationalproblemsthatyoungpeoplefaceorforaddressingwhat

it means for American society to invest seriously in the future of young people, especially poor minorityandwhiteyouth.Insteadofbeingviewedasimpoverished,minorityyouthareseenaslazyand shiftless;insteadofbeingunderstoodintermsofhowbadlytheyareservedbyfailingschools,many poorminorityyoutharelabeledasuneducableandpushedoutofschools,orevenworse.Againstthe idealisticrhetoricofanationthatclaimsitveneratesyoungpeopleliestherealityofasocietythat increasinglyviewsyouththroughtheopticoflawandorderandisalltoowillingtotreatthemas criminals,and,whennecessary,makethem"disappear"intothefarthestreachesofthecarceralstate. Whatarewetomakeofasocietythatallowsthepolicetocomeintoaschoolandarrest,handcuffand hauloffa12yearoldstudentfordoodlingonherdesk?Evenworse,whereisthepublicoutrageovera schoolsystemthatallowsafiveyearoldkindergartenpupiltobehandcuffedandsenttoahospital psychiatricwardforbeingunrulyinaclassroom?Whatdoesitmeanwhenasocietylookstheother waywhen25Chicagomiddleschoolersranginginagefrom11to15arearrestedforafoodfight,held for"11hoursatthepolicestation,chargedwithmisdemeanorrecklessconductandlatersuspended fromschoolfortwodays?Orwhenan11yearoldautisticandcognitivelyimpairedchildisrepeatedly abused in schoolbybothteachersandsecurityguards?[13] Whereisthepublicoutragewhen the mainstreammediareportsthattwoofficerswhencalledtoadaycarecenterincentralIndianatohandle anunruly10yearoldtaseredthechildandslappedhiminthemouth.Thisfollowsanotherwidely reportedincidentinwhichapoliceofficerinArkansasusedastunguntocontrolandallegedlyoutof control10yearoldgirl.OnepublicresponsecamefromSteveTuttle,spokesmanforTaserInternational Inc.,whoinsistedthata"Stunguncanbesafelyusedonchildren."[14]Sadly,thisisasmallsampling ofthewaysinwhichchildrenarebeingpunishedinsteadofeducatedinAmericanschools.Allofthese examples point to how little regard our society has for young people and the growing number of institutionswillingtoemployacrimeandpunishmentmentalitythatconstitutesnotonlyacrisisof politics,buttheemergenceofnewpoliticsofeducatingand"governingthroughcrime."[15] TheabuseofchildreninandoutofschoolshasbecomeendemictoAmericansocietyandthecultureof crueltythatproducesitisincreasinglybeingmimickedbythechildrenwhoaresubjecttoitdaily. Violence,harshmodesofcompetition,acripplingemphasisontoughnesscoupledwithstrippeddown forms of pedagogy that confuse training with educating, leave young people unprepared to resist imitatingtheworstdimensionsoftheselfishandnarcissisticvaluesandbehaviorsthatdominatea consumer,celebrityinfatuatedsociety.Thismoralandpoliticaltragedyismadeobviousbythemany "get tough" policies that have rendered young people as criminals, while depriving them of basic

conditionsnecessarytoimprovethequalityoftheirlivesandfuture.Atthesametime,theinfluenceof suchpoliciesonthebehaviorofyoungpeoplecanbeseenintheincreaseinbullyingandviolencethat youngpeopleincreasinglyinflictoneachother.AsChristopherRobbinshaswritteninhiseloquent book,"ExpellingHope,"punishmentandfearhavereplacedcompassionandsocialresponsibilityasthe mostimportantmodalitiesmediatingtherelationshipofyouth,notonlytothelargersocialorder,but alsotoeachother.Subjecttoacomingofagecrisismarkedbyaneverexpandingpoliceorderwithits paranoidmachineryofsecurity,containmentandcriminalization,manyyoungpeopleareremovedfrom modesofeducationthatshouldprovidethemwiththeknowledgeandskillsnecessaryforthemtothink criticallyabouteducation,justiceanddemocracy. Atthismomentinhistory,itismorenecessarythanevertoregisteryouthasacentraltheoretical,moral