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HARVARD UNIVERSITY
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF ARTS A D SCIENCES N

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(To be placed in OriginPl Copy)
The undersigned, appointed by the

Dvso iiin
Depament
Committee

Linguistics

have examined a thesis entitled

The Morphosyntax of NnmXnal and Verbal
Categories i n Capeverdean Creole

presented by

Marlyse Bap tis ta

candidate for the degrcc of Doctor of Philosophy and hereby cerrify that it i va c c e p r r
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MORPHO-SYNTAX OF NOMINAL AND VERBAL CATEGORIES IN

CAPEVERDEAN CREOLE

A thesis presented

Marlyse Baptista

The Department of Linguistics

in partial filfillrnent of the requirements

for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

in the subject of
Linguistics
Harvard University

Cambridge, Massachusetts

May 1997

DM1 Number: 9733230

Copyright 1997 by Baptieta, Marlyse

All rights reserved.

UMI Microform 9733230 Copyright 1997, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

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O 1997 by Marlyse Baptista

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THE MORPHO-SYNTAX OF NOMINAL AND VERBAL CATEGORIES IN CAPEVERDEAN CREOLE

by Marlyse Baptista

ABSTRACT

This thesis investigates the morpho-syntax of nominal and verbal categories in

Capeverdean Creole. The first two chapters provide an analytical description of speciiic issues in the morphology and syntax of Capeverdean. The last three chapters examine Capeverdean functional categories, the syntax of verbs and the syntax of pronominals, within a chomskian fiamework (Chomsky, 1981; 1991; 1993). This leads us to the organization of this thesis: Chapter I covers Capeverdean morphology, grammatical categories, and word classes: It is divided into two main sections dealing, in turn, with nominal and verbal categories.

Among the topics examined are the referential system, adjectives and agreement, pronomind
paradigms, auxiliary constructions, and nonfinite forms. Chapter 2 expIores Capeverdean phrase structure and basic syntactic structure. It covers basic word order patterns, some variations in word order, expletive constructions and empty categories, and finite and infinitival complements. Chapter 3 serves as a bridge between the fist two analytical descriptive chapters and the last two theoreticaI chapters. It explores Capeverdean hctional categories and clause structure.

Chapter 4 studies the syntax of the Capeverdean verb. We examine the background assumptions of the theory of verb movement and present a theoretical analysis of the interaction of the Capeverdean verb with a certain class of adverbials, Negation, and floating quantifiers; there, we provide evidence for V-raising in this particular Creole and offer a tentative analysis accounting for the different behavior of verbs in Capeverdean and Haitian.

In chapter 5, we study the syntax of Capeverdean pronominals. We focus on the

distribution of clitics and nonclitics and account for their distributional properties in terms of various principles and constraints. We design a fow-category classification of Capeverdean clitics and argue that there are three classes of pronominals in Capeverdean: weak foms, strong forms, and clitics (cf.Cardinaletti & Starke, 1994;1996). We then consider the possible development of the morpheme e, which plays the rote of a clitic and a copula in the Capeverdean grammar. In the last section of this chapter, we examine the pro-drop status of

this particular Creole.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
A s r c ........................................................................................................................... ...XI btat Acknowledgments. ................................ x Dedication........................................................................................................................ xiv .

...

CHAPTER ONE CAPEVERDEAN MORPHOLOGY. GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND WORD CLASSES

1.0 1.1

1.2

1.3

Introduction.......................................................................................................... 9 Nominal Categories.................................................................................................. 9 ... ..................... 10 1.1.1 The Referential System in Capeverdean Creole............... . 1.1.1.1 Determiners and Nouns.....................................................................I1 1.1.1.2 Focus on Capeverdean Nl Determiners........................................... 17 ul 1.1. 1.3 Bickerton's Classical Referential System........................................... 21 1.1.1.4 Lucchesi s Analysis...........................................................................24 . . 1 . 1.2 Adjectives.......................... . ... .................................... .. ........................... 3 1 ............................................... 1 1.l.2.1 Adjectives and Agreement............ . 1.l.2.2 Comparative Constructions.. ...................... .................................... 39 , 1.1.3 The Pronominal System................................................................................ 42 1.1.3.1 Personal Pronouns: Two Paradigms.................................................. 42 1.1.3.2 Reflexives......................................................................................... 47 1.1.3-3 Demonstratives................................................................................. 50 1.1.3-4 Possessives...................................................................................... 51 1.1.3-5 Relative Pronouns............................................................................. 53 1.1.3 -6Interrogative Pronouns..................................................................... -55 Verbal Categories................................................................................................... 57 1.2.1 Person and Number..................................................................................... -57 1.2.2 Tense............................................................................................................ 58 1.2.3. Tense i Capeverdean Creole. ....................................................................... 63 n 1.2.4 Auxiliary Constructions and Nonfinite Forms.............................................. 70 1.2.4.Z Auxiliary Constructions.................................................................... 71 ........... 1.2.4.2 Nodkite forms. ............................................................................................................. 77 Conclusion
-7

CHAPTER TWO CAPEVERDEAN PHRASE STRUCTURE AM) BASIC SYNTACTIC

PATTERNS
2.0 2.1

2.2

2.3

2.4

2.5

Introduction........................................................................................................... 78 Basic Word Order Patterns................................................................................ 78 2.1.1 Simple SVO Sentences..................,... . . ..................................................... 79 2.1.2 Double Object Constructions With Full NPs.................................................. 80 2.1.3 Double Object Com$ructions W~th Pronominal Clitics.................................. -82 2.1.4 Complements and Adjuncts........................................................................... 83 2.1 .4.1 Complements......... ......................................................... . .. .83 -84 2.1.4.2 Adjuncts......................................................................................... 2.1.5 Various Adverbials and Their Merent Positions.........................................-85 2.1.5.1 Jackendoff s (1972) Typology, Rochette (1990)...............................85 2.1.5.2 Capeverdean Creole Adverbial Typology.......................................... 87 2.1 -6 The Position of Quantifiers........................................................................ 91 2.1.7 Secondary Predicates.................................................................................. -93 2.1 -8 Tense, Mood and Aspect Markers............................................................ -94 2.1.8.1 An Introduction to the Markers, Ta, Sta, -Ba and Dja...................... 95 102 2.1.8.2 The Various Verbal Forms: The Individual Cases....................... , 2.1.8.3 Bickerton's (1975) Classical TMA System......................... ,..........122 2.1.8.4 Silva's (1984;1990) Analysis of Tense and Aspect in Capeverdean.............................................................................. 123 2.1.8.5 Suzuki (1994): Stativity and Nonstativity Revisited........................ 127 Some Variations in Word Order........................................................................ 131 2.2.1 Subject Verb Inversion............................................................................... 132 . . of 2.2.2 More on the Pos~bon Verbs.................... ........................................ 133 . . 2.2.2.1 The Verb and Negation.................................................................. 134 2.2.2.2 The Verb and (Other) Adverbs...................................................... 138 2.2.2.3 The Verb and Quantifiers............................................................... -139 . . . ....... . .................................................................................. 140 2.2.3 Top~calmbon . 2.2.4 Left-Dislocation....................................................................................... 143 2.2.5 Clefling...................................................................................................... 143 2.2.6 HeavyNPShifi........................................................................................... 145 2.2.7 Right-Dislocation....................................................................................... 146 2.2.8 Questions.................................................................................................... 147 2.2.8.1 YesINo Questions........................................................................... 147 2.2.8.2 Echo Questions........................................................................... -149 2.2.8.3 Wh-Questions................................ . .... ..................................1 4 9 Expletive Constructions and Empty Categories................................................. I51 2.3.1 Types of Expletive Constructions............................................................... 152 2.3.2 Pronouns and Empty Categories................................................................ -154 Finite Complements and Infinitival Complements: A Distinction? ................... 156 Conclusion............................................................................................................ 161

CHAPTER THREE CAPEVERDEAN mTNCTIONAL CATEGORlES AM) CLAUSE STRUCTURE

3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4

................................................... 1 6 3 Introduction.............***........................... . ... .................................................................... Identifying FunctionaI Categories -163 Capeverdean TMA Templates............................................................................. 165 ....................................................... 166 Capeverdean Clause Structure............... .. ........................................................................................................... -172 Conclusion

CHAPTER FOUR THE VERBAL SYNTAX OF CAPEVERDEAN CREOLE

4.0 4.1 Introduction.......................................... .. ......................... ... .............................. 173 ............................. 1 7 5 The Theory of Verb Movement: Background Assumptions 4.1.1 Diagnostics for V-Raising ............... ........................................................ -175 , .. 4.1.2 Competing Accounts of Verb Movement: An Overview.............................. 179 4.1.2.1 Pollock (1989).................... ......................................................... -179 .. 4.1.2.2 Vikner (199 1;1995), Rohrbacher (1993; 1995) Roberts (1993), HoImberg & Platzack (1995).................................. 180 4.1.2.3 Chomsky (1993).............................................................................. 183 4.1.2.4 Jonas (1996).................................................................................... 187 4.1.2.5 Thrhsson (1994; 1996), Bobdjik (1995) Bobaljik & Thrihsson (forthcoming).............................................. -187 Verb and TMA Markers Position With Regard to the Negative Morpheme ka....................................................... 191 4.2.1 The Position of TMA Markers ka............................................... 192 4.2.2 The Position of e Vis-bVis krr .................................................................... 193 4.2.3 The Structure of Negation........................................................................ -198 4.2.3.1 Zanuttini (1991).............................................................................. 199 4.2.3.2 Double Negation and Negative Concord.........................................-200 4.2.3 -3 The Structure of Capeverdean Negation: A Comparative Analysis............................................................... -202 Capeverdean Verb Position With Regard to Adverbs........................................ 207 Capeverdean Verb Position With Regard to floating Quantifiers....................212 4..4.1 The Theory of Quantifier Float (Sportiche, 1988) and the VP-Internal Hypothesis.................................................................. -212 4.4.2 Relating the Position of Adverbs with the Position of Floating Quantifiers: Kayne (19751, Sportiche (1988) BeUetti (1990), Bobaljik (1995)................................................................. 214 4.4.3 Capeverdean Quantdier Float ...................................................................... 215 A Tentative Analysis and Its Implications........................................................ 221 4.5.1 A Tentative Analysis................................................................................... 221

4.2

4.3 4.4

4.5

4.5.2

4.6

....................................... 228 Implications for the Theory of V-Raising ......... . Conclusion............................................................................................................ 230

CHAPTERFIVE THE SYNTAX OF PRONOMINALS I CAPEVERDEAN CREOLE N Introduction...................................................................................................... 2 1 The Capeverdean PronominaI Paradigms.................................. . ...................233 .. 5.1.1 The C h c Paradigm...................................................................................... 233 5.1.1.1 The Distribution of Subject Clitics..................................................233 5.1 .1.2 The Distribution of Object Clitics.................................................. -235 5.1.2 The Nonclitic Paradigm......................... .. ................................................236 .. 5.1.2.1 The Distribution of Subject Nonclitics............................................236 5.1.2.2 The Distribution of Object NoncIitics........................................... 239 On the Nature of Clitics and T s s for Clitichood............................................... et 242 5.2.1 What is a Clitic?............... . .......................................................................... -242 , 5.2.2 Tests for Clitichood.............................. .......................................243 5.2.2.1 Clitic Dependency on the Verb ..........................................................-243 52 2 . 2 Clitics Cannot be Modified................................................................ -245 246 5.2.2.3 Clitics Cannot be Conjoined.............................................................. .............................................246 5.2.2.4 Clitics Cannot Carry Stress.............. . . 5.2.2.5 Clitics Cannot Occur in Isolation........................................................ 247 A Parametric Approach to Clitics: Klavans (1985;1995) ................................... 248 5.3.1 Introduction to Former Theories of Cliticization........................................... 248 .... 5.3.2 Domain of Chbclzation: V............................................................................ 249 The Capeverdean Clitic Typology....................................................................... 255 The Competing Theories of CIitic Placement...................................................... 259 . 5.5.1 The Movement of Chtics............................................................................. 259 5.5.2 The Base Generation of Clitics................................................................... -260 Some Properties of Subject and Object Clitics...................................................262 Toward a Typology of Pronominals.................................................................... 266 5.7.1 Three Classes of Pronominals: 266 Cardindetti and Starke (1994; 1996).......................................................... 5.7.2 Structural Deficiency................................................................................... 271 ............................... -273 5.7.3 The Structural TypoIogy of Capeverdean Pronominals ............... 279 Focus on the Morpheme e................................................................ . . 5.8.1 The Clitic Pronomind e and the Copula e: A Case of Feature Codation?...................................................................... 280 5.8.2 The Distribution of e and its Characteristics.................................................. 282 5.8.2.1 Distribution With Regard to Negation.............................................283 5 3.2.2 Pronominal Selection. ................................................................... 284 5.8.2.3 Distribution With Regard to Tense.................................................. 285 5.8.3 Arguments for e as a Pronoun....................................................................... 286 5.8.3 Arguments Against e as a Pronoun................................................................287

. . .

5.8.5 A Theoretical Account .................... . . . ................................................... -291 .

5.9

On the Position of Subject Clitics in Capeverdean Creole and the Impiications for Its Pro-Drop Status................. . ................................. 293 5.9.1 A Brief Overview of the Theory of Pro-Drop............................................. -294 5.9.2 The Position of Subject Clitics in Capeverdean Creole and Its Pro-Drop Status............... . ................................................ 299
Conclusion............................................................................................................
304

5.10

CONCLUSION.............................................................................................................

-306

BIBLIOGRAPHY............................................................................................................ 3 09

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The completion of this thesis brings closure to six years and a half of a wonderfid academic id adventure at Harvard. Although this dissertation carries my name, it also belongs, in my m n , to the professors, family and fiends who contributed to my achievements. I owe it all to them.

I feel privileged to have worked with a dream team of advisors whose outstanding scholarly skills inspired me and served as a paragon for my own research.
First, I would like to thank my supervisor Susunu Kuno, who taught me rigor in syntactic argumentation and reasoning. Beside his linguistic genius, his intuitivejudgments on Capeverdean surprised me so many times that I was convinced he was taking classes in the Capeverdean language unbeknownst to me. I thank him for his insightiid comments and for his valuable help in unveiling some of the mysteries of my language. I greatly benefited &om his own experience, as he was a pioneer in describing the structure of the Japanese language. I am very gratell for the carem comments he made particularly on the fist two chapters of this thesis. I will miss his communicative laughter, our long conversations on linguistics issues and about life in general. I also thank my advisor, Hoskuldur Thrbsson who enriched in the most positive way my first years at the university. He is probably not aware that he was the first professor who made me feel at home in the department. He is not only an outstanding scholar, but he is also a generous and conscientious professor who commented caremy and prohsely on my work. He wrote many pages of insighdid, detailed and positive comments through the years. His feed-back was truly unique in precision and depth. I thank him for his dedication, for showing so much interest in Capeverdean and for having encouraged me all along; I miss his warmth and sense of humor which brightened many of my days, and I thank h m for boosting my i morale these past months with his encouraging and kind comments. Finally, I would like to thank Samuel Epstein, who taught me my first syntax course at Harvard and who truly impressed me with his clarity, quick wit and argumentation skilIs. He is not only a brilliant linguist but also an exceptional teacher. I feel privileged to have had such an outstanding theoretician and pedagogue for an advisor. Mostly, what sets Sam apart is his deep care for his advisees: he cared about my language, and cared about my work and progress. As a result, he did many things beyond the caLI of duty, always informing me about sources of publications for my research or upcoming events. A message fiom him in my mailbox always meant an opening onto new horizons. I thank him for making me feel l confident, and for being so supportive of a l my endeavors. Furthermore, his integrity and his ability to stand for his convictions were truly inspiring. To these three professors, go my respect, admiration and deepest affection.
I am gratefbl to the two readers who commented on several versions of the theoretical sections of m thesis: Richard Kaync and Michel DeGraff. y The hours spent in Richie's officealways felt like being on an explorative excursion. I benefited enormously from his sharp insights, and his great mind.

I thank Michel DeGraE for spending many hours with me discussing my work, and for being so attentive. I was always amazed by his keen intelligence and his questions that always cut to the core of the matter. I feel proud to share my criolid with such a brilliant linguist; it is comforting to know that such good human beings as he and beautifid Enoh live in the vicinity. I would like to thank Bert Vaux for commenting on some sections of my thesis and for being always so helpful. He was a source of advice and encouragement, and his reliability was greatly appreciated. I thank Mark Hale, Jill Carrier, Andrea Calabrese, and in particular Cal Watkins. I am gratehl to Jean-Yves Pollock for being so generous with his time and for taking me away fiom double-Aux heads and other analytical traps. Thanks to Jonathan Bobaljik for his comments and m k n himself available anytime. My gratefdness also goes to aig Becky Kennedy for being so meticulous in reading several versions of this thesis. Naturally, all errors remain my own. My peers in the Linguistics department made my years at Harvard stimulating and fun: Maki Asano, Steven Berbeco, Naomi Bolotin, JeEey Bourns, Justin Cooper, Scott Ferguson, Ben Fortson, Erich Groat, Takahiro Iwahata, Youngjun Jan& Dianne Jonas, Yunsun Jung, Joshua Katz, Hisatsugu Kitahara, Soo-Yeon Kim, Madelyn Kissock, Javier Martin-Gonzales, Lisi Oliver, John O'Neil, Steve Peter, Grace Moon, Kentaro Nakatani, Lynn Geofiey Poole, Elizabeth Pyatt, Lee Sook, Adam Szczegielniak, Patrick Taylor, Chandra Williams and Sylvia Zetterstrand. Thanks to Elizabeth and Yunsun for sharing with me so many academic experiences and good laughs. Thanks to Adam, Erich, Justin,Lynn and Javier for enriching linguistics conversations, and for taking the time to chat. Thanks to John for his help and his therapeutic jokes and thanks to Steve for answering every question I ever had. I am also very lucky to have met Maki Asano. Her fiendship has made my life in the department very pleasant for the past three years. She brought a sun-ray to many of my days; I admire her for her intelligence and her value system, the way she looks at the world and treats others. She supported me in al circumstances: job search, pre-defense and postl defense periods. I thank her for taking over my job as assistant-head-tutor and for being so good at it; this allowed me to finish my thesis in peace. She has for ever my fiendship and deep respect. Finally, I would like to thank Michael FIier and my department for their generosity in allowing me to travel to twelve conferences in three continents to present my research; and I thank Mary Violette, administrator, artist and fiend for being such a good listener.
Although my experience at Harvard was very enriching, it would have been incomplete without the assistance and help of MIT professors. I would like to thank the MIT professors who showed interest in my work and m& with me on a number of occasions: I thank Noarn Chomsky for discussing with me Capeverdean complementizers and ... politics. I am gratehl to Michel DeGraEand to Ken Hale. Ken Hale not only impressed me with his amazing knowledge of languages, but also with his human qualities: he is a good, generous and compassionate man. I thank AIec Marantz for his help on many occasions and mostly for his positive comments and suggestions. I aIways came out of his office having added a new piece to the big puzzle. Finally, I thank Ken Wexler, who always had great ideas for great projects.

I thank the professors at Boston University. John Hutchison, in particular, helped me build a network of linguists and educators overnight. I also thank Victor W e d i , for his tiiendship and for commenting on my work. I miss the barbecues. Finally, I thank Marco Haverkort for his time and for bringing so many clarifications to the nebulous world of cliticization. In the Romance languages at Haward, I was lucky to work with Marlies Miieller, Paula Nicholas, Robin Ochs, Judith Frommer and I forged long-lasting fiendships with Martial, Marie-Pierre, Sabrina, Kareen and Jose. I thank my first professors in the United-States at UMass-Boston, Nancy SmithHefber, Charles Meyer, Esther Torrego and Timothy Sieber. Most of all, I thank Donaldo Macedo, my mentor and fiend. My debt to him is immense, as he encouraged me to follow this path. My fiends Sue Kalt and Maria Kephallenou, also had a lot to do with it.

My travels allowed me to connect with various groups of Creolists. I am indebted to the members of the Society of Pidgin and Creole Linguistics in the United-States, to the members of L,e Comitk Infematrbnaldes EIU&S Crkoles in France, to the members of the Ibero-Amerikanisches Instihrf Preussischer Kulrurbesitz in Gemany, and to linguists in Cape Verde. Manuel Veiga and 1116s Brito have been a great source of inspiration. The members of the Capeverdean Creole Institute, have played a big role in my life: my respect goes to the champions of the Capeverdean language, pioneers in education, Gonqalves and Filinto SiIva, and of course to all the Georgette Gonsalves, Manuel da LUZ people in my community who have helped me.

I thank my informants, too numerous to mention but I would like to single out those who spent many hours with me: In& Brito, Augusto Couto, Manuel da Luz Gon~alves, Manuela Landry, Lidia Leitiio, Andre dos Reis Santos and Manuel Veiga. I also thank Ron ih Barbosa and Richard Lobban for providing me wt valuable resources. I am gratehl to Mr Nieger, Mr Delas, W e Combes, Mine Hamgi, Mr Saunier, Mlle Diot and Mr Jouve, for having had such an impact on my academic life in France.
My long-time iiends Mark and Tamar Methven, Larry and Donna Colebrook-Soucie, Sue Kalt, Martial Guineau, Angela Bartens, Corinne Etienne, Isabelle Roy, Alan Roth, Amy and Bob Henry-Wilfong, Sophie, Ananda and PascaI Ducos, Paula Palva-Dinel, Dominique Fattier, and Jennifer Mowin (my f a i w pen-pal for the past 12 years) have always come through for me and kept encouraging me while completing my doctorate. I thank my German fiiend Stefan N. Willich, in particular, for his wondefil fiendship, for having faith in me, and for teaching me so much about the world of music and violins.
Finally, I could not have completed this thesis without the help of my family. The LeitZo and Fortes families and my in-laws, the Morey family, were a precious source of support and encouragement. I thank my mother-in-law Ruby Morey for her generosity and kindness. I feel so lucky to have her in my life. She represents in my eyes perfection in a human being, and is a true source of inspiration for me.

I thank my mother Hetiodora LeitZo for teaching me ambition, determination and strength. She never allowed me to give up on any of my projects, and I realize today that this is an ihportant asset when writing a thesis. She has been a very dedicated mother and time has brought us only closer. I thank my father Vieira Baptista for giving me so much love and section while growing up, and for being the ideal dad that many of my childhood friends envied. I would like to thank Valerie Baptista, mon he-soeur in the true sense of the tern. She is the greatest sibling one can dream of and I was happy to see her grow into an intelligent, beautifid young woman, but most importantly a beautiful human being. Finally, I would Like to thank Roger, my husband and best fiiend. Words cannot begin to express my feelings for him and my deep appreciation for his unflinching support and love. The strength of our union resides in the common vision we share and the way we support each other in attaining our mutual goals. He has empowered me and encouraged me in so many ways. I feel very lucky to have such a source of comfort and happiness in my Life.

T i thesis is dedicated t o Roger Edwin Morey, hs

my traveling companion on the journey of Life,

INTRODUCTION

The Cape Verde islands, located in the Atlantic Ocean about 400 miles offthe coast of Senegal, are made up of ten islands and several smaller uninhabited isIets. Due to their exposure to strong Northern winds, the islands have been traditionalIy divided into two groups: the windward islands of Boa Vista, Sal, Siio Nicolau, Siio Vicente, and Santo Antiio; and the leeward islands of Brava, Fogo, Santiago, and Maio. I refer to these two groups throughout this thesis as Barlavento and Sotavento. The geographic disparities among them are paralleled by differences in the dialectal varieties of Capeverdean Creole spoken in the archipelago. A number of morphophonological features distinguish dialects of the Barlavento

group f o those of the Sotavento group. In addition, several dialectal varieties of rm

Capeverdean Creole may be found in each island; as a result, there exist in Cape Verde a fairly complex linguistic situation that also involves a sociolinguistic dimension, as Portuguese is to this date the only official language in the archipelago.

I came to the field of linguistics with two goals in mind. My first goal was to promote

a better understanding of Capeverdean Creole for myself and my community and to make the
language more visible, as this is a prerequisite to its survival. My second goal was to use the tools that generative linguistics provides to discover scientific evidence for the principIes that rule the linguistic system of Capeverdean. Such evidence, I hope, will convince the Capeverdean government, in particular, the Ministry of Education to officiahze the

Capeverdean language, institute it as a language of instruction in the archipelago, and recognize it as one of the languages of our literature and culture, together with Portuguese. I hope that this work will interact with contributions of pioneering Capeverdean linguists such

as Dulce Almada Duarte, Hopffer Almada, Inis Brito, Paula Brito, Eduardo Cardoso,
Baltazar Lopes da Silva, Donaldo Macedo, Alice Matos, Tome Varela, and Manuel Veiga, to mention just a few.

These objectives have dictated the organization and content of this thesis.

In the first two chapters, I provide a descxiptive, analytical account of several morphosyntactic issues in Capeverdean; chapters 3,4, and 5 show how the morpho-syntax of Capeverdean may inform the field of theoretical Linguistics. As a result, this thesis addresses two audiences: the audience of Capeverdeans; and the audience of linguists, more particularly, Creolists and generativists. It is important to emphasize that this thesis does not pretend to study all the dialectal varieties in the Cape Verde islands, as this would be the task of a linguistic Atlas. Its scope is more narrow; I focus on the dialects of the Sotavento area, and particularly the dialect of Fogo and that of Brava, of which I am a speaker.

The theory of generative grammar, that I adopt is that of the principles and parameters approach (Chomsky, 198 1; 1 986) and the MinimaIist program (Chomsky, 1992;1994).
I make explicit at this point some of the assumptions upon which the principles and

parameters theory and the Minimalist program are based.

Under the principles and parameters approach, universal principles underlie the grammar of all languages. This universal grammar (UG)is said to be a module of our mental
system; hence the language faculty is assumed to be part of our genetic make-up.

W~tbin theoretical framework that I adopt, a grammar is a mapping between form the

and m a i g involving four levels of representation: Deep Structure, Logical Form, Phonetic enn,

Form and the mediating level of Surface Structure. Deep Structure is the level at which
grammatical h c d o n s and reIations are represented. Phonological Form is the level at which sound is represented and Logical Form is the level at which meaning is represented. SurfaceStructure relates the grammar to the lexicon and mediates the relations among the other levels. These levels relate to each other as represented in (1):

Phonetic Form

Logical Form

Languages differ &om one other according to whether particular parameters show a positive or negative setting. To put it differently, it is assumed that the phrases of all languages obey the X-bar Theory, which states that all phrases are projections of a head and that al branching is binary. This constraint represents a linguistic universal, but the position l of a head within the phrase is not universally determined. Hence, a particular parameter setting determines, among other things, the word order of a given ianguage (SVO, SOV...).

Upon exposure to data in a given language, the child sets up a given parameter positively or negatively. Morphological cues are believed to help the chiid select a positive or a negative value for a particuIar parameter. Studies by V i e r (199 1;1995), and Holmberg and Platzack
(1995), among others, coniirm the hypothesis that morphological Werences (i-e., subject-

verb agreement, morphological case) among languages have crucial syntactic ramifications. In this respect, it is worth mentioning that a widely accepted typological assumption is that those languages with a richer morphology display a relatively greater freedom in word order. We show in this thesis that dthough Capeverdean is endowed with minimal verbal morphology, the language displays a relatively flexible word order in specific respects. We assume the sort of split IP analysis advocated by Pollock (1989) and now widely assumed for many languages. According to the split IP analysis, the traditional INFL is split into two heads, Tense and AGR, each with its own projection. The tree in (2) represents the structure of the split IF.

The question whether or not hnctional categories are universal was fist brought to
the fore by Iatridou (1990; 553). She proposed that evidence for various functional categories
will have to be found independently in each language. In other words, there may be evidence

for AgrP in some languages but not in others. Admittedly, such a proposal is not uncoxitroversial, as linguists have been reluctant to assume that a given fiinctional category is absent in a language, based on the absence of overt morphology. In the same way, in the

Minimalist program, lack of overt movement to a given bctional head (or finctional phrase)

is not to be equated w t the absence of that fbnctional head in the language. Thrhsson ih
(1994;1996) took a stand similar to Iatridou and argued more specifically that some languages

like Icelandic or French may have a split IP in which AgrSP and TP are separate functional categories, whereas languages like English and Mainland Scandinavian do not show evidence for a split IP. In English and Mainland Scandinavian, it is assumed that the fbnctional categories AgrSP and TP have been fbsed, hence do not exist independently fiom each other. Thrhinsson related this proposal to language acquisition and parameter setting and claimed that a child acquiring a given language is guided by the Real Minimalist Principle, stated in
(3): (3)

The Real Minimc~iist Principle

Assume only those hnctional categories that you have evidence for (Thrihsson, 1996;261)

Thrhsson argued that the Real Minimalist Principle is in the true spirit of Chomsky's Economy of Representation. I follow his empirically appealing proposal. T h r k s o n (1996) argued that the structure for the structure for Icelandic is as in (2), whereas the structure for E n a s h is as in (4):

(4)

English

In this regard, I argue in this thesis that Capeverdean shows evidence for a split I ,whereas P other Creoles like Haitian may be lacking a category like TP,which accounts for the difference in the behavior of their respective verbs. The other theoretical framework we use in this thesis is that of the Minimalist program, (Chomsky, 1992;2993), guided by the principle of Economy of Representation. Chomsky (1992), attempted to reduce the structure of human grammar to its bare essentials. This new linguistic structure [inksonly two levels of representations: LF and PF; and each abstract structure that is generated and computed must result in two well-formed structural representations at these two levels. Syntax must receive an overt form; this overt realization occurs at Spell-Out, where computations split to derive two independent representations characterized by different properties. This yields the following representation:

StructuralrRepresentation overt movement

q PF

t movement

The underlying assumption is that overt movement is always more costly and occurs only when necessary. Such an operation is called last resort. Another related concept is

procrastinate: As covert movement is more economica.l, overt movement is always

postponed as long as possible. In chapter 4 of the thesis, we analyze verb movement within
this b e w o r k and study it in greater detail by referring to Chomsky (1993).

This leads us to the organization of this thesis: Chapter 1 covers Capeverdean morphology, grammatical categories, and word classes: It is divided into two main sections dealing, in turn, with nominal and verbal categories. Among the topics examined are the referential system, adjectives and agreement, pronominal paradigms, auxiIiary constructions, and nonftnite f o m . Chapter 2 explores Capeverdean phrase structure and basic syntactic structure. It is divided into four sections and covers basic word order patterns, some variations in word order, expletive constructions and empty categories, and finite and infinitival complements. In the process we cover the Capeverdean adverbial typology; Tense, Mood, and Aspect markers; and the position of the verb with regard to Negation, adverbs, and floating quantifiers. Chapter 3 serves as a bridge between the first two analytical descriptive chapters and the last two theoretical chapters. It explores Capeverdean hnctionai categories and clause structure. Chapter 4 is divided into five sections. In section 4.1, we examine the background assumptions of the theory of verb movement. In sections 4.2, 4.3, and 4.4, I present a theoretical analysis of the interaction of the verb with a certain class of adverbials, the negative morpheme, and floating quantifiers; and I provide evidence for V-raising in this

particular Creole. In the last part of this chapter, I offer a tentative analysis, along the lines of
Thriinsson (1994;1996), Bobaljik (1995), and Thriinsson and Bobaljik (forthcoming), that accounts for the different behavior of Capeverdean and Haitian verbs.

In chapter 5, we study the syntax of pronominals. T i chapter is divided into nine hs

is, sections. Frt we focus on two prorninal paradigms and focus on the distribution of clitics
and nonclitics. I section 2, we examine the nature of clitics and apply tests for clitichood. In n
sections 3 and 4, we consider Klavans' (1985;1995) clitic classfication and design a typology of Capeverdean clitics that follows her framework. In section 5, we study the competing theories of clitic placement. In section 6, we examine the properties of Capeverdean clitics.

In section 7, we argue there are three classes of pronorninals in Capeverdean: weak forms,
strong forms, and clitics (cf. Cardinaletti & Starke, 1994;1996). In section 8, we focus on the morpheme e, which is not only the third person siigular pronoun but also a copula. We then consider the possible development of this particular morpheme. In the last section, we examine the pro-drop status of this particular Creole. In this thesis, I try to conform as much as possible to the spelling conventions of
ALUPEC (Proposta de Bases do Alfabeto Unificado Para a Escrita do Cabo-Verdiano).

Examples in Capeverdean taken from other sources reflect the orthography used by their original authors.

CHAPTER ONE

CAPEVERDEAN MORPHOLOGY, GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES,

AND WORD CLASSES

1.0

Introduction

In this chapter I describe the aspects of the morphoIogy, grarnmaticaI categories and
word classes of Capeverdean Creole as background for discussion in later chapters. I consider examples from a number of sources, including Veiga (1 995)' Frusoni (1975) and Meintel(1975), as well as my own speech data and those of a few informants. Section 1.1 outlines aspects of inflectional morphology and agreement involving nominal categories, that is nouns, determiners, adjectives, and pronouns. In section 1.2, I examine verbal categories, focusing on person and number, tense, aspect, mood, auxiliary constructions and nonfinite forms. I use the spelling conventions of ALUPEC (Alphabeto Unificado para a Escrita do Caboverdiano, 1994).

1.1

Nominal Categories

This section is divided into three parts. First, I examine thoroughly the Capeverdean referential system and compare it to Bickerton's classical system. I also present Lucchesi's

analysis of the Capeverdean referential system and introduce a few rnodiications. In the second part, I consider adjectives and focus on their agreement patterns. In the third and last part, I examine several categories of pronorninals: personal, reflexive, demonstrative, possessive, relative, and interrogative pronouns.

1.1.1 The Referential System in Capeverdean Creole

This subsection introduces the main features of the Capeverdean referentid system, which displays more complexity than has been assumed so far in the literature on this topic (Meintel, 1975; Lucchesi, 1993;Veigq 1995). Its complexity resides in the way overt determiners interact with null articles in marking specificity and nonspecificity of NPs. The first part of this subsection introduces the overt determiners in the Capeverdean referential system and focuses on a particular feature, namely, the economical principle of plural marking (articles do not show any gender marking) that Capeverdean uses. This system

is economical in the sense that determiners usually carry plural marking, whereas nouns do
not. The second part focuses on null determiners (which I also tern null morphemes); I argue that they represent the primary marker in the Capeverdean referential system. The third part contrasts the classical Creole article system as described by Bickerton (1981) with the Capeverdean article system, which departs quite drastically fiom the Bickertonian model, as
fist noted by Lucchesi. The fourth part gives an overview of Lucchesi's observations on the

Capeverdean system; here, I introduce a few modifications, add hrther insights to Lucchesi's andysis of the Capeverdean referential system, and show the fill extent of its complexity.

1.1.1.1 Determiners and Nouns

In contrast to Meintel(1975) and Silva (1985), whose studies did not hlly
acknowledge the existence of an article system in Capeverdean Creole, I argue in this

subsection that Capeverdean has an article system that is fairly complex, due to the intricate
interplay of overt articles and null morphemes in marking specificity and nonspecilicity in NPs.
I consider the null morphemes as an integral part of the Capeverdean reference system.

There are two types of overt determiners: the indefinite article un (sg)l uns (plur) (which I later describe as being closer to a quanaer than an article) and the definite article kel (sg)lkes (plur), which is also used as a demonstrative, as in languages like Japanese.' Both types of articles mark number but not gender. As first noted in Janson (1984) and corroborated by Lucchesi (1993), there have been a few innovations, which' have resulted in the new NP reference systems in Creoles like Capeverdean:

' Kuno (1978;84) noted the same phenomenon in Japanese, which may use demonstrative sono as a definite
article. Consider the following examples: (i) Yuusyoku go sono hon o yonda. dinner after that book read ' m e r dimer, I read the book.' Kuno observed, however, that Japanese does not always use the demonstrative where English uses the, as illustrated in (ii): (ii) Kinoo se no takai hito to se no yesterday height tall person and height part

hikui hito
low person

ga tanuzete kits. Se no takai hito visiting came. Height tall person

wa te n tue o motte ita. i hand in stick having w a s 'Yesterday a tall man and a short man came to see me. The tall man had a ~valking stick in his hand.' Kuno noted that in the second sentence, se no takai hito 'the tatI man' is not introduced by sono 'that1. In this contexl, it is not possible to use any demonstrative adjective. The same type of restriction applies in Capeverdean, as is discussed in this subsection.

(i) The numeral for one has been adapted to the indefinite article, marking all singular NPs that introduce a new referent.

(ii) A demonstrative pronoun has been weakened to such an extent that it sometimes
marks only definiteness, i.e. the quality of being known already. (Janson, 1984; 305, in Lucchesi, 1993;84)
Typically, the article precedes the noun it modifies and does not show any gender agreement.

In this respect, my use of the term agreement is worth specifying. In this subsection, I do not
use agreement in the sense of the agreement marking (AGR) of person, gender, and number in

finite verbs, as it has been used in the Government and Binding Theory (or in the Minimalist
program). I use the term in its traditional sense: Agreement refers to a formal relationship between elements, whereby the fonn of one word requires a corresponding form in another.
In this case, the elements under study being determiners, nouns, and adjectives, I focus on

gender and number agreement between determiners and nouns within NPs, on the one hand, and between nouns and adjectives, on the other.
The article does not show any gender agreement, as illustrated in (I) and (2):
(1)
a. un omi 'a man'

b. un mudjer 'a woman' c. un katxor 'a dog'

(2)

a.kelomi 'the man' b. kel mudjer 'the woman' c. kel katxor 'the dog'

In the case of plural nouns, the article will, as a general rule, carry the plural marker, so that
the noun need not be marked. In this respect, Capeverdean marks plurality economically,

insofar as it avoids redundant marking of both the article and the noun. Un becomes urn in the plural and keZ, kes, as illustrated in (3) and (4). a. Un skritor skrebe un libru pa un mudjer. a writer wrote a book for a woman 'A writer wrote a book for a woman.' b. Uns skritor skrebe uos iibru pa uns mudjer. some writers wrote some books for some women 'Some writers wrote some books for some women.' a. Kel skritor da kel m n n kel libru. iia the writer gave the girl the book 'The writer gave the book to the &I.' b. Kes minina da kes skritor kes kaneta. the girls gave the writers the pens 'The girls gave the pens to the writers.'

(3)

(4)

(3) shows that the singular indefinite article un undergoes morphological change and becomes

uns for number but does not show any morphoIogica1 change for gender, as tm and urn may
modify a masculine word (in this example, skritor 'writer' ), a feminine word ( in this case,
mudjer 'woman') and an object (in this case, libru 'book'). Likewise, (4) shows the same

plural marking before feminine minina 'girl', the masculine word skriror 'writer', and the object kaneta 'pen'.

One can be an indefinite determiner introducing a new referent (as in (Sa)) but can also

n play the role of a numeral, as illustrated i (5b):

* It is worth obsening that the word minina 'girl'

can also be used to refer to, or address a woman.

(5)

a. N odja un omi. I s w a man a 'I saw a man.' b. N odja un omi so. I saw one man only 'I saw only one m n ' a.

There are three ways of marking plural NPs as indefinite. The fist two devices are illustrated

i (6) and (7): The noun itself may carry the plural marker (as in (6)) or may be preceded by n
the indefmite quantifier uns, as illustrated by (7).

(6)

N odja omis sintadu riba di kaza. I saw men sitting top of house 'I saw men sitting on top of the house.'

(7)

N odja uns orni sintadu riba di kaza. I saw some men sitting top of house 'I saw some men sitting on top of the house.'

It is worth noting that u t ~ s does not have the meaning of the Enghsh indefinite 0 plural marker or the French counterpart dese3 Third, in some contexts, NPs may appear with no plural marking and no determiner and still be interpreted as indefinite plural. Consider the NPs in (a), (9) and (10) illustrating a masculine NP (omi 'men'), a feminine NP (mudjer 'women') and an object NP ( h a 'houses'), respectively:

The English indefinite 0 plural marker is illusmted in (i) and French des in (ii): (i) I s w 0 children playing in the field. a (ii) J'ai vu des enfants jouer dans le champ. (French) I saw des children playing in the field 'I saw children playing in the field.'

(8)

Omi ten pe di katxor. (idiomatic) men have foot of dog 'Men are always out.'
Mudjer ka gosta di omi k ta i bebe. women Neg like of men who TMA drink 'Women do not like drunkards.'

(9)

(10) Kabuverdianus gosta di kaza braaku. Capeverdeans Like of houses white 'Capeverdeans like white houses.' The lack of determiner or any marking on the NP may be due to the interpretation of such

NPs as collective or reflecting a concept.4 Let us now turn to definite NPs.

In Capeverdean Creole, the demonstrative article kel/kes has a double fbnction. On
the one hand, it performs a demonstrative knction, as illustrated in (1 1). In this hnction, the demonstrative expresses proximity (kel. ..li), distance (kei...la), or simply a contrast; the morphemes li and la are optional.
N odja kel omi-li/N odja kel omi-la. (demonstrative reading) I saw this man/ I saw that man 'I saw this man/ I saw that man.'

(1 1)

On the other hand, the demonstrative may be used to mark definiteness when referring to a known entity, as shown in (12).
(12)

N odja kel omi. (definite reading) I saw demons. man 'I saw the man.'

I thank Inis Brito for draning my attention to the conceptual nature of this type of NP.

More precisely, (12) shows that there are situations where k e k s have lost their original demonstrative functions and serve purely as definite markers. Capeverdean morphology displays case agreement neither on pronouns nor on fdl

NPs,such as rnu~#r 'woman', as illustrated in (I 3)-(14).

(13)

a. Nu odja un mudjer.' we (Nom) saw a woman (Acc) 'We saw a woman.' b. Nhos odja un mudjer. you mom) saw a woman (Acc) 'YOUsaw a woman.'
a. Un rnudjer odja-nu. a woman (Nom) saw+us (Acc) 'A woman saw us.' b. Un rnudjer odja-nhos. a woman (Nom) saw+you (Acc) 'A woman saw you.'

(14)

The examples in (13) and (14) show that the forms of the first and second person plural pronominals mr 'we' and nhos 'you' do not show any morphological realization of Nominative case in (13a-b), or Accusative case, in (14a-b). This holds as well for the rest of the pronominal paradigm. Likewise, the form of the NP, in this case un mudjer, does not change, whether it is in subject or object position. At this point, it is important to point out that just as NPs can occur in some contexts with no plural marking and no determiner (as shown in @)-(lo)) and yield an indefinite (plural) interpretation, bare N P s may also be interpreted as definite plural. This is shown in examples

AS shown in the gloss, the bare stem of a nonstative verb eqxesses the past tense. I account for such facts in section 1.2.

(15)

Omi di es kaza ka ten ruspetu pa rn~djer.~ - men of this house Neg have respect for women 'The men ih this house have no respect for women.'
Mudjer di es konjuntu ta kanta sabi. women of this band TMA sing beautfilly 'The women of this band sing beautifully.'

(16)

(17)

Kaza di kel ma e bunitu. houses of that street are beautifid 'The houses in that street are beautifid.'

The examples in (8)-(I 0) and those in (1 5)-(17) show that in some contexts, NPs with no determiner and no plural marking can be interpreted as plural indefinite or plural definite, respectively. This leads us to an examination of null morphemes in the Capeverdean referential system, the topic of the next subsection.

1.1.1.2

Focus on Capeverdean Null Determiners

As discussed earlier, in the presence of an article, the noun does not carry the plural marker (as does the article). This is a feature that Capeverdean shares with Japanese, to some extent.' However, in the absence of an article, the noun will have to carry the marker, as illustrated in (18):

The expression omi di es kuzu couId Jso be interpreted as a singular, in which case it means 'the master of the house.' I thank In& Brito for this observation.
A parallel may be drawn to some ehqenl with Japanese (Kuno 1978;85) where nouns do not ordinarily distinguish between singular and plural forms. For e.uample, in (i), hon may mean either 'books' or 'a book'. (i) Yuusyoku go hon o yonda. dinner after book read 'After dinner, I read a book/books.'

'

(18)

a. Omis di Praia ten talentu. (sg: omi) men fiom Praia have talent 'Men from Praia are talented.' b. Mudjeris di Praia ten talentu. (sg: mudjer) women of Praia have talent 'Women of Praia are talented.'

(Recall that plural indehite NPs, like plural defhite NPs, may appear with neither a determiner, nor a pIural marker). It is of note that although definiteness may be marked by the article kel (sg)/ kes blur), as in (19b), indefiniteness and definiteness may also be expressed by a null article, as illustrated in (19a). Consider the following:

(19)

a. N odja 0 amis na taberna. I saw men in tavern 'I saw men in the tavern.' or 'I saw the men in the tavern.' b. N odja kes orni na taberna. I saw the men in tavern 'I saw the men in the tavern.' or 'I saw those men in the tavern.'

This does not mean,however, that all nouns can be used freely for both singular and plural in Japanese. Consider the foLIoning: san-ninno gakusei ga lazunete kita. (ii) Kinw yesterday 3-person student visiting came

*Gakusei *sono gakusei sono gakusei-tati wa k'esa no yo-zi made hanasikonde itla. that student this mornhg 4 o' clock until talking went 'Yesterday, three students came to visit me. The students left after having talked with me until four o'clock in the morning.' The plural form gakusei-tali 'students' is required in the second sentence, where the noun phrase is anaphoric. (The sufKx -lati is reserved for humans.) It is not well known exady when plural forms such as gakusei-tati are obligatory. when they are optional, and when they cannot be wed for Japanese (Kuno, 1978;86). The major difference here between Japanese and Capeverdean is that in the latter, the determiner carries the pluraI marker but when the determiner is absent, the noun has to carry it, as ilIumted in esamples like (6).

(19b) may have either the definite or the demonstrative reading; but observe (19a), where the reading of the pluraI NP may be nonspecific or specific (the men the speaker and hearer know about). Hence, we get two readings:'I saw men in the tavern' or 'I saw the men in the tavern'. The indehite reading can also obtain in coordinated constructions such as (20): (20)

N odja omis ku mudjeris ta kore na rua. I saw men and women TMA run in street 'I saw men and women running in the street.'

Let us consider the out-of- the-blue examples in (21) and (22), where the indefinite reading

l predominates over the definite interpretation in al four sentences.

(21)

a. N entra na sala di badju y N odja mudjeris ku bistidu bunitu. I entered in room of dance and I saw women with dress beautitbl 'I entered the ballroom and saw women in beautiful dresses.' b. Onti, N bai pasia na jardin y N odja mudjeris ku bistidu bunitu. yesterday I went walk in garden and I saw women with dress beautfil 'Yesterday, I took a walk in the garden and saw women in beautiful dresses.' a. Tinha mudjeris ku bistidu bunitu na jardin. had women with dress beautifU1 in garden 'There were women in beautifbl dresses in the garden.' b. Turista txiga na autokarus. tourists arrived in buses 'Tourists arrived in sightseeing buses.'

(22)

The preceding observations allow us to make the following generalization: When the context makes it clear that a given sentence represents an out-of-the-blue observation, an NP that does not have a definite article is more likely to be interpreted indefinitely. T i condition is hs appropriate for the sentences in (20)' (21), and (22).

However, a puzzling fact that no grammar of Capeverdean has yet captured accurately is that when a singular noun is preceded by a null morpheme, it can get only a definite reading (unless it is part of an idiomatic expression as we see later), as illustrated in (23). Consider the following: (23)

N odja omi na taberna. I saw man (sg) in tavern 'I saw the man in the tavern.' *'I saw a man in the tavern.'

As the preceding examples have revealed, neither articles nor nouns in Capeverdean Creole

show any gender or case distinctions, only number agreement. The relevant paradigm is given
in (24):

(24)

singular

plural uns skritor 'some male writers' URS mudjer 'some women' uns Iibru 'some books' kes skritor 'thdthose writers' kes mudjer 'thelthose women' kes libru 'thdthose books' kes omi 'thehhose men'
0 omis 0 orni

un skritor 'a male writer' un mudjer 'a woman' un libru 'a book'
kel skritor kel mudjer kel libru kel omi 'the/that writer' 'thefthat woman' 'thelthat book' 'thehat man' 'the man'

0 orni

'men or the men' 'the rnenlmen'

As already discussed, there is no gender inflection on definite or indefinite articles. As for nouns, they fall into gender classes to a limited extent. They cannot be distinguished as he,

she, or it, as pronominals do not show any gender marking except for the third person polite
form, which is discussed in subsection 1.1.3. However, nouns do trigger, to a limited degree,

gender agreement with adjectives, as I discuss in section 1.1.2. Veiga (1995) noted that the nouns that show gender inflection occur in lexical pairs, as in (25). Most but not all of them involve professions, as illustrated in (25) and (26):
(25)
a. un profesor 'a professor' b. un slaitor 'a writer' c. un diretor 'a director'

un profesora 'a female professor' un skritora 'a female writer' un diretora 'a female director'

(Veiga, 1995;141)

(26)

a. unamigu 'a fiiend'

un amiga 'a (female) fiend' (Veiga, 1995;141)

The introduction to the Capeverdean article system permits a comparison with the Creole classical article system, as described by Bickerton.

1.1.1.3 Bickerton's Classical Referential System

Bickerton ( 1981) put forward a new account of the similarities among Creoles: The bioprogram hypothesis. According to the bioprogram hypothesis, children growing up on plantations heard only the highly simplified structures of Pidgins and applied their innate linguistic capacity to transform the Pidgins into a natural language. This innate capacity accounts for the striking number of features shared by all Creoles: Their stmctures are similar because the innate capacity invokes universal principles, and they are simpler because only the most basic language structures are represented.

Bickerton claimed that as a result of bioprograrnings, Creole article systems make a clear-cut distinction between specific and nonspecific reference.

He described the article s s e as follows (Bickerton, 1981;56, in Lucchesi, 1993;83): ytm

a. A dehite article is used for presupposed-specific NPs (illustrated in (28)).
b. An indefinite article is used for nonpresupposed-specific NPs (iustrated in (29)).

(27)

c. A zero morpheme is used for nonspecific NPs (iustrated in (30)). It is worth clarrfying the concepts of specificpresupposed and specrpc nonpres~tpposed. A specific presupposed NP bears a referent that is known both to the speaker and to the listener and is introduced by the deinite article. A specific nonpresupposed NP, on the other hand,

bears a referent known only to the speaker and exposed for the first time to the hearer and is
introduced by the indet'mite article.

The following examples fiom Guyanese Creole (taken iom Bickerton, 1981) illustrate
Bickerton's claims. (28) features the definite article di in Guyanese Creole, used excIusiveIy with NPs that are of specsc reference and are known to the hearer. (Bickerton, 1982;56)
(28)

Jan bai di buk. (Guyanese Creole) John bought the book 'John bought the book (that you already know about).'

ih (29) features the indefinite article wan in Guyanese Creole, which is used exclusively wt NPs
of specific reference that are unknown to the hearer and typically occurs in instances of first reference.

(29)

Jan bai wan buk. John bought a (particular) book 'John bought a book.'

(30) shows that NPs under aiI other interpretations occur without articles. In this category fall

generic NPs and NPs for which a specific referent may exist, yet the exact identity of that referent is either unlcnown to the speaker or is irrelevant to the topic in question. (30)

Jan bai buk. John bought book/books 'John bought a book or books.'

In Bickerton's system, a zero morpheme preceding a noun permits only a nonspecific

interpretation for the NP.

As heady discussed, the situation is more complex in Capeverdean. As fkst noted by

Lucchesi (1993), the definite article kel or kes i Capeverdean is more often than not replaced n
by a null morpheme after an item has been introduced in previous discourse. Bickerton's

characterization does not cover the Capeverdean zero morpheme, as in this Creole the zero morpheme may introduce both nonspecific and specific NPs, whereas it introduces only nonspecific NPs in the Bickertonian model.

In the next section we see Lucchesi's (1 993) analysis of the Capeverdean article
system departing f?om the Bickertonian article system, and in the last section we

s re-emphasize that the behavior of null morphemes in the Capeverdean article system i even
more intricate than in Lucchesi's account.

1.1.1.4

Lucchesi's Analysis

As noted by Lucchesi, the contrast between specific and nonspecific is not as explicit

in Creoles as one would expect. Lucchesi, who gave a semantic account of the Capeverdean article system, noted that "once a discourse item has been introduced via the indefinite article uduns, which marks it as both specific and new, no fbrther marking of successive occurrences of that discourse item by means of a so-called definite article is necessary or even usehl" (Lucchesi, 1993;8 1). Consider the foltowing text, where the indefinite article un/uns introduces specific nonpresupposed NPs (in italics) on their first occurrence that are introduced by null morphemes in subsequent occurrences (Lucchesi, 1993;93).
(3 1) Deus deze'l

'tabe'. N ta da urt tabor, N ta mara'l un k w h . Kadu bos cega God gave him also. I will give a drum I will attach a rope. When you arrive

na tera, tokar tabor, eto N ta larga korda. Lobu enkontra utsfunniga na metadi de to earth, beat drum, then I will let rope go. Wolf met a few ants in middle of kaminha. Fumiga tava ta kume mij. road. Ants had been eating corn 'God gave h m one also. I will give you a drum and I will attach a rope to it. When you get i to earth, beat the drum and I will let go of the rope. The woifmet a few ants in the middIe of the road. The ants had been eating corn.' Lucchesi (1993) made the following observations:

(i) There is no rnorphosyntactic marker signaling the specific/nonspecific distinction, despite the fact that the NPs which occur without a specific referent are not accompanied by any article or demonstrative pronoun.

(ii) In most cases, the definite reference NPs likewise occur without determiners.

(iii) Al indefinite specific reference NPs (or referentid-indefinite NP)are regularly l marked by the indefinite article unluns. (Luccbesi, 1993; 92-93)
Lucchesi concluded that Capeverdean Creole maxhims the use of the numeral one as

an indehite article in such a way that this indefinite article expresses indefiniteness on the first
occurrence ofthe NP and definiteness in subsequent occurrences of this same NP, by means of the context. My interpretation of Lucchesi's claim in the previous paragraph is that the speaker is capable of recovering the referent of the NP fiom prior discourse, due to the indefinite article in the first occurrence of the NP; in other words, the indefinite article signals specificity. Let us focus on the topic of indefinite articles. Givon (198 1;52) quoted in Lucchesi, (1993;86) noted that "the numeral 'one' converted into an indefinite article manages to perform two seemingly conflicting tasks: (i) introduce a new argument as referentidexisting, but (i) identlfL it by its generidtype properties." The indefinite articIe has become a marker for referential-indefinite nouns. The Creoles "represent the first, earliest stage in that deveIopment of 'one' as an indefinite marker, where it is used only to mark referential-indefinite nouns" (Givon, 1981;36 quoted in Lucchesi, 1993;86). On its first occurrence, the NP under consideration has new informational status, and it carries al the informational implications of the indefite article. It l introduces into the discourse a referent that was not previously targeted in the hearer's consciousness. In subsequent occurrences, the NP is identifiable: That is, the speaker and

hearer are capable of recovering its referent from prior discourse, due to the indefinite article
in the first occurrence of the NP.

Both Lucchesi and Givon accorded to un/um the exclusive knction of marking an NP

as a referential (specific) indefinite, in Creole languages.

Here my analysis of the Capeverdean article s s e departs not only fiom Lucchesi's ytm analysis of the Capeverdean article system but also both from Bickerton and Givon's description of the article system of Creoles. Like Givon, Lucchesi claimed that un, at an early stage an indefinite marker, marks only referential-indehite NPs in Capeverdean, whereas Portuguese uses it for both referential and nonreferential NPs. His claims regarding Capeverdean are contradicted by the data in (34) and (36) displaying nonreferential N P s marked by un. The data in (32)-(37) contrast with Portuguese examples given in Lucchesi

(nonreferential) (32) JoZo e 0 profesor. (Capeverdean) JoZo e professor 'JoZo is a professor.' (referential) (33) JoZo e un profesor k N i enkontra anu pasadu. JoZo e a professor whom I met last year 'JoHo is a professor whom I met last year.' (nonreferential) (34) Un amigu ka ta faze keli. a friend Neg TMA do that 'A friend does not do such things.' (referential) (35) Un amigu di meu ben odja-m onti. a friend of mine came seeme yesterday 'A friend of mine came to see me yesterday.'

(nonreferentia1) (36) N h e un bon katxor. I want a good dog 'I want a good dog.' (referential) (37) N ben buska un kabcor k'es da-m. I came get a dog that-tthey gavetme 'I came to get a dog they gave me.'

As far as the definite marker is concerned, there are syntactic and lexical factors such as the
presence of referentiality-inducingmodifiers (possessives, adjectives, and relative modiers) that may inhibit the use of the article, because these modifiers already indicate referentiality and, in some cases, definiteness, as noted in Lucchesi (1993;90). The possessive in (38a), the adjective in (38b), and the relative modifier in (38c) may
all be inhibiting the appearance of the definite marker k or kes." Z

(38)

a. N odja nha vizinhu na merkadu. I saw my neighbor in market 'I saw my neighbor at the market.' b. N odja orni grandi ta bebe vinhu. I saw man old TMA drink wine 'I saw the old man drinking wine.' c. N odja omi k ta i vive na segundu andar. I saw man who TMA lives on second floor 'I saw the man who lives on the second floor.'

Kuno (1978;85) observed that the use of the d e m o ~ t i v adjective may be hhi'bited in Japanese by the e same factors. Consider the follouing example: (i) Sono heya ni wa ookii tukue ga am. Tukue no ue ni wa, kabin ga am. the r o in om is-big table was table 's top in vase was 'n the room, there was a big table. On the table, there was a vase.' I Kuno observed that the second lukue 'tableldesk' is not modified by a demonstrative. In contrast to the example in footnote 1, this e.uample permits sono 'that'. The examples in footnotes I and 7 show that the use of demonstrative adjectives is conditioned by various factors: Whether the noun phrase has its own modifier (adjective or relative clause), whether the noun phrase is used contrastively, or whether it is a locative. The conditions are not well understood, as noted by Kuno.

How can we, however, recover the definite reading fiorn the following out-of-the-blue sentences?
(39)

a. N odja vizinhu na merkadu. I saw neighbor in market 'I saw the neighbor at the market.' b. N odja omis ta bebe na taberna. I saw men TMA drink in tavern 'I saw the men drinking in the t a ~ e r n . ' ~

T i type of sentence shows, kst, that there is no need for a possessive, an adjective, or a hs
relative clause to give a definite reading to both singular and plural NPs. Second, contrary to Lucchesi's claim (based on texts like (3 1)) that an NP has to be introduced by un first in order to be recovered in subsequent occurrences as a definite NP,we see that there is no need for an

NP to be previously introduced by the determiner un for it to be recovered as a definite NP, as

illustrated in examples like (39). Indeed, recall that according to Lucchesi (1993;86)"the speaker is capable of recovering its referent from prior discourse thanks to the presence of the indefinite article in the first occurrence of the NP." On this matter, he added @. 105,h.7) that "the absence of the indefinitearticle in the first occurrence of the NP would lead the hearer inevitably to interpret this NP as nonreferentid. Thus the chain of co-reference would not be initiated, which is what happens potentially in Creoles when an NP is introduced by an indefinite article." Hence, I disagree with Lucchesi that marking the NP with an indefinite article is necessary to establish reference, as illustrated by (38), (39) and the example in (40): Prezidenti papia di indipendensia di Kabu Verdi. president spoke of independence of Cape-Verde 'The President spoke of the independence of Cape-Verde.'

(40)

Note that (39b) could also get an indefinite reading: 'I saw men drinking in the tavern.'

There'were no articles previously introduced, but both prezidenti and indipendensia are still referential. There is a second oversight on the part of Lucchesi regarding the specific versus nonspecific readings of null morphemes. Although Lucchesi's claim that nouns unmarked by

an article may get a specific reading is correct, it is important to refine such an observation
and note that only plural nouns marked with the zero form article may get a specific or nonspecific interpretation according to the context. Singular nouns rarely show such interpretive options. In other words, although plural NPs preceded by the null morpheme may .. get an indefinite or definite interpretation according to the context, as shown in (41) , singular nouns marked by the zero-form article cannot get an indefinite interpretation (as in (42)) unless they are part of an idiom (as in (43)): (41)

N odja omis ta bebe na taberna. I saw men asp drink in tavern 'I saw men drinking in the tavern.' 'I saw the men drinking in the tavern.' N odja vizinhu na merkadu. I saw neighbor at the market 'I saw the neighbor at the market.' '* I saw a neighbor at the market.'
El ten kurason di pedra. (idiom) she has heart of stone 'S/he has a heart made out of stone.'

(42)

(43)

Table 1 summarizes the Capeverdean referential system:

Table 1: Referential System Indefinite Singular U d * 0 (unless part of an idiom) Plural

d 0

Definite
Singular

Plural

key0

ked0

The tentative generalization is that the indefmite article un may introduce a specific nonpresupposed NP in its first occurrence, whereas the plural counterpart uns,which M the same role, is cioser to a quantifier (some, a few) than to an indefinite article. The definite article demonstrative kel and its pIuraI counterpart kes may introduce a specific presupposed N but are more often than not replaced by a null morpheme. P s

In this respect, the use of null morphemes is more complex in Capeverdean Creole than has
been described so far in the literature. They may introduce referential or non-referential NPs (as illustrated by (34)-(36)) for both plural and singular NPs, although singular NPs get an indefinite reading onIy in a limited set of idiomatic expressions like (43). The appearance of the definite article may be inhibited by factors such as other referentiality-inducing modifiers (possessives (38a), adjectives (38b), and relative modifiers (38c)), because these modifiers already indicate referentiality and, in some cases, definiteness,

as noted in Lucchesi (1993;90).

There are also discourse and pragmatic factors playing a role, and we may tentatively propose the generalization that abstract concepts (like indipn&mia, 'independence', in
(40)), titles (likeprezidenfi,'president', in (40)) or nouns referring to unique entities in the

outside world of the experiencer allow an NP to occur without any previous introduction or a

determiner and still be viewed as referential. This uniqueness is what may allow a singular NP to appear without a previous introduction and without a definite determiner and still be interpreted as a specific presupposed NP.
As far as the indefinite article uns is concerned, it may be replaced by a null morpheme

that takes over its role for marking no~eferential nonpresupposed NPs,
which would be consistent with the Bickertonian article system. In contrast, however, its

singular counterpart un cannot be replaced by a null morpheme that would maintain the indefinite reading of the NP (except in the case of a few idiomatic expressions, as illustrated in
(43)).

1.1.2 Adjectives

1.1.2.1 Adjectives and Agreement

This section on adjectives focuses on three main areas: (a) number and gender agreement between adjectives and nouns, (b) the position of adjectives, (c) the predicative usage of adjectives. Let us begin by considering the number agreement patterns in examples like (44).
(44)

a. un Libru interesanti. a book interesting 'an interesting book.' b, uns libru interesanti. some books interesting 'some interesting books.'

As a rule, nouns do not carry a plural marker in the presence of determiners (as seen in section
1.1. l), and neither do the adjectives that modifj.them. In cases where the noun carries the

plural marker, as in (45a), the adjective that modifiesit does not agree in number, as illustrated by the ungrammaticality of (4Sc):
(45)

a. Omis e ternozu. men are stubborn. 'Men are stubborn.' b. Kes omi e ternozu. those men are stubborn 'Those men are stubborn.' c. *Kes omi e temozus. those men are stubborn+pl

In terms of gender agreement, the default gender, that is, the unmarked form for feminine
nouns, is masculine, as illustrated in (46b). (46) a. un rapaz rnalkriadu a young man ill-mannered 'an ill-mannered young man' b. un rapariga malkriadu a young woman 31-mannered 'an ill-mannered young woman'

However, an adjective may agree in gender if the noun it modifies is animate, as illustrated in (47a). Such agreement is optional, as shown in (4%): (47) a. un mudjer bunita a woman beautifid 'a beautifhi woman' b. un mudjer bunitu a woman beautfil 'a beautifid woman'

The preceding examples show that whereas adjectives f i e miilkn'ada 'ill-mannered' and
bunita 'beautifid'

may be used only for feminine nouns, the masculine counterparts malknadu

and bunitu may be used as a defaultlunmarked form to mod@ both masculine and feminine animate nouns. More precisely, the examples in (46) show that the unmarked form is

masculine even in the casa of animate nouns, as in ( 6 ) Although the examples in (47) show 4b.
that agreement does optionally occur with an animate noun, as in (47a), agreement does not occur with inanimate nouns like kaza 'house' in (48b) which is feminine in Portuguese, the leg (48) language (see (50)). a. un kaza branku a house white 'a white house' b.*un kaza branka a house white a. un mudjer branku a woman white 'a white woman' b. un branka a whitefern. 'a white woman' uma casa branca a house white 'a white house' (Portuguese)

(49)

(50)

(49a) and (49b) iIlustrate a point first made by da Costa and Duarte (1967;259) who noted that when an adjective carrying the default masculine ending illustrated in (49a)
(for animate feminine nouns) is turned into a substantive, as in (49b), then that noun will

obligatorily carry the feminine ending -a to remove any ambiguity.

As far as inanimate nouns are concerned, da Costa and Duarte claimed that they are

all masculine even when endowed with a feminine ending, as i the case of kaza (da Costa & n Duarte, 1967;257). Their assertion was based on the fact that an adjective can never agree in gender with an inanimate noun even if the latter ends with the feminine marker -a. In my view, it may be more accurate to regard the substantive not as masculine, but simply as not endowed with the property of triggering agreement with an adjective because of its inanimate nature. Being inanimate, it would be forced to keep the masculine as the default/unmarked gender, as already discussed.

On the topic of adjectival agreement, Veiga (2995; 160) divided adjectives into two
typological categories, uniform adjectives (invariable adjectives that do not distinguish between masculine and feminine) and biform adjectives (which make such distinctions).
I would rather say that their endings determine category assignment and that the

agreement behavior of a given adjective will change if its ending is altered. To illustrate this point, I mention uniform adjectives like grandi 'taWbig/Iarge7which, when used in their augmentative forms, will show gender agreement. Observe the following: a. Kel orni e grandon. that man e tall+augmentative s u f i 'That man is very tall.' b. Kel mudjer e grandona. that woman e taIl+augmentative suEx 'That woman is very tall.'

(5 1)

Although the distinction between animates and inanimates holds to some degree, it is worth pointing out that the unmarked form is masculine and that in some dialectal varieties of

Barlavento, the distinction between -u (masculine ending) and -a (feminine ending) disappears, as ilIustrated by the following sentence: Barlavento dialects: (52) Elsa e benitc. Elsa e beautfil 'Elsa is beautfil.'

This is corroborated in da Costa and Duarte ( 9 7 ' who adduced examples like (53): 16)
(53)

Aque'l mudjer bonito. there the woman beautifid 'There is the beautifid woman.' (da Costa & Duarte, 1967;298)

Such exarnpIes point to two facts. First, they show that some dialects do not even mark a distinction between animates and inanimates, having altered the ending until it is neutral. Second, they show that a definite pattern based on animacy is not readily discernible. Such patterns get even more b l u q in the case of adjectives like bun that have a dual meaning depending on whether or not they show agreement. Indeed, when bun does not show agreement with a feminine head noun, it means 'good/generousy,as in (54a). When it shows agreement, boa connotes the quality of sexual attractiveness, as in (54b).1

'O

I thank Manuel da Luz Gonqdves for draning my attention to such a distinction.

(54)

a. Elsa e un bon mudjer. Elsa e a good woman ' 'Elsa is a good woman. mudjer." b. Elsa e un boa Elsa e an attractive woman 'Elsa is an attractive woman.'

n The example in (55) shows that i some contexts, an adjective Iike bon does not tolerate
agreement with an animate feminine noun. This may be due to its semantic shift. a. Paula e un boa studanti. Paula e a good student 'Paula is a good student.' b.*Paula e un boa studanti. Paula e a good student Note that although gender agreement is optional with noun heads, as illustrated by (56), agreement is obligatory with pronouns, as shown in (57):
(56)

(55)

a. Paula e un mudjer bunita. (fern.) Paula e a woman beautifbl 'Paula is a beautfil woman.' b. Paula e un mudjer bunitu. (mas.) Paula e a woman beautfil 'Paula is a beautifid woman.' a. Bo e bunitu. (when addressing a man) you e handsome 'You are handsome.'

(57)

11

Some of my informants prefer to place the adjective boa in a postnominal position to convey the same meaning. This yields the sentence in (i): (i) Elsa e un mudjer boa. Elsa is a woman attractive 'Elsa is an attractive woman.'

d. Bo e bunita. (when addressing a woman)I2

you e beautifUI 'you are beautfil.' Although gender agreement takes place with both simgular and plural head nouns, as illustrated in (58) and (59)' respectively, number marking never aiTects adjectives themselves but rather the determiner of the noun they mod@: (58) a. un mininu bunitu. a boy handsome 'a handsome boy' b. un minina bunita beautiful a girl 'a beautiful girl'
a. uns mininu bunitu some boy handsome 'some handsome boys'
b. uns minina bunita

(59)

some girI beautifit1 'some beautiful girls' Adjectives may be postnominal, as in (60)' or prenominal, as in (61). The position of the prenominal adjective depends on the nature of the adjective and is not free. Some adjectives agree with the noun they rnodifj., whereas others do not; and the position of the adjective vis-a-vis the noun does not affect the agreement patterns. Consider, for example,
the invariable postnominal adjective interewlti in (60a-b) and the invariable prenorninal

adjective grandi in (61a-b) :

l2

I thank Manuel da Luz Gonqalves for this obsenration.

(60)

a. Amilcar e un omi interesanti. Arnilcar e a man interesting 'Amilcar is an interesting m n ' a. b. Paula e un mudjer interesanti. Paula e a woman interesting 'Paula is an interesting woman.' a. Amilcar e un grandi omi. Amilcar e a great man 'Amilcar is a great man.' b. Paula e un grandi mudjer. Paula e a great woman 'Paula is a great woman.' The examples in (62) and (63), featuring the postnominal adjective boniiu and the

(61)

prenominal adjective bony respectively, show that the patterns of agreement have to do with the ability of the adjective to undergo morphological change (according to its ending) but have nothing to do with its position. a. Mika e un mininu bonitu. Mikae a boy beautiful 'Mika is a beautfil boy.' b. Elsa e un minina bonita. Elsa e a girl beautiful 'Elsa is a beautifbl girl.' a. J o b e un bon omi. JoZo e a good man 'Jogo is a good man.' b. Eliza e un boa mudjer. Eliza e an attractive woman 'Eliza is an attractive woman.'

(62)

(63)

Adjectives may also have a predicative hnction, as illustrated in (64) Note again that the position of the adjective does not affect its agreement patterns.

(64) a. J o b e bon. Jog0 e good 'Job is good.' b. E h e boa. EIiza e attractive 'EIisa is attractive.'
It is worth noting that the position of members of a certain class of adjectives will alter their

meaning. Consider the following example:

(65)

a. J o b ten un mudjer noba. John has a wife young 'John has a young wife.'
b. Joiio ten un noba mudjer. JoZo has a new wife 'Joiio has a new wife.'"

To conclude this section on adjectives, we have seen that there is no plural marking on
adjectives, only gender agreement. Gender agreement is limited to adjectives modifjmg animate nouns; but even with such nouns, gender agreement is optional and in, some dialects (Barlavento dialects), neutralized. The last part of this subsection is dedicated to comparative constructions.

1.133 Comparative Constructions

Comparison is a common grammatical category, and it is expressed morphologically in

many languages (cf. English strong-stronger-spongest)but syntactically (periphrastically) in

My informants reminded me that it is also possible to use the masculine form nobu when referring to a woman. In& Brito observed that in some contem, the egression un mudjer nobu may refer to a maiden.

others (even for some adjectives in English: stupid- more stupid- most stupid). It seems that Capeverdean Creole expresses comparison both morpho1ogicafIy and syntactically. In (66), comparative constructions include the adverbial mas in a periphrasis. The comparative particle equivalent to English than is Capeverdean ki or di ki. (66) a. Paula e mas bonita ki Clarissa. Paula e more beautfil than Clarissa 'Paula is more beautfil than Clarissa.' b. Paula e mas bonita di k Clarissa. i Paula e more beautifil than Clarissa 'Paula is more beautfil than Clarissa.'

As illustrated in (66)' adjectives such as bonitu retain their agreement patterns in a

comparative construction.

In contrast, adjectives that express comparison by adopting a morphological irregular

form such as midjor, inherited from Portuguese melhor 'better', do not show any agreement. (67) a. Paula e midjor ki se irmon. Paula e better than her brother 'Paula is better than her brother.' b. * Paula e midjora ki se irmon. Paula e better than her brother 'Paula is better than her brother.'

The comparative of inferiority displays the same properties as the comparative of superiority, except for the use of the adverbial metms instead of mas,as shown in (68). (69) shows that worse is preferentially rendered by the irregular formpior (directly inherited &om Portuguesepior). The periphrastic construction with menus in (69b) is marginal for some speakers and ungrammatical for others.

(68)

El e menus grandi ki bo. she is less tall than you 'She is less tall than you.' El e pior ki bo. s h e is less good than you 'She is worse than you.' b.?/*El e menus bon ki bo. she is less good than you
a.

(69)

Comparatives of equality are formed with the adverbid sima (in Santiago and S2o Vicente),

as in (70a), or tort...kuma (Santiago), as in (70b):

(70) a. Es e sabidu sirna nos. they e intelligent as us 'They are as intelligent as us.' b. Es e ton sabidu kuma nos. they e as intelligent as us 'They are as intelligent as us.' (Veiga, 1995;162)

To conclude this section on adjectives, we have seen that there is no plural marking on
adjectives, only gender agreement. Gender agreement is limited to adjectives modikng animate nouns; but even with such nouns, gender agreement is optional and in some dialects (Barlavento dialects) even neutralized.

The last part of this section on nominal morphology is dedicated to pronominds in

Capeverdean.

1.1.3 The Pronominal System

In this subsection, I introduce several categories of pronouns in Capeverdean Creole:

personal, reflexive, demonstrative, possessive, relative and interrogative pronouns.

1.1.3.1 Personal Pronouns: Two Paradigms

In this subsection, I introduce the two paradigms of Capeverdean personal pronouns:

clitics and nonclitics. I do not linger on them as I re-examine them in chapter 5 fiom a theoretical perspective. Due to their complex distributional properties, 1choose to present their distribution in chapter 5, as this allows the reader to follow more easily my theoretical analysis. The clitic paradigm is listed in Table 2 and the nonclitic paradigm, in Table 3. I mark dialectal variations with a slash and signal changes due to various morphophonological environments with parentheses.

43

Table 2: The Capeverdean Clitic Paradigm

Note that the subject clitics in Table 2 are identical to the object clitics except at two points. Fist, the third person singular and plural pronouns undergo vowel deletion upon cliticizing to the preceding verb, as shown in (71) and (72).
(71)

Jogoodja-I. Jog0 sawhim 'Joio saw h ' . JoBo da-s tibrus. JoZo gavethem books 'JoZo gave them books.'

(72)

The second major difference concerns the first person singular: In some dialects (including my own), there is no phonological change differentiating the first person singular nominative chic fiom its accusative counterpart, and both are pronounced as a gutrural velar phoneme.
Several orthographic conventions, including the most recent to date (the ALUPEC), have

l4 AS in English, the first person singular pronoun is always capitalized according to the new orthographic convention wkrich I adopt in my thesis (the ALUPEC).

Like many languages, Capeverdean has two forms for the second person singular: an informal form, bu, to address friends, and a polite form, nho/nha, to be used in formal conte-uls Nho is masculine and nha, feminine.

established the spelling of the accusative form of the clitic as m and not n. Such a choice was informed by the phonological changes that the morpheme n undergoes in dative constructions, as displayed in (73b) (thank Manuel Veiga (personal communication) for this observation): I
(73)

a. E da-m I un libru. s/he gave+me a book ' S h e gave me a book.' b. El da-m el. s h e gavet-me it ' S h e gave it to me.'

Furthermore, the first-person singular pronoun undergoes phonological change before the hornorganic consonants -p, -b, -m, as shown in (74): (74)

N [m] purda Tiago. I forgave Tiago 'I forgave Tiago.'

It is worth observing that clitics do not show gender agreement, except for the third person singular polite form. It is likely that nho and rtha may have been derived fiom the Portuguese expressions senhor 'Sir' and senhora

ad^'.'^ This is reminiscent of Japanese, which lacks

authentic pronouns and uses forms derived fiom nominal expressions like boku '(your) servant7(used to express the first person I) or kimi 'Lord' (used to express you) (Kuno, 1978;127)). The paradigm for nonclitics is displayed in Table 3.

l6 This was somewhat confinned by da Costa and Duarte (1967;239), who noted that nho may have derived from Portuguese senhor 'Sir' on the basis of utterances like Nho Jose 'Sir Jod'.

45

Table 3: The Capeverdean Nonclitic Paradigm

NonprepositionaI nonclitics may be found in dislocated positions, as shown in (75), or amalgamated with cfitics, as in (76):
(75)

MiIAmi, es ka ta odja-m la. Non-CI. they Neg TMA see+me there 'Me, they wl not see there.' i l AmiM N ta hka ketu na nha kantu. Non-C1. C1. TMA stay quiet in my comer 'I wiIl remain nice and quiet.'

(76)

We may note that prepositional nonclitics differfrom nonprepositional nonclitics in that they
are reduced to one form, the shorter fonn, as shown in (77):
(77)

a. El kume ku mi. she ate with me 'She ate with me.' b.*El kume ku ami s/he ate with me.

At this point, it is worth taking a look at the Portuguese pronominal system (Portuguese being the lexifier of Capeverdean) in order to compare the two systems. Table 4 Lists Portuguese pronominals. Table 4: The Portuguese Pronominal System Subject
Object

Nonprepositional Prepositional direct indirect reflexive nonreflexive me me me mim eu te te te ti tu he se ele, eIa, si elelela o,a nos nos nos nos nos VOS vos VOS vos vos se eles, elas, si eleslelas os,as lhes Capeverdean and Portuguese pronominals differ in that whereas Portuguese has gender

marking on the third person singular and plural for subject, and for direct and nonreflexive
object pronominals, Capeverdean does not, except for the polite form of the second person

nho and nha.

A second major difference between the two languages is that Portuguese is a pro-drop

language with nun subject pronominals as well as null object pronominals (cf. Raposo, 19861, whereas the pro-drop status of Capeverdean Creole is less clear and is discussed in chapter 5, section 5.9. For an exhaustive treatment of clitic and nonctitic distributional properties, I refer the reader to chapter 5, section 5.1. In the next subsections, I examine the other categories of pronouns. I start with reflexive pronouns.

1132 ...

Reflexives

In this subsection, we examine the various devices Capeverdean uses to express

reflexivity: a body part, special reflexives, and a paraphrastic phrase (cf also Meintel,

1975;231-232).
The use of a body part to express reflexivity occurs pervasively. Postma (1993; 15) noted that in many Ianguages, the emphatic reflexive morpheme self is represented by a noun representing some inaIienabIe possessed entity, usually a body part (Pica, 1988) or the soul: In Sanskrit, atman 'sou1' is a reflexive expression, whereas Classical Arabic uses nafs 'breath'.

In Moroccan Arabic, it is ra:s 'head'; in Hungarian, it is mag- 'body' (cf. Maracz, 1989;392).
Dutch zelf and English selj, which are derived from l i f 'body' (cf Dutch IIJJ Gerrnan leib 'body') are firther instances of this phenomenon. In the Capeverdean case, reflexivity is expressed via the use of M e s a , 'head'. Three formulations are possible in Capeverdean: verb + possessive adjective + head, as in (7.8); verb

+ head (with no possessive adjective), as in (79); and the verb with no reflexive marking, as in
(80). (78) a. El mata se kabesa. s h e killed his head 'She kilIed himseWherseK' b. El felisita se kabesa. s/he congratuiated hisher head ' S h e congratulated himself7herself.' (Veiga, 2 995; 179) s h e killed head ' S h e kiIled hirnseWherself ' (Veiga, 1995;179)

(79) El mata kabesa.

(80)

El laba. she washed 'She washed himself7herseK'

It should be mentioned that the first and second devices can be used by any verbs that take animate subjects but that there are only a small number of verbs that can use the third device. For example, (8 1) is unacceptable and cannot mean 'she killed himse~erself':
(81)

*El mata. she killed himselErherself

Note that there are no possessive reflexives in Capeverdean:

(82)

*El toma libru di se kabesa. she took book of her head"

Reflexivity may also be expressed through special reflexive f o m that are composed of nonclitics + me. Those forms are mi-me,bo-me, el-me, nos-me, nhos-me and es-me.
(83)

N sta faze keli pa mi-me. I am doing this for myself 'I am doing this for myself.'

In Capeverdean, long distance reflexives are unacceptable, as illustrated by (84b):

(84)

a. Jogo f?a-m k'el gosta di el-me. John said to+me that+he likes of him-self 'John said to me that he likeshimself.' b. *Jog0 f?a k bu gosta di el-me. i JoZo said that you like of himself

I'

The intended meaning is: ' S h e took hisher oun book.'

Reciprocity is conveyed via the reciprocal invariable expression konpanheru 'each other', as in (85)(85)

Nu kre konpanhem txeu. we like companion lots 'We like each other a lot.' (Veiga, 1995;180)

In Capeverdean, the reciprocal cannot be bound by an antecedent outside its clause; hence a
sentence like (86a) is ungrammatical:
(86)

a.*Es fia k N ka gosta di konpanheru. i they said that I Neg like of each other b. Es &a k'es ka gosta di konpanheru. they said that-tthey Neg like of each other 'They said that they did not like each other.'