andpoliticalconcern.Doingsoremindsadultsoftheirethicalandpoliticalresponsibilitytofuture generationsandwillfurtherlegitimizewhatitmeanstoinvestinyouthasasymbolfornurturingcivic imaginationandcollectiveresistanceinresponsetothesufferingofothers.Youthprovideapowerful referentforacriticaldiscussionaboutthelongtermconsequencesofneoliberalpolicies,whilealso gesturingtowardtheneedforputtingintoplacethoseeconomic,politicalandculturalinstitutionsthat makeademocraticfuturepossible. One way of addressing ourcollapsing intellectual andmoralvisions regardingyoungpeople is to imaginethosepolicies,values,opportunitiesandsocialrelationsthatbothinvokeadultresponsibility andreinforcetheethicalimperativetoprovideyoungpeople,especiallythosemarginalizedbyraceand class, with the economic, social and educational conditions that make life livable and the future sustainable.Clearly,theissueatstakehereisnotaoneoffbailoutortemporaryfix,butrealstructural reforms.Attheveryleast,thissuggestsfightingforachildwelfaresystemthatwouldreduce"family poverty by increasing the minimum wage," and mobilizing for legislation that would institute "a guaranteedincome,providehighqualitysubsidizedchildcare,preschooleducationandpaidparental leavesforallfamilies."[16] Youngpeopleneedafederallyfundedjobscreationprogramandwage subsidy that wouldprovideyearroundemploymentforoutofschool youth, andsummer jobs that targetinschool,lowincomeyouth.Publicandhighereducation,increasinglyshapedbycorporateand instrumental values must be reclaimed as democratic public spheres committed to teaching young peoplehowtogovernratherthanmerelybegoverned. Incarcerationshouldbethelastresort,notthefirststrategy,fordealingwithourchildren.Anyviable

notionofeducationalreformmustincludeequitablefundingschemesforschools,reinforcedbythe recognitionthattheproblemsfacingpublicschoolscannotbesolvedwithcorporatesolutionsorwith lawenforcementstrategies.Weneedtogetthepoliceoutofpublicschools,greatlyreducespendingfor prisonsandmilitaryexpendituresandhiremoreteachers,supportstaffandcommunitypeopleinorder toeliminatetheschooltoprisonpipeline. Inordertomakelifelivableforyoungpeopleandothers,basicsupportsmustbeputinplace,suchasa systemofnationalhealthinsurancethatcoverseverybodyalongwithprovisionsforaffordablehousing. Attheveryleast,weneedtolowertheageofeligibilityforMedicareto55inordertokeeppoor familiesfromgoingbankrupt.And,ofcourse,noneofthiswilltakeplaceunlesstheinstitutions,social relations and values that legitimize and reproduce current levels of inequality, power and human sufferingaredismantled.Thewideninggapbetweentherichandthepoorhastobeaddressedifyoung peoplearetohaveaviablefuture.Andthatrequirespervasivestructuralreformsthatconstituteareal shiftinbothpowerandpoliticsawayfromamarketdrivensystemthatviewstoomanychildrenas disposable.Weneedtoreimaginewhatliberty,equalityandfreedommightmeanastrulydemocratic valuesandpractices. Aspubliclifeiscommercialized,commodifiedandpoliced,thepathologyofindividualentitlementand narcissismerodesthosepublicspacesinwhichtheconditionsforconscience,decency,selfrespectand dignitytakeroot.Weneedtoliberatethediscourseandspacesoffreedomfromtheplagueofconsumer narcissismandcasinocapitalismandstruggletobuildthosepublicspaceswheredemocraticideals, visionsandsocialrelationscanbenurturedanddevelopedaspartofagenuinelymeaningfuleducation andpolitics.ThetimehascometotakeseriouslythewordsofthegreatabolitionistFrederickDouglas, whobravelyarguedthatfreedomisanemptyabstractionifpeoplefailtoact,insisting,"Ifthereisno strugglethereisnoprogress.Thosewhoprofesstofavorfreedomandyetdepreciateagitation,aremen [andwomen]whowantcropswithoutplowinguptheground,theywantrainwithoutthunderand lightning.Theywanttheoceanwithouttheawfulroarofitsmanywaters."