The ungrammaticality of examples such as (84b) and (86a) shows that the Capeverdean reflexive or reciprocal expression cannot be bound by (be coreferent with) an antecedent outside its clause. This shows that just as in English, Capeverdean reflexives and reciprocals are anaphors that must have a local antecedent (be locally bound). The various devices used to express reflexivity in Capeverdean are summarized in Table 5. Table 5: Reflexivity (a) (b) (d) (e) V+ Poss. Adj.+ kabesa Vt- kabesa Nonclitid-me V (di) konpanheru

Let us now turn to demonstrative pronouns.

1.1.3.3

Demonstratives

Demonstratives inflect for number but not for gender. The paradigm is in TabIe 6. Table 6 : Demonstratives Singular Plural es...(li) es.. .(li) 'this' 'these' or (la) kel...(li) or (la) kes ...(li) 'these' or 'those' 'this' or 'that'

Note that the optional li marks proximity to the speaker, whereas la marks distance only with
the demonstrative k e i h s . Li and la may also simply mark a contrast. The demonstrative es,
on the other hand, can be combined only with the marker li.

Es and kes would be best

translated by English this and rhat, respectively.

(87)

a. es omi li this man 'this man' b. es omis Ii these men 'these m n e' a. kel mudjer la that woman 'that woman' b. kes mudjer la those woman 'those women'

(88)

The contrast between (87) and (88) lies in the fact that the ambiguity between singular and plural es 'this/these7forces the plural marking to be carried by the noun in (87b). In contrast,

kel/kes has two forms distinguishing the singular &om the plural, so that the noun does not

carry the plural marker, avoiding redundancy.

Semantically, the difference between es and kes lies in the fact that whereas keVkes can
express both proximity and distance or a contrast, es can express only proximity.

1.1.3.4

Possessives
The possessives show number agreement with the NP they mod@ but no gender

agreement. The paradigm is displayed in Table 7: Table 7: Possessive Adjectives

In Table 7, rows (a-c) show morphologically different singular and plural forms that signal
whether the head nouns are semantically singular or plural, as illustrated by the examples in

(89)

a. N gosta di nha fidju. I like of my son 'I like my son.' b. N gosta di nhas fidju. I like of my+Plu son 'I like my sons.'

Rows (d-f) in Table 7, however, do not show such a contrast: The singular and plural forms of the possessive are homophonous, as illustrated in (90): (90)

a. nos fidju
our son
'our son'

b. nos fidjus our sons 'nos fidjus' The examples in (90) reveal that if the possessive adjective is ambiguous between the singular and the plural (e-g., nos 'our'), then the noun will be forced to carry the plural marker to

avoid number ambiguity. In this regard, Veiga (1995;167, footnote) observed that in the case
of plural nouns, the plural marker can be either on the possessive or on the noun, as illustrated in (91)-(92). Note that plural double marking is unacceptable, as illustrated by (91c) and (92c). (91)
a. nhaamigus my fiiends 'my fiiends' b. nhas amigu my+plur friend

'my friends' c.*nhas arnigus my-t-plurfiiends

(92)

a. nha fidjas my daughters 'my daughters' b. nhas fidja my+plur daughter 'my daughters' c. *nhas fidjas my+plur daughters

Veiga (1995) noted that this plural marking on the possessive or the noun is in ftee alternation in the Barlavento variety, but the variety of Santiago marks only the possessive (and not the

noun) for the plural, a in (91b) and (92b). s

Capeverdean has an alternative way to mark possession that consists of the periphrastic form of di .t possessive. The paradigm is given in Table 8:

Table 8: Possessive Pronouns

Number agreement occurs not with the possessed object but with the possessor.

1.1.3.5

Relative Pronouns

The forms of relative pronouns are listed in Table 9: Table 9: Relative Pronouns Relative Pronoun Gloss 'that'

k i

The relative ki is used both with animate and bunhate head nouns, as shown in (93) and

(93)

Mininu ki sta li e nha fidju. child that is here is my son 'The child who is here is my son.'

(94)

Kanr k N kunpra e baratu. i car that I bought is cheap 'The car that I bought is cheap.'

K occurs in subject and object relatives, as illustrated in (95) and (96), respectively: i
(95)

N konxe omi [CPki [P t sta papia ku Joiio]]. I know man who Aux speak with Joao 'I know the man who is speaking with Joao.'
E [NP es orni [CP ki (Eliza odja]]] . is this man whom EIiza saw 'This is the man whom Eliza saw.'

(96)

The appearance of ki in constructions from which the subject or the object has been extracted
is discussed fiom a theoretical perspective in Baptista (1993).

In contrast to ki, which may refer to animates as well as inanimates, the relative
pronouns kenhe 'who' is used to refer only to humans, as illustrated in (97):

(97) a. EI e omi ku kenhe N papia sobre bu irmon. he is man with whom I talked about your brother 'He is the man with whom I talked about your brother.' b.*E karu ku kenhe N ben odja-bu.
is car with whom I came seetyou Relative pronouns can aIso be used as interrogative pronouns, as seen below.

1.1.3.6

Interrogative Pronouns

Interrogative pronouns are listed in Table 10: Table 10: Interrogative Pronouns

Baptista (1993) examined interrogatives fiom which either the subject or the object has been extracted and showed that in both cases, ki may appear, as illustrated in (98) and (99):
(98)

a. Kenhe ki ben? (subject extraction) who that came 'Who came?' b. Kenhe ki bu odja? (object extraction) who that you saw 'Who did you see?' (Baptista, 1993; 6-7) a. Kuze k pasa? i (subject extraction) what ki happened 'What happened?' i b. K u e k bu kre? (object extraction) what ki you want 'What do you want?'

(99)

Veiga (1995) noted that the relative k is optional in questions fiom which the object has been i extracted, depending on the dialectal varieties. T i is illustrated in (100): hs

Inis Bnto brought to my attention that the interrogatives kuze and kenhe (placed below kuze in Table 10) are very likely derived fiom the interrogatives hcuza + copula e and kenha + copula e, respectively.

''

(100) a. Kuze bu kre?

(object extraction)

what you want 'What do you want?' b. Kuze ki bu kre? what that you want 'What do you want?' Note, however, that ki must appear in interrogatives from which the subject has been
extracted; this is illustrated i (101) and (102). n

(1 01) a. Kenhe ki ben? (subject extraction) who that came 'Who came?' b.*Kenhe ben? who came
(102)

a. K u e k pasa? i
what that happened 'What happened?' b.*Kue pasa? what happened

Interrogative pronouns may also be found in embedded clauses, as illustrated in example

(103) a. N ka sabe kenhe k txoma-m. i I Neg know who that calledme 'I do not know who called me.' b. N ka sabe di kenhe es sta papia. I Neg know of whom they TMA speak 'I do not know who they are talking about.' Further examples of interrogative pronouns are found in chapter 2, subsection 2.2.8.3.

To summarize the first part of this chapter, I have provided an in-depth account of nominal categories such as determiners, nouns, adjectives and several pronominal paradigms.
I have brought to the fore the fidl complexity of the referential system and discussed tbe

intricate role played by null morphemes. In this regard, I argue that the null morpheme and not the indefinite un is at the core of the Capeverdean article system. I have showed that

ul adjectives display some agreement patterns, and I have introduced the f l range of
pronominal categories in the language. We now turn to the second part of this chapter, namely, verbal categories.

1.2

Verbal Categories

This section on verbal categories including Tense, Mood, and Aspect markers (henceforth TMA markers) in Capeverdean Creole is organized as follows. First, 1 describe the basic patterns of person and number. Second, I examine the various devices this particular
n Creole uses to express Tense. E this respect, I consider how (a) the present tense (simple and

progressive), (b) the past tense of stative and nonstative verbs, and (c) the fbture tense are expressed in Capeverdean. Finally, I consider the auxiliary constructions and nonfinite forms of the language.

1.2.1

Person and Number

In Capeverdean, verbal forms do not display any morphologicaI variation to reflect

person and number through a given tense paradigm. Consider the present tense of the verb papia 'to speak'.

(104) Present Tense

N sta papia. I TMA speak '1 am speaking.'

Bu sta papia. you (sg) TMA speak 'You are speaking.'

Nu sta papia. we TMA speak 'We are speaking.' Nhos sta papia. you TMA speak 'We are speaking.'
Es sta papia. they TMA speak 'They are speaking.'

E sta papia. sthe TMA speak 'She is speaking.'

122 ..
Tense

In this section, I define the notion of Tense and refer primarily to the work of
Reichenbach (1947;1956) and Comrie (1985). Subsequently, I show how the present, the past, and the h r e tenses are expressed in Capeverdean Creole by means of a cross-linguistic comparison with Enghsh. Tense is expressed in a number of ways in various languages, one of them being verbal inflection. Tense reflects the location or temporal axis of the event expressed by the verb. Such an axis was first illustrated in Reichenbach (1956;27), as in (105).

Reichenbach (1956;26) emphasized the asymmetrical and transitive relation between the three points 4 B and C. He noted that for instance, A is to the left of B but B is not to the left of A but to the right of A This shows the asymmetry of the relation to the lefi oJ: If A is to the left of B and B to the left of C, moreover, then A is to the left of C. T i shows the hs transitivity of the relation. This model was adapted by Comrie (1985;2) in the following diagram In this diagram, the past is represented, in the conventional way, to the left; and the &we, to the right.Ig The present moment is represented by a point labeled 0.

(106)

1
PAST
0

FUTURE

Tense indicates whether the action is simultaneous, prior, or subsequent to the speaker's utterance: the time of speech. In addition, there can be a point of reference on the temporal axis, a reference time in relation to which the action is located and which may or may not coincide with the time of speech. Comrie (1985;5,6) clarified with diagrams the way such overlaps may or may not occur. Situations that are punctual (viewed as points in time) or at least conceived as such will be represented by a point on the time line. Situations that occupy or are conceived of as occupying a certain stretch of time will be represented as stretches on the time line. Thus in (1 0 ) situation A precedes situation B, whereas situation C follows 7,
-

Hence, kuza e ki... contracted into kuze k . Similarly kenha e ki... contracted into kenhe ki... i ManueI da Luz GonMves independently corroborated this observation.
l9 It is worth pointing out that there is a tyographical error in Comrie (1985;2): The termJuhrre was misprinted as present, thus yielhng the erroneous diagram:

_ I past 0 present

situation B. Situations D and E overIap, as do F and G as we11 as H and I, although the precise nature of the overlaps are somewhat different. Thus, D and E cover exactly the same time stretch; F occurs entirely within G; part of the time stretch of H is also part of the time stretch of I, but part of the time stretch of H is not part of I and part of I is not part of H. In (107), there is no specifkation of the present moment, so that we can talk about the location of situations A-I relative to each other, but not relative to the present moment. (107) Representation of situations relative to each other
A B C D
G

In the diagram in (log), the present moment is represented by 0 on the line. (log), in
contrast to (107), adds specification of the present moment, so that we can now say that 4 B,

C,D, and E are in the past; F ,H, and I are in the hture; and G includes the present moment,
that is, what is ongoing.

(108) Representation of situations relative to the present moment

Cornrie stated that there are basically two ways in which one can reIate a situation to the time line. One is to locate the situation in relation to some other specified point or segment on the
time line. This is called relative Tense.

Another way to reIate the situation to the time line is to locate the situation in relation to the present tense, thus specifying what is generally called the absolute Tense. For exampIe,

an event prior to the time of speech can be expressed with simple past tense as follows:
(109) John ate the whole cake.

In this example, the situation is in a deictic relationship to the time of speech.

Regarding example (log), it is worth saying a word or two about the aspect it expresses and aspect in general. Comrie (1985;6) argued that to express the internal temporal contour of a situation, for instance, to discuss whether the situation is to be represented as a point on the

time line or as a stretch of the time line, is to express the aspect of the situation. The internal
temporal contour of a situation provides the conceptual basis for the notion of aspect, which refers to the grammaticalisation of the expression of internal temporal constituency. Thus the difference between (1 10a) and (1 lob) is one of Tense, namely, a location before the present moment; versus a location including the present moment, whereas the difference between
(1 1la) and (I 1lb) is one of aspect, a stretch of time versus a point in time.

(1 10) a. John was singing. b. John is singing. (1 11) a. John was singing. b. John sang.
Let us begin by describing more precisely absolute Tense (Cornrie, 1985;122).

In order to establish formal representations of absolute Tense, it is necessary to s p e c e the

present moment, which I henceforth abbreviate as S (moment of Speech). In addition, we

need to specify a time point or interval that is occupied by the situation in question; we shall refer to this t h e point or intend as E (for moment of event or situation). " Notice that E is
simply the time at which the situation is located and may therefore be a point or an interval of

time longer than a point. Finally, we need to establish some temporal relations that enable us to relate S and E to one another (more accurately, E to S, because we take S as given). The relations in question are before, @err, and simul(ianeous). Given these two time points (S,E)

and the three reIations (simul, before, after), we can now represent the three absolute tenses
(present, past, and finre) as follows: (1 12) present past fiture
E simul S E before S E after S

The preceding representations capture absoIute Tense distinctions by relating the situation (E) to the present moment (S).

In order to capture distinctions of relative Tense (Comrie, 1985;124), ail that is

necessary is to establish a fbrther time point, namely, the reference point, symbolized R We

can then relate the time of the situation as simultaneous with, before, or after this reference
point, as follows:

relative present relative past relative &re

E simul R E before R E &erR

Note that the terms ntomen! oJspeech. moment ofevent, and reference point were first coined by Reichenbach (1947;288) as point of speech, point ofthe went, and point of reference.

20

The major characteristic of all these representations for relative Tense is that there is a reference point R that is not anchored, that is, not located in time relative to any deictic center

such as the present moment. Hence, the reference point for a relative tense is given by the
context (and perhaps, in the absence of any other contextual indication, by the present moment). The expression of relative Tense does not involve reference to the anchoring of the reference point.

1.2.3

Tense in Capeverdean Creole

Now that the concept of Tense has been introduced, we are in a better position to examine how Capeverdean Creole makes use of Tense. Here, I introduce the present tense of nonstative verbs and stative verbs, the past tense of nonstative and stative verbs, and the future tense.
In Capeverdean, the present and past tenses are expressed differently for stative and

nonstative verbs. In this respect, I introduce the notions of stativity and nonstativity, two categories that influence and condition the behavior of Capeverdean verbs.
Indeed, the Capeverdm verbal system crucially distinguishes between verbs that

represent a (more or less permanent) state and those that represent an action. As shown later, this distinction is reflected syntactically in the forms that the verbs assume for various tenses. For instance, stative verbs, unlike nonstative verbs, generally occur neither in a progressive form nor in the imperative. On semantic grounds, they can be said to express states of affairs rather than actions, that is, relational, inactive perceptual, or cognitive processes. T i hs

classScation is hrther compIicated by the existence of verbs like smell that have both a stative and a dynamic use (Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech & Svarhik, 1985; Lyons, 1968). Observe the following paradigm for the present tense of a nonstative verb such as

kume 'to eat'. The present tense of nonstative verbs such as kume requires the TMA marker
sta. 2 '

(114) Present of nonstative verbs22

Nsta kume. I TMA eat 'I am eating.'

Nu sta kume. we TMA eat 'We are eating. ' Nhos sta kume. you TMA eat 'We are eating.' Es sta kume. they TMA eat 'They are eating.'

Bu sta kume. you (sg) TMA eat 'You are eating.'

E sta kume. she TMA eat 'She is eating.'

Let us refer here to Reichenbach's and Cormie's frameworks a d note that sta-+action verb expresses the present tense and the progressive aspect in a situation where the time of speech is wholly embedded in the event time (point G in Comrie's diagram in (108)).

It is also possible to have the TMA cluster sta ta. This topic is dealt wt brieny in subsection 1.2.4.1 and is ih treated in depth in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.8.

It is worth pointing out that (1 14) eqresses the present tense progressive, which is disringuished fiom the present-time habit. Indeed, the present-time habit is expressed neither by sto-c-actionverb, as in (i), nor by the bare V panern, as in (ii), but by the ra+action verb pattern (iii), which can also express future. (i) N sta kume. I TMA eat 'I am eating.' (ii) N kume. I eat+Past 0 'I ate.' (iii) N ta kume. I TMA eat 'I eat' (usually) or 'I nil1 eat.'

"

A stative verb like ten mestensa 'to need'

(in

(115)), on the other hand, is not (and

cannot be) preceded by the TMA marker sta, as dustrated by (1 16):

(1 15) Present of stative verbs

N ten rnestensa di bo. I have0 Present need of you 'I need you.'

Nu ten mestensa di bo. we have0 Present need of you 'We need you.'
Nu ten mestensa di bo. we have0 Present need of you 'We need you.'

Bu ten mestensa di mi. you have0 Present need of me 'You need me.'

E ten mestensa di bo. she have0 Present need of you 'Slhe needs you.'
(116) *E sta ten mestensa di bo. she TMA have need of you

Es ten mestensa di bo. they have0 Present need of you 'They need you.'

Past tense nonstative verbs take a zero morpheme, as illustrated in (1 17), whereas the past tense of stative verbs involves the suffixation of the morpheme -ba to the verb stem, as illustrated in (1 1a)."

I show in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.8, that the TMA marker -60 can be found as an unbound morpheme in Guinea-Bissau Creole.

(1 17) Past of nonstative verbs N kume kat~upa.~~ I eat+@Pastkatxupa 'I ate kabcupa'
Nu kume katxupa. we eat+0Past katxupa 'We ate katxupa.'

Bu kume katxupa. you (sg) eat+121Past katxupa 'You ate katxupa.' E

kume katxupa. she eat+0Past katxupa 'She ate katxupa.'

Nhos kume katxupa. we eat+0Past katxupa 'We ate katxupa.' Es kume katxupa. they eat+@Past katxupa 'They ate katxupa.'

In Reichenbach's and Comrie's ftameworks, the situation in (117) involves points D and E in
(108). The points of reference (E) and the event @) overlap but precede the time of speech. (1 18) Past of stative verbs
N tenba febri. I have+ba fever 'I had fever.'

Nu tenba febri. we haveba fever 'We had fever.' Nhos tenba febri. you(p1u) have+ba fever 'You had fever.' Es tenba febri. they havetba fever 'They had fever.' Capeverdean present tense nonstative verbs are preceded by the

Bu tenba febri. you(sg) have+ba fever 'You had fever.'

E tenba febri. slhe have+ba fever 'She had fever.'

In a general sense:5

marker sta, whereas stative verbs stand alone. In the past tense, nonstative verbs take a zero

24

Kafxupa is one of the Cape Verde national dishes.

Following Suzuki (1994), we see in chapter 2, section 2.1.8 that the s s e of TMA markers is more ytm comples than has been ackno\vIedged thus far and that not all verbs display the syntactic behavior that their

morpheme (1 19), whereas the past tense of stative verbs involves the sufkation of the

morpheme -ba to the verb stem. In this respect, -ba is a past tense marker that gives a past tense reading to stative verbs (1 19b) and a pluperfect tense reading to nonstative verbs, as
illustrated in (1 19c):
(1 19) a. N kume

na kaza. I eat+Past0 in house 'I ate at home.' b. N tenba mestensa di bo. I havetba need ofyou 'I needed you.' c. To k' N txiga, el kumeba tudu kumida. i time that I arrived, he eat+Past al food l 'When I got there, he had eaten all the food. '

The b r e tense is the only tense that does not differentiate statives from nonstatives. Indeed,
the marker ra precedes both types of verbs, as illustrated in (120).
(120) a. N ta kume na kaza manhan. 1 TMA eat in house tomorrow 'I will eat at home tomorrow.' b. N ta ten febri manhan si N kume es h t a . I TMA have fever tomorrow if I eat this h i t 'I will have fever tomorrow i f 1 eat this hit.'

In Reichenbach's framework, (120) represents a situation where the time of speech and the
reference point coincide but precede the event (points H and I in diagram (108)).
It is important to note that -ta marks both fbturity and habituality, as is discussed in

subsection 1.2.4.1 on Tense, Mood, and Aspect markers. On the issue of the distribution of

TMA markers, we see in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.8 that the categories of stative and
category (native versus nonstative) would lead us to expect. In this respect, I discuss Silva's (1985) pioneering \\fork on the issue of Capeverdean TMA marken and suggest a few modifications to her analysis.

nonstative verbs are artificial notions that do not always account accurately for the behavior of a number of Capeverdean verbs. The situation seems more complex in this particular Creole.
In this respect, following Suzuki (1994), I show that Bickerton's description of stative and

nonstative verbs and Silva's test to differentiate stative fiom nonstative verbs make the wrong predictions regarding the behavior of some Capeverdean verbs. At this point, we are in a position to make a cross-linguistic comparison of Tense in Capeverdean and English. To perform this comparison, I adapt Reichenbach's tables to the Capeverdean situation (Reichenbach, 1947;290), representing only the tenses that are relevant to this particular Creole. In the following tables, E,

and S stand, respectively, forpoint o the event, point o f f

reference, and point o speech. Temporality is represented as left-to-right sequence on the f line. Let us first consider English: In the past perfect (12 1a), the point of speech is preceded by the point of reference, which in turn is preceded by the event. In the simple past (121b)' the point of the event and the point of reference are simuItaneous and both are before the point of speech. In contrast, in the present perfect (12 1c), the event is before the point of speech but it is referenced to a point simultaneous wt the point of speech. In the present ih (121d), the time of speech, is simultaneous with the time of reference and the time of the event. In the hture (121e), the time of speech and the time of reference are simultaneous but precede the time of the event.

(12 1)

ENGLISH
(b) Simpte Past
(c) Present ferfect (d) Present

(a) Past Perfect

(e) Simple Future

I had eaten

I ate

I have eaten

I eat

I will eat
- - I > - - -

> E R
S

>

>
E

-.----->
%RE

RE

S,R

S,R

The Capeverdean nonstative and stative verbs are represented in the diagram in (122).

(122) CAPEVERDEAN

(nonstative verb) (a) Past Perfect

(b) Simple Past

(c) Present Perfect (d) Present (e) Simple Future

N kurneba

N kume
---em-------->

N kume
------------->

N sta kume N ta kume

-----em------>

--*----------->
E R
S

RE

S,R

S,RE

S,R

(stative verb) (f) Past Perfect (g) Simple Past (h) Present Perfect (i) Present (j) Simple Future

N tenba

N tenba febri

N tenba febri

N ten febri N ta ten febri

RE

S,R

S,w

S,R

(122) shows that stative verbs and nonstative verbs behave differently with respect to the morphemes they take to express various tenses. We should, however, bear in mind that this is not a feature specific to Capeverdean, as English also distinguishes nonstative verbs, as in (123), from its own brand of stative verbs, as in (124):
(123) a. I eat. b. I am eating.
(124) a. I know the truth.

b.*I am knowing the truth. Regarding (122), two important observations are worth mentioning. First, it does not seem that Capeverdean makes a distinction between simple past and present perfect, as these two tenses are rendered by the same verbal form. Second, there does not seem to be a past perfect for stative verbs that is morphoIogically distinct fiom the simple past, whereas nonstative verbs change morphologically. The next section focuses on auxiliaries.

1.2.4

Auxiliary Constructions and Nonfinite Forms

In this subsection, we explore the possibility that some of the TMA markers might
qualifjr as auxiliaries. As I attempt to differentiate the two markers sta and fa, I point out the differences and commonalities between the two markers. I show that although sta would be

more readily andyzable as an auxiliary than ta (n light of the syntactic configurations i presented here), ta has aIso acquired such status.

1.2.4.1 Auxiliary Constructions

Capeverdean CreoIe has three preverbal TMA markers, dja,ta and sta; and one postverbal TMA marker (anterior tense marker),-ba. In this subsection, we focus on sta and we try to differentiate sla from ta . Evidence for sta as an auxiliary verb as opposed to a particle lies in certain observations. First, let us define what we mean by auxiliary. Auxiliaries are often regarded as loci where distinctions of tense, mood, aspect, and voice are realized. Although fultilling these functions, auxiliaries are viewed as subordinate to main lexical verbs. and

In the present tense, sta occurs preverbally and expresses progressive aspect, as
illustrated in (125):
(125) El sta k ~ r n e . ~ ~ she TMA eating 'She is eating.'

Note that in the past tense, the anterior marker -ba may d 5 x to sta or to the verb stem, as illustrated in (1261, yielding the past progressive:

26 At this point, it is important to observe that the sentence in (125) has different realizations in various dialects. El sta kume occurs in Brava and Fogo, el sa f kume occurs in Santiago, whereas el ti f kume occurs a a in Sio Vicente. Furthermore. when sta is stressed, as in sta, it expresses the Past tense, whereas when it is unstressed, it refers to the Present tense. In the latter case, sta is phonetically rendered as in [sta].

(126) a. El staba ta kume. slhe TMA-tba ta eat 'She was eating. ' b. El sta ta kumeba. she TMA TMA eat+ba 'She was eating.'

Ta also occurs preverbally and denotes habituality, as in (127a), or futurity,as in (127b),

according to the context. Ln contrast with sfa,however, it cannot host the anterior marker ba; thus the ungrammaticality of (127~):
(127) a. El ta kume tudu dia. (habituality) dhe TMA eat every day 'She eats every day.' b. El ta kume na restoranti manhan. (fbturity) she TMA eat in restaurant tomorrow 'Slhe will eat at the restaurant tomorrow.' c. *El taba ta kume. she TMA+ba TMA eat

a Hence, the first difference between slu and f is that ta cannot host the anterior marker
-ba, whereas sta can. The second difference is that sta may occur in isolation and behave iike an ordinary verb, introducing locative predicates (as in (228)) or stage-level predicates (as in (129a)) as opposed to individual-level predicates, which are introduced by e (as in (129b)). (128) Joiio sta na kaza. JoiioTMA at home 'Joiio is at home.' (129) a. El sta bunitu oji. he TMA handsome today 'He is handsome today.'

b. El e bunitu. he is handsome 'He is handsome.'

Ta, on the other hand, cannot occur alone and must precede a verb."
n (130) shows that hz cannot occur in isolation but may precede sta, as seen i (13 I), which
would corroborate the status of s a as a verb. t

(130) *El ta na kaza, s h e TMA in house (13 1) El ta sta na kaza. sthe TMA TMA at home 'She will be at home.'

..

These data lead us to the conclusion that unlike sfa, which can be either an auxiliary or a main verb, ta can be only an auxiliary. We have good reason to consider it an auxiliary, insofar as it is the locus where the habitual aspect (in (127a)) or the hture tense (in (12%)) may be

realized. In this regard, I introduce in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.8 another of its fbnctions as a
Mood marker, foIlowing Suzuki (1994). Further evidence of ta as an auxiliary comes fiom verbs l i e set- and participles. Ser is the only verb displaying a morphological distinction between its present tense form e and its Mnitival form. Ta can precede only the infinitival verb ser (as in (132a)), and not its present tense counterpart, as is illustrated by the ungrammaticality of (132b).

--

- - -

I thank both Inb Brito and Manuel da Luz Gonqalves for contirming these facts.
27 It must be noted that this is an oversimplification,as some phonological realizations of sta as f may blur up a the picture, as discussed in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.8.

(132) a. El ta ser un bon studanti. she TMA be a good student 'She will be a good student.' b.*El ta e un bon studanti. sfhe TMA is a good student

The second type of evidence comes from participles, Indeed, there are a few syntactic
constructions in which la combines with participles, as illustrated in (133) and (134):
(133) Ta fiadu k'el sta duenti.** TMA said that+he TMA sick 'Rumor has it that he is sick.'

(134) Kel kuza ka ta fazedu. that thing Neg TMA done 'One does not do such things.' The dual nature of tu and sta as both TMA markers and auxiliaries reminds us of the Haitian case (cf DeGraE, 1992, for evidence of Haitian TMA markers as auxiliaries). The next subsection is dedicated to nonfinite forms.

1.2.4.2

Nonfinite Forms

Given that verbs do not cany any inflectional morphoIogy in Capeverdean Creole (except for the anterior tense marker -baywhich is invariable), it is difficult to ascertain whether or not verbs are in their finite or inhitival forms.

28Tbe constmctions in (133) and (134) represent the only instances of passive voice we will see in this thesis. The passive voice in Capeverdean is mostly used in impersonal constructions of this type.

Hence, verbs like kume 'to eat' will not change morphologicalIyy whether conjugated, as in (135)' or in what seems to be an infinitival construction such as (136): tudu katxupa. (135) N kume I eatfPast0 all katxupa 'I ate all of the katxupa.' (136) N fia-l p'el kume tudu katxupa. I told+him forthe eat all katxupa 'I told him to eat all the katxupa.' The imperative mood, in contrast, clearly shows verbal infinitival forms. As just mentioned, only one Capeverdean verb displays a distinction between its conjugated and infinitival forms: the verb e/ser 'to be'. The imperative uses the infinitivaI form of the verb, as illustrated in the following examples: (137) a. Ser ternozu. be stubborn 'Be stubborn!' b.*E ternozu. be stubborn On the topic of imperatives, Meintel(1975;222) noted that the a h a t i v e imperative uses the base alone (with no subject pronoun) for the second person singular, as in (138)' but uses the pronoun nu for the first person plural and nhos for the second person plural, as illustrated in (139) and (140), respectiveIy. (138), (1 39), and (140) feature the paradigm of the aibnative imperative.

The sentence e tentom is grammatical under the interpretation ' S h e is stubborn' but cannot be used to eqxess an order.
59

(138) a. Ben!

come 'Come!' b.*Bu ben! you come

(139) Nu ben! we come 'Let's come!'
(140) Nhos ben!

you come 'Come! ' The negative imperative uses the negative particle foliowed by the subject pronoun. Unlike negative constructions in which the subject precedes Negation, as in (141),~' negative the imperative is formed by inverting the negative morpheme and the verb.
(141) Bu ka kumekel mangu. you Neg ate that mango 'You did not eat that mango.'

The examples in (142)-(144) feature the paradigm of the imperative negative. Observe that the pronoun of the second person singular negative imperative is obligatorily

hs overt, as illustrated in (142). T i contrasts with the situation in the aEhnative imperative,
for which it was necessarily null, as illustrated in (138b).
(142) a. Ka bu kume kel mangu! Neg you eat that mango 'Don't eat that mango!' b. *I& Kame kel rnangu! Neg eat that mango

30 Negation

is discussed in chapter 2, subsection 2.2.2.1.

(143)

Ka

nhos kume kel mangu!

Neg you eat that mango 'Don't eat that mango!'

(144) Ka nukume kel mangu!

Neg we eat that mango 'Let's not eat that mango!'

We re-examine the negative imperative in chapter 5, subsection 5.9.2.

1.3

Conclusion

To summarize, in the second part of this chapter, we have examined how Capeverdean
expresses Tense, which has led us to introduce various TMA markers and provided evidence that sta and la are auxiliaries. This has laid the foundation for the in-depth study of TMA markers in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.8.
Having completed an overview of Capeverdean morphoIogy, grammatical categories,

and word classes, we are now ready to discuss the Capeverdean phrase structure and basic

syntactic patterns.

CHAPTER TWO

CAPEVERDEAN PHRASE STRUCTURE AND BASIC SYNTACTIC PATfERNS

2.0

Introduction

This chapter is divided into four main sections. In the first section, I examine the basic word order of Capeverdean Creole, including double object constructions; secondary predicates; and Tense, Mood and Aspect markers (henceforth TMA markers). In the second section, I study some variations in word order, including subject-verb inversion, the position of verbs (with regard to Negation, adverbs, and quantifiers), topicalization, and heavy NP shift. In the third section, 1consider expletives and empty categories. In the fourth and last section, I investigate whether or not there is a distinction between finite and infinitival complements in Capeverdean.

2.1

Basic Word Order Patterns

This section on Capeverdean default word order covers simple SVO sentences, double object constructions with full NPs and pronominal clitics, and sentences with negative adverbids. It also covers complements and adjuncts. We then study the various positions of adverbial modifiers and quantifiers, which leads to an examination of the topic of quantifier

float. We then focus on the nature of secondary predicates. In the last part of this section, we
give an in-depth analysis of TI4.A markers in Capeverdean Creole.

2.1.1

Simple SVO Sentences

Capeverdean is an SVO language. Let us first consider cases of simplex sentences,

with examples illustrating intransitive (in (I)), transitive (n (2)), and ditransitive (n (3)) i i

structures:
(1)

Jofo durmi. Jofo slept 'JoIo slept .' Jofo kume katxupa. JoZo ate katxupa 'Jog0 ate katxupa.' JoZo da Sofia un beju. JoZo gave Sofia a kiss 'Jofo gave Sofia a kiss.'

(2)

(3)

The negative morpheme typically comes before the verb, as in (4), or before T M A markers, as

(4)

Jo5o ka kume. JoZo Neg ate 'Joiio did not eat.' Joiio ka ta kume. 1090 Neg TMA eat 'JoZo does not eat.'

(5)

(6)

Joiio ka sta kume. Joiio Neg TMA eat 'Joiio is not eating.' Pedru ka sta ta kume na kaza. Pedru Neg TMA TMA eat in house 'Pedru is not eating at home.'

(7)

We return to the topic of the verb and Negation in section 2.2 (subsection 2.2.2.1). We presentfy take a closer look at double object constructions.

2.1.2 Double Object Constructions With Full NPs

In Capeverdean Creole, the only possible word order in double object constructions

with fill NP double objects follows the pattern V-DatNP-AccNP, as in (8a). Double object
constructions do not have a prepositional variant (as in English I gave a book to the child), as illustrated by the ungrarnmaticality of (8b):
(8)

a. N da mininu un libru.' I gave child a book 'I gave a book to the child.' b.*N da un tibm pa mininu I gave a book to child.

Inis Brito brought to my attention that some verbs like manda 'to send' do have a prepositional counterpart, as illustrated i (i) and (ii): n (i) N manda Rui un karta. I sent Rui a Ietter 'I sent Rui a lefler.' (ii) N man& un karta pa Rui.
I sent a letter to Rui 'I sent a letter to Rui.' I propose that the preposition pa is selected by the verb manda, which allows this type of verb to appear in two con6gurations.

Hence, the only possible pattern is that of to give somebody something, as illustrated in the following examples. The sentences in (9)-(14) illustrate the IO-DO NPs in four merent types of pairing: indehitehdefinite in (9),defhitdmdefinite in (lo), indehitddefinite in (I 1) and dehitddefinite in (12). In all four cases, the IO-DOorder is and m s be maintained, as is ut illustrated by the ungramrnaticality of the (b) examples:
(9)

a. N da un mininu un Libru. (idefinitehndefinite NPs) I gave a child a book 'I gave a child a book.' b.*N da un libm un mininu. I gave a book a child

(10)

a. N da mininu un libru. (definitelindefinite NPs) I gave child a book 'I gave the child a book.' b.*N da un libru mininu. I gave a book child
a.

(1 1)

N da un rnininu libru. (indefinite/defkite NPs) I gave a child book 'I gave a child the book.' b.*N da Iibru un mininu. I gave book a child

(12)

a. N da mininu fbm. (definitefdefinite) I gave child book 'I gave the child the book.' b.*N da libru mininu. I gave book child

The same order is found with idiomatic expressions in (13) and (14):
(13)

a. El da mininu palmada. he gave child spanking 'He gave the child a spanking.' b.*El da palrnada mininu. he gave spanking child

(14)

a. El da JoZo bufatada sen mon. without hand s h e gave JoZo slap 'She gave John a slap without hand.'2 b.*El da bufatada Joiio sen mon. she gave slap John without hand

2.1.3 Doubleobject Constructions With Pronominal CIitics

With pronominal clitics, the word order sequence remains the same, namely, VDatNP-AccNP. The following examples represent the 10-DONPs under the pairing 1 0 (pronominal)/DO (nonpronominal), as in (15)-(16); I (nonprorninal)/DO (pronominal), as in 0
(I 7-I 8); and 1 (pronominal)/DO (pronominal), as in (19)-(20). )( 0

(15)

a. N da-l libru. (pronominaVnonpronomina1) I g a v e + M e r libru 'I gave him/her the book.' b.*N da un libru el. I gave a book him/her a. N da-1 un bufatada. I gavethirdher a slap 'I gave himher a slap.' b.*N da un bufatada el. I gave a slap himher a. El da JoZo el. (nonpronominaVpronominal) s h e gave John it 'She gave it to John.' b.*El da-l Jofo. 3 'She gaveit JoZo'

(16)

(17)

* This idiomatic expression means: 'He got back at John.'

T i sentence is ungrammatical under the interpretation 'She gave it to John' but would be grammatical hs under the interpretation 'She gave John to it/him/her.'

(18)

a. El

da Jog0 es. she gave John them ' S h e gave them to John.' b.*El da-s Jo50. ' S h e gavetthem John' da-m el. (pronominaVpronominal) shehe gavetme it 'She gave it to me.' b.*El da-1 me. She gavetit me el. she gavetyou it 'She gave it to you.' b.*El da-1 bu. she gavetit you

(19)

a. El

(20)

a. El da-bu

Regarding (19) and ( 0 ,we note that in double object constructions involving pronorninals, 2) the permitted sequence is Clitic-Nonclitic. We see in chapter 5, section 5.6 that a double clitic constraint regulates Capeverdean pronaminals.

2.1.4 Complements and Adjuncts

2.1.4.1 Complements

In this subsection, I recapitulate facts already discussed and I consider drc object iet
and indirect object complements.
As observed earlier, the Capeverdean basic word order is SVO for both NP

complements and pronominal NPs. This is illustrated in the following sentences from Veiga

(21)

Nos profesor konta-nu ma un bes gentis grandi ta kustumaba junta pa konta our professor told+us that one time people big TMA usetba gather to tell
storia.

stories 'Our professor told us that once, adults used to get together to tell stories.' (Veiga, 1987;11) (22) gostaba di rasitbe, na dia di si Si rnai purgunta'l kus' e k e' ta i his mother asked him what e that he TMA want+ba to receive in day of his aniversari. birthday 'His mother asked him what he wanted to get on his birthday.' (Veiga, 1987;12)
As already discussed, the order in indirect object constnrctions is always V-DatNP-AccNP,

whether full NPs are involved, as in (23), or pronominals, as in (24). (23) Elsa da Netinha un boneka. Elsa gave Netinha a doll 'Elsa gave Netinha a doll.' El sa ta speraba si kasamentu brevi ku Bkba, ki ja daba-el ja un fiju he Aux TMA wait+ba his wedding short with Bkba, who ja give+ba-him ja a son 'He was waiting to get married shortly to Beba, who had already given him a son.' (Veiga, 1987;17)

(24)

2.1.4.2 Adjuncts

In this subsection, we briefly examine adjunct complements or, more precisely,

prepositional complements that are selected by certain verbs like pensa 'think' in (25), entm 'enterlcome in', dotora 'graduate' (in (26)), or partisip 'participate'
(n i

(27)). Observe that

these prepositional complements occur in the same position as direct NP complements. Some

of the examples were taken fiom the novel Oju d 'Agrr (Veiga, 1987).
(25)
N pensa na fidju.

I thought in son 'I thought of the son.'

(26)
E entra na universidadi y

e dotora na diem. he entered in university and he graduated in Iaw 'He got into the university and graduated in Iaw.' (Veiga, 1987;13)

(27)

El ben partisipa na es grandi festa. he came participate in this big celebration 'He came to participate in this big celebration.' (Veiga, 2 987;13)

In the next subsection, we consider adverbials and their distribution.

2.1.5

Various Adverbiats and Their Different Positions

In this subsection, before I introduce a typology of Capeverdean adverbials, I refer to

Jackendoff (1 972) and Rochette (1 990)' as their studies provide the foundation for the classification I design.

2.1.5.1 Jackendoffs (1972) Typology, Rochette (1990)

On the basis of the folIowing examples, Jackendoff (1972) argued that six major types

of adverbs can be identified in English. Rochette (1990), who accounted for adverbial

distribution in terms of selectional properties, gave a clear presentation of Jackendoff s typology.

lmiy Class I adverbs (like c u s l in (28)) and Class II adverbs (like slavly in (29)) can
occur in three distinct positions: initial, Aux, and VP-find. A semantic change distinguishes

the &st class 6om the second, insofar as a change in meaning occurs in (28), as illustrated by

(28'). Class I adverbs, illustrated in (30), occur in two positions: initial and Aux. If they D occur in clause-find position, they are always preceded by a pause, as illustrated in (30c-d). Class IV adverbs, illustrated in (3 l), occur in two positions: Awc and VP-final. Class V adverbs, ilIustrated in (321, occur only VP-finally and Class VI adverbs occur only in Aux, as

Class I (28) a. Clumsily (,) John dropped his cup of coffee. b. John clumsily dropped his cup of coffee. c. John dropped his cup of coffee clumsily. (28')

a. It was clumsy of John to drop his cup of coffee. b. The manner in which John dropped his cup of coffee is clumsy.

1 Class 1 (29) a. Slowly(,) John dropped his cup of coffee. b. John slowly dropped his cup of coffee. c. John dropped his cup of coffee slowly.

Class ll3 (30) a. Evidently George read the book. b. George evidently read the book. c.*George read the book evidently. d. George read the book, evidently. Class W (3 1) a. *Completely George read the book. b. George completely read the book. c. George read the book completely.

Class V il (32) a. *Hard John hit Bl. b.*John hard hit Bl. il c. John hit Bill hard. Class VI (33) a. *SimpIy Albert is being a fool. b. Albert is simply being a fool. c.*Albert is being a fool simply. The position of English adverbials is summarized in Table 1.

Table 1: English Adverbial Typology Class Initial Position

Aux Position

Final Position
-I-

Class I (dnterpr.) + (clumsily...) Class IT (= Interpr.) -I(slowly.. .) + Class m (evidently..) Class IV (completely...) Class V (hard.. .) Class VI (simply ...)

+
4-

+
i -

i-t-

+
-

We now t r to Capeverdean adverbials for a comparison. un

2.1.5.2 Capeverdean Creole Adverbial Typology

In Capeverdean, we iden*
that of English adverbs.

several classes of adverbs whose placement differs from

Class I adverbs such as senpri 'always' can occur sentence-initially, in Aux, and sentence-finally, as illustrated in (34). a. Senpri JoEo bebe vinhu. always Jo3o drank wine 'Jose always drank wine.' b. J o b bebe senpri vinhu4 3oZo drank aIways wine 'Jogo always drank wine.' c. Jogo bebe vinhu senpri. Joiio drank wine always 'JoZo always drank wine.'

(34)

Like the E g i h Class I adverbs, senpri yields different interpretations in (34a) and (34b). nls

T i is illustrated in (34'): hs
(34)' a. It was Jogo's habit to drink wine. b. It was wine that Joiio had always been drinking.

The sentence in (34c) is ambiguous between the other two readings. Class II adverbs like kaimamenri 'calmly' also occur sentence-initially, in Aux, and VP-finally but they display no semantic change. (35) a. Kalmamenti JoHo skuta se fidju. calmly JoZo listened his son 'Calmly Jo2o listened to his son.' b. Joiio kalmamenti s h t a se fidju. Jofo calmly iistened his son 'Jog0 calmly listened to his son.'

Note that senpri can also occur prmerbally, as shown in (i): (i) Joiio ionpri bebe winhu. Jodo always drank wine 'Jdo always drank wine.'

c. Joiio skuta se fidju kalmamenti. JoZo listened his son calmly 'JoZo Listened to his son calmly.'

The only possible interpretation is that Joiio listened to his son in a calm manner.
Class III adverbs like abertamenti 'openly' and simeramenti 'sincerely' in (36) may occur clause-finally (as in (36a)) or clause-initially (as in (36b)). However, they may not occur immediately preverbally (as in (37a)) or immediately adjacent to the TMA marker (as in (3%)). The example in (36a) is taken fiom Veiga's novel (Veiga, 1987;21). (36) a. Ben fla-rn abertamenti, ma'u ta ama-rn sinseramenti. that you ta love me sincerely come teU me openly 'Come and tell me openly that you love me sincerely.' b. Abertamenti, ben fla-m, ma sinceramenti bu ta ama-rn. openly come tell me that sincerely you ta love me 'Openly, come and tell me that sincerely you iove me.' a.*Ben abertamenti fla-m, ma'u ta ama-m sinseramenti. tell me that you ta like me sincerely come openly b.*Ben fla-rn abertamenti, ma'u sinceramenti ta ama'rn. ta love me come tell me openly , that you sincerely Class IV adverbs like konpletamertti 'completely' and totalmenti 'totally' only occur sentence-finally, as in (38a), not sentence-initially as in (38b) nor prevehally as in (38c):
(38) a. N dispreza-1 konpletamentiltotalmenti. I ignored+him/her completelyltotally 'I completeIy/totaIly despised himher.' b.*KonpIetamenti,totalmenti dispreza-I. N completely/totally I ignored+him/her c.*N konpletamenti/totalmenti dispreza-1. I completely/totally ignored+him/her

(37)

In Class V are found adverbs such as ennitanlu, 'in the meantime' that occur more
naturally in a sentence-initial position than in any other location. Entritantu is best sentenceinitially, as illustrated i (39a), and is only marginal (some speakers find it ungrammatical) n sentence-finally, as in (39b). It yields an ungrammatical sentence when preverbal, as in (39c). (39a) is taken fiom Veiga's novel (1987;20). (39) a. Entritantu, kel noti, e'sinti raiba si kabesa. in the meantime that night he felt anger his head 'n the meantime, on that night, he was mad at h m e f ' I isl. b.*/?Kel noti, e' sinti raiba si kabba entritantu. that night, he felt anger his head in the meantime c.* Kel noti, e entritantu sinti raiba se kab6a. that night, he in the meantime felt anger his head Class VI adverbs occur preferably postverbally in some dialects and possibly in final position in other dialects. They are represented here by ben 'well'.
(40)

a. JoZo xina ben se lison. Jo3o learned well his lesson 'JoZo learnt his lesson well.' b. *Ben JoZo xina se lison. well JoZo learned his lesson c. ? Jo3o xina se lison ben. 5 JoZo learned his lesson well

We use Class VI adverbs as a diagnostic for verb movement in chapter 4. The six classes of Capeverdean adverbs identified so far are represented in Table 2.

Judgments differ ~ l t regard to the position of the adverb in find position. Furthermore, it is worth noting h that ben yields an ungrammatical output when placed in a preverbaI position, as shown in (i): (i) *Joio ben xina se lison. Jo30 learnt well his lesson

Table 2 : Capeverdean Adverbial Typology Class Class I (dnterpr.) (senpri.. .) Class I (=Interpr.) I (kalrnamenti...) Class III (abertamenti...) Class IV (konpletarnenti...) Class V (entritantu...) Class VI (ben...)
Initial Position
+

Aux Position

Fnl Position ia

+
+
-

+ + +
+ +

+
-

+
-

We now turn to quantifiers.

2.1.6 The Position of Quantifiers

Quantifier Floating affects both negative quantifiers like nada, 'nothing', or ningen, 'nobody' (in constructions involving negative concord) and nonnegative like r u b 'everything'. In the following examples, the adverbial quantifier may be found clause-initially, as in (41a), clause- finally, as in (41b), postverbally, as in (42a), or preverbally, as in (46a), to mention just a few exarnpIes. (41) faze-s. those people hit+me without nothing I Neg did+them 'Those people hit me without my doing anything to them.' b. Kes djenti sota-m sen ki N ka h e - s nada. those people hit+me without that I Neg did+them nothing 'Those people hit me without my doing anything to them.'
nitda N ka

a. Kes djenti sota-m sen

(42)

a. N ka odja ningen. I Neg saw nobody 'I saw nobody.' b. Ningen N ka odja. Nobody I Neg saw 'I saw nobody.' a. Tudu N ten. everything I have 'Everything I have. ' b. N ten tudu. I have everything 'I have everything.' a. N ka faze-s nada. I Neg did+them nothing 'I did not do anything to them.' b. Nada N ka faze-s. nothing I Neg did-tthem 'Nothing did I do to them.' a. Tudu es toma desizon di txorna-bu. all them take decision of call+you 'They all made the decision to call YOU.' b. E toma tudu desizon di rxorna-bu. s all took them decision of call+you 'They all made the decision to call you.' a. E tudu ben odja-m. s they all came see+me 'They all came to see me.' b. E ben odja-m tudu. s they came seetme all 'They all came to see me.'

(43)

(44)

(45)

(46)

Note that we may get ludu es 'aII of them' (where the quantifier may have floated to the left

of the pronominal) and es tudf 'them al. l'

Kihm (1994) also pointed out examples of quantifier floating in Guinea-Bissau Creole,
as illustrated in (47) and (48).

(47)

Tudu N tene. (Guinea-Bissau Creole) everything I have 'I have everything.' (Kihm, 1994;170)

(48)

E fididu jinjirba tudu i kaba. (Guinea-Bissau CreoIe) theybetslit gums all it be-finished 'Then they all had their gums tattooed.' (Kihm, 1994;173)

2.1.7 Secondary Predicates

We discussed adjectives in chapter 1, subsection 1. I .2 and observed that there was some variation with respect to their placement and agreement patterns. Typically, an adjective occurs after the noun, as shown in (49): (49)
N ten

un kaza burmedju. I have a house red 'I have a red house.'

There are other types of constructions called secondary predicates, where adjectives may modifLan object or a subject. It is argued that adjectives modifying the object NP in secondary predicates are inside the VP. Consider (501, where the adjective modiies the complement: (50)
El [W pinta kaza burmedju] she [W painted the house red] 'She painted the house red.'

Red in (50) is a resultative expressing the result of the house being painted. Similarly, (5 1)

illustrates a secondary predicate where the adjective modifies the NP complement.

In some dialects. red is pronounced brumedjtr.

(5 1)

Es [VP kume kami km]. they [VPate meat raw] 'They eat the meat raw.'

In this case, raw modifies meat. However, the adjective in a secondary predicate does not
necessarily mod@ the complement NP;it may also m o w the subject NP,as in the following: (52) Es [Wkume karni] na gata. they ate meat drunk 'They ate the meat drunk.'

In (52), drunk modifies the subject NP.

We now turn to TMA markers.

218 ..

Tense, Mood and Aspect Markers

In this section, the various Tense, Mood, and Aspect markers as well as the various ways in which they combine are introduced. In subsection 2.1.8.1, I reintroduce the Capeverdean verbal markers (only briefly discussed in chapter I, subsection 1.2.4.1) and focus this time on their function and interaction. In subsection 2.1.8.2, I give an in-depth analysis of each marker and examine its combination patterns. In the last subsections, I refer to other scholars' studies of TMA markers: In subsection 2.1.8.3, I refer to Bickerton's previous

study of TMA markers (Bickerton, 1981, 1984), whereas subsections 2.1.8.4 and 2.1.8.4
focus on Capeverdean TMA markers and refer to studies by Silva (1985) and S w k i (1994).

We also examine some of the features that the TMA system of Guinea-Bissau shares with

Capeverdean, referring to the works of Kihm (1980) and Peck (1988), among others. In the
last part of this section, I summarize the diverse functions of Capeverdean Creole TMA

markers, which will lead me to examine their positions in the Capeverdean phrase stmcture in chapter 3.

2.1.8.1

An Introduction to the Markers Ta, Sta, -Ba, and Dja

Capeverdean Creole has two TMA markers, faand sta, which occur preverbally; a postverbal s f i -ba; and a clause-initiaklause-final particle dja. Furthermore, the bare stem of the verb assumes various knctions, depending on whether the verb is stative or nonstative, as discussed in chapter 2 , subsection 1.2.3. Here, I briefly reintroduce sta and la and point out the peculiarities of -ba and the various combinations of these morphemes.
As mentioned in chapter 1, sfais assumed to be an a d a r y verb and contrasts with

e/ser in designating temporary as opposed to permanent qualities. It may precede a verb or

introduce adjectival, nominal, and prepositional predicates. Ta, on the other hand, cannot occur alone and must always precede a verb. These two TMA markers show the following distribution: They may both occur as independent morphemes preceding the verb, as in (53a-b), or they may combine with each other in the patterns (53c) and (53d):

(53)

(a)

O>)
(c) (dl

S S S

ta v sta V sta ta V ta sta ta v

The examples in (54)-(56) illustrate this template. In (54a), ta marks habituality and is anchored in the habituaI present by the adverbial hrdu dia 'every day'. Without this adverbial, the same expression could denote fbturity and translate as 'she will buy milk', as in (54b). In (55a), sta marks a present progressive; and in this respect, it is not clear what differentiates (55a) from (55b).' Ta sia fa in (56a) anchors the action in the future progressive. Ta marks
h r i t y , whereas sta marks progressive, when preceding a verb. Note, however, the

obligatory occurrence of the two instances of la in such constructions. The sequence ta sta V is ungrammatical, as illustrated in (56b). (54)

a. El ta kunpra leti tudu dia. she TMA buy ml every day ik 'She buys milk every day.' b. El ta kunpraleti. dhe TMA buy ml ik 'She buys/will buy milk.'
a. El sta kume. she TMA eat 'She is eating.' b. El sta ta kurne. she TMA TMA eat 'She is eating.'

(55)

(56) a. El tal sta taz kume. s h e TMA TMA TMA eat 'She will be eating.' b."El ta sta kume. dhe TMA TMA eat

Siiva (1985) assumed that sta ta is more emphatic than sta. Suzuki (1994), on the other hand, believed that sta fa is the underljlng form of aa, which she betiwed to be the contraction of the two morphemes sta and ta. We renun to this issue in subsection 2.1.8.2.

Regarding the example in (56a), it is worth exploring whether or not the two instances of l a represent the same morpheme. We examine in subsection 2.1.8.2 the possibiity that ta may have started out as a single morpheme and developed into distinct morphemes in present-day Capeverdean. More precisely, tal in (56a) may be an aspecn~al marker, whereas ti72 may be an infinitival marker that has acquired a status equivalent to English to, which may a s occur lo after an Aux in a construction like He is to arrive ft&y.' Nonetheless, the combinations sta

ta and is to... yield diierent temporal interpretations, as (56) expresses the hture progressive

(and in some contexts the present progressive), whereas the English utterance expresses the immediate future.
-.

We now focus on the interplay of the markers just introduced with the anterior marker
-ba.

Holm (1988) argued that in basilectal Creoles, anterior markers indicate that the action

of the following verb took place before the reference time of the unmarked verb (Holm, 1988;
151).

Although anterior markers tend to precede the verb in Atlantic Creoles, Capeverdean seems to be an exception by having a postverbal anterior marker: -3a may be suf6xed to m i an verbs. When it suffixes to a stative verb, the utterance yields a simple past tense reading, as illustrated by (57a); whereas when it suffixes to a nonstative verb, the interpretation is pastbefore-past, as in (5%).

We see in subsection 2.1.8.2 that fa may also inuoduce a purpose clause, following Suzuki (1994).

(57)

a. El tenba febri. (simple past) she havetba fever 'She had fever.' b. El kumeba tudu katxupa. (past before past) she eat+ba all katxupa 'She had eaten all the katxupa.'

In the case where the auxiliary sta is followed by ta, as in (58)' -ba attaches to sta to
yield staba ta Vand conveys a past progressive reading. It is of note that the suf5.x -ba may cliticize to the Aux, to sta, as in (%a), or to the main verb, as in (58b). Two restrictions apply however to -ba suffixation. (59a) shows that -ba cannot be sufied to ta; yet (59b) shows that suflixation to the verb sta is not productive in the absence of ta: (58) a. El staba ta kume kuandu N txiga. she TMA+ba TMA eat when I a ~ v e d 'She was eating when I amved.' b. El sta ta kurneba kuandu N txiga. she TMA TMA eat-tba when I arrived 'She was eating when I arrived.' ta kume kuandu N txiga. a. *El taba she M + b a TMA eat when I arrived b. *El staba kume kuandu N txiga. she TMA+ba eat when I arrived

(59)

When the postverbal suffix -ba occurs in the presence of to and a main verb, it is sufiixed to

the verb, whether the latter is nonstative, as in (60a) or stative, as in (60b), to yield a past
tense conditional reading. Note that -ba can never be s e e d to la, as is illustrated by the

(60)

a. El ta kumeba tudu katxupa. she TMA eat+ba all katxupa ' S h e would have eaten all the katxupa.'

b. El ta tenba febri. s h e TMA havetba fever 'She would have had fever.' c. *El taba kume tudu katxupa. s h e TMA+ba eat all katxupa The following generalization emerges from constructions combining TMA markers: -Ba may be suExed to the main verb or to the Aux sta. Two main restrictions apply to this productive suffixation. F s , i t when -ba is sufEixed to sta (instead of to the main verb), the presence of ta is required. The second restriction is that -ba never sufies to fa. -Ba sufiation gives rise to the following template: (61) a.S
b. S

c. S d. S

V-ba ta V-ba sta-ba ta V sta ta V-ba

In terms of the origin and use of -ba, there are three positions that Creolists have taken. Almada (196 1;116) suggested that the marker -ba is derived fiom the Portuguese inflection -va, which is used to express the imperfect indicative of first conjugation verbs, as shown in (62).
(62)

Eu falava sempre corn os meus pais. (Portuguese) I talk+va always wt Det. my parentes ih 'I always talked to my parents.'

On the other hand, Bickerton (1981;81) assumed that -ba is derived fiom the completive marker kaba , present in a number of Creoles, and would be itself derived from Portuguese

acabar 'to finish'. Finally, there are those supporting a Guinean origin for -ba. Following

Rouge (1986;24), Peck (1988;33 1) argued that -ba may be descended from African languages such as Manjak, Mankan, Diola, Mandinka, and Bambara. Indeed, these languages mark the

perfect aspect with morphemes bearing some phonological resemblance to -ba: -ba in Manjak
and Mankan, ban in Diola, and ka ban in M a n d i . Observe the folIowing example fiom Bambara, in Peck (1988;333): (63)
A ye na tobi ka ban. (Bambara) he Past sauce cook and finish 'He has already cooked the sauce.' (from Holm, 1986;263)

Peck (1988; 332) observed that fiorn a semantic point of view, -ba is much more similar to the Afiican forms that mark completion of the event than it is to the Portuguese -va, which expresses imperfect indicative. Beside the semantic parallel, there is aIso a syntactic similarity

in the distribution of substrate morphemes like kabmz and -ba in Guinea-Bissau Creole.
Indeed, Peck reported constructions in Guinea-Bissau Creole where ba may occur as an unbound morpheme,as in (64)' thus suggesting that a substratum influence may have played a role i the development of ba. n
(64)

Onti ba n oja'l. yesterday ANT I saw him 'Yesterday, I saw him'

(Guinea-Bissau Creole)

Constructions like (64) that indicate an African influence, and the productive suflixation of

ba to the verb stem following the Portuguese pattern of -va, led Peck to assume that ba has
been influenced by both Portuguese and scan substrata.

Regarding the temporal interpretations of -ba, Suzuki (1994; noted that the notion 16)

of anterior tense conveyed by the suflixation of -ba is similar to that of the relative past tense
in Comrie (1976). Comrie dehed a relative tense as one "here
the reference point for

location of a situation is some point in time given by the context, not necessarily the present

moment" (Comrie, 1976;56). Under this notion, the relative past tense is interpreted as
referring to some point in time before a reference point provided by the context. Let us now turn to the last TMA marker we consider in this subsection: dja. Dja was
first labeled a completive marker in Silva (1985).'

When the subject is a full noun phrase, dja obligatorily follows the subject and precedes the verb, as in (65). However, when the subject is a pronoun, dja is obligatorily found in a clause-initial position, as in (66).
(65)

a. Jolo dja bai. Jogo aiready left 'Jog0 already left.' b. *Dja Jo2o bai. already JoZo went a. Dj' e bai. l already she went 'She already went .' b. *El dja bai. s/he already went

(66)

Other functions of @a as well as its interaction with other markers are explored in subsections

We show in subsection 2.1.8.2 (follo\~ing Suzuki, 1991) that djo not only marks completion but could be more accurately poruayed as a perfect marker.

After this brief introduction to Capeverdean TMA markers, we are now ready for an in-depth analysis of each individual marker and its combination patterns. In the next subsections, we take a carebI look at the behavior and nature of the preverbal markers ta and
sta, the postverbal marker -ba, and the marker dja.

2.1.8.2 The Various Verbal Forms: The Individual: Cases

Ta
As first observed by Silva (1985), ta is a nonpast marker and can be interpreted as -.

present or &re,

depending on the context. In the present, i expresses habituality and a

iterativity. Silva noted that fa can combine with verbs to express timeless truths; simple present; and habitual, iterative, h r e , and conditional events.

Ta can express general truths, as in proverbs. This is illustrated in (67):

(67)

Saku baziu ca ta saque. bag empty not TMA stand

'An empty bag doesn't stand u.' (Silva, 1985;147) p"

As first noted by Suzuki (1994), this use of ta can be subsumed under habitual aspect. She

referred to Lyons' (1977;681) observation that habitual aspect is appropriate for expressions

of general truths because "our belief in the validity of some general truth may be based upon
our knowledge of what is usually the case."

Ta can also be used to express simple present, as shown in (68).

'O

The meaning of this proverb is that if one is hungry, one cannot stand up.

(68)

Djenti ta kume sabi na es sidadi. people TMA eat well in this city 'People eat weU in this city.' Another finction of ta is to indicate habitual aspect. Comrie (1976, in Suzuki, 1994)

argued that habitual aspect is a subcase of imperfivity and defined it as describing "a situation which is characteristic of an extended period of time, so extended in fact that the situation referred to is viewed not as an incidental property of the moment but, precisely as a characteristic feature of the whole period" (Cornrie, 1976;27-28, in Suzuki, 1994;29): Indicating habitual aspect, ta is not sensitive to stativity; it can co-occur with stative verbs, as in (69), as well as nonstative verbs, as in (70):
(69) Nha rnininu ta konprende tudu ki djenti ta fra-1. my child TMA understands a11 that people TMA say+hirn 'My child understands everything that people say to h m ' i.

(70)

El ta kume tudu. she TMA eat all 'She eats everything.'

According to Silva (1990;149), the occurrence of ta is optional for verbs likegosta 'to like', as in (71); sentences with and without ta have the same interpretation (n Suzuki, i

(71)

a. Pedro ta gosta di Eliza. Pedro TMA like of Eliza 'Pedro likes Eliza.' b. Pedro gosta di E l k . Pedro likes of Eliza 'Pedro likes Eliza.'

However, in the following examples, there is a slight difference between the (a) and the (b) examples: (72)

a. Povu gosta di demokrasia.

peopIe like of democracy 'The people like democracy.' b. Povu ta gosta di demokrasia. peopIe TMA like of demokrasia 'The people like democracy.'

(73)

a. Povu ka gosta di pobreza. people Neg like of poverty 'The people do not like poverty.' b. POVU ka ta gosta di pobreza. people Neg TMA like of poverty 'The people do not like poverty.' a. N gosta di Eliza ma N ka gosta di Brito. I like of EIiza but I Neg like of Brito 'I like Eliza but I do not like Brito.' b. N ta gosta di Eliza ma N ka ta gosta di Brito. I TMA like of Eliza but I Neg TMA like of Brito 'I like E l k but I do not like Brito.'

(74)

The (a) examples seem to be more generic in interpretation, whereas it would seem that the time lapse characterized by the (b) examples is more restricted. Besides forming the present habitual, l can combine with the marker -ba to yield the a progressive habitual in the past, as in (75): (75) Nha mai ta kantaba kuandu N staba ta durrni. my mother TMA sing when I Auxiba TMA sleep 'My mother used to sing when I was sleeping.'

Silva (1985;1990) first noted that ta can also refer to an iterative event. Consider (76):

(76)

N ta txoma nha mai tudu summa. I TMA call my mother every week 'I call my mother every week.'
She distinguished between (77) and (78) as representing progressive iterative and

progressive habitual, respectiveIy. Note that the progressive iterative interpretation in (77) derives from the time reference of the adverbial tudu bez 'every time'. Similarly, the progressive habitual reading of (78) derives fiom the time reference of the adverbial semprz 'always'. Hence, the semantic differencebetween the two utterances derives fiom the adverbials. (77) El ta sta ta cometudo bez qu' m ba la. she TMA TMA TMA eat every t h e that I go there 'She is eating every time I go there.' (SiIva, 1990;154)
EI ta sta ta come sempri qu'm ba la. she TMA TMA TMA eat always that I go there 'She is (usually) eating when I go there.' (Silva, 1990;154)

(78)

However, as observed by Suzuki (1994;55), iterative meaning is subsumed under habituai

meaning, and thus progressive iterative is subsumed under the progressive habitual.

Ta may also refer to fbture events. Indeed, in addition to marking habitual aspect, ta
may express future situations, as illustrated in the following:
(79)

N ta manda-bu karta tudu mes. I TMA send+you letters every month 'I'U send you letters every month.'

Ta may also be used in conditional situations. Indeed, ta can denote hypothetical situations in conditional sentences when the verb is followed by -baywith nonstative verbs illustrated in (80) and stative verbs in (81):
(80)

Tiago ta kumeba tudu, si bu dixaba el ketu. Tiago TMA eat+ba all if you leavei-ba him quiet 'Tiago would have eaten everything, if you had left him alone.' Valeria ta staba na kaza, si bu txomaba el prirneru. Valeria TMA was in house if you call+ba her fist 'Valeria would have been at home, if you had cded her first.'
As noted in Suzuki (1994;50), another hnction of ta is to express purpose. Indeed, ta

(81)

occurs in purposive clauses where continuation of a situation is expressed:

(82)

Nu t a ~ po Ienha berd' na lume taz faze hmo inquanto nu ta3 come. we TMA put wood edge of fire TMA make smoke while we TMA eat 'We will put green wood on the fire to make smoke while we are eating.' (Parsons, 1923; 213-2 14, in Suzuki, 1994;50)

Sutuki observed that the hnction of ta2is to express not only purpose but also continuation.
Usually, purpose clauses are introduced by pa." In this respect, the example in (82) makes it clear that, as I suggested in section 2.1.8.1, there are several morphemes realized phonetically as ta in the Capeverdean language. Ta, conveys futurity whereas taz expresses purpose and continuation and tu3 may be closer to an infinitive marker like English to. Indeed, ta in nu ta
kume may be the same f that is found in constructions like nu sta ta kume. a

The last fbnction of ta, captured by Suzuki (1994) is that of a mood marker.

" The purposive b c t i o n

of pa is expressed in (i):

Suzuki (1994;39, footnote 27) first noted that ta may be a modal marker, in the light of Barlavento sentences like the following, where -ba does not occur with la in the apodosis:
(83)

S'el era bon kriyadu, el ta se de lum pa el. if she was good maid, she TMA light up fire f r him o 'Ifshe were a good maid, she would light up the fie for him.' (Ferraz & Valkhoff, 1975;29 in Suuki, 1994;3 8)

Given that -ba does not occur in the apodosis in (83), Suzuki inferred that ta is expressing modal remoteness in the same way as does would in English. Hence, in addition to expressing
h r i t y , ta can express modal meanings.

a Suzuki observed, furthermore, that the function of f is similar to that of the irrealis

marker in other Creole languages. Holm (1988) defined the irrealis marker of Creole languages as follows (in Suzuki, 1994;41):
The irrealis marker indicates that the action of the following verb is not Qet) a part of reality. Used alone, it approximates in meaning the future tense of the European superstrate languages... Used in combination w t the anterior marker, the irrealis ih marker can impart the idea of European conditional or subjunctive constructions. (Holm, 1988;164).

Recall, however, that ta can also indicate habitual aspect, as illustrated in example

One could then conclude that ta can function as an aspectud marker as well as a modal marker. Suzuki noted that it is also possible to subsume habitual meaning under a mood. Cornrie defined irredis to include habituality and stated;
Realis refers to situations that have actually taken place or are actually taking place, while irrealis is used for more hypothetical situations, including situations that represent inductive generalizations and also predictions, including also predictions about the future. (Cornrie, 1985;45)

~uzuki (1994;42) noted that under Cornrie's definition, habitual meaning can be subsumed
under the healis mood. It then seems reasonable to assume that ta in Capeverdean indicates the h e a l i s mood in Comrie's sense, which is used not only for h r e and hypothetical

meanings but also for habitual meaning.

Given the preceding observations, we may argue, following Suzuki (1994;45) that it is possible to call la in Capeverdean a mood marker.

Sta

-.

As already discussed, sta is an auxiliary verb meaning to be. It may occur in isolation or combine with verbal forms to mark the continuous progressive aspect. When it occurs in isolation, sta hnctions as a copula expressing temporary properties:
(84)

Joiio sta duenti. JoSio Cop sick 'Joiio is sick.'

Sta may also fknction

as a preverbal marker indicating progressive aspect, as illustrated in

(85):

(85)

Pamodi bu sta txora? why you Aux cry 'Why are you crying?'

Progressive aspect is defined as the combination of progressive meaning and nonstative meaning (Comrie, 1976;35, in Suzuki (1994)). In other words, progressive aspect refers to a

dynamic situation in progress, and thus it is incompatible with stativity. As predicted, sta cannot occur with stative verbs (Silva, 1985;1990).
(86)

* El

sta tene fome. s h e Aux have hunger ' S h e is hungry.'

Suzuki (1994;19) made a dear-cut distinction between continuous aspect and progressive

aspect by referring to Comrie's following dejinition. According to Comrie (1976:24-40), continuous aspect is a subdivision of imperfective aspect, which is defhed as making an explicit reference to the internal temporal structure of a situation, so that the situation is viewed fiom within. The other subdivision of imperfective aspect is habitual aspect, which refers to a characteristic feature of an extended period of time. Thus, continuous aspect involves imperfectivity not characterized by habituality. In addition, continuous aspect includes both progressive and nonprogressive aspect. Although progressive aspect is incompatible with stativity, nonprogressive aspect is compatible with stativity because it does not exclude stative meaning.
Sta can combine with ta to indicate progressive aspect, l2 as shown in (87):

(87)

Kudadu, el sta ta dismaia. Careful she TMA TMA faint 'Careful, she is fainting.'

(i) Bu ten k ler pa xim. i you have that read to learn ' o have to read in order to learn.' Yu
l2 A discussed in Silva (1985) and Suzuki (1994). the cluster sra r may be realized as lsta tal, lsa ta/, Ita t l S o a, or /ti ta/, and the Ianer h.0 form occur more often in the Barlavento dialect.

At this point, it is worth dwelling on the nature of the cluster sla la. Here, I present Silva's

and Suzuki's analysis of this cluster, and I propose an alternative approach. Consider (88):
(88)

N sta

ta kurne. I TMA TMA eat 'I am eating.'

Silva (1990) cIaimed that the meaning of sta la is different from that of sta. She explained the difference as follows:
Sta ra is the combination of the continuous aspect and fhe habiWiterative aspect. But it is very simiIar to sta in meaning; it is frequently used to describe or report events taking place at the moment of utterance. Even more so than witb sta alone, there is a pronounced notion of continuitylprogression. (Silva, 1990;153)

In Silva's analysis, sta fa and sta dSer in their degrees of emphasis on continuity of
progression. If this is a systematic difference between them, then one would expect that it would also hold when they are combined with the anterior marker -ba. There is, however, an asymmetric constmction in the past in which the anterior form of sta, staba, cannot occur alone to indicate past progressive meaning. In order to express this meaning, staba must be followed by ta, forming stuba la, in contrast to the case in the present where ta is optional. Consider the following examples:
(89)

a. El sta kume. he is eating 'He is eating.'

b. E sta I
ta kume. he TMA TMA eat 'He is eating.'

(90)

a. El staba ta kume. el TMA+ba TMA eat 'He was eating.' b.*El staba kume. el TMA+ba eat

Based on these facts, we have good grounds to believe that sto and sta ta are not two sides of the same coin. Let us now turn to Suzuki's analysis. Suzuki (1994;25) assumed that the progressive sta is a phonological variant of sta fa, formed by the reduction of /sta ta/ to /sa ta/ and to /sta/- She followed Almada (1961;112), who suggested that in the Sotavento dialect, /s/in /sta/ results from /sa/ in /sa ta/ being reduced and becoming proclitic, reflecting the reduced form of the verbal auxiliary sta. According to Suzuki, the absence in (90) of the anterior form of the progressive sta may be
due to the fact that the reduction does not take place when -ba intervenes, as in /staba td,

under the assumption that /sta ta/ is the underlying form of the marker of progressive aspect. In addition, the presumed notional difference between stu and stu ra may be due to the fact that the full form may be preferred in contexts where a special emphasis on continuation or progression is to be expressed. To summarize Silva's and Suzuki's interpretation of sla la, Silva asserted that sta fa is more emphatic than sta, whereas Suzuki claimed that sta ia is a phonological variant of sta, upon cliticization of ta to sta. There is, however, a problematic implication to Suzuki's analysis. Tfstawere indeed a
reduced form of sm ta, we wouId expect that sta ta would form a constituent. However, as

illustrated in the example in (91), it is possible for an adverbial like senpri to intervene between sta and l : a

(91)

El ta sta senpri ta kume. he TMA TMA always TMA eat 'He's always eating.'

This would support the view that we are dealing with two different kinds of f . As illustrated a

i (92)' fa, n forms a constituent with s a and no adverbial may intervene between the two t,
elements in (92b); but sta does not form a constituent with fat in (92c), and intervening elements may occur.
(92)

a. El tal sta tal kume. s h e TMA TMA TMA eat 'She will be eating.' b. *El tal senpri sta ta2 kume. slhe TMA always TMA TMA eat c. El tal sta senpri ta2 kume. she TMA TMA always TMA eat 'She is always eating.'

To summarize this state of affairs, there are two kinds of la. One la is a TMA marker expressing aspect (futurity or habituality), as shown in (93); and the other ra is a TMA marker
that has become an infinitival marker, as in (94) and (95):
(93)

N ta kume. I TMA eat 'I will eat' or 'I usually eat.'

(94)

E sta ta l

kume. s/he TMA TMA eat 'She is eating.'

(95)

N atxa-1 ta kume. I found+him TMA eat 'I found h m eating.' i

In contrast, Suzuki (1 994;46) assumed that sta in sta ta, as in (94), is a finite auxiliary and
combines with ta to represent the f i t e form of the progressive. She reasoned that ta is like a bound morpheme (a prefix) that cannot stand alone in a verb or auxiliary position and that by virtue of this feature, ta must be prefjxed to a fmite verbal element in a finite sentence.

I would argue that the instances of ta in (94) and (95) are inthitival markers corresponding
roughly to English 10,whereas ta in (93) is an aspect/mood marker. We now turn to the temporal interpretation of the tripartite cluster ta sta fa. Although sta ta represents continuity/progression, ta sla ta represents a type of progressive iterative, progressive habitual, or &re
(96)

progressive, depending on the context.

El ta sta ta kume tudu bes ki N ba la. (Progressive iteration) she TMA TMA TMA eat all time that I go there 'She is dways eating when I go there.'

(97)

El ta sta ta kume senpri ki N ba la. (Progressive habitual) s h e TMA TMA TMA eat always that I go there ' S h e i always eating when I go there.' s

(98)

0 ki N ba la rnanhan, el ta sta ta kume.(Future progressive) when that+I go there tomorrow, she TMA TMA TMA eat 'When I go there tomorrow, she will be eating.'

In this respect, it is important to emphasize that each aspectud interpretation is derived from
the time reference of the adverbial being used.
Sta can also combine with stative verbs. Comrie (1 976;36, in Suzuki, 1994;21) found

that some stative verbs can appear in their progressive form. The verbs sabe 'to know' and
parse 'to seem' take s a to indicate that the state is not stable. r
(99)

Cada dia el sta sabe mas tcheu. each day s h e TMA know more much 'Every day, s h e knows a little more.' (Silva, 1985;149)

Comrie claimed that in such a case, verbs are often used nonstatively. In (99),the stative verb
i with s a refers not to a state but to a developing process, whose individual phases are

essentially dserent Eom one another. Comrie argued that the stative meaning does not survive in these examples and that the occurrence of these stative verbs with sta is due to their nonstative use. I would point out, however, that in English sentences such as (100) and (101), there is nothing nonstative about the meaning of like or know. (100) I am liking this more and more. (101) I find myself knowing the answers to all my problems more and more. The use of the progressive form signals that the repetitive realizations form a continuum."
Sta ta can combine with the anterior marker -ba to indicate past progressive aspect

(Suzuki, 1994;24):
( 102) Quant' ele chiga, e's stab

ta ba'sinta na mensa. (Santiago) when he arrive, they TMA+Ant TMA go sit in table 'When he arrived, they were sitting [going to sit] down to the table.' (Parsons, 1923;2 13-2 14)

Nonstative verbs may take s h to express the future. (103) Saudo, n sta faze un badjinhu. Saturday, I Asp do a little dance 'Saturday, I'll throw a little dance.' (Macedo, 2 979, in Silva, 1985;152)

l3

I thank Susumu Kuno (personal communication) for this observation.

Sta may combine with different verbs and, depending on that verb, yields different

meanings (Suzuki, 1994;18).

In (104), the &form indicates a temporal state.

(104) Tern un mes

vinti dola. have a month that I TMA owe+him 20 dollars ' have been owing him 20 dollars for a month.' I

k N sta debe'l i

(temporal state)

(Silva, 1985;149-15 1)

Note that a similar use of the progressive is found in English. Progressive forms of stative

verbs may refer to a temporruy state, as in (105b), that contrasts with the steady state
described by nonprogressive forms,as in (105a). (105) a. I live in a studio apartment. (steady state) b. I am living in a studio apartment. (temporary state) Likewise, the verbs conshe 'to know', and parse 'to seem' take sta to indicate limited duration of the state or of the process leading to the state. (106) Bu ca sta conche'n? you Neg TMA know+me 'You are not recognizing me?' (Silva, 1985;150) Verbs of inert cognition may take sta in situations where mental activity is implied:
(107) N sta 'ntende tudo cusa que bo sta fia'm. (inert perception) I TMA understand everything that you TMA tell+me 'I understand everything that you are telling me.' (Silva, 1985; 150)

Verbs of inert perception may also take sta in situations where there is active perception:

(108) N sta sinti friu. I Aux feel cold 'I feel cold.' (Silva, 1985;151)

Comrie (1976;35, Suuki, 1994) pointed out that in Portuguese, progressive fonns of inert in perception verbs are perfectly acceptable; and he claimed that in a given language, such verbs

can be either stative or nonstative because it is possibIe to view seeing and hearing, for
instance, as either states or nonstates (dynamic situations). Thus it is possible to assume that verbs of inert perception are nonstative verbs indicating dynamic situations (n Suzuki, 1994). i The same situation obtains in Capeverdean, as illustrated in ( 0 ) 19: obi vos. (109) N sta I TMA hear voices 'I am hearing voices.' We now turn to Capeverdean anterior tense marker -ba, only postverbal TMA marker in the Capeverdean.

As already discussed, -ba designates anteriority of states and actions. With stative

verbs, it usually indicates simple past; and with nonstative verbs, past before past.
(1 10) illustrates -ba with stative verbs.

(1 10) N tenba febri. I had fever 'I had fever.'

(simple past)

(1 1 I) illustrates -bawith nonstative verbs.

(111) N kumeba tudu katxupa kuandu e'parse. (past-before-past) I eat+ba all katxupa when he appeared 'I had eaten all the katxupa when he showed up.'
The co-occurrence of -ba with various other markers signals a range of tense-aspect

combinations. As previously stated, ta designates both present habitual and fbture (and does

hn not occur by itself with verbs in the past). W e la combines with a verb followed by the past
marker -ba, the result is a past habitual, as in (112), or a past conditional, as in (113). (1 12) Nha Avo ta daba mi senpri dinheru. (past habitual) my grandma TMA givetba me always money 'My grandma used to give me money.' kumeba tudu si bu dixaba el ketu. (past conditional) (1 13) Tiago ta Tiago TMA eat+ba all if you leave+ba hm quiet i 'Tiago would have eaten everything if you had left him alone.'
Sta+taba (-ba can also be aflixed to sia rather than to the main verb) expresses the

past continuous. (1 14) El sta ta durmiba kuandu N txoma-I. he TMA TMA sleep+ba when I called+him 'He was sleeping when I called him up.' (past continuous)

Finally, ta sfabata combines the habitual, continuous, and anterior markers to yield a
past habitual progressive, as in (1 1 9 , or past conditional, as in (116).

(1 15) Tudu djenti ta dixaba ele keto quanto ele ta staba ta come. all people Asp left h m quiet when he Asp was Asp eat i 'Everyone would leave h m alone when he was eating.' bast habitual progressive) i (Silva, 1985)

(116) Migel ta staba ta dunni, si bu dixaba el ketu. Migel TMA TMA+ba TMA deep if you let+ba him alone 'Migel would be sleeping if you had left him alone.'

Let us now turn to the marker dja.

Dja
As already noted in subsection 2.1.8.1, the position of the completive marker dja
involves an interesting contrast between pronominals and 11I M s . Indeed, the pronominal may postcliticize to the completive marker (as shown in (1 1gal), whereas the full NP cannot occur in the same position (as in (11%)). The full NP can occur only before the completive marker (n (1 17a)). i

(1 17) a. JoHo dja mata Paulo. Joao dja kill Paulo 'JoZo has killed Paulo. ' b. *Dja JoZo mata PauIo. dja JoZo kill Paulo (118) a. Dj'el mata Paulo. dja he kill Paulo 'He killed Paulo.' b. *El dja mata Paulo. he dja kill Paulo It may, in addition, occur in a clause-final position with both fill NPs and pronominals, as in

(1 19).

bai dja. (1 19) a. Jo8o dja Jog0 already left already 'Jo8o already left. '

b. Dj' e1 bai dja. already she left already %/healready left.'