[17] Thecrisisofyouthissymptomaticofthecrisisofdemocracyand,assuch,ithailsusasmuchforthe threatthatitposesasforthechallengesandpossibilitiesitinvokes.ThedeterioratingstateofAmerican youth,especiallypoorwhiteandminorityyouth,maybethemostseriouschallengetheUnitedStates willfaceinthe21stcentury.Itisastrugglethatdemandsanewunderstandingofpolitics,onethatis infusednotonlywiththelanguageofcritique,butalsothediscourseofpossibility.Itisastrugglethat

demandsthatwethinkbeyondthegiven,imaginetheunimaginableandcombinetheloftyidealsof democracywithawillingnesstofightforitsrealization.Butthisisnotafightwecanwinthrough individualstrugglesorisolatedpoliticalmovements;itdemandsnewmodesofsolidarity,newpolitical organizationsandapowerful,expansivesocialmovementcapableofunitingdiversepoliticalinterests andgroups.Itisastrugglethatisaseducationalasitispolitical.Itisalsoastrugglethatisasnecessary asitisurgent. (Partofthe titleofthisarticlecomesfromTonyJudt,"IllFarestheLand,"NewYork:ThePenguin Press,2010). Notes:
[1].IdevelopthisthemeingreatdetailinHenryA.Giroux,"YouthinaSuspectSociety"(NewYork:Palgrave Macmillan,2009). [2].ChrisHedges,"TheFalseIdolofUnfetteredCapitalism,"Truthdig(March16,2009). [3].BobHerbert,"StackingtheDeckAgainstKids,"NewYorkTimes(November28,2009),p.A19. [4]PeterDreier,"Bush'sClassWarfare,"TheHuffingtonPost(December21,2007).Online: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/peterdreier/bushsclasswarfare_b_77910.html.AsDavidR.Francispointedout,"the richestoftherich,thetop1/1,000th,enjoyeda497percentgaininwageandsalaryincomebetween1972and2001. Thoseatthe99thpercentile,whomadeanaverage$1.7millionperyearin2001,enjoyedamere181percentgain." SeeFrancis,"WhatANew'GildedAge'MayBring,"TheChristianScienceMonitor(March6,2006).Online: http://www.csmonitor.com/2006/0306/p16s01coop.html [5].Ibid.,TonyJudt,"IllFarestheLand,"pp.2,39. [6].LoicWacquant,"PunishingthePoor:TheNeoliberalGovernmentofSocialInsecurity,"(Durham,NC:Duke UniversityPress,2009),p.291. [7].Ibid.,Wacquant,p.294 [8].ErikEckholm,"SchoolSuspensionsLeadtoLegalChallenge."TheNewYorkTimes,(March18,2010),p.A14. [9].Ibid,Wacquant,p.6 [10].JeanMarieDurand,"ForYouth:ADisciplinaryDiscourseOnly,"Truthout,(November15,2009)Translation: TruthoutFrenchLanguageEditorLeslieThatcher.Onlineat:http://www.truthout.org/11190911 [11].TamarLewin,"IfYourKidsAreAwake,They'reProbablyOnline,"TheNewYorkTimes,(January20,2010),p. A1 [12].C.Christine,"KaiserStudy:Kids8to18SpendMoreThanSevenHoursaDayWithMedia,"Spotlighton DigitalMediaandLearning:MacArthurFoundation,(January21,2010). [13].BethGermano,"WorcesterTeacherAccusedofAbusingAutisticBoy,"TheAutismNews(March23,2010). Online:http://www.theautismnews.com/tag/abuse/ [14].CarlyEverson,"Ind.OfficerUsesStunGunonUnruly10yearold,"APNews(April3,2010).Online. [15].JonathanSimon,GoverningThroughCrime:HowtheWaronCrimeTransformedAmericanDemocracyand CreatedaCultureofFear(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,2007),p.5. [16].DorothyRoberts,"ShatteredBonds:TheColorofChildWelfare,"(NewYork,NewYork:BasicCivitasBooks, 2008),pp.268. [17].Frederick.Douglass,"TheSignificanceofEmancipationintheWestIndies."Speech,Canandaigua,NewYork, August3,1857,collectedinpamphletbyauthor,in"TheFrederickDouglassPapers.SeriesOne:Speeches,Debates andInterviews."Volume3:185563.EditedbyJohnW.Blassingame.(NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress,1985) [1857].p.204.