Dja may combine with the particles sta, as in (120), and -ba,as in (121); but it cannot
co-occur with to alone, as illustrated in (122).
(120) JoEo sta

kume dja. Jog0 TMA eat TMA 'Joiio is already eating.'

JoZo dja kumeba. Joao TMA kumetba 'JoZio already ate.' she Asp eat

(121)

(122) *El ta kurne dja.

already

It may also combine with a11 combinations of TMA markers to yield tenses like the past progressive form, as ilIustrated in (1 23).
(123) El
staba ta kume dja. she Aux+ba TMA eat already 'She was already eating.'

As already stated, one of the functions of dja is to mark completion (Silva, 1985;1990), as illustrated in the following sentence.

(124) Joiio dja

bai. Joiio already left 'JoHo already lefi.'

Silva defined the notion of completive, contrasting it with perfective in the following terms:

The dficulty involved in delineating the exact semantic ranges ofthe completive and p e r f i e lies in the fact that both categories deal with some past state or action whose relevance is felt to be operative in present time or at a particular moment in the past. But in addition, the completive places emphasis on the completion or termination of the action or state under discussion, not simply on its occurrence in the past (SiIva, 1985;232, in Suzuki, 1994;62)

S w k i pointed out a terminological problem in Silva's defition. What Silva distinguished

fiom the completive is not the perfective but the perfect, in Comrie's sense. According to Comrie (1976:16)' "perFectivity indicates the view of a situation as a single analyzable whole, without distinction of the various separate phases that make up the situation."

Suzuki noted that under Silva's definition, the completive is a subcategory of the
perfect (theperfective, in her tenns). Suzuki pointed-outthat ''the completive shares the basic
meaning with the perfect, namely continuing relevance of a past situation, but it also has an

additional meaning, which Silva states as 'emphasis' on the completion or termination of the action or state under discussion, not simply on its occurrence in the past" (Suzuki, 1994;6364). This is the distinctive meaning of the completive, distinguishing it ?om the perfect. The

completive not only requires a past situation to be compIeted but also emphasizes its completion. However, Suzuki noted that in some of the examples mentioned in Silva's work, the situation described by the verb is not always completed. Observe (125): (125) Xobinho fia'l, ja tem tres dia qui'm ca come nada Xobinho say-him Co have 3 day that I not eat nothing 'Xobinho toId him., it has been three days (already) since I've eaten anythmg.' (Parsons, 1923)

Further support for the proposaI that dja indicates the perfect comes from the fact that it can co-occur with the progressive marker sta ta (Suzuki, 1994;65). Silva (1985) noted that dja combines with sta-@a)ta to designate ingressive meaning.
(126) Dja nhos sa ta ntende cumpanhero midjor? (Sotavento) Co you TMA TMA understand one-another better 'Are you beginning to understand one another better?' (Silva, 1985;178)

In (126), sta ta indicates that understanding is an ongoing process (dynamic situation) that has not been completed at the moment of speaking. The continuing relevance of the incomplete situation is indicated. Given this observation, it is reas~irable conclude that dja does not necessarily to involve completion of a past situation and is therefore not a completive marker in Silva's sense (Suzuki, 1994;65). For this reason, it would be more accurate, following Suzuki, to label dja

a perfect marker. Furthermore, Suzuki (1994) noted that there are cases where 4 a shows
futurity. Consider the following example:

(127) Mi jen bay, adewz, parno Tey, jel soma. me already+I go, good bye, because Tey, dja+he arrived 'I am gone, good bye, because Tey, he just arrived.' (Meintel, 1975;247-256) The preceding sentence refers to a h r e situation. Suzuki observed that this situation is similar to situations of prospective aspect, in C o d e ' s (1976) sense.I4

l4 According to C o d e (1976; 61,in Suzuki, 1994;72), prospective aspect relates a state to some subsequent situation; more precisely, it is used when someone is in a state of being about to do something.

In the next section, I introduce Bickerton's classical TMA system and emphasize,

following Silva (1985;1990), the ways in which the Capeverdean system differs from the classical system.

2.1.8.3 Bickerton' s (1975) Classical TMA System

Bickerton (1975) divided the Creole verbal system into two categories: the realis and the irrealis. The realis refers to situations and events that have happened or are happening; hence, it encompasses the past tense and the present tense. The irrealis, in contrast, refers to situations and events that have not actually happened yet; hence, it encompasses the future
and the conditional. Based on the Guyanese verbal system, Bickerton inferred that in Creole

languages, a nonpunctual marker (Guyanese a) can express both continuative and iterative aspect; and he also drew the generalization that dl TMA markers are preverbal. Furthermore,

he was the first to observe that in the absence of TMA markers, the bare stem form of the
verb expresses the simple past of nonstative verbs and the present for stative verbs. However, Silva's (1985; 1990) pioneering work on the Capeverdean TMA system showed that Capeverdean does not display all of the features described in Bickerton's model. This is the topic of the next subsection.

2.1.8.4 Silva's (1985;1990) Analysis of Tense and Aspect in Capeverdean

Silva (1985;1990) showed that Capeverdean diverges fiom Bickerton's classicaI

system in two major ways. First, the anterior marker is sufied to the verb stem. Second, in
Bickerton's system, the nonpunctual marker incorporates both the progressive and the durative; but in Capeverdean, the iterativehabitual la appears to have merged with either punctuals or irrealis, leaving the nonpunctual category to consist only of progressive/dwative
sta. Furthermore, the cornpietive marker dja is used productively.

As heady discussed, Creole verbs fall into two categories: stative and nonstative

verbs. In this respect, Silva defined a stative verb as being [-imperative] and [-controllable].
The feature [+/- controllability] refers to the ability of the subject to exert control over the

verb. The stativehonstative distinction is crucial in an analysis of the behavior of the verbs listed in Table 3 (Silva, 1985;243).

Table 3 Stative and Nonstative Verbs in Capeverdean Verbs Group I tern 'have' tene 'have' sta 'be' dser 'be'
Imperative Control
sta pa

Past

sta

Group 11 sabe 'know' parse 'resemble' cre 'want' ere tcheu 'like much' conche 'recognize' debe 'owe' gosta 'like' Group III credita 'believe' squice 'forget' spera 'wait' obi' hear' odja 'see' tchera 'smell' morre 'die' vive 'live' cria 'grow' Group IV tchiga 'arrive' muda 'change abri 'open' salta 'jump' traze 'bring' bebe 'drink' entra 'enter' Imperative Control Past sta

. -

+ + + + + + + +
f

+
+ + + + + +
4-

+ + + + +

-t

The verbs in Groups I, II,and N of Table 3 c o d h Bickerton's statement regarding the interpretation of stative and nonstative unmarked verbal forms: Verbs in Groups I and I are [I imperative] and [-controllable], according to the present dehition of stative verbs. The zero form of these verbs is also interpreted as nonpast. The verbs in Group I are the only ones that

behave according to the standard definition of stative verbs. That is, they do not enter into a
construction with aa. The verbs in Group D may enter into such a construction, as illustrated in (128) and (129):
(128) Cada dia el sta sabe mas tcheu. everyday he TMA know more more 'Everyday, he knows more and more.' (Silva, 1985;149)
(129) Bu sta parse kada dia mas duenti. you TMA seem each day more sick

'You are looking sicker everyday.' Silva (1985;149) justified the use of stn with verbs like sabe 'to know' in (128) by claiming that this indicates that the state is not stable or is not completely achieved. With respect to examples like (129), she asserted that sta withparse 'to seem' indicates limited duration of the state or of the process leading to the state. The verbs in Group I ' are nonstatives, being [+imperative] and [+controllable]; and their zero form is interpreted as past. The problematic group is Group I .Silva claimed that the verbs in Group III are aIso D stative verbs, as they are [-imperative] and [-controllable]. The bare forms of these same verbs are also [+past] , hence would not be considered statives by Bickerton's definition. Recall that Bickerton stated that the bare form of statives expresses the present tense, whereas

the bare form of nonstative verbs express past tense. Silva (1985; 144) claimed that Group I D
verbs are stative verbs (they are [-imperative] and [-controllable 1)'' that behave Like nonstatives for the following reasons: They may combine with the auxiliary sta to yield a progressive reading and their bare s e yields a past tense reading, as in the case of nonstative tm verbs. The examples in (130) and (13 1) illustrate the behavior of four verbs in Group III: kria 'to raise/to grow' in (130a), skise 'to forget' in (130b)' spera 'to wait for' in (13 la), and
kredita 'to believe' in (13 1b).
10' The past tense interpretation of the bare stem is illustrated in ( 3 ) whereas the

examples in (13 1) show that these verbs may be combined with the progressive marker sta. (130) a. Eliza kria tudu se fidju el so. Eliza raised ail her children alone 'Eliza raised all her children alone.' b. JoIo skise se dinheru na kaza. Jofo forgot his money at home 'Jo8o forgot his money at home.' (131) a. N sta spera bu pai. I TMA wait your father 'I am waiting for your father.' b. El sta ta kredita tudu ki bu ta ka-1. she TMA TMA believe aII that you TMA say+her 'She is believing everything that you tell her.'

Silva acknowledged (1985; 144) that verbs like credita 'to believe', squice 'to forget', and cai 'to fall' m y be [+imperative]. Consider the esample in (i): (i) Ka bu kredita tudu kuza k kel omi ta i fra-bu. Neg you believe all thing that that man TMA tell+you 'Do not believe aferytfungthat that man tells you.'

Here, I argue that these verbs behave like nonstative verbs simply because they are nonstative verbs; in addition, contra Silva's claim that they are [-imperative] and [-controllable], these

verbs occur very naturally in imperative sentences, as ilIustrated in (132), (133), and (134).
(132) Obi kel bamdju! listen that noise 'Listen to that noise.' (133) Skise bu problema, ben kume ku mi. forget your problem, come eat with me 'Forget your problem, come eat with me.' (134) Txera es purfbnu fianses. El ta txera sabi. smell this perfiune French. It TMA smeU good 'Smell this French perfbme. It smells good.'

I I These examples suggest that Group J verbs are more nonstative than stative, a view shared
by Suzuki (1994).

I have shown throughout this section how Suzuki's analysis of Capeverdean TMA
markers brought new insights to that of Silva. Her rehement of Silva' s basic concepts helped to resoIve some of the problems that Silva's analysis faced. That refinement bears on a number of points (a redefinition of the fbnctions of dja and ta, among others) and particularly on the notions of stativity and nonstativity. In the next subsection, I show how Suuki revisited the notions of stativity and nonstativity to account for the behavior of Group

II verbs, which Silva classified as statives. I

2.1.8.5

Suzuki (1994): Stativity and Nonstativity Revisited

As already discussed, Sifva defined as stative verbs those verbs that "cannot occur as

an imperative and over which the subject of the verb cannot exert control" (Silva,1990;146).
According to this criterion for stativity, the verbs in Group I, Group I ,and Group IIt are I stative verbs; and those in Group IV are nonstative. Recall that Group III verbs in Table 3 were considered stative by Silva although their bare stem form yields a past interpretation and these verbs may be preceded by sta. Silva attributed the ambiguous status of Group III verbs Like credita 'to believe', spera 'to wait for', move 'to die', andpiora 'to get worse', to the fact that these verbs may express a situation whose starting point reflects an event that results

in the state (Silva, 1990;149).

As noted by Suuki (1994;7), Silva's dehition of stative verbs does not capture

accurately the semantic characteristics of states in contrast to dynamic situations. Susuki used Cornrie's and Lyons's definitions of stativity to reclasslfLthe verbs Silva analyzed.
Comrie (1976) argued that:
With a state, unless something happens to change that state, then the states mill continue, and therefore, to remain in a state requires no effort. Wt a dynamic ih situation, on the other hand, the situation will o d y continue if it is continually subject to a new input of energy, to remain in a dynamic situation does require effort, whether f o inside (in which case we have an agentive interpretatioq rm e.g. 'John is running') or from outside ( nwhich case we have a non-agentive i interpretation, e,g. 'the oscilloscope is emitting a pure tone'. Comrie (1976;49, in Suzuki (1991;7))

Under this definition, those verbs that denote dynamic situations may or may not be agentcontrolled .
The inadequacy of Silva's stative and nonstative distinction is also clear tiom Lyons

(1977), which complements Cornrie's definition (in Suzuki, 1994). He defined static and dynamic situations as follows:

A static situation (or state of affairs, or state) is one that is conceived of as existing,

rather than happening, and as being homogeneous, continuous and unchanging situation,on the other hand, is something that throughout its duration A dynam~c happens... it is not necessarily either homogeneous or continuous but may bave any of several temporal contours; and most important of all, it may or may not be under the control of an agent. Ifa dynamic situation is extended in time, it is a process; if it is momentary, it is an event; and if it is under controI of an agent, it is an action. Finally a process that is under the control of an agent is an activy, and a event that n is under the control of an agent is an act. (Lyons, 1977;483, in S & , 1994;7))

Hence, Suzuki showed that Silva's defkition did not distinguish precisely between stativity and nonstativity. Suzuki (1994;9) noted that the stem form of a verb could be interpreted as referring either to a present situation or to a past situation, depending on the context, whether the verb was stative or nonstative. She made the following observation: The s e form of a nonstative verb (one that tm expresses an event) can be interpreted as referring to a present situation, but only in limited contexts. In the more usual contexts, the s e form of nonstative verbs expresses a past tm

tm situation. A stative verb, in contrast, can frame a speech time; and its s e form can indicate
that the state described by the verb is in existence at that time. From this, Suzuki concluded that its stem form is more likely to be interpreted as referring to a present situation. Given the preceding discussion of the stative/nonstative verb distinction, Suzuki assumed that those verbs whose stem forms are usually interpreted as referring to past (or nonpresent) situations are nonstative verbs. Following this crucial criterion (contra Silva, 1985;1990)); and following Sufllki (1994; ZO), it wouId be quite reasonable to analyze the verbs in Group IU as nonstative verbs. Like Suzuki, I assume that verbs like m o r e 'to die',
cria 'to raise', and squice 'to forget' and verbs of inert perception like obi'to hear', odja 'to

see', and tchera 'to smell' refer to a dynamic event. As for verbs like credita 'to believe',

spera 'to wait for', and vive 'to live', Suuki allowed that they might be partly stative verbs
whose stem forms indicate perfectivity. Here, however, I would depart fiom Suzuki and argue that even verbs Iike credita, spera, and vive are nonstative verbs, insofar as they can express the imperative and combine with the progressive marker sta. The examples in (135)' (136), and (137) illustrate the behavior of kredita, speru, and vive in imperative and progressive constructions: (135) a. Ka bu kredita tudu kuza k bu ta i obi! (imperative) Neg you believe all thing that you TMA hear 'Don't believe everything that you hear!' kredita tudu kuza k'el sta fk-m. (progressive) b. N sta ta I Aux TMA believe all thing that she Aux tell+me 'I believe everything she tells me.'
(136) a, Spera-rn ti,

N ta bai buska bu mai! (imperative) wait+ me here, I TMA go fetch your mother 'Wait for me here, I will go and fetch your mother!' (progressive) b. Faze di presa, N sta spera-bu! do quickly I TMA wait+you ' u r up, I am waiting for you!' Hry

(137) a. Vive bu vida, ka bu obi-s! (imperative) live your life Neg you hear+them 'Live your life, don't listen to them!' sta vive ku nos. (progressive) b. Nha mai my mother TMA live with us 'My mother is living with us.' The examples in (135)-(237) support my claim that all verbs in Group I are nonstative, a D view that is aIso consistent with Suzuki's revision of the notions of stativity and nonstativity. Her insights make the right predictions regarding the behavior of Group Dl verbs and have led to a better understanding of the Capeverdean TMA system.

To conclude this section, we have explored several aspects of the basic word order patterns, including double object constructions, a typology of adverbials, quantifiers, and

TMG markers. On this last point, I have tried to show the full extent of the complexity of the
Capeverdean TMA markers. 1used Silva's pioneering study of TMA markers and Suzuki's insightfir1 perspective and analysis of these markers. I have added to these two previous studies my own insights as a native speaker and have demonstrated that Group III verbs are indeed nonstative. My claim is supported by an array of examples featuring those verbs in the imperative and with the auxiliary sfa. I have also proposed that two kinds of fa occur in the Capeverdean grammar:the aspect/mood marker ta and the infinitival marker ta. I also argued that sta la is not the underlying form of sfu, given possible intervening adverbials between these two morphemes.
In chapter 3, I return to TMA markers and examine their position in the Capeverdean

phrase structure. Let us now turn to variations in the word order just described.

2.2

Some Variations in Word Order

Although Capeverdean is an SVO language, the language displays a few divergences

fiom this basic order. I focus here on subject-verb inversion, verb placement, topicalization,
left dislocation, clefting, heavy NP shift, right dislocation, and wh-questions.

2.2.1

Subject-Verb Inversion

Subject-verb inversion is more typical of narrative discourse than everyday speech. Instances of such constructions may be found in the literature on Capeverdean and seem to be the product of stylistic inversion. Consider the following example, taken &om a text in Meintel(1975;247), where the author is interviewing an 85-year-old Capeverdean native about the national folk tale Nbo Lobo 'Mr. wolf.16 (138) Es ba konbida Nho Lobo un badju na Uheu. Ba kruja, ba ranha, they went invite Mr. Wolf a dance at Ilheu. Went owl, went spider,

-.
ba korbu, ba otu pasu. went crow, went other birds 'They went to invite Mr. Wolf to a dance at Ilheu. The owl went, the spider went, the crow went, the other birds went.'

It is of interest that some constructions displaying subject-verb inversion yield a conditional interpretation, reminding us of similar English constructions (as illustrated by the gloss in (139b)). The most common way of expressing the conditional is illustrated in (139a), whereas (139b) shows the inversion construction:
(139) a. SiYN staba li na kaza, es kuza ka ta kontiseba. if I were here in home, this thing Neg TMA happened 'If 1 had been at home, this would not have happened. kontiseba. b. Standu mi li na kasa, es kusa ka ta being me here in house, this thing Neg TMA happened 'Had I been here at home, this would not have happened.' ( (b) example ?om Veiga, 1995;369)

l6 Here I take the liberty of converting the phonetic spelling used by Meintel into the new ALUPEC orthography for reasons of clarity.

(139a) and (139b) represent two different ways of expressing the same idea: (139a) starts with

an if-clause and (139b), with a gerund. Note that ifcannot trigger subject-verb inversion,
whereas the gerund can.

In the next subsection, we consider the position of verbs vis-a-vis Negation, adverbs,

and quantifiers.

2.2.2 More on the Position of Verbs

T i subsection serves as a preliminary to chapter 4, which investigates verb hs

movement in Capeverdean Creole. Regarding verb movement, linguists have consistentIy emphasized the correlation between a rich verbal morphology and verb movement. More precisely, it is assumed that a rich inflection will trigger the verb to move past Neg, past a certain class of adverbiaIs, and past quantifiers to pick up inflectional heads. We show in chapter 4 that Capeverdean presents an interesting situation, as this language with minimal verbal morphology'7 displays symptoms of verb raising. We now examine the canonical position of Capeverdean verbs vis-a-vis Neg, vis-a-vis a specific class of adverbs, and vis-a-vis floating quantifiers.

" Recall that

in the section on TMA markers, me introduced the postverbal anterior rnarker -ba,wbich

sufFises to the verb. Except for this morpheme, Capeverdean has no verbal inkction.

2.2.2.1

The Verb and ~egation"

Sententid Negation in Capeverdean is expressed by the morpheme ka. This

morpheme must precede all ordinary verbs, whether the verb is intransitive, as in (140),
transitive, as in (1411, or ditransitive, as in (142):
(140) a. JoIo ka

ben. JoZo Neg come 'JoZo did not come.' b.*JoZo ben Ka. Joiio come Neg

(141) a. JoSio ka odja Eliza. JoSio Neg saw Eliza 'JoZio did not see Eiiza.' b.*JoHo odja ka Eliza. JoZo saw Neg Eliza (142) Jog0 ka da-m libru. Jolo Neg gave+rne book 'JoZo did not give me the book.' Capeverdean ka can occur clause-internally between subject and predicate, as illustrated in

(143) Es fia-nhos pa nhos ka bai. they told+you for you not leave 'They toId you not to leave.'

We do not consider in this subsection the case of complex tenses, as this particular topic is treated extensively in chapter 4. where the issue of verb movement is addressed.

''

Negation can occur in two diierent places, negating either the complement alone (as in (143)) or the matrix predicate, as illustrated in (144):
(144)

E ka fra-nhos pa nhos bai. s they Neg told+you for you leave 'They did not tell you to leave.'

Furthermore, ka may negate the matrix predicate and the complement, as shown in (145):
(145)

Es ka fia-nhos pa nhos ka bai. they Neg told+you for you Neg go 'They did not tell you not to leave.'

Note, however, that the negative marker cannot occur sentence-finally, as illustrated by the

(146)

*Es fra-nhos

pa nhos bai ka.

they told+you for you go Neg The data in (143)-(146) show that the Capeverdean verb must always follow Negation in both matrix and subordinate predicates.1g Furthermore, Capeverdean ka cannot modlfy an adjectival phrase of the type in (147):
(147) a. *Keli e un rninina ka grandi. Neg tall this e a girl b. Keli e un minina ke ka grandi. this e a girl shat+e Neg tall 'This is a girI who is not tall.'

In chapter 4, subsection 1.2.1, I esamine the position of ka vis-a-vis TMA markers.

There is, however, one exception to the usuaI post-Neg position of verbs. The finite form of the verb ser 'to be' is in most dialects pre-Neg in the present tense, as in (148a).'* This is the only verb form found in this position in the language; even its past tense counterpart behaves like other verbs and is found in a post-Neg position, as in (149a).
(148) a. Joiio e ka nha pai. JoBo e Neg my father 'Joiio is not my father.' b.*JoZo ka e nha pai. Jogo Neg e my father

(149) a. JoZo ka era nha pai. JoHo Neg was my father 'Joiio w s not my father.' a b.*JoZoera ka nhapai. Joiio was Neg my father Subsection 4.2.2 in chapter 4 and section 5.8 in chapter 5 give an in-depth analysis of this phenomenon. Capeverdean Creole ka is involved in the interpretation of negative quantifiers. Consider the sentence in (1 50):
(150) a. Ningen ka ben. nobody Neg came 'Nobody came.' b.*Ningen ben. nobody came

It m a s brought to my anention that in some dialects, e may appear in a post-Neg position. I must admit, however, that in my idiolect and that of a number of informants, e must be pre-Neg, yielding otherwise an ungrammatical output. I discuss this issue in chapter 2, subsection 4.2.2 and refer to examples from the Capeverdean literature displajing e in a pre-Neg position (Veiga, 1987).
20

The sentence in (1Sob) shows that Capeverdean does not have an alternative in expressing a
negative statement. Two negative elements, ningen and ka, must appear in the negative statement; this is called negative concord.
As noted by Bickerton (198 l), the use of negative concord is one of a dozen

characteristic properties manifested in all Creole languages, irrespective of their origins and
the nature of their substrates and superstrates. If: as Bickerton (1984) argued, Creole

grammars generally instantiate the least marked options permitted by UG, then the use of negative concord is not accidental and is probably the norm rather than the exception. There are cases in Capeverdean Creole where several negative elements combine into a siigle instance of sentence negation in the presence of ka. Consider (15 1): (15 1) El ka fia ningen nada. she Neg said nobody nothing 'She did not say anything to anybody.'"
(1 5 1) shows that Capeverdean Creole has a rule of negative concord allowing ka to interact

with several negative quantifiers. In chapter 3 and chapter 4 (subsection 4.2.3.3),I analyze ka

as the head of NegP and compare this morpheme to its Haitian counterpart (DeGraff, 1993).

Ningen and nada can alternatively be considered negative polarity items meaning 'anybody' or 'anything' and requiring an overt syntactic Neg . They cannot occur without the negative morpheme, as illustrated in (i): (i) *El fra ningen nada. he said nobody nothing

2.2.2.2 The Verb and (Other) Adverbs

In subsection 2.1.5, we considered the typology of Capeverdean adverbials. In this subsection, we focus on members of Class VI, which is a class of adverbs that can occur only in the postverbal position. In the (a) examples of the set of sentences in (152)-(154), this class of adverbs (including mutu 'too much; a lot', ben 'well', and ma1 'badly') occurs preferably postverbally and in some dialects, possibly sentence-Wy; the ungrammaticality of the @) examples shows that these adverbs cannot occur between the subject and the verb (or TMA marker). The (c) examples show that they cannot occur sentence-initially, whereas the (d)

examples show that sentence-find occurrence is possible in some dialects and marginal in
others. (152) a. JoZo ta ama mutu EIiza. JoZo TMA love too much Eliza 'Joiio loves Elia too much.' b.* JoEo mutu ta m aE h . JoZo too much TMA love EIiza c.* Mutu JoZo ta ama EIiza. too much JoZo TMA Iove EIiza ama Eliza mutu. d.? JoEo ta JoZo TMA love Eliza too much (153) a. Joiio xina ben se lison. JoZo learnt well his lesson 'Joiio learnt his lesson well.' b.* JoZo ben xina se lison. Jogo well learnt his lesson c.* Ben Joto xina se lison. well Joto learnt his lesson d.? Joto xina se lison ben. JoPo learnt his lesson weU

(154) a.

JoPo rdna md se lison. Joiio learnt badly his lesson 'JoZo Ieamt his lesson badly.' b.* JoPo mal xina se lison. JoEo badly learnt his lesson c. * Ma1 Jolo xina se lison. badly1 Jog0 learnt his lesson d.? Jog0 xina se lison mal. Joio Ieamt his lesson badly

In chapter 4, subsection 4.3, we use this type of adverb as a diagnostic for V-raising.
We now turn to floating quantifiers.

2.2.2.3

The Verb and Quantifiers

A floating quantifier may precede or follow the inflected verb, as illustrated in (1 55)

and (156).
(155) Es tudu odja ~liza." they all saw Eliza

'They all saw Eliza.'

(156) Es odja tudu Eliza.

they saw al Eliza l 'They all s w Eliza.' a It is worth observing that with full NPs, occurrence of the floating quantifier before the inflected verb also yields a grammatical output, as illustrated by (157c).

"It is also possible to invert the quantifier tudu and the pronomhd es, which yieIds the sentence in (i):
(i) Tudu es 0d~a Eliza. all them saw Eliza 'All of them saw EIiza.'

(157) a. Tudu konbidadu txiga

na mismu tenpu. all guests arrived in same time 'All the guests arrived at the same time.' b. Konbidadu txiga tudu na mismu tenpu. guel;ts arrived al i same time l n 'AU the guests arrived at the same time.' c. Konbidadu tudu txiga na misma tenpu. all arrived in same time guests

The contrast between (1 5%) where the verb precedes the floating quantifier and (157c) where the verb follows the quantifier, can be accounted for by assuming that verb movement has taken place. We reconsider the issue of Capeverdean verb movement from a theoretical point of view in chapter 4 and consider the implications of our observations for the theory of verb movement in general.

2.2.3

Topicalization

Topicalization occurs when a constituent is moved to the fiont of a sentence. Here I use the concept of topicdization in its broader sense23and show that in Capeverdean, constituents of various kinds may be extracted fiom diverse types of complement clauses via topicalization. I also show that topicalization occurs in both main and embedded clauses.

A complement NP, as in (I 58) , a VP, as in (1 59), or a PP, as in (160), may be topicalized.

In each case, the extracted constituent originates within IP and is moved outside IP.

23 In the literature on topicalization (Radford, 1988), this term tends to be used more narrowly and refers only to the preposing of NPs.

(158) Poku djenti ,N ta kre odja . few people, I TMA want see 'Few people, I want to see.'

24

(159) Kume, bu pode -ma d m bu ka pode eat, you can but sleep, you Neg can 'Eat, you can, but sleep, you cannot.' (160) Ku se parentis, un mininu e felis with his parents, a child is happy 'W1th his parents, a c u d is happy.'

Other constituents that may undergo movement are AP resultatives, as in (161), and NPs in consecutive clauses, as in (162): (161) [ApTa.nt~ seriu] [cera] se duensa A k'el - . more. so serious was his disease that+he died 'So serious was his disease that he died.' (162) [ ~ T a n t u morabeza] e mostra , k N da-1 i un presenti. so much kindness he showed that I gavehim a g& 'So much kindness did he show that I gave h m a i
@.I

It is claimed that in this type of construction, the preposed phrase has moved out of IP to a
position immediately to the left of C', namely, Spec of CP. So topicalization, like whmovement, involves movement of phrases into Spec of CP. Note, however, that VP and AP constituents cannot be extracted unconditionally in Capeverdean. Indeed, a VP cannot be extracted fiom TMA constructions, as in (163); and

NP constituents cannot be extracted fiom a prepositional verb, as preposition stranding is not

permitted in this language, as illustrated in (164):

Regarding ra b e , my informant 131%Brito made the interesting observation that hi ta he... is more forcefuI in expressing the intention or ~iillingness the speaker than N be... of

(163) *Kurne se katxupa, el s t a . eat his katxupa, he is

(164) *Joiio, el gosta d i .

John, he likes of Caskey (1990) claimed that topicalization requires the use of a resumptive pronoun and considered the sentence in (165a) ungrammatical. However, informants who were polled accepted both (165a) and (165b); hence example (165a) is not starred. (165) a. Kes laranjai, diretor manda pa nu ka kume [ li. these oranges, director send for we not eat 'These oranges, the director asked us not to eat.' b. Kes laranjai , diretor manda pa nu lca kumeasi these oranges, director asked for we not eat them 'These oranges, the director asked us not to eat them.'

The two sentences in (165) represent the same sentence pattern, but there may be a difference
in meaning. Susumu Kuno (personal communication) observed that they may differ with

respect to the contexts in which they can be used. For instance, (165a) is used when these

oranges are contrasted with other things, as in the following: These oranges, the director asked us not to eat, but other thitrgs, he said ihat we could eat. In contrast, (165b) can be
used in contexts where the oranges are not contrasted with anythmg else, as in the following:
We have to send this box back to ihe store. These oranges, the director asked us not to eat

them.

Regarding (165), I assume, contra Caskey, that the two sentences are grammatical, but
that (165a) is an instance of topicahiation, whereas (165b) is an instance of left-dislocation. This brings us to the next topic.

2.2.4

Left-Dislocation

Left-dislocation seems parallel to topicalization, but there are a number of features differentiating the two types of constructions. Whereas topicalhation, as we have just seen, leaves a typical movement gap at the extraction site, left-dislocation (and dislocation in general) involves no gap within I . Left-dislocation refers to constructions in which a given F constituent appears in initial position and its canonicai position is filled by a pronoun or a full lexical noun phrase with the same reference, as illustrated in (166).
(166) Roger, N kre-l txeu. Roger, I lovethim much 'Roger, I love him.'
A left-dislocation structure is analyzed as base-generated, whereas topicalition involves

movement. Let us now turn to clefting.

2.2.5

Clefting

A cleft sentence involves a construction in which a single clause has been divided up

into two separate sections, each with its own verb. Observe the following sentence:
(167) JoIo sta kunpra un kaza. JoZo Awr buy a house

'Joao is buying a house.'

The example in (167) yields two clefted sentences:

(168) E JoBo [ sta kunpra un kaza]. ki is Joiio who Aux buy a house 'It is Joiio who is buying a house.' (169) E un kaza @ Joio sta kunpra]. is a house that Joiio Aux buy 'It is a house that Joiio is buying.'

In such cases, the preposed constituent is said to be in focus position. The bracketed
constituent here appears to be a wh-relative clause. Consider now the following example fkom Caskey (1990):
(170) a. E kes midida injustu di goberno k ez ta ' protesta kontr'ei. Cop these measures unfair of government that they TMA protest against it 'It is these unfair governmental measures that they are protesting against.' b. E kes midida injustu di goberno k es ta ' protesta kontr'es. Cop these measures unfair of government that they TMA protest against them 'It is these unfair governmental measures that they are protesting against.'

Again, Caskey (1990) claimed that (170b) is ungrammatical because the resumptive pronoun does not agree with its antecedent. However, I disagree with that judgment and argue that the resumptive pronoun in (1 70) may be either singular, as in (170a), or plural, as in (170b). Hence, (170b) is not starred. We couId argue that Capeverdean facts mirror those in Engiish with respect to number agreement in it-cIefts. Consider the following sentences:
(17 1)

a. It is I who is wrong. b. It is I who am wrong.

If it is assumed that I is the antecedent for who in the relative clause in (171b), then the verb in
the relative clause must agree with who = I (first person). On the other hand, if it is assumed that the antecedent for who is it (the minimally specified place-holder NP that occurs in itclefts), then the verb in the relative clause must agree with who =it =(3rd pers. Sg), as in
(171a).

Likewise, in the grammar of the speakers of Capeverdean who accept both (170a) and

(170b), it-clefis are syntactically ambiguous wt respect to the antecedent of the resumptive ih
pronoun. (170a) arises when the expletive it is taken to be the antecedent of the resumptive pronoun, and (1706) arises when kes midi& is taken to be its antecedent. Let us now turn to heavy NP shift.

2.2.6

Heavy NP Shift

Heavy NP shift refers to the postposition to the right of a relatively long or compIex

noun phrase. Consider the contrast between (172a) and (1 73): (172) a. Nha dotor fia-m pa bebe leti kada noti. my doctor told+me to drink m l every night ik 'My doctor told me to drink milk every night.' b.*Nka dotor &a-m pa bebe kada noti leti. my doctor toldime to drink every night milk Sentences like (172b) have been said to be ungrammaticd due to a violation of the adjacency constraint on accusative assignment: In (172b), the presence of the adverbial phrase hzih nori precludes adjacency and thus prevents the verb fi-om assigning accusative case to its NP

complement leti. Linguists have noted, however, that in contrast to (172b), sentences such as
(173) are griu-mmticd by virtue of the heaviness of the NP: (173) Nha dotor fia-m pa bebe kada noti dos kopu di Ieti di kabra. my doctor told+me to drink every night two glasses of milk of goat ik. 'My doctor told me to drink every night [*two glasses of goat m l ] '

In order to account for the thematic relation between the verb and its complement, we assume
that the sentence-ha1 position of the NP in (173) is a derived position and that the Dstructure of this sentence is as in (174) and the S-structure as in (175):

(174) Nha dotor fia-m pa [v+bebe [*dos kopu di leti di kabra]] kada noti. my doctor told+me to drink two glasses of goat milk every night 'My doctor told me to drink two glasses of goat mitk every night.'

(175) Nha dotor fra-m pa [ ~ ~ [ ~ [ ~ ati] e b e noti] [mi dos kopu di leti di kabra]]. b kada my doctor told+me to drink every night two glasses of goat milk 'My doctor told me to drink every night two glasses of goat m l . ik'

In such constructions, the NP moves to an adjoined position.

Let us now consider right-dislocation.

2.2.7

Right-Dislocation

Right-dislocation refers to a construction in which one of the constituents appears i n

final position and its canonical position is filled by a pronoun with the same reference.

(1 76) N konxe-1, nha fidju; e timozu. I know+him, my son is stubborn 'I know him, my son; he's stubborn.'

2.2.8

Questions

In this section, we consider various types of questions: yedno questions, echo

questions, direct wh-questions (also called constituent questions), and indirect questions. In this first subsection, we consider indirect yedno questions and indirect wh-questions.

2.2.8.1 Yes/No Questions

Yedno questions in Capeverdean follow the basic SVO word order without recourse
to subject-verb inversion. Neither the main verb in synthetic tenses, as in (177), nor the
auxiliary in complex tenses, as in (178), moves. Questions are fonned using a rising

intonation, as shown in (1 77a) and (1 78a): (177) a. Joilo durrni Ii onti? JoZo slept here yesterday 'Did JoZo sleep here yesterday?' b. *Durmi Jog0 li onti? sIept JoEo here yesterday

(178) a. JoZio sta kurne katxupa? JoZo Aux eat katxupa 'Is Joio eating katxupa?' b. *Sta JoZo kume katxupa? is JoZo eat katxupa

The fact that there is no subject-verb inversion inyesho questions in Caperverdean should be related to the English case. It is commonly believed that the derivation of an English sentence
such as (1 79) involves movement of the finite verb to CO
(n i

English, only auxiliaries, modals,

and the verb be may move to that position). (1 79) Have you read B m e r s ?
In Capeverdean however, as shown in (178)' auxiliaries cannot be inverted with subjects in yedno interrogative constructions. Further examples are given in (180) and (18 1). Regarding

these examples, it is worth noting that subject-Aux inversion can occur neither with fill NPs nor with subject clitics, as illustrated in (1 80a) and (18 la): (180) a.*Sta Joiio duenti? sta JoZo sick b. Joiio sta duenti? Jofo is sick 'Is JoZo sick?'
(1 8 1) a. *Ten bu un libru? have you a book? b. Bu ten un libru? you have a book 'Do you have a book?'

This means that in Capeverdean, the auxiliary does not move from its base position under 1 to ' the position dominated by c. '
In the next subsection, I briefly consider echo-questions.

2.2.8.2

Ecbo Questions

Echo questions are formed by simply substituting a question word for a constituent (in (182), kuze 'what', and in (183)' kenhe 'whom'). Interrogative constituents such as kuze and

kenhe remain in-situ in questions and do not undergo movement to C':

(182) JoZo kume kuze? Joao ate what 'JoZo ate what?' (183) JoZo odja kenhe? Jogo saw whom 'Joiio saw whom?'
2.2.8.3

Wh-Questions

Unlike echo questions, which are used in rather specific circumstances, ordinary whquestions are used productively, as shown in (1 84) and (185). GYh-questions are formed using interrogative pronouns such as ketlhe ki 'whoY,h e ki 'what', parnodi ki 'why', unde ki 'where' and modi ki 'how'. The wh-phrase is obligatorily fkonted to Spec-AgrP. The assumption that ki is a complementizer accounts for its absence in in-situ constructions, as in (1 82) and (1 83):
(184) a. Kenhe k i

bu odja? who Comp you saw 'Who did you see?' b. Kenhe k i odja Joiio? who Comp saw logo 'Who saw JO~O?'

(185) a. Kuze ki bu odja? what Comp you saw 'What did you see?' b. Kuze ki maria-bu? what Comp upset+you 'What upset you?'
(184) and (185) show that ki appears in root questions invoIving either subject or object

extracti~n.~ (286) shows that the same facts hold in embedded clauses.
(186) a. Kenhe ki

bu pensa k i ben? who Comp you think Comp came 'Who did you think came?' i bu pensa ki JoHo odja? b. Kenhe k who Comp you think Cornp JoHo saw 'Who do you think that JoZo saw?'

Unlike the case in Enghsh and Haitian (cf. Koopman, 1986), the embedded Cornp in
Capeverdean is fiIled in both subject and object extraction. Veiga (1995) observed that there are, in Capeverdean, constructions displaying subject-verb inversion when the question is introduced by an interrogative pronoun, as in

(187) a. Undi sta bu

libru? where is your book 'Where is your book?' b. Ken e mi pa ser presidenti? who e me to be presidenti 'Who am I to be president?' (Veiga, 1995; 367)

''This point was discussed in chapter 1, subsection 1.1.3.

Note, however, that the two sentences in (187) involve copulas, and that subject-verb inversion in Capeverdean seems limited to such cases. Subject-verb inversion with copulas may occur only in whquesrions and not in yedno questions, as shown in (178).
Ordinary verbs cannot undergo inversion in yesho questions, as in (177b), or in wh-

questions, as illustrated by the the ungramrnaticality of (1 88):

(188) *Undi ki kume JoZo onti? where Comp ate Joiio yesterday Indirect yesho questions are introduced by the complementizer s 'f i i' (189) N ka sabe si lo80 kume katxupa. I Neg know if Jo8o ate katxupa 'I don't know if'JoGo ate katxupa.'
Indirect wh-questions are introduced by the wh-phrase and the k complementizer: i

(190) N ka sabe kuze k i Joio kume. I Neg know what Comp Jofo ate 'I don't know what Jogo ate.' (191) N ka sabe kenhe k i Jofo odja. I Neg know who Comp JoZo saw 'I don't know who JoZo saw.'

In the next section, we consider expletives and empty categories.

23 .

Expletive Constructions and Empty Categories

2.3.1 Types of Expletive Constructions

The term eqletive refers to pronouns that play no role in the semantic make-up ofthe
sentence: Such pronouns act as a mere slot-filler or place-holder for the otherwise unfjlIed subject position. EngIish has two kinds of expletives, ir, as in (192), and there, as i (193); n and such NPs are not assigned a thematic role, hence are not arguments. (192) It snows a Iot in Iceland. (193) There are three mice under the table. Let us consider expletive constructions in Capeverdean Creole as they appear with weather predicates, as in (194), existential predicates, as in (195), and raising predicates, as in (196).
As illustrated by the ungrammaticality of the (b) examples, expletives cannot be realized

overtly in Capeverdean: (194) a. Ta txobe mutu poku na Kabu Verdi. TMA rain too little in Cape Verde 'It rains too little in Cape Verde.' b. *El ta txobe mutu poku na Kabu Verdi. it TMA rain too little in Cape Verde

i (195) a. Ten dos mudjer k h e odja-bu. have two women who want see+you 'There are two women who want to see you.' b. *El ten dos mudjer ki kre odja-bu. it have two women who want seeyou
(196) a. Parse ki JoIo sta na ospital. seems that John is in hospital 'It seems that John is in the hospital.' b. *El parse ki JoBo sta na ospital. it seems that John is in hospital

Null expletives also occur with unaccusative verbs.

(197) Txiga dos omi. arrived two men 'Two men arrived.'
There are, however, no transitive expletives of the Icelandic type. Consider the Icelandic transitive expletive construction in (198): bjligun. (198) Dab borbuau sennilega margir jolasveinar there ate probably many Christmas trolls the sausages ' a yChristmas trolls probably ate the sausages.' Mn (Jonas & Bobaljik, 1993;60) (199) a.*Ten kume mutu djenti katxupa. have eat many people katxupa b.*Ten txiga rnutu konbidadu. have arrived many guests

This leads us to the following descriptive generalization:

(200) There are no overt expletives in Capeverdean Creole. Note, however, that in adjectival predicates, the presence of the morpheme e is obligatory, as illustrated in (201). (201) a. E difisil di papia ku JoZo. e difEicult to talk with John 'It is dicult to talk with John.' b.*Difisil di papia ku Jobo. difficult to speak with John

We discuss the hnction of this type ofe as a focalizer in chapter 5, section 5.8.

2.3.2 Pronouns and Empty Categories

In this subsection, I give a restricted inventory of empty categories. The null elements

PRO,NP-trace, and wh-trace are illustrated in examples (202), (203), and (2041, respectively:
(202) JoZoi ta gosta [PRO; di konbida Pedru]]. Joiio TMA like PRO of invite Pedru 'Joiio likes to invite Pedru.'
(PRO)

(203)

[p Joiio ta

ser konbidadu t; 1. JoZo TMA be invited 'JoZio will be invited.'

(NP-trace)

(204) [&enhe. ki [Ip Joiio ta gosta t'i pa [IP nu konbida ti ?I]]]. (@%-trace) who Comp Joiio TMA like Comp we invite 'Who would JoHo like us to invite?'

We observed in section 2.3.1 that nonargurnental pronouns are obligatoriIy null in

Capeverdean Creole. There is also one type of argurnental pronoun that is optionally and preferably dropped: the third person singular pronoun. Observe the following example, in which the subject pronoun is optionally null:

(205) (El) e un bon orni. (he) is a good man 'He's a good man.'
(205) illustrates an individual-level predicate where to be a good man is viewed as a

permanent quality, This is the only kind of predicate with which the third person singuIar subject pronoun may be dropped. Indeed, with stage-level predicates, the argumental pronoun is obsgatorily overt, as illustrated in (206): (206) a. El sta duenti. she is sick 'She is sick.' b. * sta duenti. is sick This leads us to the foilowing generalization:

(207) The third person singular argumental pronoun el is preferably null with individuallevel predicates and obligatorily overt with stage-level predicates. This naturdy has consequences for the theory of pro-drop in Capeverdean. I argue in chapter 5, section 5.9 that Capeverdean may be a pro-drop language, and that the clitic pronominals presented in subsection 5.1.1 are in AGR (following the analysis that DeGraE, 1993 made for Haitian). More precisely, I argue that subject pronouns may be generated in AGR and provide the agreement necessary to identlfy the argumental empty pronominal in Spec-AGRP. Hence, a sentence like (208) with a clitic for subject will get the structure in (209): (208) E bai. slhe left 'She left.'

We consider the ~ range of implications for the theory of pro-drop in chapter 5, as well as - II ~I the status of the morpheme e .

2.4

Finite Complements and Infinitival Complements: A Distinction?

In this section, I distinguish between bite and infinitival clauses in Capeverdean Creole, adducing the two complementizers ki and pa that signal such a distinction. On this issue, we refer to Mufwene and Dijkhoff (1989), who defended the position that there is no finite/non6nite distinction in the Atlantic Pidgins and Creoles. More precisely, they argued that there is no idinitive in the basilects of AtIantic Creoles. They supported their point with examples from Papiamentu. They noted (Mufivene & Dijkhoff, 1989;31 1) that in Papiarnentu, most of the clauses that have been treated as infinitivals start with pa (Dijkhoff, 1983). They observed that when the embedded subject is null, it is coreferential with the main clause subject, as in (ZlOa), or the main clause object, as in (210b); and that when the embedded subject is lexical, as in (21 I), then it cannot be coreferential with the main clause subject.
(2 10) a. Elizai ta elogia Pedroj pa PROi hana infomashon. (Papiamentu) Eliza is praising Peter for PRO get orm mat ion 'Eliza is praising Peter to get information.' b. Eliza; ta elogia Pedroj pa PROj duna infomashon. ELiza is praising Peter to PRO give information 'Eliza is praising Peter in order for him to give information.' (Mufwene & Dijkhoff,1989;3 11)

(21 1) E; ke (pa) e-3j piki k ~ k o . ~ ~(Papiamentu) e want (for) he pick coconuts 'He wants him to pick coconuts.'

This gives rise to the following templates:

(2 12) embedded null subject

coref with main subject

embedded lexical subject disjoint with main subject

Note that in contrast to the case in constructions with pa, a null subject in ku-clauses is only
marginal, as illustrated in (213):

(213) ?Korda yama m ora ku PRO yega, tende. (Papiamentu) i remember call me time that PRO arrive, hear? 'Remember to call me when [you] arrive, hear?' (Mufwene & Dijkhoff, I989;3 12) We can then assume that pa or a null subject is a criterion by which we may identify an infinitival in Papiamentu. Mufwene and Dijkhoff observed that we may need more than this criterion, becausepa may be optional in some complement cIauses or the null subject may be unspecified, as illustrated by (2 14) and (2 15): (214) Mi ke @a) e piki koko. (Papiamentu) I want he picks coconuts. 'I want hm to pick coconuts.' i
(215) Mii ke pa PRO,* piki koko. (Papiamentu) I wantpa pick coconuts 'I want coconuts to be picked.'

Here, I took the liberty of altering Mulivene and Dijkhoff s e.uample by replacing the pronoun mi used in their esample with the third pcrson e. Such substitution shows the impossibility of coreferentiality between the two homophonous pronouns. Note also that the complementizer pa is optional in such constructions.

This means that if the embedded clauses in (214) and (215) are truly infinitival, neither pa nor the null subject is the criterion by which an infinitive may be identified. Mufivene and Dijkhoff suggested that the class of M t i v a l s should therefore be restricted to those forms occurring
in embedded subjectless clauses.

In light of such studies, we are now in a better position to examine the Capeverdean
situation. i Besides the conditional s 'if, which we do not consider here, there are two types of complementizers in Capeverdean: ki and pa. They are subcategorized by specific classes of verbs, as illustrated in the following examples; but the same verb may select the two types of complementizers. For instance, verbs likefi-a 'to teWto say' may be followed bypa or ki, as shown in (21%) and (2221, respectively:
(216) a. JoZo pensa

staba duenti. JoZo thought that his father was sick 'Joiio thought that his father was sick.' b. JoZo sabe ki se pai sta duenti. JoZo knows that his father is sick 'Jog0 knows that his father is sick.'

k se pai i

(217) a. JoHo kre pa se pai bira midjor. Jof o wants that his father become better 'Joiio w n s his father to get better.' at b. JoEo fia-nhos pa nhos ka bai. Joio told-tyou for you Neg go 'JoHo told you not to go.'

To draw a pardel w t the case of Papiarnentu, as presented by Mufwene and Dikhoff,it is ih worth pointing out that Capeverdean ki allows overt coreferential or noncoreferential

embedded lexical subject N P s and does not allow null embedded subjects, as in (218b). capeverdean pa, on the other hand, allows noncoreferential lexical embedded NPs, as in
(219), but also embedded null subject NPs, as in (220). These embedded nuIl subject NPs

cannot be corefereniial wt the matrix subject NP; they can either be corefential with the ih matrix object, as in (220), or get an arbitrary interpretation, as in (221). The referential relations are parallel to those of English, as illustrated in the following:
(21 8) a. Joiio; pensa k'eIgj

bira rnidjor. JoZo thought that+he became better 'Jog0 thought that he got better.' i midjor. b. *Jog0 pensa k bira Joio thought that became better

(219) Johi kre p'eIlilj bai kaza. To50 wants that+he goes home 'JoZio wants him to go home.' (220) Jo3oi fia se paij pa PROj bai. JoZo told his father for go 'JoZo told his father to go.'
(221) JoZo f?a pa PROd ka toka kel vazu. JoIo told that Neg touch that vase 'JoZo said not to touch this vase.'

The controversy about the distinction between finite and infinitival clauses in Creole languages arises fiom the lack of morphological variation in verbal forms.

In Capeverdean, however, only one verb has distinctive finite and infinitival forms, the verb to
be. The finite form is e and the infinitival form is ser, inherited fiom Portuguese. This verb

provides us with the crucial test for distinguishing between finite and infinitival clauses. The

folIowing examples show that ki introduces finite clauses, whereas pa introduces infinitival

clauses:
(222) Jog0 fia k Eliza e intelijenti. i Jo5o said that Eliza is intelligent 'Jog0 said that Eliza is intelligent.'
(223) JoTo fia se fidju pa ser profesor.27 JoZo told his son to be professor 'JoZo told his son to be a professor.'

Unlike other Creoles, therefore, Capeverdean is able to make a clearcut distinction between finite and infinitival clauses. Note that this appears to be inconsistent w t Muftrene and ih Dijlchoff s assumption that there are no infinitivals in the basilects of Atlantic Creoles. However, they made an important observation that may account for the Capeverdean case. They observed that the development of the infinitive is correlated with the development of inflectional morphology. Recall that Capeverdean is an exceptional Creole in its use of the verbal inflection -ba." The correlation between infinitival forms and verbal intlection may account for the Capeverdean case. Note that this same inflection may appear in iniinitival clauses, as illustrated in (224):
(224) N kreba pa JoBo fikaba na kaza. (Capeverdean) I want+ba for JoZo stay+ba in house 'I wanted for Jog0 to stay at home.'

27

It is worth noting that a pronominal subject may appear after pa, in which case the pronominal is coreferential with the NP object. This is illustrated in (i): (i) Joiioi fia se fidjuj plelj ser profesor. Joao said his son for he be professor 'Joso told his son to be a professor.'

Most CreoIes have only prmerbal TMA markers, hence do not display any verbal morphology on verb stems.

The sentence in (224) is not to be taken as a contradiction to our proposal that pa-clauses are
Wtival. The idleetion -ba appears in (224) in the same way that English aspectual have

appears in infinitives, as shown in the following examples:

(225) a. I am pleased to have met you. b. It is better to have loved and lost than never to have loved at all. c. I expected him to have finished the work.

This shows that W t i v e s are capable of carrying aspectual markers in E g i h whereas nls, M t i v e s can carry tense markers in Capeverdean.

2.5

Conclusion

In this chapter, 1 attempted to give an overview of the Capeverdean phrase structure

by focusing on its basic syntactic patterns. Among other issues, I focused on adverbs and

designed a typology of adverbials; I also examined the placement of the verb with regard to Negation, adverbs, and floating quantfiers. My observations on the behavior of the Capeverdean verb lay the foundation for the theoretical analysis I propose in chapter 4. In the section on basic word order, I discussed the intricate distribution of TMA markers and the way they interact yielding different temporal and aspectud interpretations. I added a few observations on Capeverdean TMA markers, foUowing the pioneering studies by Silva (1985) and Suzuki (1994).

This enables us to propose in the next chapter a set of functional categories for Capeverdean and a tree structure.

CHAPTER THREE

CAPEVERDEAN FUNCTIONAL CATEGORJES AND CLAUSE STRUCTURE

3.0

Introduction

This brief chapter is meant to serve as a bridge between the analytical descriptive

chapters 1 and 2 and the more theoretical chapters 4 and 5. It is divided into three parts. First, I attempt to defme the nature of the functional categories in Capeverdean Creole, as some linguists such as Iatridou (1990), Bobaljik (1995), and Thrhsson (1 994; 1996) have been questioning their universality. Second, I review the Capeverdean TMA templates, as we use them to determine the nature of hnctional categories and their placement. In the third and last part, I propose that Capeverdean has a biclausal structure.

3.1

Identifying Capeverdean Functional Categories

It is important to identi@ Capeverdean fbnctional categories before determining the position and the status of TMA markers in the Capeverdean clausal architecture. The question whether finctional categories are universal was &st asked by Iatridou (1990; 553). She proposed that evidence for various functional categories wiU have to be found separately

in each language. i other words, there may be evidence for AgrP in some languages but not n

in others. Admittedly, such a proposal is not uncontroversial because linguists have been
reluctant to assume that a given hnctional category is absent in a language, based on the absence of overt morphology. In the same way, in the Minimalist Program, lack of overt

movement to a given functional head (or hnctional phrase) is not to be equated with the
absence of that hctional head in the language. Thrhsson (1994;1996) took a stand similar to that of htridou and argued more specifically that some languages like Icelandic or French may have a split IP where AgrSP and T are separate functional categories, whereas P languages like English and Mainland Scandinavian do not provide evidence for a split IP. In English and Mainland Scandinavian, it is assumed that the two fhctional categories AgrSP and TP have been fused, hence do not exist independently from each other. Thriinsson relates this proposal to language acquisition and parameter setting and claims that a child acquiring a given language is guided by the Real Minimalist Principle, stated in (1):
(1)

I;cle Red Minimalist Principle Assume only those functional categories that you have evidence for. (Thriinsson (1996;261))

Thriinsson argued that the Real Minimalist Principle is in the true spirit of Chomsky's Economy of Representation. I follow his empirically appealing proposal.
As discussed in chapter 1, section 1.2, Capeverdean does not display any subject-verb

agreement; but I argue in chapter 5, section 5.9, that subject clitics recover the features of the verb as they spell out features in AGR. For this reason, we have good grounds to argue for
AgrP in Capeverdean. There may also be other hnctiond categories in Capeverdean that are

not present in alI languages. Such hnctional categories are the Tense, Mood, and Aspect
19) markers presented in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.8. As pointed out by Thrihsson ( 9 6 ,

Mood and Aspect have been believed not to play any role as fhctiond categories in Germanic

languages, as they are not marked separately in the overt morphology of these languages. In

contrast, the Capeverdean markers ta and sta are overt reflexes of Mood and Aspect, and -ba,
is the overt reflex of Tense. In the next section, I provide the compIete templates of TMA

markers.

3.2

Capeverdean TMA Templates

In this section, I summarize, by means of templates, the TMA combination patterns examined in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.8. For the sake of clarity, I split their combination patterns into two templates involving sm and ta on the one hand; and sta, fa,and -ba on the other hand. The combination patterns of the two morphemes sta and la give rise to the templates in (2):

v
ta sta

V V

sta ta ta sta
ta ta sta sta ta sta ta s t . ta ta ta ta sta

V
V V

V
V

This template reveals that ta and sta can be found only preverbally as independent morphemes; and when they combine in pairs or triples, they exhibit a strict sequential order. Let us now consider the combination of the preverbal markers la, and sta with their postverbal counterpart -baa As the combination patterns multiply wt the three morphemes, ih

we list only the grammatical combinations. The template is as in (3):

V-ba ta V-ba sta ta V-ba V sta-ba ta sta-ba ta V-ba' ta sta-ba ta V ta sta ta V-ba ta sta-ba ta V-ba

The descriptive generalization that encapsulates the template in (3) is expressed in (4): (4)
-&may suffix either to the main verb (as shown in (3a)); or in the presence of TMA markers, to the main verb or to sta alternatively (as in (3c-d)); or to both the main verb and sta simultaneously (as in (3e-h)).

In the next section, we consider the position of these TMA markers in the Capeverdean

clausal structure.

3.3

Capeverdean Clausal Structure

As fa.as the position of the TMA markers is concerned, there are several possibilities,

two of which we explore.

I thank Samuel D.Epstein for eliciting this piece of data, and I thank Manuel da Luz Gon@ves and John Hutchison for corroborating it.
1

The morphemes s u and ta may be heading their own projections, MoodP and t AspectP. It is not clear, however that these two morphemes are restricted to such hnctions. More precisely, it is not obvious that sta is just an aspect marker, whereas l is just a mood a marker. It was shown in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.8, that they yieId different aspectual, temporal and mood readings, depending on whether they occur done wt a verb or combine ih with each other. We have established however, in chapter 1, subsection 1.2.4, that these two morphemes could qualifi, as auxiliaries. Hence, a second option is to assume that they may be

part of an auxiliary shell in the Capeverdean clause structure.

Let us pursue these two hypotheses and show which one is more viable. In the first case, we assume that sta and ta head their own projection. We assume a split IP configuration for two reasons: First, as mentioned in section 3.1, I provide evidence for AgrP in chapter 5, as we assume that subject clitics are in Agr. Second, I provide evidence for TP in chapter 4, when we examine V-raising to TO. We assume, fbrthermore, that Negation is heading its own projection2and that Tense, Mood, and Aspect markers would be heading theirs. In this fist case, the sentence in ( 5 ) would be represented as in (6):
(5)

JoZo ka ta sta ta kume. JoZo Neg ta sta ta eat 'JoBo will not be eating.'

We see in chapter 1,section 4.2 that we may have good grounds to assume that Neg may indeed head its own projection in Capeverdean.

Agr SP

kume This type of tree would imply that AgrS is the head against which agreement features of verbs would be checked, and Spec-AgrSP is the specifier position to which a subject has to move in order to check its agreement features.
This type of clausal structure also bears an implication wt regard to floating ih

quantifiers and adverbs. Indeed, assuming Sportiche's analysis of quantifier float (which I present in chapter 4, section 4.4), it should be possible for the quantilier in Spec-VP (where the subject originates) to appear as well in one of the lower Spec-positions. Hence, the floating quantiiier should be able to intervene in Spec-AspP between the negative ka and the aspectual ta (as in (), in Spec-AuxP between the first ta and sta (as in (8)), and between the 7) second ta and the adverbial ben (which we assume to be Iefi-adjoined to VP). One would

then obtain the order tu sia ta Q V ben (as in (9)). Those predictions are not borne out, as illustrated by the ungrarnmaticality of the following examples:
We examined ben as a VP-adjoined adverbial in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.5.

(7)

*Konbidadu ka tudu ta sta ta kume. guests Neg all ta sta ta eat *Konbidadu ta tudu sta ta kume. guests ta aU sta ta eat *Konbidadu ta sta ta tudu kume ben. guests ta sta ta aU eat well

(8)

(9)

There must, however, be a maximal projection with a Spec where the floating quantifier may land between sta and the second ta, as illustrated by the grammaticality of (10): Konbidadu ta sta tudu ta kume. guests ta sta all ta eat ' l the guests will be eating.' Al

(10)

Furthermore, adverbials like senpri 'always' may also appear in such a position, as illustrated by (I I): Konbidadu ta sta senpri ta kume. ta sta always ta eat guests 'The guests are always eating.' Another analysis of quantifier float that was pursued by Bobaljik (1995) suggests that quantifiers are not actually generated in Spec-positions but, rather, adjoined just as adverbs are; this is an option we explore in chapter 4, subsection 4.4.2, when we observe the similarities in distribution between adverbs and quantifiers in Capeverdean. Given the data in examples (7)-(9), however, we see that the type of clausal structure illustrated in (6) poses a problem, as it generates a number of extra-positions that cannot be filled by a quantifier or a subject. One could assume that these intermediate Spec positions

(1 1)

may not host (at PF) any subject or floating quantifiers because that subject cannot receive case in such sites. For instance, no subject may appear in Spec-VP or in Spec-MoodP on its

w y to Spec-AgrP, as illustrated in (12) and (13): a

(12)

*Ka ta sta ta Joiio kume. Neg ta sta ta Jog0 eat

*Ka ta sta JoPo ta kume. Neg ta sta JoEo ta eat

(13)

This might explain why subjects may not stay in Spec-W; but case constraints should not affect a quantifier left in that position, because the relevant case could be transmitted tom the raised subject to the quantifier left behind, in Spec-VP or in some other Spec-position. In sum, this structure is clearly problematic. This leads us to explore an alternative approach: Here, I propose that Capeverdean structure is bicla~sal.~ Recall the doubling of TMA markers witnessed in the templates (2) and (3) in section 3.2. The following biclausal structure is promising, because the repetition of two lays,and two bayscan be naturally derived.

I thank Jean-Yves Pollock and Hoskuldur M n s s o n for their valuable heIp on this topic.

v
kume

If the biclausd structure proposed in (14) is correct, then one would predict that adverbs like
senpri 'always' can intervene between sta and the lower ta; and this suggests that the

adverbial is adjoined to the A d . This in turn predicts that the adverbial is able to adjoin to the topmost AuxP. Such predictions are borne out, as illustrated by the gramrnaticality of
(15) and (1 6):

(15)

Senpri Joiio ta staba ta kumeba. aIways Joiio TMA TMA+ba TMA eat+ba 'Jog0 was aIways eating.'

(16)

Jogo ta staba senpri ta kumeba. Joiio TMA sta+ba aIways TMA eat+ba 'Jog0 was always eating.'

This type of clause structure makes the right prediction regarding the recunence of TMA

markers and also with regard to the distribution of adverbials and floating quantifiers. We

further examine floating quantifiers in the next chapter, section 4.4. There we explore the possibility that quantifiers may indeed be generated in a VP-adjoined position, following

Bobaljik (1995). Furthermore, the clause structure assumed in (14) supports the hypothesis
we explore in chapter 4, that the Capeverdean verb moves to TO to check Tense (or pick up

the inflection -ba in p).

3.4

Conclusion

In this chapter, I have examined functional categories in Capeverdean, and I have

P argued not only that Capeverdean has a spiit I but also that it is endowed with a biclausd
structure, which accounts for two observations. First, it accounts for the recurrence of TMA markers in the patterns ta sfata or sta-ba la V-ba. Second, it accounts for the distribution of adverbials like senpri 'always', which may occur clause initially or between sta and fa but not between ta and sta. If one assumes that setlpri adjoins to AuxP, its distribution is accounted for. This intermediary chapter has laid the foundation for the examination of the syntax of the Capeverdean verb in chapter 4. There, we focus particularIy on the symptoms of Vraising in this particular CreoIe.

CHAPTER FOUR

TEE VERBAL SYNTAX OF CAPEVERDEAN CREOLE

4.0

Introduction

The goal of this chapter is threefold. The first goal is to present a comprehensive syntax of the Capeverdean verb, focusing in particular on the ordering of verbal elements with regard to Negation, adverbs, and floating quantifiers. Second, I show how modem syntactic theory can help account for certain descriptive puzzles of Capeverdean Creole syntax; third, I illustrate how evidence from the verbal syntax of Capeverdean Creole will necessitate some revisions of current theory of verb movement. On this issue, we focus on the commonly held assumption that there is a strong correlation between verbal morphology and verb movement, or more precisely, that morphoiogically "rich" subject-verb agreement is responsible for Vraising. I show that, contrary to the predictions of various V-raising analyses, some Creoles like Capeverdean show evidence of verb movement in spite of their minimal verbal morphology and the absence of overt subject-verb agreement. Indeed, linguists have observed that the poorer the morphology, the more rigid the word order; and it is well known that the inflectional morphology of Creole languages tends to be much sirnpued with regard to their lexifier language (i-e.,French, Portuguese, Spanish, or Dutch). Hence, one would not expect Creole languages to display verb movement. In this respect, the investigation of the morphology and syntax of Creole languages is a particularly interesting topic. In this chapter,

I consider to what extent simplification in morphoIogy leads to simplification in the syntactic

structiue or movement possibilities in the Capeverdean verbal syntax. Furthermore, I show that a comparison with other Creoles like Haitian has implications for a universal theory of

verb movement.

T i chapter is organized around these three objectives. The first section proyides an hs
overview of the theory of verb movement. The standard diagnostics for verb movement are introduced; and the competing accounts of verb movement in Pollock (1989), Chomsky (1993), Vikner (199 I, 1999, Roberts (1993), Holmberg and PIatzack (1995), Jonas (1996), Rohrbacher (1993,1995), Thrhsson (1994, 1996), BobaIjik (I995), and Bobaljik and Thriinsson (forthcoming) are examined.

In the second section of this chapter, I argue for verb movement in Capeverdean
Creole. I base my arguments on the ordering of the main verb, Tense Mood Aspect (TMA) markers, and, in particular, the copula e, with respect to Negation. I then propose a structure for Negation that is informed by the phenomenon of Negative Concord. Following this, the position of the verb with respect to adverbs and quantifiers is studied. This examination of the syntax of the Capeverdean verb provides arguments that the Capeverdean verb does indeed move, in spite of m n m l verbal morphology and the absence of subject-verb agreement. iia This leads to the third and last part of this chapter, where I propose an analysis of Vraising in Capeverdean and show the implications of these findings for the theory of verb movement. I then suggest revisions to current assumptions and possible new directions for research.

4.1

The Theory of Verb Movement: Background Assumptions

Diagnostics for V-Raising

4.1.1

In recent literature on verb movement, it is common to use the relative position of

verbal forms on the one hand and negation, adverbs, and floating quantifiers on the other in
attempts to detect verb movement. The arguments for movement go as follows: If there is an element (Negation in (la), adverbs in (2a), and floating quantsers in (3a)) that precedes the

main verb when it is nonfinite (e.g., the participle in auxiliary constructions), then the verb is
assumed not to have moved. If these same elements follow the main verb in core tenses (noncompound tensesj, as illustrated by (lb), ( b , and (3b), then the bite verb is assumed to 2) have raised from a "deep" postverbal position to the left of such elements. The position of the verb with regard to Negation, adverbs, and floating quantifiers is used as a test to detect verb movement. Such patterns are iIlustrated by ~celandic:' Negation (1) a. Jon hefur ekki Iesia bokina. Jon has not read book-the 'John has not read the book.' b. Jon las ekki b6kina. Jon read not book-the 'Jon did not read the book. ' Adverbial (2) a. Maria hefur aldrei sea draug. Mary has never seen ghost 'Mary has never seen a ghost.' b. Maria sB aldrei draug. Maria saw never ghost 'Maria never saw a ghost.' (Icelandic)

(Icelandic)

' The Icelandic examples in this section were prolidcd by HdsMdur W n s s o n .

Floating quantifier (3) a. AUir strikamir hofi5u sea myndina. all boys-the had seen film-the 'Allthe boys had seen the movie.' b. Strdcamir hiif6u a i r s myndina. & boys-the had all seen film-the 'The boys had.all seen the movie.' c. Strhkarnir siu allir myndiia. boys-the saw all am-the 'All the boys saw the movie.' The same patterns obtain in French:

(Icelandic)

Negation (4) a. Marie n' a pas lu Ie livre. (French) Marie ne has not read the book 'Marie has not read the book.' b. Marienelit pas Ie livre. Marie ne read not the book 'Marie does not read the book.' Adverbs (5) a. Marie n' a jamais w de fmtdmes. Marie ne has never seen any ghosts 'Marie has never seen any ghosts.' b. Marie ne voit jamais de fantbrnes. Marie ne sees never any ghosts 'Marie never sees any ghosts.' (French)

Floating quantifiers (6) a. Tous les enfants ont aime Jean. (French) all the chiIdren have liked Jean 'All the children have like Jean.' b. Les enfants ont tous aim6 Jean. the children have alI liked Jean 'Thechildren have all liked Jean.' c. Les enfants 'aiment tous Jean. the children love all Jean 'All the children love Jean.'

These facts are umalIy analyzed in the following way: The main verb is assumed to be generated inside the VP;and the elements that precede it in the nonmovement contexts are either lee-adjoined to the VP (as in the case of Icelandic and French adverbs, under the phrase structure given in (7)), or have their own projection higher than the verb (as in the case of the
pas in Spec-NegP in French, in (a)), or occur in Spec-VP (the quantifier may be left behind by

a subject that is commonIy assumed to be base-generated in SpeoVP, as shown in (9)). When

it is finite, the main verb is then believed to move to some higher projection, such as!l or TO, ,

or AgrS (depending on the framework or the type of clausal structure assumed), in the languages that have V-movement. Adverb Iefi-adjunction

Neg heading its own projection

(8)

Spec

Floating quantifier

(9)

The general theoretical question arises as to why languages such as French, Icelandic, 01d English, Old Norse, Old Swedish /Danish, and Nonvegian seem to have V-movement; whereas others, like English and Faroese, as ilIustrated in the foUowing examples, do not:

English (10) a. John did not like the apple pie. (Negation) b.*John liked not the apple pie. a. John often goes to the movies. (Adverb) b.*John goes often to the movies.

(11)

(12)

a. The guests all saw Mary crying. (Floating quantzer) b.*The guests saw all Mary crying.
(Negation)

Faroese (13) a. Eg veit ikki hvi ta$ i k er komid nakadbrzv. ki I know not why (there) not is come any letter 'I don't know why there has not come any letter.' ((13a) fiom Vikner, 1995;59) b.*Eg veit ikki hvi tad er ikki kornid nakad bmv. I know not why there is not come any letter
(14)

a. Eg veit ik hvi E vn alti8 stendur inni i hrisinum. ki gi I know not why cow-the always stands inside in house-the 'I don't know why the cow is always standing in the house.'

(Adverb)

b.*Eg veit ikki hvi Mgvin stendur altid inni i husinum. I know not why cow-the stands always inside in house-the ( V i e r , 1995;73) (15) a. Taa onkur hevur etia eitt slirepli. there someone has eaten an apple 'Someone has eaten an apple.' b.*Ta6 hevur onkur etid eitt shepli. there has someone eaten an apple ((15b) fiom Vikner, 1995;153) (Floating quantifier)

As illustrated by the ungrammaticality of (lob), (1 1b), and (12b), on the one hand, and (1 3b), (14b), and (15b), on the other, finite main verbs2 in Modem English and Faroese may occur only in a post-Neg position. This leads us to consider the competing approaches to this cross-linguistic variation.
4.1.2 Competing Accounts of Verb Movement: An Overview

4.1.2.1 Pollock (1989)

Pollock (1989) suggested a highiy articulated structure of I and adduced some P empirical evidence that inflection is split into A@ and TP. He also assumed the maximal projection NegP. Pollock's basic assumption was that the properties of these new projections will determine whether or not a verb can move. Hence, he assumed that long verb movement fiom v-to-~O ~ g ris allowed in French, due to the LLtransparency" its AGR, whereas to " of long verb movement in English is prohibited due to the "opacity" of its AGR. In other words,

It is important to emphasize that only bite verbs behave this way i English and Faroese. Indeed, i n n English, for instance, the ausiliaries be and have do raise, as illustrated in (ia) and (ib) respectively: (i) a. John is not being facetious. b. John has not gone home.

if AGR is transparent, verb movement is allowed; and XAGR is opaque, movement is not

allowed. The concepts of transparency and opacity were reinterpreted by Chomsky (1993) in tenns of "strong" and ''weak" features. When the V-features are strong, the verb must move overtly; when they are weak, the verb moves covertly.
4.1.2.2

Vikner (1991,1995) ,Rohrbacher (1993,1995), Roberts (1993) Holm berg and Platzack (1995)

Vikner (1992,1995) has consistently emphasized a correlation between the strength of verbal intlectional morphology and the obligatory movement of the finite verb to f (i.e., to the ' left of a medial adverbial or negation). In an attempt to articulate a typology of features that trigger verb movement, Vikner (1995) argued that v-to-1' occurs only if all core tenses (meaning noncompound tenses) in a given language are idected for person. Rohrbacher (1995) adopted a more restrictive view than V i e r (1 995) and argued that v-to-f movement occurs if and only if 1st and 2nd person are overtly and distinctly marked at least once (that is, for I st and 2nd person singular or 1st and 2nd person plural) in a given tense. Rohrbacher's most recent proposal (1995;363) was that languages are not parameterized for V-to-AgrS raising and pro-drop as such but rather for the presence or the absence of lexical entries for their agreement aflixes. Whereas a positive setting of this parameter will trigger V-to-AgrS raising and allow pro-drop, a negative setting will prohibit both. In other words, the trigger for v t - !movement lies in the agreement paradigm of a -o I given lang~age.~

Although their formulation of verb movement was altered in more recent work, Vikner and Rohrbacher still related verb mo\Iernent to verbal morphology.

Following Platzack (1988)' Roberts (1993) drew evidence &om the history of Enghsh and of Mainland Scandinavian, among other languages, supporting the view that verb movement is connected to rich verbal morphology. He examined the history of English and of the Mainland Scandinavian languages and corroborated Platzack's (1988) observation that the loss of subject-verb agreement was contemporaneous with the loss of v - t o - f movement and occurred within the 200-year period between 1500 and 1700 (PIatzack, 1988;223). Consider the following examples fiom Middle EnglishiEarly New Enghsh, where the occurrence of the order V-nor (as in (16)), V-uherb (as in (17)), and V-quant3er (as in (18)) has been interpreted as resulting f?om v-to-1' movement: Negation in Middle English (1 100-1500) and Early New English (1500-1 800) (16)
a. Wepyng and teres counforteth not dissoIute laghers. weeping and tears comfort not dissolute laughers 'Weeping and tears did not comfort the careless laughers.' (1400-1450: N. Love: The Myrour o the Blessyd Lyfof Jesu Christ;Gray, f 1985;97) b. They were fUl soore adredde and wist not what it was. they were full sore afraid and knew not what it was 'They were so &aid and did not know what it was.' (1438: Anon: l3e Gille Legende; Gray, 1985;103) (n Roberts, 1993; 250) i

Adverbials in Middle English and Early New English

(17)

The Turks ... made anone redy a grete ordonnaunce. the Turks ... made soon ready a large number of weapons 'The Turks soon prepared a large number of weapons.' (c. 1482: Kaye: The Delectable Navsse o the Glorious Viclorye of the Rhodyam f agqnest the firkes; Gray, 1985;23) (in Roberts, 1993;253)

Quantifiers in Middle English and Early New English

(18)

In dolefit1 wise they ended both their days. in doleu fashion they ended both their days 'In a doIefid fashion, they both ended their days.' (1589: Marlowe:lheJew ofMaZta, III, iii,21) (Roberts, 1993;253)

On the basis of such evidence, Roberts concluded that Middle English and Early New English
in its early stages (up to 1550-1575) required V'o to move to !l in all tensed clauses and 10n

this type of movement iater on.

In this respect, Mainland Scandinavian underwent an evolution pardel to that of

English. Indeed, considering Negation alone, the order of the inflected verb and Negation in subordinate clauses in O d Swedish was V-Negation, as illustrated in (19a). In contrast, the l order in Modern Swedish is Negation-V, as illustrated by (19b): (19) a. at Gudz ord kan ey vara j honom (Old Swedish) that God word can not be in him 'that God's word cannot be in him' b. att Guds ord inte kan vara i honom (Modern Swedish) i that God word not can be in h m 'that God's word cannot be in him' (Roberts, 1993;263)

Roberts (1993) corroborated Platzack's observation the loss of V - t o - ~ g P English and in Swedish is related to the ioss of verbal morphology, as these two phenomena co-occurred within a period of 200 years. This added firther evidence linking "rich" verbal morphology to verb movement. Holrnberg and Platzack (1995) followed a similar line of reasoning and claimed more specifically that the syntactic differences between Mainland Scandinavian (Swedish, Danish,

Norwegian) and Insular Scandinavian (Icelandic) can be derived from the fundamental difference in their inflectional systems. Mainland Scandinavian has no subject-verb agreement morphology and a highIy impoverished system of case morphology. In contrast, Insular Scandinavian has a rich system of subject-verb agreement morphology and case morphology. Hence, Holmberg and Platzack constructed a theory accounting for the role that agreement and case morphology play in the syntax of the Scandinavian languages and, by extension, in Universal Grammar (Holmberg & Platzack, 1995;3).
4.1.2.3

Chomsky (1993)

Chomsky (1 993) attempted to reduce parametric variations (such as overt V-raising or lack thereof) to morphological properties. In this sense, his approach is compatible with that of Pollock, V i e r , Rohrbacher, and Roberts. Furthermore, he assumed that LF is irrelevant in detecting variations in Ianguages, as distinctive propeaies may be detected only at PF. If parametric differences among languages such as raised phrases or phrases in situ are not detectable at LF, one has to rely on morphological properties that are reflected at PF. So

languages with V-raising, Iike French, and those without V-raising, Iike English, are not
distinguishable at LF. From the perspective of learnability, the child has to rely on the detectable properties at PF (morphological properties) to set the parameters of a given language correctly. Two approaches have been explored to explain how verbal inflection takes place. The first approach cIaims that the m i verb typically picks up the features of Tense and Agr, an adjoining to an inflectional element to form [V I]. One possibility is to assume that the lexical

element a (a verb in our case) starts out as a bare, uninflected form; PF rules are then designed to interpret the complex [aI-j as a single phonological word. The other approach, preferred by Chomsky, is that a emerges fiom the lexicon hlly inflected (a lexicatist approach). Its features are then checked against the inflectional element

I in the complex [aI]. Technically, a adjoins to the lowest I to form the complex
[I

a r] and then this complex continues to raise to the next higher inflectional element. After

multiple adjunctions, a will stiU be in the checking domain of the highest I (Chomsky 1993;
47, fil.31).

For the sake of concreteness, let us illustrate this on the tree in (20). If the tree were associated with a French sentence, would move to TO and then to ~g?. In the new
and A& do not dominate inflectional

lexicalist Eamework, the fbnctional heads

morphemes but, rather, bundles of abstract features, which have been called "4-features". Chomsky's basic assumption was that the hnctional features associated with the verbal inflectional morphology have to be checked against the abstract features on the hnctional heads TO and ~g?. Feature matching is done via a process of adjunction. The V adjoins to the matching functional head TO to form the complex [TVTI, and then this complex raises to the matching functional head A$ to form the complex [& [TV TI Agr]]. The abstract features get eliminated in the process of feature checking. Kthe features match, the derivation converges. If they cIash, the derivation crashes.

Spec

In Chomsky's terms, if the features of a and I match, I disappears and a enters the PF

component under Spell-Out; if they conflict, I remains and the derivation crashes at PF (Chomsky, 1993;27-28). Observe, at this point, the way in which Chomsky translated Baker's Mirror Principle into Minimalist terms: The raising verb a is interpreted as the sequence of V=(a,MI,...,

I d ) , where a is the morphoIogical complex m-Idl - . ,I, Ia root and I d ; an . . Rd inflectional feature. The PF rules see only a. When V is adjoined to a functional category F, the feature Infll is removed fiom V if it matches F. I any I d i remains at LF, the derivation f crashes at LF. The PF form a always satisfies the Mirror Principle in a derivation that converges at LF. The hnctional elements Tense and Agr incorporate features of the verb, called "V-features": The hnction of the V-features of an inflectional element I is to check the morphological properties oftha verb selected fiom the lexicon (Chomsky, 1993; 2 ~ ) . ~

Chomsky's attempt to W l a t e the Mirror Principle into M n m l s terms could be restated w t i a noniiait ihn lexicalist framework as follows: Consider the French sentence in (i), illustrated by the tree i (ii): n (i) Jean aimer-a Valerie. (French) Jean V+T+Agr VaIt rie 'Jean will love Valerie. '

Following Pollock's propod, Chomsky assumed that French-type languages have

"strorig"Agr, which forces overt raising, and that English-type Ianguages have "weak" Agr,
which blocks it. Chomsky adapted PolIock's suggestion and proposed that the V-features of
Agr are "strong" in French and ''wed? in English. When the V-features have checked the

adjoined V, they disappear. Chomsky also assumed that "strong" features are visible at PF and that "weak" features are invisible at PF. These features, moreover, are not legitimate objects at PF. Hence, if a strong feature remains after SpelI-Out, the derivation crashes. In French, overt raising is a prerequisite for convergence; in English, it is not. Within this fiarnework, Chomsky attempted to answer the important question why the auxiliary verbs have and be raise in English but m i verbs do not. This is also an important an issue for Capeverdean, which we tackle in section 4.2. Chomsky explained why main verbs do not move in English in terms of an economy condition. LF movement is cheaper than

overt movement (the principle Procrastinate). LF operations are less costly than overt
operations; hence, syntactic overt movement is minimized whenever possible. In English-type
languages, overt raising is not forced for convergence; therefore, it is prohibited by economy

principles. As for auxiliaries, he argued that the fact that they raise in English reflects their semantic vacuity; they are place-holders for certain constructions and are at most very light

- -

v
aim
er

aim e r

NP

Valerie The tree in (ii) shons that thc Tense inflection -er is picked up first before the Agreement inflection -a. These inflections m s be adjoined in this order to yield the correct French sequence V+T+Agr. ut

verbs. Such elements, lacking semantically relevant features, are not visible to LF rules. If they have not raised overtly, they will not be able to raise by LF and the derivation will crash. To summarize Chomsky's lexicalist approach to V r i i g we may say that the -asn, relevant heads (!"' or AgrS) are "strong" (have strong V-features) in some languages but I, 'I not in others. If'the features are "strong", the verb has to move to check these features (tense features, agreement features, or some other type of features). In this sense, the strength of these features is only indirectly related to morphology.
4.1.2.4 Jonas (1996)

Jonas (1996) assuming Chomsky's approach, argued that the basic movement is v-to-

TO, and like Chomsky, did not relate this directly to verbal morphology. Her basic argument
was as follows: Because Tense in Enghsh has weak V-features, no overt verb raising with adjunction to the head TO occurs. As for Mainland Scandinavian, she followed the proposal o that Chomsky (1993) made f r English and assumed that TO raises independently,*whether or not there is overt verb movement. When overt v-to-TO occurs, T does not raise independently. Adjunction of the complex head [V AgrO] to TO forms the complex head

[* [@V AgrJT] (Jonas, 2 996; 176). Like Chomsky (1 993), she did not draw a direct

correlation between vt - O - T movement and verbal morphology. o

4.1.2.5 Tbrainsson (1994,1996), Bobaljik (1995), Bobaljik and Thriinsson (forthcoming)

Thrihsson (1996;267)correctly noted that it is difscult to define the concept of

"rich" morphology in such a way that it makes the correct predictions with regard to overt

T-raising is independent in the sense that it is not dependent on overt verb movement.

verb movement. Instead of assuming a direct correlation between rich verbal morphology and overt verb movement (as did Vikner, Holmberg, Platzack, Rohrbacher, and Roberts), Thrhhsson assumed a correlation between rich verb morphology and Split IP, under which TP is a syntactic category separate fiom AgrSP. His argument was as follows: In the absence of a Split IP, the simplified IP structure
will emerge and no AgrSP/TP/AgrOP will appear.

T i would account for the dierent hs

number of subject and object positions available in languages with rich verbal morphology versus those with impoverished verbal morphology. indeed, Ianguages with just IP above the

VP would have only Spec-IP as an available subject position above VP, whereas languages
with Spec-AgrSP and Spec-TP would have two positions (and also a Spec-AgrOP for the shifted object). Bobaljik and Thrhsson (forthcoming) argued that the verb needs to move to

in a Split IP structure but does not raise to I* in an unsplit I structure. They opted for a P
structural account rather than one that relies on differentid feature strength. Consider the following two structures: Unsplit IP (2 1)

Split I P (22) Spec

...

They pointed out that in the unsplit IP structure in ( 1 , the VP headed by the 2) complement of

is the

I". The adjoined AdvP does not alter that relationship because it does not

create any new projection intervening between VP and I*. If one assumes that the complement of a head is in its checking domain, then the verb does not have to move to check Bobaljik and Thrhsson proposed, however, features present in I (Tense or other feat~res).~ that when other projections intervene between the verb and the head(s) it has to check features with, the verb has to raise to get into a checking relationship with the relevant head. O This is illustrated in (22). In that structure, the verb has to check features with T , at least; but AgrOP intervenes, so the verb must raise overtly to TO. In this respect, Thriinsson (1996; 279) questioned whether a language lacking inflectional morphology but with a Split IP (a T separate fiom an AgrSP) could be found.' I P suggest in this chapter that Capeverdean may be such a language. Indeed, I argue that

See also Groat (1997).

7

Jonathan Bobaljik (personal communication) brought to my attention the fact that Afrikaans may also represent such a case.

although Capeverdean is endowed with minimal inflectionaI morphology (the single su& ba), it gives evidence of a Split IP and overt V-raising.

The preceding theoretical assumptions can be summarized as follows:

(a) Certain scholars (e-g., Chomsky, 1993) argued that movement or lack thereof
reflects feature strength, but it is worth noting that the concept of strength does not really

explain but simply codes the movement trigger technically. Why should some languages have
"strongy'verbal features on certain heads and others "weak" features?
(b) Other scholars have tried to define "strong I" versus "weak I". Pollock, V i e r ,

Rohrbacher, Roberts, and Holrnberg and Platzack have tried to do so by relating "strength" to overt verbal morphology. However, this does not realIy explain why it should be certain person distinctions (cf Rotubacher's view) that determine verb movement.

(c) A third approach was suggested by Bobaljik and Thriiinsson (forthcoming). Their
approach predicts that if there are independent projections (i-e., not just adjunction structures) between the VP and the hnctiond head(s) the V has to check features with, V-movement will occur. This opens up the possibility that these projections may not simply involve agreement (as do AgrSP or AgrOP), but could be auxiliary projections (or even a NegP, as opposed to
an adjoined Negation). We consider in section 4.5 the predictions this approach makes for

Capeverdean Creole, given the clausal architecture we assume.

On this issue, Capeverdean presents an intriguing situation where evidence of verb

movement may be present in the absence of both "rich" verbal morphology and subject-verb agreement.*

As noted earlier, there is an alleged correlation benveen rich verbal inflection and verb movement. However, it has been conceded that the Swedish dialect of Kronoby (spoken in Finland), which has no subject-verb

In this chapter, the assumed triggers of verb movement proposed by authors like
V i e r , Holmberg, Platzack, and Rohrbacher are shown not to account for Capeverdean data. On the other hand, Thrhsson (1996), BobaIjik (1995), and Bobaljik and T h r h s o n (forthcoming) could offer a more promising account for the language under discussion.
In the next section, we turn to the first diagnostic for V-raising, Negation, in

Capeverdean; and we examine the distribution of verbs and TMA markers vis-a-vis ka.
4.2

Verb and TMA Markers Position With Respect to the Negative Morpheme ka

In chapter 2, we examined the position of verbs with regard to the negative marker ka

and observed that all verbs in Capeverdean are post-Neg, as exemplified by (23):
(23)

Joiio ka kume katxupa. Joio Neg ate kabapa 'Jog0 did not eat any katxupa.'

agreement, still displays obligatory @-to-I* movement (Viier, 1992;6, fn.4). The example in (i) illustrates a Kronoby sentence where the verb precedes Negation in an embedded clause. T i cannot be interpreted as a hs V2 phenomenon, because V2 occurs in D n s and standard Swedish in matrix clauses only; hence if this is aih impossible in Danish and Swedish, there is no reason why it should occur in Kronoby. Compare the Kronoby ut example in (i) to the analogous Danish example in (ii) where Negation m s precede the verb, showing that the verb has not moved and cannot move in the Danish case: (i) He va bra et an tsiifft int bootsen. (Kronoby) it was good that he bought not book-the 'It was good that he did not buy the bcmk.' (example (i) from Platzack & HoImberg, 1989;74) (ii) a.*Det var godt at han b b t e ikke bogen. (Danish) it was good that he bought not book-the b. Det var godt at han ikke kebte bogen. it was good that he no; bought book-the 'It was good that he did not buy the book.' (examples (iia-b) fiom Vikner, 1995;135) No account of the Kronoby case has been attempted so far. Rohrbacher mentioned that the Kronoby facts may be due to the inlluence of Finnish.

In this section, I examine in detail the position of TMA markers with regard to ka and pay particular attention to the copula-like morpheme e, which is the only Capeverdean verb (let us
call it a light verb) that is found in a pre-Neg position.
4.2.1

The Position of TMA Markers Vis-H-Vi R a

When expressing sentential negation, Capeverdean ka precedes not only the m i verb, an
as shown in (23), but also the sequence of TMA markers. In other words, ka must be preverbal and never allows ta, as in (24), stayas in (25) or the combination ta stay as in (26)(27) to precede it.
(24)

kume karni. JoZo Neg TMA eat meat 'JoZo does not eat meat.' b.*JoZo ta ka kumekarni. Jo5o TMA Neg eat meat c.*Jo8o ta kume ka karni. JoZo TMA eat Neg meat

a. Jog0 ka ta

(25)

a. J o b ka sta kume karni. Jog0 Neg sta eat meat 'Joiio is not eating meat.' b.* Joio sta ka kume karni. JoZo TMA Neg eat meat c.* JoZo sta kume ka karni. Jo5o TMA eat Neg meat a. Jogo ka sta ta kume karni. JoZo Neg TMA TMA eat meat 'JoZio is not eating meat.' b.*Jogo sta ka ta kume karni. Joto TMA Neg TMA eat meat a.*Joiio sta ta ka kume kami. JoZo TMA TMA Neg eat meat

(26)

(27)

b.*Joiio sta ta kumeka kami. JoIo TMA TMA eat Neg meat The generalization that we can derive fiom these data is that whether la and sta occur alone
(as i (24a) and (25a)) or in combination (as in (26a)), these markers must follow negation. n

There is, however, one interesting exception to this generalization: Whereas all verbs
follow Negation, the copula e generally appears in a pre-Neg position.g This sole exception is worthy of firrther analysis and is the topic of the next subsection.
4.2.2

The Position of e Vis-a-vis ka The morpheme e is pre-Neg (in most dialectal varieties)'' and allows the negative

morpheme to immediately precede adjectival, (as in (28)) and nominal, (as in (29)) predicates.
(28)

a. JoZo e ka temozu. JoZo e Neg temozu 'JoZio is not stubborn.' b.*JoZo ka etemozu. Joiio Neg e stubborn. a. Jo5o e ka nha pai. JoZo e Neg my father 'Joiio is not my father.' b.*Jo8o ka e nha pai. JoGo Neg e my father

(29)

Such constructions abound in Capeverdean literature, as attested by examples such as ( 0 : 3)

The generalization that all verbs, including e, are post-Neg holds at DS: We may indeed assume that e starts out in a post-Negposition in 9 and raises.
'O As discussed in chapter 2, section 2.2, in my own idiolect and that of all the informants interviewed, it would b ungrammatical to place e in a post-Neg position. 1was informed, however, that there seem to be e dialectal varieties that use e in a post-Neg position, much in the same way Portuguese does.

(30)

Kauberdi e ka mas e ka menus k un txabasku di ~ o l t a r p u . ~ i Cape Verde is not more is not less than a piece of Goltarpu 'Cape Verde is no more, no less than a colony of Goltarpu.' (Veiga, 1987; 14)

This is somewhat smlr to the exceptional, pre-Neg position of the (inflected) English iia

copula, as illustrated in (3 1). a. John is not stubborn, (Present) b. John is not my father.

(3 1)

It is important, however, to note that in English, the pre-Neg position of auxiliaries is

..), consistent across tenses (is~%as/iuill. as illustrated by (32a-d). Main verbs, moreover, never

appear in such a position, as illustrated in (32e-f): (32)

a. John is not being stubborn. (Present) b. John has not been stubborn. (Present Perfect) c. John was not stubborn. (Past) d. John will not be stubborn. (Future) e.*John came not home. (Past) f. John did not come home. (Obligatory do-support)

Contrary to the English case, the past tense counterpart of e, era, is always post-Neg, as illustrated by the examples in (33) and (34):
(33)

a. JoZo ka era temozu. JoSo Neg was stubborn 'Jog0 was not stubborn.' b.*JoZio era ka temozu. JoSo was Neg stubborn

" The "secret language" espression

Goltarpu stands for Portugal in Veiga's (1987) novel.

(34)

a. JoIo ka era nha pai. Jofo Neg was my father 'Jolo was not my father.' b. *JoHo era ka nha pai. Jof o was Neg my father

a The same situation arises for the kture tense counterpart of e, t ser. Tu set must assume a

post-Neg position, as is shown by the ungrammaticality of (3 5b) and (3 5c):

(35)

a. JoIo ka ta ser profesor. JoIo Neg TMA be professor 'JoIo will not be a professor.' b.*JoIo ta ser ka profesor. Joio TMA be Neg professor c. *Jog0 ta ka ser profesor. Jogo TMA Neg be professor

This state of affairs is summarized by the templates in (36): a. ka ser + Present = e ka b. ka ser -1- Past = ka era c. ka ser + Future = ka ta ser

(36)

Recall Chomsky's argument, cited in section 4.1, regarding auxiliary raising in English. He argued that auxiliaries raise in English due to their semantic vacuity; lacking semantically relevant features, they are not visible to LF rules. Such arguments cannot hold for Capeverdean Creole. Indeed, the movement of e to a pre-Neg position cannot be explained
by assuming that its raising is triggered by its auxiliary status, given that auxiliaries such as ta

and stu l2 can never be found in a pre-Neg position, as shown in (24b) and (25b). We may

We argued i chapter 1, subsection 1.2.4, that ta and sta are ausiliaries: f is a nonverbal ausiliary,whereas n a sta is verbal and can carry the anterior marker -bn. I refer the reader to chapter 1 for the relevant tests leading

12

infer fiom this that e is not an auxiliary but that its morpho-phonological lightness may be triggering its raising. The trees in (37), (38) and (39) illustrate the assumed position of, respectively, the future, past and present tense forms of ser 'be'. For ease of exposition, we assume that ka heads the projection NegP; and we just* this structure in subsection 4.2.3.3. The tree in (37), representing the firture tense, shows that ser in the infinitival form does not have any reason to move, as it has no inflection to pick up in TO. Hence, the main verb remains in sittr. In contrast, the tree in (38), representing the past tense, shows that the verb has moved from
to TO, presumably to pick up a past tense feature. The tree in (39),

representing the present tense, shows that the copula may have moved overtly fiom P - t o - ~ ' to AUX' to a pre-Neg position. First, e moves to Neg-head and adjoins to h; then the and complex [e ka] moves to ~g'. The fact that ka may raise in some constructions is l3 reminiscent of the French negative particle ne (which raises to A
~ ~ O )

and the Italian morpheme

non (which also raises to ~g?,as described in subsection 4.2.3.3).

- -- - -

to the conclusion that ta and sta are ausiliaries. DeGraff(1992) also argued that Haitian TMA markers are ausiliaries.
l 3 Another way to interpret these facts nrouId to assume that e raises to Neg due to its lightness and remains be there. I would argue. ho\vever. that &he copula e carries the features of third person singular and for this reason would move to ~gr'. I tackle this issue again in chapter 5, section 5.8.

ka ta ser
(37)
Spec
AuxP

Joiio

ka

ta

ser

profesor

ka era

era;

t;

nha pai

kSj

tj

ti

ti

nha pai

In summary, in this subsection, we have observed that verbs and TMA markers are always in a
post-Neg position. Verbs raise covertly fiom eta-TO and remain in a post-Neg position, whereas the copula e raises overtly fiom v-to-TO to ~g$,

landing in a pre-Neg position. On

this issue, I give evidence in sections 4.3 and 4.4 that verbs can move overtly fiom V O - ~ O - T O past a certain class of adverbials and floating quantifiers. In the next subsection, we explore the structure of Negation in Capeverdean.
4.2.3 The Structure of Negation

In this subsection, I argue in favor of ka as the head of its own projection, NegP. I base my assumptions about the syntax of Negation for Capeverdean on Zanuttini's (1 991) account of the syntax of Negation in Romance languages. I draw evidence for the assumed

structure from Negative Concord and show how some negative quantifiers like mas may enter
in an agreement relation with the negative morpheme ka at LF.

This subsection is divided into three parts. Fist, I present Zanuttini's (1991) basic arguments. Second, I draw a cIear distinction between double negation and Negative Concord by using examples fiom French, Haitian, and Capeverdean. In this respect, we see that Frenchpas has been argued to be in Spec-NegP (Pollock, 1989), whereas Haitianpa has been argued to be the head of NegP ( D 1993). I argue that Capeverdean ka is also a

head. In part three, I draw parallels between Italian (Befletti, 1990) and Capeverdean and

fine-tune the structure assumed for Capeverdean Negation.

4.2.3.1

Zanuttini (1991)

Zanuttini (1991) argued that Negation is just another grammatical agreement

phenomenon like subject-verb agreement. She claimed that agreement may occur within NegP via a Spec-head relationship. Consider the negative projection in (40):

Zanuttini argued that if agreement occurs between a negative morpheme in

~and O

negative quantifier in Spec-NegP, a negative interpretation wl result (Negative Concord). If, il on the other hand, a positive interpretation results, under the same configuration, in the presence of a negative morpheme in Neg and a negative quantifier in Spec-NegP, double negation has occurred. Double negation results when the LF movement of the negative quantifier to Spec-NegP is blocked. Let us clarify the concepts of double negation and Negative Concord.

4.2.3.2 Double Negation and Negative Concord

Double negation takes place when a negative marker and a negative quantifier (or negative adverbial) yield a positive (or aflirmative) interpretation. Consider the French sentence in (41):
(41)

Je n'ai pas jamais vu Henri. I ne have not never seen Henri 'I have not never seen Henri.'

(French)

In (41), the negative marker pas and the negative quantifierjamais cancel each other out and
yield the positive interpretation 'I have seen Henry'.
Zanuttini followed Pollock (1 989) in assuming that French pas is generated in Spec-NegP and

argued that the position of Frenchpas in Spec-NegP prevents Negative Concord by blocking
(LF) movement of the negative quantifier into Spec-NegP. Hence, negative quantifiers Like
jamais 'never' cannot enter into agreement with the negative head. Because there is no Spec-

Head agreement in NegP at LF, a double negation reading results.

As illustrated by the English gloss in (41) and the English sentence in (42), double
negation also occurs in English:
I have not never eaten mangoes.

(42)

Sentence (42) yields the positive interpretation 'I have eaten mangoes'.

On the other hand, with Negative Concord, the sentence containing two negative
elements is interpreted as a negative statement. Creole languages display Negative Concord

rather than double negation. This was illustrated for Haitian by DeGraE(1993). Consider the following sentences:
(43)

(Haitian) nobody Neg come 'Nobody has come.' b. Mwen pa we pisonn. I Neg see nobody 'I haven't seen anybody.' c. Sa pa anyen. it Neg nothing 'It is nothing.' @eGraff, 1993;67)

a. PGsonn pa vini.

On the basis of such sentences, wherepa and the negative quantiiierspesonn 'nobody' in (43a) and (43b) and artyell 'nothing' in (43c) enter into agreement to yield a negative interpretation, DeGrafF(1993;71) argued that Haitian pa is the head of NegP. Following Zanuttini (I991), he assumed that at LF pa enters into Spec-head agreement with a negative quantifier in spec-~egl?." Capeverdean shows the same phenomenon, where the co-occurrence of the negative
l& marker ka with negative quantifiers such as ? a 'nothing' or mas 'no more' yields a negative

interpretation, as illustrated by (44) and (45). (44)

a. N ka odja nada. (Capeverdean) I Neg saw nothing 'I did not see anything.' b.*Nka nada odja. I Neg nothing saw

l4 Quebecois may be a problem for Zanuttini's proposal, however, as Negative Concord occurs even though pas is in Spec-NegP. The same gpe of problem emerges in Louisiana Creole, according to Deprez (forthcoming).

(45)

a. N ka odja Eliza mas. I Neg saw Eliza no more 'I no longer saw Eliza.' b.*JoSo ka mas odja E l k . Jo5o Neg no more saw Eliza

Following Zanuttini (199 l), we may argue that ka is the head of NegP, whereas adverbials such as m& and mas can enter into agreement with ka in Spec-NegP at LF. In the next subsection, I treat the structure of Capeverdean Negation in greater detail.

4.2.3.3 The Structure of Capeverdean Negation: A Comparative Analysis

Consider the sentence in (46):

(46)

Joiio ka papia mas. (Capeverdean) Jogo Neg spoke no more 'JoZo did not speak anymore.'

It is worth observing that ItaIian has constructions identical to (46), analyzed by Belletti (1990). For the Italian analog to (46), given in (47), BeUetti assumed the DS in (48) (Benetti,

(47)

Gianni non parla piu.

(Italian)
(Belletti, 1990;29)

Gianni not speak anymore 'Gianni does not speak anymore.'

Belkti assumed that ttot~ (which she considered a clitic) moves to the AGR position through head-to-head movement; pada moves from v-to-T(' to AGR Given these movements, the right order obtains, as illustrated by the tree in (49).

ej

Belletti (1990;3 1) observed that the structure in (49) is derivationdly incompatible with the Head-Movement Constraint, which prevents a head, in this case

v, fiom skipping another c-

commanding head position, in this case ~ e ~on ,its way to its landing site. ' Representationally, however, (49) is well formed. To rescue the construction, she adopted Moritz's (1989) suggestion that the negation chain and verb chain share the same head Agr
(i ,j) that

dominates t;lo7zparla. The sharing of the same head is the key to the well-formedness

of (49).

In contrast, the Capeverdean example in (46) (the counterpart to (47)) is assumed to

have the structure in (50). In this structure, we adopt the W-internal hypothesis, where the subject has raised f?om Spec-VP.

Note that although Belletti assumed that VO undergoes head movement fiom

to TO to

AGR' (where the verb picks up Tense and Agreement inflection), I show in sections 4.3 and
4.4 that the Capeverdean verb moves only to TO (except for the copula e, which moves to

AGR). So the first difference between (49) and (50) is that Capeverdean exhibits v-to-TO

movement, whereas Italian exhibits VO-to-TO to A& movement.

A second departure fiom Belletti's proposal (for Italian) resides in the adverbial

placement of Capeverdean mas. I argue that mas, unlike its Italian counterpart piu, is generated not in Spec-NegP (likepizi in (49)) but lower in the tree. Given that the verb raises only to TO, it is necessary to assume that the adverb is generated below

in order to derive

a the correct order in (46)- M s enters into a Spec-head agreement relation with ka only at LF.
To just@ this analysis ,let us consider a sentence containing a transitive verb, TMA markers, and an object NP,such as (51):

(51)

a. Jog0 ka sta ta pinta kaza mas. Jogo Neg TMA TMA paint house no more 'JoZio is no longer painting houses.' b.*Joolo ka sta ta pinta mas kaza.15 JoSo Neg TMA TMA paint no longer houses

Mas m s always follow VP-internal material, such as the object of the verb, as illustrated by ut
(5 la). If mars were VP-internal, then the prediction would be that an object could appear in a

postadverbial position; but that is not the case, as Uustrated by the ungrammaticality of (5 lb). Because (5 la) is grammatical, we may argue that mas is right-adjoined to VP. l6 If (5 lb) were grammatical, then we could have argued that the verb had to shift to the left of mas because the adverbial would be left-adjoined to VP.

In summary, we have seen in this subsection that all verbs and TMA markers in
Capeverdean are obligatorily post-Neg. This shows that they can never move higher than
NegP. Hence, except for the copula e,
I'

verbs, as they are positioned with regard to

Negation, do not show overt V-raising. We have also proposed a structure for Negation based on the phenomenon of Negative Concord. We have seen that some adverbials like mas are right-adjoined to VP and, for this reason, do not allow us to detect verb movement in a clear fashion. In the next subsection, we consider a class of adverbials that are left-adjoined to VP, and provide a good diagnostic for verb movement.

l5 The sentence in (51b) is not grammatical under the interpretation 'Jao is no longer painting houses' but is grammatical under the interpretation 'Jok is not painting more houses'.

The other possibility would be to argue that both the verb and the object have shifted to the left of mas.
I' It could also be argued that e is base-generated in a pre-Neg position, but it is unclear why the present tense form of ser would be base-generated in a different position from the other forms.

4.3

Capeverdean Verb Position With Regard to Adverbs

In chapter 2, subsection 2.1.5, I identifled six classes of adverbs in Capeverdean and

based that positional classification on Jackendoff s (1972) adverbial typology and Rochette's
(1990) analysis of selectiond properties of adverbs. Class M adverbs are the focus of this

section, because members of this class provide us with a good diagnostic for verb movement.
As was discussed in subsection 4.1.1, it is generally assumed that whether the finite

verb is in

or not can be determined fiom its position relative to a sentence-medial adverbial

(i-e., an adverbial that folIows the subject but precedes the complement of the verb). The medial adverbial is assumed to left-adjoin to VP. This means that ifthe verb precedes the adverbid, it has left VP; whereas ifthe verb follows the adverbial, it must still be in p. Capeverdean has a class of adverbs that occurs preferably in a postverbal position, and possibly sentence-finally (in some dialects), as ilIustrated by the examples (52)-(54). The following sets of sentences show that this class of adverbs ( mulu 'too much'/ 'a lot'; ben 'well', ma1 'badIy') occur postverbally, as we see in the (a) examples; the ungrarnmaticality of the (b) examples shows that these adverbs cannot occur between the subject and the verb. The (c) exampIes show that they cannot occur sentence-initially. The question mark in the (d) examples expresses that sentence-final occurrence of these adverbs is possible in some dialects and marginal in others.
(52)

a. Jog0 ta ama mutu Eliza. Jolo TMA love too much Eliza 'Jog0 loves Eliza too much.' b.* JoZo mutu ta arna Eliza. Jo3o too much Th4.A love Eliza

Joiio ta ama E h . too much Jog0 TMA love Eliza ama Eliza mutu. d.? Joiio ta JoZo TMA love Eliza too much
c.* Mutu

(53)

a. Joao xina ben se lison.

Jog0 learnt well his lesson 'Joiio learnt bis lesson well.' b.* JoHo ben xina se lison. Jog0 well learnt his lesson c.* Ben Joiio xina se lison. well Joiio learnt his lesson d.? Joiio zdna se lison ben. JoZo learnt his lesson wl el

(54)

a. Joiio xina ma1 se lison. Jog0 learnt badly his Iesson 'Jolo learnt his lesson badly.' b.* Joiio ma1 xina se lison. JoZo badly learnt his lesson c.* Mal Jolo xina se lison. badly1 JoHo learnt his lesson d.? JoZo xina se lison mal. JoZo learnt his lesson badly

We assume that members of this class of adverbs are generated as Ieft-adjuncts to VP, as

illustrated in (55):

ben

NP

Assuming that these adverbs are base-generated left-adjoined to VP and that adverbs are not subject to movement, the preadverbial position of the verb would indicate that the verb has moved to P.18 only other way to derive this word order would be to say that the object The was shifted to the right, as it occurs in heavy NP shift constructions. However, an NP like

Eliza is not the kind of heavy NP or new-informational NP one would expect to move to the

If one objects to the assumption that adverbs do not move, there are two possibilities for r e o r d e ~ g verb the and the adverb. One is to move the verb to the left across the adverb and adjoin it to some head position like p. Tiis would yield the order V-Adv-NP (Obj.). The other possibility is to move the adverbial phrase righward and right-adjoin it to VP. This would yield the order V-NP (0bj.)-Adv. For the adverbs under discussion, this is nonpreferrcd. So even if one assumed that adverbs could move to h e right, one could not account for the current facts; whereas if one assumes verb movement, the right order is naturally derived. Note that left-adjoining the adverb to the NPobject would not be allowed under standard assumptions about movement and adjunction. F i m it ~ ~ o uinvolve lowering into a constituent. Second, it is standardly ld assumed that adjunction to a r w e n t s does not occur.

''

right, so this does not seem to be an option.lg ConsequentIy, this type of adverbs crucially provides us with the test showing that the verb has moved to I ? . There is, however, an important observation that should be made regarding the placement of such adverbs with respect to Capeverdean audaries. Consider (56), the andog to (53) except for the presence of the auxiliaries sta and ta and the anterior marker -ba.
(56)

a. Jogo staba ta xina ben se lison. JoIo TMA+ba TMA learn well his lesson 'JoBo was learning his lesson well.' b.* JoZo ben staba ta xina se lison. JoHo well TMA+ba TMA learn his lesson c.* Ben Joio staba ta xina se lison. well J o b TMA+ba TMA learn his lesson d.? JoZo staba ?a xina se lison ben. JoGo TMA+ba TMA learn his lesson well

(56) shows that whether in a compound or noncompound tense, the adverbial must be immediately postverbal, as illustrated by the ungrammaticality of (56b-c) and the marginality

RecaIl that in subsection 4.1.1, where the position of adverbs in Icelandic and French was introduced (exampIe (2) for Icelandic and exarnpIe (5) for French), we noted that in these two languages, the adverbial appeared in compound tenses (mvo~vingauxiliaries) between the
finite auxiliary and the past participle. It was observed that if the relevant functional head

Evidence that heavy NP shift has not occurred is provided by the presence of a clause-i.ual pronominal, as pronomiuals are not candidates for heavy NP shift. Unfortunately, Capeverdean does not provide such a test, as is illustrated by h e ungrammaticality of (i): (i)*loio odja mutu el. ioio saw a lot himher Instead, the clitic moves with the verb to a preadverbial position, as in (ii): (ii) Jo3o odja-l mutu. Joio saw+himlher a lot 'Joa'o saw himher a lot.'

position (f-or-~' or ~

d filled with an auxiliary element, then the main verb remains in is )

silu; but if no such auxiliary element is present, then the main verb moves to that fbnctional
head position in core (noncompound) tenses. In other words, verb movement in French and Icelandic sects main verbs only when no auxiliaries are present. The reason for this is that aurciliary verbs in Icelandic and French are inflected for tense and agreement, just like ordinary verbs, so it is these verbs that check the rdevant features when they are present. Hence, it is important to emphasize that contrary to the case in Icelandic and French, the capeverdean adverbial does not behave differently in compound and noncompound tenses, as shown by example (53) where auxiliaries are absent and example (56) where auxiliaries are present.
First, we argued in chapter 2 that the element fa is a nonverbal auxiliary (it cannot carry &a).

Hence, there is no reason to expect that it wl interfere with the raising needs of the main i l verb. Second, given the biclausal structure we assumed in chapter 3, there is some evidence a that the element skz takes a clausal complement (which can take its own l and -ba markers). So it is possible that checking in the complement of sza would still need to be done by the main verb. These assumptions explain why, contrary to the case in French and Icelandic, the
a presence of auxiliary elements like f or sta does not have any effect on the raising possibilities

and raising needs of the main verb.

In this respect, Class V adverbials can be regarded as providing a good diagnostic for I

verb movement. To summarize, we have seen in this section that Capeverdean has a class of adverbs that provide a good diagnostic for verb movement. We have observed that these adverbs are consistently postverbal, even in constructions involving auxiliaries. The position of the verb

with regard to these VP-adjoined adverbs seems to indicate that the verb has moved overtly to

T".

The only other way to derive the observed word order would be to assume that heavy NP

shift has occurred, but the light NPs used in the selected examples should not be legitimate
candidates for heavy NP shift. Let us now turn to some evidence from floating quantifiers, which provide another diagnostic for verb movement.
4.4

Capeverdean Verb Position With Regard to Floating Quantifiers

In the first part of this section, I summarize Sportiche's (1988) theory of quantifier

float, as well as the VP-internal subject hypothesis. In the second part, I relate the position of adverbs to that of floating quantifiersand examine Kayne (1975), Sportiche (1988), and Bobaljik (1995). We then consider quantifier float in Capeverdean as a diagnostic for overt verb movement.
4.4.1 The Theory of Quantifier Float (Sportiche, 1988) and the VP-Internal

Hypothesis

In this subsection, we assume the VP-internal subject hypothesis, which argues that
the subject is generated inside VP and raises to Spec-IP (in Sportiche's fiarnework, and SpecAgrP in ours) to check case (cE Koopman & Sportiche, 1988); Speas & Fukui, 1986; Burton
& Grimshaw, 1992; McNally, 1992). Koopman and Sportiche (1988) stated explicitly that

when Spec-VP (or Spec-V', in their h e w o r k ) is a caseless position, the NP in it that needs case must move. I t on the other hand, that same position is a case position, movement is not necessary (Koopman & Sportiche, 1988;14-15). Given that Capeverdean subjects never

appear in Spec-VP (unIike Arabic, Welsh and Irish subjects, which may appear in thisposition), we have grounds to believe that the Capeverdean subject moves to Spec-AgrP to check case." The inference is that ~ g r is a case assigner, which is a viable assumption. The ' tree in (57) illustrates the assumed DS position of the subject. ELiminating the extra VP layer that Sportiche and Koopman originally proposed, we will adopt for ease of exposition the structure assumed by Burton and Grimshaw (1992).

subj. verb

object

Sportiche (1988) made the crucial assumption that quantifiers modifying subjects are basegenerated with the subject in Spec-VP (he assumes the VP-internal subject hypothesis). These quantifiers can be left behind or stranded, either in Spec-VP or in some intermediate position that the subject moves through. Consider the floating quantifier in the French sentence in (58) and (59). The quantifier may appear in two dierent positions: (58) Tous les enfants ont vu ce film. (French) all the children have seen this movie 'All the children have seen this movie.' Les enfmts ant tous vu ce film. the children have a1 seen this movie 1 'AU the children have seen this movie.' (Sportiche, 1988;426)

(59)

In this respect, Capeverdean f i l s into Koopman and Sportiche's Class I of languages, as do English and French, which also exhibit subject-raising.
20

Sportiche assumed that there is a syntactic dependency in (58)-(59) between the quantifier
tous 'all'

and the NP les enfants 'the children'. He argued that in both (58) and (59), the

quantifier tous is adjoined to the left of the NP it modifies. For this stipulation to hold, the
VP-internal hypothesis must be assumed. After the subject raises to Spec-IP, the structure in (60) results:

These are the working assumptions that we adopt with a few modifications, to analyze the Capeverdean data in subsection 4.4.3. We first relate the position of adverbs to that of floating quantifiers.

4.4.2 Relating the Position of Adverbs With the Position of Floating Quantifiers: Kayne (1975), Sportiche (1988), Belletti (1990) and Bobaljik (1995)
Kayne (1975) first observed that floating quantifiers and adverbs may occur in the same position, between I and VP (in his flamework). This dowed Kayne to argue that floating quantifiers have, to some extent, adverbial properties.21In Kayne (I975), the

Sportiche (1988;43 1) argued against the adverbial properties of quantifiers on two bases. First, he observed that aIthough the behavior of subject-oriented adverbs has been compared to that of quantifiers, the former do not always appear adjacent to the subject. Hence, their distribution is difficult to predict. Second, he noted that in some languages like Moore (a Gur language from Burkina Fasso), a floating quantifier appears between I and VP but no adverb may. Although Sportiche's arguments are defensible. we follow Kaye (1975) and
21

quantifier was assumed to be base-generated adjacent to its NP and moved rightward, hence undergoing a lowering movement.

IfS on the other hand, we assume the VP-internal hypothesis, we may say that when the
subject raises to Spec-IP to get case, the floating quantifier may remain stranded at the left periphery of VP where it was generated.22 Similarly, VP-internal adverbs are assumed to be generated at the left edge of VP. Hence, ihe effects of verb movement to the left of floating quantifiers or VP-internal adverbs will be similar. As a result, these classes of adverbs and quantifiers are both used as diagnostics for verb movement. In this respect, we see in the next subsection that the distribution of floating quantzers coincides with that of VP-initid adverbs in Capeverdean.
4.4.3

Capeverdean Quantifier Float

Capeverdean displays the same type of quantifier float as French; hence, a floating quantifier may be postverbal, as in (61b), or preverbal, as in (61a). (61b) provides us with crucial evidence that the verb has moved to TO, given that the verb precedes the floating quantifier which has remained in its DS position. We return to this issue when we give representations in trees (67) and (68). Note that if the floating quantifier immediately precedes the inflected verb, this also yields a grammatical output, as illustrated by ( 6 1 ~ ) . ~
Bobaljik (1995) in emphasizing the positional relation between adverbs and quantifiers, as such a relation is clear in the Capeverdean case. This is discussed in subsection 4.4.2 and 4.4.3.

An account of quantifier float within the VP-internal hypothesis has the advantage of eliminating lowering and thereby keeps the simplest generalization: Ail movement is to a c-commanding position.
a It is of interest that in the presence of a clitic subject, the verb may immediately precede the verb, as illustrated by the grammaticality of (ia):

22

(61)

a. Tudu konbidadu higa na mismu tenpu.

guests arrived in same time 'All the guests arrived at the same time.' b. Konbidadu txiga tudu na mismu tenpu. guests arrived alI in same time 'AU the guests arrived at the same time.' c. Konbidadu tudu txiga na mismu tenpu. all arrived in same time guests
all

Partitive quantifiers of the 'each of' type show the same distribution as iudu 'all' in Capeverdean constructions like (62): a. Kada un di24nhas amigu ben odja-m. each one of my fiends came see+me 'Each one of my fiends visited me.' b. Nhas amigu ben kada un odja-m. my fiends came each one seetme 'Each one of my fiends visited me.'x

(62)

The partitive quantifier kada uiz has a determiner quantifier counterpart, kada, which does not

float, as is shown in (63). As pointed out by Sportiche (1988;426), French shows a similar

(i) a. Es tudu tsiga na mismu tenpu. they all arrived at same time 'They all arrived at the same time.' b. Es tdga tudu JMrnismu tenpu. they arrived all at same time 'They all arrived at the same time.' This shows a contrast between fdl NP subjects and clitic subjects, but an account for this contrast would take us too far afield.
I consider di to be the phonological spelling out of Case, assuming the same function that Vergnaud (1974), Chomsky (1986a), and Sportiche (1988) accorded the French analog de.
24

It is of interest that a sentence equivalent to (62b) but involvingjust one finite verb i not as felicitous, as s illustrated by (b: i) (i) a. Kada un di nhas amigu visita-m. each one of my Friends visited+me 'Each one of my friends risited me.' b.??Nhas amigu visits-m kada un. my friends visited me each one
25

distinction between the partitive quanaer chacun de 'each one of (which can float) p d
chaque 'each' (which cannot float), illustrated in (64) and (65), respectively:

(63)

a. Ksda studanti ben odja-m. each student came seeme 'Each student came to see me.' b.*Studanti ben kada odja-m. students came each see+me

(Capeverdean)

(64)

a. Chacun des etudiants sont venus me voir. (French) (Partitive Quantifier) each of+the students have come me see 'Each of the students came to see me.' b. Les etudiants sont chacun venus me voir. the students have each come me see 'Each of the students came to see me.' a. Chaque etudiant est venu me voir. each student ' has come me see 'Each student came to see me.' b.* Etudiant est chaque venu me vou. student has each come me see (French) (Determiner Quantifier)

(65)

Let us now return to the example in (61) and adapt Sportiche (1988) and Belletti (1990) with some modifications to the Capeverdean case. The contrast between (6la-b) and (61c) can be accounted for by assuming that verb movement has taken place. This assumption is based on the hypothesis that the floating quantifier occupies a VP-initial position, as do adverbs (as noted that it is possible to assimilate the already discussed). In this respect, Belletti (1990;68) distribution of floating quantifiers to that of VP-initial adverbs in a straight5orward way by adopting Sportiche's (1988) analysis of the quantifier float phenomenon. The DS of a VP containing a subject NP modified by a quantifier has the form in (66):

txiga

na mismu tenpu

The subject NP is base-generated in Spec-VP and the m o d m g quantifiertudu is adjoined to the NP subject konbihdu. This is illustrated in (66) and (67). The assimilation of the behavior of a floating quantifier to that of VP-initial adverbs follows 6om the fact that they have the same DS location. In Sportiche's account, the NP k o n b i h h must move at SS to a position where it can be case-marked. That is why, at SS, it iills the typical: subject position that has been identified with Spec-IP (or S ~ ~ C - A ~ ~As )the subject moves, the moddjnng P ." quantifier may remain in place;" this is illustrated in (68). The tree in (68) crucially shows that the verb has moved to 1 (or to TO in our framework), past the quantifier. In this respect, ' floating quantifiers, just like VP-adjoined adverbs provide clear evidence of V-raising in Capeverdean Creole.

26
27

For the sake of clarity, we illustrate ow point using the traditional tree with Spec-LP instead of A@.
Alternatively, the floating quantifier may move wiLh the subject NP to Spec-IP, as shown in (i):

PP
t~

na mismu tenpu

I tudu

I / konbidadu txiga

\P N

'

na rmslnu tenpu

There are, however, Capeverdean data that enable us to fine-tunethe structures proposed in

(67) and (68). Indeed, it is not possible to have a floating quantifier and a VP-initial adverb adjacent to one other, as illustrated by the ungamrnaticality of (69): (69)

* Studanti xina

tudu ben lison. students learned all well lesson

The ungramrnaticality of (69)28shows that the order quantifier-adverb is impossible. If a floating quantifier is actually left behind in Spec-VP and an adverb like ben can be leftadjoined to VP, then the order quantifier-ben can be predicted to be ungrammatical, as an

T e sentence in (69) is ungrammatical under the reading in which the quantifier modifies the NP studanti h and not the adverb ben.
ZS

adverb adjoined to VP will precede a quantifier in Spec-VP. This is illustrated in the tree in (70):

Note, however, that given this state of affairs, one would anticipate the order V-Adv-FQ to be acceptable, This word order does not, contrary to expectations, yield a grammatical sentence,

as illustrated in (7 1):
(71)

-.

*Studanti xina ben tudu lison. students learnt well all lesson

This shows that some sort of complementary distribution is involved between VP-adjoined adverbs and floating quantifiers.w This state of affairs finds a natural explanation in Bobdjik
(1995), where it is argued that floating quantifiers are generated in an adverbial position

adjoined to VP. The structure we wouId assume is that in (72):

29 Recall that such a case of compIemenlarity behveen the adverb senpri and the quantifier rudu did not emerge when we considered the distribution of these two Iesical items in chapter 3, section 3.3. We assumed that senpri was base-gencrated in Spec-AusP. If the position of the floating quantitier is in a VP-adjoined position, as illustrated in the tree (72), rhere wodd indeed be no reason to expect any case of complementarity distribution arising.

VP-adjoined adverbs are generated in the same position as floated quantifiers, wbich accounts for the complementary distribution between these two lexical items. To conclude, adverbials and floating quantifiers provide clear diagnostics for overt Vraising in Capeverdean, and we are now in a position to propose a tentative analysis of V-

raising in this particular language and to consider the implications of these findings for the
theory of verb movement in general.

4.5 A Tentative Analysis and Its Implications

4.5.1 A Tentative Analysis

The analysis I propose in this subsection is structured in three main parts. First, I follow to some extent, Bobaljik (1995) and Bobaljik and Thrhsson (forthcoming), adopting a few of their assumptions to account for the Capeverdean facts. Second, I attempt to account

roe for the different behavior of the verb in Capeverdean C e l and Haitian. I suggest that the
presence in Capeverdean of the afEx -ba, whereas no such affixexists in Haitian, is the crucial difference responsible for the different verbal behavior in these two Creoles. I argue, however, that the difference in their verbal behavior is related more specifically to the projection of different fictional categories. Last, I stipulate that the development of suffixation possibilities, no matter how minimal and limited these possibilities may be, could be the real trigger to V-raising. More precisely, I argue that just as the loss in Enghsh and
Mainland Scandinavian of VO-to-~~r' movement is contemporary with the loss of "rich"

morphology, a language may develop verb movement with the development of m n m l iia

sufbcation. On this matter, I make a brief comparison between Guinea-Bissau and Capeverdean.

I begin by presenting the approach to V-raising adopted by Bobaljik (1995) and

Bobaljik and Thriinsson (forthcomin~). Consider the two trees in (73) and (74), taken fiom Bobaljik (1995;268-269):

Regarding Language X, represented by the tree in (73), Bobaljik's main proposal was that if a language has only one head with V-features, in this case f with VP as its sister, then the verb remains in VP. This is because Infl and VP are in a local relationship, and the verb therefore has no motivation to raise for the purpose of feature-checking.

In other words,

and Inn are in a checking relationship when they are adjacent. Bobaljik

(1995;275, f5.17) added that given the adjunction structure usually represented as in (75),

adverbs do not disrupt the adjacency relationship; only specifiers and heads do.

If, on the other hand, Language Y (n tree (74)) has two or more heads with V-features above i
the VP,then checking is not satisfied without movement; the verb wiII have to raise to the highest of these heads, the head F in (74). Bobaljik and T W s s o n brought W e r modification to this proposal. Under their theory, they assumed that there is no reason for
to move all the way to F in (74) rather

than just to 1'. Once it is in I, it heads the complement of F, and ifthe Head-Complement relation is a checking relation, as we assume, then the V could check features against F even if it did not move any firther than I". Their line of reasoning reflected a move away fiom the correlation between V-raising and morphology. Let us now make a parallel with the Capeverdm case and propose a tentative analysis. Recall the proposed clausal architecture for Capeverdean in Chapter 3, section 3.3, repeated here for convenience as (77): (76) Joio ta staba ta kumeba. Jog0 TMA sta+ba TMA eat+ba 'Jogo would have been eating.'

This leads us to the next question: Why does the Capeverdean verb need to raise overtly to

p? have seen ample evidence for this movement in the previous section; in this respect, it We
is of interest to compare Capeverdean to Haitian, as we can derive interesting theoretical hypotheses fiorn such a comparison. The syntax of the Haitian verb was described thoroughly in DeGraf'f(1996). In terms

of agreement patterns, Haitian has no overt subject-verb agreement (DeGrS, 1996;11).

Haitian has TMA markers that are al preverbal and, crucially, the language has no verbal l
su&es.

In the presence of VP-internal adverbials, the verb always remains in V", as is clearly

shown in DeGraR(1996; 17). Consider the Haitian sentence in (78). The Haitian verb cannot raise past VP-adjoined adverbs, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (78b).

(78)

a. Bouki te ap ma1 manje. @tian) Bouki TMA TMA badly eat 'Bouki was eating badly.' b.*Bouki te ap manje mal. Bouki TMA TMA badly eat

The different verbal behavior between Capeverdean and Haitian would at first seem to be due to the suffix -ba in Capeverdean, which is nonexistent in Haitian. This would lead us to view -

ba as the trigger for the syntactic movement of the verb to TO. T i is not an uncontroversial hs
issue. Koopman (1 984) and Bobaljik (1995) noted that the property [+&I

as a trigger for

syntactic movement (in this case V-movement) is a problematic assumption, as movement occurs regardless of the morphophonoIogicaI content of the aBk. More precisely, raising occurs even when the supposed a f f i x trigger is not phonologicaI. That is indeed the case in Capeverdean, where the bare stem of nonstative verbs get a simple past tense reading (as described in chapter 2) and do raise in spite of the lack of suflixation. T i is illustrated in hs

(79)

JoBo xina ma1 se lison. (Capeverdean) Jogo learned badly his lesson 'Jo8o learned his lesson badly.'

This leads us to explore Bobaljik and Thriinsson's alternative approach.

Let us first discuss the Capeverdean case. If one assumes the structure suggested in
( 0 , with a TP and an AuxP as different functional projections, and if one assumes 8)

firtherrnore that the verb in the VP needs to check some features with the Aux-head, then it

will have to move to ' ? do so. The fact that the temporal marker -b I to behaves differently
&om ta may suffice as evidence to the language learner that different elements, and hence pIausibly different hnctional heads in the syntax, are invoIved. In Haitian on the other hand, it is possible that the auxiliary elements te and up are just multiple heads of an AuxP, adjoined as in (81):
-

Bouki

te

ap

ma1

manje

In a structure like (81), the V in the VP would head the complement of the head(s) of the
AwP, so it would not have to raise anywhere to check its features against them, assuming the Bobdjik and Thriinsson's checking theory. This means that there is no evidence for an
independent TP in Haitian, whereas there is in Capeverdean. This crucial difference between Capeverdean, on the one hand, and Haitian, on the other, is similar to the difference between

French or Icelandic, on the one hand, and English and Mainland Scandinavian, an the other.
In Capeverdean and French and Icelandic, we have evidence for two kinds of functional

Pi projections above the VP,namely, an AuxP and a T (n Capeverdean) and an AgrP and a TP
in French and Icelandic. So the verb has to raise out ofthe VP in order to check features against the higher of these hnctional heads. In English, Mainland Scandinavian, and Haitian,

there is no such evidence. In those languages there may be just P, the and

checks features

against the f without moving out of the VP (because VP is the complement off). In Haitian there is just the AuxP and VP;and even though the AuxP can have multiple heads, they are all

of the same category (possibly even adjoined), and the VP is the complement of the Aux and
,

can check its features against it without moving. The last step in this analysis is to look at V-raising in Capeverdean &om a developmental perspective. In the same way that the loss of @-to-~g?movement in English and Mainland Scandinavian is a contemporary phenomenon to the loss of verbal inflection (Roberts, 1993), Capeverdean may have gained short V-movement after acquiring a verbal suflix, an unusual trait among Creole languages. It is of interest that -ba su&ation may be a recent development; ba is still found tequently as an unbound morpheme in Guinea-Bissau Creole (Kihm, 1994), a Creole closely related to Capeverdean. As an unbound morpheme in Guinea-Bissau Creole, it may modfi an adjectival predicate by adding the feature [+Past], as witnessed in (82):
(82)

I un procesu difisil ba. (Guinea-Bissau Creole) it a process difficult [+Past] 'It was a difficult process.' (I(lhm, 1994;108)

This option does not exist in Capeverdean. It wouId be interesting (but challenging, given the scarcity of old texts in this Creole) to ascertain the existence of such constructions in earlier stages of Capeverdean, to confirm the Link between the appearance of suffixation and verb movement. This hypothesis will be corroborated or invalidated only by hrther research. To summarize this tentative analysis, we have explored Bobaljik (1 995) and Bobaljik and T h r h s o n (forthcoming), and I have proposed that a structural account for V-raising is V-movement. Bobdjik more explanatory than is reference to strength of features t r i g g e ~ g
and ThrGsson argued that if there is an extra projection intervening between the

and the

head against which the

,

has to check features, then the V') has to raise out of the VP.

Otherwise, it does not. There is evidence for TP in Capeverdean but there is not such evidence in Haitian. Hence, Bobaljik and Thriinsson's theory predicts that there should be a difference in V-movement between Capeverdean and Haitian, and we have shown tbat this difference exists. Finally, I proposed that the development of verbal suExation in Capeverdean may be related to verb movement, no matter how minimal verbal morphology may be in this language. This leads me to the last subsection of this chapter, where the implications of these observations for the general theory of verb movement are examined.
4.5.2

Implications for the Theory of V-Raising

The implications of the observations presented here for the theory of V-raising are twofold. First, we see how misleading the concept of "rich" verbal morphology is in predicting V-raising. A more minimalist definition of the morphology required to trigger verb

movement is needed. What seems to be a better Iead is that separate and clearly separable
tense and agreement markers count as evidence for the language learner for hypothesizing a

Split IP, as discussed by Bobaljik and Tbriiinsson (forthcoming) and Bobaljik (1995) with separate and clearly separabIe tense marker and fiee auxiliary morphemes perhaps serving as well as evidence to the learner for different hctional projections. Once one has more than one functional projection above the VP containing verbal features that the V needs to check, the V must raise out of the VP to do so. Ohenvise, it does not have to raise, under Bobaljik and Thrhsson's theory. The kind of strucwe proposed means that if the verb in the VP needs to check a feature in AUX', it wiil have to move at least to TO to do so, ifBobaljik and
,

Thriimson are correct. Note that Bobaljik and Thriinsson need not assume that

has to

move to the highest fbnctional head. 1t simply has to be in or move into the checking domain of the highest head; and once it has moved to TO in a structure like (77), it will head the complement of AUX' and thus be able to have its features checked by AUX' without adjoining to ta, which is the correct prediction.30
A second obvious implication is that the explanation for V-raising may be more

structural (number of heads above

v)than morphological. However, morphology must still

play a role as a trigger, given its importance f?om the learnability perspective. Indeed, the

A couple of facts still m s be explained: One is that on the one hand, there seems to be no real meaning ut associated with the lower fa. Hence, there does not seem to be any semantic distinction between el sta kume and el sfa ta kume. We proposed in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.8, that tu in the cluster sta ta is most likely an infinitival marker. On the other hand, we showed that if the higher fa is present. (we proposed in chapter 2, subsection 2.1.8 that the higher la is an aspect/mood marker) the lower one must appear as well (*El fa sta kume vs el fastu fa kutne). Another fact that remains to b accounted for is that no element may intervene e between ta and sta or a following main ver&,although in the structure in (77), I have two masimal projections followting fa. namely TP and VP.
30

Capeverdean child presumably uses V-raising because s/he is provided with the -ba cue, whereas the Haitian child will not, in the absence of such a cue. Ifthe analysis here is on the right track, then it is reasonable to assume that there are more triggers for verb movement than the theory has so far been able to identrfl.

4.6

Conclusion

In this chapter, I have explored the verbal syntax of Capeverdean Creole and have
examined the position of verbs vis-a-vis Negation, a certain class of adverbids and floating quantifiers. This examination brought to tight the fact that the Capeverdean verb shows clear symptoms of V-raising to TO, contrary to what the most widespread assumptions on verb movement would predict. As a result, I adopted an alternative approach to these verbal phenomena and showed that analyses by ThrGnsson (1994; 1996), Bobaljik (1995) and Bobaljik and Thriinsson (forthcoming) are more pronising in accounting for the behavior of verbs in Creoles like Capeverdean and Haitian. The proposed anaIysis is more structural than morphological.

CHAPTER JWE

THE SYNTAX OF PRONOMINALS I CAPEVERDEAN CREOLE N

5.0

Introduction

T i chapter, which consists of nine sections, examines the syntax of pronominals in hs

Capeverdean Creole and focuses particularly on verbal clitics, meaning subject and object clitics whose domain of cliticization is V (Klavans, 1985;1995).'

In the &st section, I reintroduce a topic that w s briefly discussed in chapter 1 a

(subsection 1.1.3), the Capeverdean pronominal paradigms for clitics and nonclitics; and I focus on their distribution. In the second section, I provide a definition of clitichood and introduce the tests for clitichood as they were first developed by ffiyne (1975). In the third section, I introduce Klavans' (1985; 1995) parametric theory of cfitics, based on five parameters, which are clitic identification (PI), the domain of cliticization (PZ),the InitiaVFinal Parameter (P3), the BefordAfter Parameter (P4) and the Prochtic/Enclitic Parameter ( 5 . Proclitics cliticize to the right of their host, whereas enclitics cliticize to the P) left. In the fourth section, Z examine Capeverdean clitics and use Klavans' parameters to design a four-category classification. I argue that there are, in Capeverdean, four types of verbal clitics, the typical proclitic, the enclitic, and the clitic with "dual citizenship" (Klavans,
We later see that other domains of cliticization for subject clitics in some languages Wte Ngiyambaa (an Australian language) may be not only a verb but also an adjective or an adverb (Klavaos, I985;1995).

'

1985). This type of clitic may have a syntactic host that is different fiom its phonological host, as is demonstrated. In the fifth section, I introduce the two main theories of clitic placenient: The movement theory, which argues that cLitics land in their surface position via a movement rule (Kayne, 1975; Haverkort, 1993) and the theory that clitics are base-generated (Rivas, 1977; Jaeggli, 1983; Roberge, 1990). In the sixth section, I present some phenomena associated with Capeverdean subject and object clitics, such as a ban on clitic clustering between pronominal clitics as well as the incompatiiiIity of the processes of sufiixation and ctiticization. We show that in the light of other data in the language, it would be more accurate to view such a ban as a double clitic constraint. In the seventh section, following
,

Cardinaletti and Starke (1994; 1996), I propose that there are three classes of pronominals: strong pronouns, weak pronouns, and clitics. In the eigth section, I analyze the third-person singular clitic as a possible case of category conversion and propose that the features of the pronominal clitic and those of the copula may have conflated. In the ninth section, 1discuss the pro-drop parameter and the position of Capeverdean cfitics and argue that subject clitics are syntactic clitics in this particular Creole. More precisely, I put forward the hypothesis that subject clitics in Capeverdean may be in AGR (or INLF), following a proposal by Rizzi (1986a) and Brandi and Cordin (1989) for Northern Italian dialects, and DeGraE(1993) for Haitian. Based on these tindings, I make a few assumptions about the pro-drop status of Capeverdean Creole and present a different approach to this issue. I present concluding

remarks i section 5 1 . n .0

5.1

The Capeverdean Pronominal Paradigms

In this section, I reintroduce two pronominal paradigms, those of the clitic and the nonclitic pronominals, and I focus this time on their distribution. Capeverdean Creole clitics are listed in Table 1 and their nonclitic counterparts, in Table 2. Capeverdean pronominals are not marked morphologicaIly for case, number, and gender.

5.1.1 The CIitic Paradigm

In Table 1, variations due to specific morphophonological environments are marked

with parentheses.

Table 1

5.1.1.1 The Distribution of Subject Clitics

In Capeverdean Creole, the subject ciitic immadiateIy precedes either the verb, as in

(la), or TMA markers in afbnative sentences, as i (2a) or the negative marker ka in n

As in English, the first person singular pronoun is always capitahzed, according to the new orthographic convention, which I adopt in my thesis (the ALUPEC).

negative sentences, as in (3a). No element may intervene between the subject clitic and its verbal or negative host, as illustrated by the ungrarnmaticality of the (b) examples.
(1)

a. N odja senpri JoZo y Eliza.

I saw always JoZo and Eliza 'I always saw Jof o and Eliza.' b.*N senpri odja Jolo y Eliza. I always s w Jog0 and Eliza a

(2)

a. N ta odja senpri Jog0 y Eliza. I TMA see always JoZo and Eliza 'I Jways see JoZo and Eliza.' b.*N senpri ta odja JoHo y Eliza. I always TMA see JoZo and E i a lz a. N ka odja JoHo nunka. I Neg saw Joao never 'I never saw Joiio.' b.*N nunka k odja Jolo. a I never Neg saw Jo2o

(3)

Note that in Table 1, the fist person singular may undergo phonological change when the following verb begins with the hornorganic consonants b-, rn-, or p-, as illustrated in (4):
(4)

N [m]purda JoEo. I forgave Jo'io 'I forgave Joiio.'

Let us now turn to object clitics.

5.1.1.2 The Distribution of Object Clitics

The examples in (5) and (6) illustrate the object clitics, interpreted as accusative and dative respectively.
(5)

JoIo odja-m. JoIo s a m e 'Joiio saw me.' JoIo da-m un libru. JoIo gave-t-mea book 'JoIo gave me a book. '

(6)

Note that the third-person singular and third-person plural object clitics drop their initial vowel e upon cliticizing to the preceding verb, as shown in (7a) and (7b):
(7)

a. Jo3o odja-I. Jog0 saw+him/her 'Joiio saw hirnlher.' b. JoZo odja-s. JoZo saw-t-them 'Joiio saw them.'

The object clitic cannot be separated f?om the verb, as witnessed by the ungrammaticality of (8):
(8)

*Nodja senpri-1.
I saw always+him

Typically, Capeverdean does not have prepositional clitics, as illustrated by the ungramrnaticality of (9), but does have prepositional nonclitics, the focus of the next subsection.

(9)

*JoSio faze kel kuza pa-m. Joiio did that thing for+Cl.

The distribution of subject and object clitics is dispIayed in (10).

(10)

Subject Clitics a. C1.-V b. C1.-TMA-V c. C1.-Neg-V d. *Cl.-Adv-V

Object Clitics a. V-Cl. b. *V-Adv-V c. *Prep.-CI.

5.1.2

The Nonclitic Pronominal Paradigm Capeverdean shows the nonclitic paradigm in Table 2. 1later describe the contexts in

which nonclitics are used. Table 2

5.1.2.1 The Distribution of Subject Nonclitics

There are several important observations with regard to the use of subject nonclitics.

First, the nonclitic pronorninals in Table 2 may be used as subjects in some dialectal

varieties of Capeverdean, whereas the clitic pronominds fiom Table 1 are used as subjects in
other varietie~.~ Consider (1 I), where the nonclitic mi is used as the subject of the predi~ate.~ (11)
kel omi ma k mi fala i the man with that I talk 'the man with whom I talked' (Holm, 1994;78)

Second, the subject nonclitic short (monosyllabic) and long (bisyllabic) forms are not used interchangeably. The use of a long form in (1 1) would yield an ungrammatical output, as evidenced by (12). (12) *kel omi ma k i ami fala the man with whom I talked

When in subject position in a main clause, the long form must be amalgamated with a
subject clitic (as in (13a)), an option open to the short form (as in (13b)):

It is worth observing that monosyllabic nonclitics of the mi type and bisyUabic nonclitics of the ami type cannot appear in all subject positions interchangeably. Indeed, in embedded clauses, the appearance of a bisyllabic nonclitic would be awkward, if not ungmmmatica. Consider (i): (i) a. Kenhe ld el e? who tbat he is 'Who is he?' b.?/* Kenhe ki ael el who that he is I thank Lynn Nichols for having brought this fact to light during our Linguitxics exchanges.

There are two other ways to express the same idea. T i is illustrated in (i) and (ii). (i) pied-pipesthe hs prepositional wh-phrase, whereas (ii) shows a resumptive prepositional nonclitic. (i) Kel omi ku kenhe N fl. aa the man with whom I spoke 'The man with whom I spoke.' (ii) Kel omi k ' N fala ku el. i the man that I spoke with h m i 'The man with whom I spoke.'

(13)

a. Ami N gosta di Eliza. . Non-C1. C1. Like of Eliza 'I like Eliza.' b. Mi N gosta di Eliza. Non-CI- C1. like of Eliza 'I Like Eiiza.'

Consider now the foIIowing ungrammatical sentences, representing various combinations of

nonclitics in their short and Iong f o m :

(14)

a. *Ami, ami purda Joiio. Non-Cl. Non-C1. forgave JoZo b. *Ami, mi purda Joiio. Non-C1. Non-C1. forgave Joiio c. *Mi, mi purda JoZo. Non-Cl. C1. forgave JoIo d, *Mi, ami purda JoZio. Non-Cl. CI. forgave Joiio

This gives rise to the templates in (15):

The resulting generalization is that nonclitics in both their short and Iong forms cannot appear adjacent to one other, even when one of them is topicalized. The only possible combination is of the type nonclitic/clitic, in that sequence. After we consider the structural and case properties of these pronominals, we offer a tentative explanation for these distributional facts
in section 5.7.

Let us now turn to object nonclitics.

5.1.2.2 The Distribution of Object Nonclitics
It is of interest that nonclitics cannot appear in object position directly adjacent to

the verb in their short and long forms, as shown by the ungrarnmaticality of (16): (16) a.*E odja ami/mi. she saw Non-Cl.(LF/SF) 'She saw me.' b.*E da amirmi libru. she gave Non-CI.(LF/SF) book

Note that (16a) is still ungrammatical even in contexts where the pronominaI is focused. Consider the exchange in (17):
(17)

a. Kenhe k'e odja? who that+he saw 'Who did he see?' b.*E odja arnilmi. he saw NOR-Cl.(LF/SF)

The only possible answer with no V deletion would be that in (1 8), where the nonclitic has P been right-dislocated. (18)
E odja-m, mi. he saw+Cl. Non-C1. 'He saw me.'

The short and Iong forms are never found adjacent to the verb, but they may appear in a left-dislocated position, as in (1 9).

(19)

Amifmi, Joiio odja-m. Non-CI. (LF/SF) Joiio saw+me 'Me, Jog0 s w ' a.

There is, however, one postverbal nondislocated position where the short form of the nonclitic may appear: in contexts where the verb carries the anterior Tense marker -bayas illustrated by (20a) and (21a). In such contexts, clitics are not allowed to cliticize onto the
suix, shown by the ungrammaticality of (20b) and (2 1b). as

(20)

a. Si Joto parseba, e ta odjaba mi ta djuga bola. if Jog0 had appeared he TMA saw-tba me TMA play ball 'Lf Joto had shown up, he would have seen me playing football.' b.*Si Jogo parseba, e ta odjaba-rn ta djuga bola. if Jo5o had appeared he TMA see+ba+Cl. TMA play ball a. Nha pai ta daba mi tudu k N kreba kuandu N era mininu. i my father TMA.gave+ba me all that I wanted when I was child 'My father used to give me whatever I wanted when I was a child.' b. *Nha pai ta daba-m tudu ki N kreba kuandu N era mininu. my father TMA giue+ba+Cl. all that I wanted when I was child

(21)

Note that the long fonn of nonclitics cannot appear adjacent to the anterior marker, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (22): (22) *Jog0 odjaba ami. JoZo saw+ba Non-C1. We observe that prepositional nonclitics differ from the nonprepositional nonclitics (in Table 2) insofar as they have only one monosyllabic form, hence do not have a counterpart beginning with the vowel a like ami or abo. On this matter, we have grounds to believe that

the initial vowel a is a preposition,5which would account for the fact that it cannot be preceded by another preposition, as witnessed by the example in (23). Such an observation has important consequences for the adysis of these facts, which we offer in section 5.7.
(23)

*E kume ku mi.
she ate
with me

Prepositional nonclitics appear after prepositions like ku 'with'

(n i

(24a)), or pa 'for'

(n i

(24)

a. E h m e ku mi. slhe ate with me 'S/he ate with me.' b. E da se bida pa bo. she gave hisher life for you 'She gave hidher life for you.'

Regarding the example in (1 I), I did not find any other wses where the nonclitic was used in subject position. There is a possibility that in the origmal utterance, the clitic N was used amalgamated to the nonclitic mi but was lost in Uanscription.
1 owe this observation to Richard Kayne (personal communication),who noted that a is reminiscent of Spanish prepositions that ordinarily precede animate direct objects, as illustrated in (i): (i) Juan vio a Raina. John saw a Raina 'John s w Raina.' a

The distribution of clitics and nonclitics is shown in Table 3.6 Table 3 Distribution of CIitics and Nonclitics Subject Position Object Position on Bare Stem Verb Prepositional Complements Object Position on Inflected Verb (with -ba) Lefi-Dislocated Position Right-Dislocated Position

CLitics
i-

Nonclitics
+ (?)

+
-

+ +

In the next section, I just@ the classification in the Capeverdean Creole pronominal
paradigm and give evidence that the pronominals listed in Table I are indeed clitics.

5.2

On the Nature of Clitics and Tests for Clitichood

5.2.1 What is a Clitic?

Definition of the nature of clitics is not uncontroversial: Are they words or affixes?

This is a question that Klavans (1979), among other linguists, attempted to clam, as clitics
are generally recognized as having properties of both words and affixes. However, Klavans

(1979;69)defined clitics as words that can be differentiated &om affixes in that they are to
some extent syntactically 6ee. Position vis-bvis the verb varies, depending on the verb tense

The + sign means that the pronominals appear in the corresponding environments and the - sign means that they cannot appear in those contexts.

and mood; and under some conditions, they can move up from a lower clause to a higher clause. This is a type of movement typical of words but not of &es, as first noted in Kayne

(1975). As a result, cliticization is often interpreted as an instance of a movement transformation.

5.2.2 Tests for Clitichood

The tests for clitichood were first designed by Kayne (1975), who himself referred to Gross (1968) and Schane (1967). The tests are the following: No element may intervene between the clitic and the verb. A clitic cannot be conjoined with another NP or with another clitic. Clitics cannot be modified, and they may not be contrastively stressed. They cannot appear in certain positions like prepositional object where other full NPs or nonclitics may occur. Clitics cannot occur in isolation. In contrast, fill NPs and nonclitics are not subject to any of the preceding prohibitions (Kayne, 1975;81-85). We see in the next subsection that the pronouns in Table 1 pass aIl the tests for clitichood.
5.2.2.1 Clitic Dependency on the Verb

We saw in subsection 5.1.1.1 that in Capeverdean Creole, subject clitics immediately precede the verb, as in (1a), the TMA markers, in afEirmative sentences, as in (2a); or the negative marker ka in negative sentences, as in (3a). No element may intervene between the subject clitic and its host. Note that in contrast with the clitics listed in (1)-(3), the nonclitic short forms and fdl NPs may be separated from verbs, TMA markers, or the negative marker by adverbs, as shown in (2S), (26), and (27) respectivety:

(25)

EUJoHo senpri vizita nha mai ku dm psi.' he/JoZo always visited my mother and my father 'Him/JoSo, he always visited my parents.' EUJoPo senpri ta vizita nha mai ku nha pai. hefJo80 always TMA visited my mother and my father 'He/Joiio always visited my parents.' EUJofo nunka ka vizita nhamai ku nhapai. he/JoZo never Neg visited my mother and my father 'He/Jogo never visited my parents.'

(26)

(27)

As for object clitics, unlike the case in languages such as French and Spanish, where the object

clitic precedes the verb (as is discussed in section 5.3 and 5.5), the Capeverdean object clitic immediately follows the verb, as demonstrated in examples (7)-(8) in subsection 5.1.1.2.
It is important to observe that object nonclitics do not have the same distribution as

object fbfl NPs, as their appearance in a postadverbial position is not grammatical, as

witnessed by (28):

(28)

a. N odja senpri Eliza. I saw always Eliza 'I always saw Eliza.' b.*N odja senpri el.* I saw always her

In this subsection, we have seen that subject clitics require strict adjacency with the verb, the
TMA marker, or the negative marker they cliticize to. Subject nonctitics and fill NPs contrast

'Although such sentences are perfectly h e in my idiolect, Manuel da Luz Gonplves informed me that he would rather use a r m p t i v e ctitic pronoun before the verb, (as shown in (i)), i which case, el and Joiio are n clearly dislocated. (i) EVJoiio senpri e ta vizita nha mai ku nba pai. himlJo30 always he TMA visit my mother and my father 'Him/ Joao, he always visited my parents.'
We offer an exqhtation for this discrepancy in section 5.7.

with clitics in that they may be separated fkom these elements by an adverb. As for object

tef clitics, they may ciiticize only to the verb i s l . We also showed that nonclitic objects do not
behave in the same way as their fill NP object counterparts. I offer an explanation for the

behavior of object clitics in section 5.7.

5.2.2.2 Clitics Cannot Be Modified

In Capeverdean, clitics cannot be modified, as shown in (29); only nonclitics may,as shown in (30):'
*Nu dos gosta di Eliza. Cl. both like of Eliza 'We both like Eliza.'

(29)

(30)

Nos dos gosta di E h . Non-C1. two like of Eliza 'We both like Eliza.'

As for full NPs, they may be modifkd by a numeral as long as the numeral is accompanied

by a quantifier:

(3 1)

Joiio y Paula tudu dos gosta di E h . JoZo and Paula al two Iike of Eliza l 'Both JoIo and Paula like Eliza.'

This is e~pcted, dos is reminiscent of an adverbial like serrlpri 'always'; hence it cannot appear between a as clitic and a verb.

5.2.2.3 Clitics Cannot Be Conjoined

Clitics cannot be conjoined with fbll NPs, as is illustrated by the ungrammaticality of

(32a). Nonclitics, on the other hand, are like ordinary NPs and can be conjoined with full NPs

or each other, as shown in (33a) and (33b): (32) (33)

*N ku Roger ta

bai Kabu Verdi.

C1. and Roger TMA go Cape Verde

a. Mi ku Roger ta bai Kabu V r i ed. Non-C1. and Roger TMA go Cape Verde 'Roger and I will go to Cape Verde.' b. Mi ku el ta bai Kabu Verdi. me and him TMA go Cape Verde 'He and I will go to Cape Verde.'

Note that only the short forms of nonclitics may conjoin, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (34): (34)
*Ami ku Roger ta bai Kabu Verdi. me and Roger TMA go Cape Verde

5.2.2.4 Clitics Cannot Carry Stress

Clitics cannot be stressed contrastively, as shown in (35b), whereas nonclitics and full NPs can bear contrastive stress, as in (36b) and (36c), respectiveIy. (35)

a. Kenhe k ta papia primeru? i who that TMA speak irst 'Who will speak first?'
b. *N ta papia primem. I (stressed) TMA speak first 'I will speak first.'

(36)

a. Kenhe k ta i papia primeru? who that TMA speak first 'Who will speak first?' b. Mi N t a papia primeru. Non-C1. C .TMA speak fist I , 'I will speak first.' c. Jobo ta papia primeru. Joio TMA speak fist 'Jo~o will speak fist.'

5.2.2.5 CIitics Cannot Occur in Isolation

Clitics cannot occur in isolation, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (37), again in contrast with nonclitics and full NPs, which can, as evidenced by (38) and (39).

(37)

- Kenhe ki faze keli?

who k did that? i 'Whodid that?' - *N.

(38)

- Ami.
(39)

- Kenhe ki faze keli? who k did that? i 'Who did that?'

- Kenhe ki faze keli?

who k did that? i 'Who did that?' - Job. In this section, we have established that the p r o n o d s in Table 1 are indeed clitics,

based on the battery of tests provided in the literature (Kayne, 1975). We are now in a position to design a typology of clitics in Capeverdean Creole using the framework of Klavans (1985;1995), which I introduce in the next section.

5.3

A Parametric Approach to Clitics: Klavans (1985; 1995)

In this section, I summarize earlier theories of cliticization before introducing Klavans'

theoretical contribution.
53.1 Introduction to Former Theories of Cliticizatian

Under earlier theories of cliticization, there were only two strategies for clitic positioning. These two strategies involved second position cliticization (Wackernagel's Law, Wackernagel, 1892) and ~Iiticization a specified lexicd class, most commonly V. to Let us first observe Wackernagel's Law. Consider the following examples fiom Ngiyambaa, an Australian Ianguage (Klavans, 1995;104-107). h (40)' the clitic appears in second position after an adjective; in (41), its host is a verb; and in (42)' its host is an adverb. The common feature in each case is that the adjective, the verb, and the adverb are the first constituent in the domain of cliticization. The clitic consistentIy follows the first constituent and thus appears in second position:
(40)

Adi

N'

V'

Adv

qadgay =adu tasty

=2NOM

guYa

dha-yi eat-Past

garnbira
yesterday

fish

'You ate a tasty fish yesterday.'

dha-yi=ndu

A \

Adv
I

gambiia

qadhay guya fish

N'

eat+Past=2NOM

yesterday tasty

AdvO I gambiua-ndu

qadhay guya

'
&

dha-yi
-.

yesterday=2NOM tasty fish

eat+Past constituent occurring i first n

In short, the clitic encliticizes phonologically to any &-form

position. In this respect, Ngiyarnbaa clitics instantiate Wackernagel's Law. In this chapter however, I focus on verbal clitics. Spanish presents an interesting case, discussed in the next subsection.
5.3.2

Domain of Cliticization: V Spanish pronominal chtics provide us with good examples of cliticization to the

specified lexical class V (Klavans, 1985;96). Consider the examples in (43) and ( 4 : 4)
(43)

Te lo digo ahora. (Spanish) you it tell 1sg now 'I tell it to you now.'
Di me lo ahora. tell IMP me it now 'Tell it to me now.'

(44)

In (43), the clitics te '(to) you' and lo 'it' occur before the tensed verb and are proclitic to
that verb. In (44), they occur after a [-Tense] verb and are enclitic. In this regard, it has been
assumed that ifa chic is associated with a host syntactically, then its phonological attachment

is with that host, as in the case of Spanish pronominal clitics. Indeed, looking at such examples, one might assume that a clitic that occurs before a particular phrase must be
phonologically proclitic and that a clitic occurring after a particular phrase must be phonologically enclitic." Spanish proclitics and enctitics are schematically represented in (45): (45)

X = enclitic(s)
(host) lo=hace ' s h e does it' Proclitics (In Klavans, 1985;97) h e l o 'do it' Enclitics

In these examples, the domain of cliticization is V, and the feature [tense] affects clitic

positioning, as is seen in (46) and (47) (Klavans, 1995;103).

'O However, Kla\9ans'h e w o r k , introduced later, captures the situation more accurately, in that in some languages, a given cIitic may not have the same phonological and syntactic host.

Juan

di= me 'Tell me!'(dat.)

me= 'Juan saw me.'

vio

In each of (46) and (47), the effect of the feature [Tense] is distinct. With Spanish clitics, the
feature on the dominating node actually determines whether the clitic is proclitic or enclitic. It is worth observing at this point that in contrast wt Spanish, such a feature does not afl'ect ih
clitic placement in Capeverdean, as is illustrated in (48) and (49):
(48)

JoEo skuta-in. JoZo listened+rne 'Joiio listened to me.'

'Listen to me!'

Let us now consider how Kiavans accounted for cIitic positioning cross-linguistically. Although Klavans (1985) adopted a parametric approach to cliticization and claimed that
there are three parameters governing clitics, two structural ones and a phonological one,"

Klavans (1995) proposed five parameters. P1 is Clitic Identity, P2 is the domain of cliticization, P3 is InitiaVFinaf, P4 is BefordAfter and P5 is ProcIitic/Enclitic. Regarding P1, contrary to Kayne (1975),12 Klavans argued that clitics can be identified by the feature [+ciitic]; in other words, cliticization rules can recognize clitics on the basis of lexical specscation (Klavans, 1995;10 1).

As for P2, a node is the domain of cliticization if the syntactic position of a clitic is
determined with respect to the immediate constituents of the designated node. In some cases, the relevant node is S; in others it is N; in others it is V. As afready stated, in this chapter, we focus on the domain of cliticization V.
P3, the parameter InitiaVFinaL, refers to the first or last constituent under the domain

of cliticization; it involves the host phrase relevant for clitic attachment. Consider once again a Ngiyambaa example, in which the domain of cliticization is S:

. .

< V '
Adv gambira yesterday (Ngiyambaa)
.
-

qadhay guya =ndu13 dha-yi tasty fish =2NOM eat-Past

'You ate a tasty fish yesterday.'

11

Klavans (1985) originally proposed three parameters: two struchud parameters,which were Dominance (initial/hal) and Predeuce @efore/after) and a Phonological parameter, the Phonological Liaison @roclitic/enclitic). They were labeled P1,P2, and P3. Parameter I@es whether a clitic attaches to the initial or final constituent dominated by a given phrase. Parameter 2 specifies whether a clitic occurs before or after the host chosen by PI. The need for Parameter 3, according 10 Klavans, arises when the structural host to a clitic is not the s m as the phonoIogical host, a point we expand on later and retum to in section 5.4, when ae

we consider the typology of Capeverdean clitics.

12

According to Kayne (1972), clitics can be identified by a clitic node.

l 3 The tree in (50) shows that ndu does not have to be placed afkr the first free-form tenn; in conuast, the tree in (40) shows that the position immediately following the first free-form X term is available to the clitic. !

In the example in (SO), the constituent to which ndu cliticizes is N'. N' is the initial constituent under the domain of cliticization S; in this case, P3 is initial. In Spanish, the

4) 4) 4) domain of cliticization is V,as is illustrated in ( 6 and ( 7 . In ( 7 , P3 is initial because it

attaches i i i l y under the domain of cliticization V. h (46), however, P3 is fnlbecause the ntal ia clitic is final under the domain V.P4 Before/Afier refers to the locus of clitic attachment. If the clitic occurs on the right side, it occurs after the initial constituent; if it occurs to the left, it occurs before the initial constituent. To claritjr this, consider the Enghsh genitive in (5 l), for which we consider the parameters described thus far (Klavans, 1995;106):

Art

the King

of

England

' hat s

The clitic identity is the genitive (Pl), the domain of cliticization is W" (PZ), the host phrase is
initial under the domain of ciiticization (P3), and the clitic attaches to the right of the initial

constituent N"* (P4). This is summarized in (52) (Klavans, 1995;107):

(52)

P 1: English possessive 's

P2: r v
P3 : Initial
P4: After

The last parameter is P5:Proclitic/Enclitic. It refers to the place where phonological liaison

wl occur. For instance, the Enghsh possessive ' is an enclitic, so liaison occurs to the left of i l s
the clitic. Regarding Parameter 5, Klavans argued that the structural host and phonological hosts need not be the same, so that clitics can attach syntactically to a structural host whiIe attaching independently to a different phonological host.'4

T i is illustrated in examples (53) and (54): hs

I syntactic host

I
ts-

Syntactically positioned before a host

Phonologically enclitic to a (dierent) host

I4

Klavans remarked that the mirror image of this can also be motivated, namely, that a clitic may be a

syntactic enclitic to a given constituent but a phonological proctitic to a different host. We see in the next

section that Capeverdean object clitics illustrate such a case.

(54) shows the d a c e phonological host Y to be different from the structural host X. We see

in the next subsection that examples of this type are found in Capeverdean Creole. The values
of the parameter constrain possible clitics to eight types of clitics cross-linguisticallyyin
Klavans' h e w o r k , and yield four types of verbal clitics in Capeverdean, the topic of the next section.
5.4

The Capeverdean Clitic Typology In this section, we focus on clitics whose domain of cliticizadon is V. Subject cIitics

are clearly proclitics (as in (55)). In some environments (Irke embedded clauses), however, the subject clitic can be a syntactic proclitic while being phonologically enchic to a dierent host; this is illustrated in (56).15 Evidence that the type of cliticization illustrated in (56) is purely phonological is provided by the fact that nonclitics also undergo such phonological cliticization, as shown in (65) below. (55)
N da
3

JoZo un palrnada.

I gave JoZo a spanking 'I gave Jo5o a spanking.'

(56)

JoSo f?a kye

C-

ta

sta na kaza. (kii-e)

JoLo said that+-he TMA is at home 'lo50 said that he will be at home.' Note that except for e, es, and N (nasal velar), the subject clitics are not

The arrow expresses the direction of phonological cliticization.

phonological enclitics after the complementizers ki and pa, as they do not start with a vowel.
(57)

Joilo h k bu/nu/nbos ta sta na kaza manhan. i Jogo said that you/we/you TMA be in home tomorrow 'Joiio said that you/we/you will be home tomonow-'

As for object clitics, they are typically enclitics in most environments, as in (58). However, as
illustrated in (59), when the object clitic (in this case 'm) is followed by another pronomid (a nonclitic, in this case el), it is syntactically an enclitic but becomes a phonological proclitic: (58) JoZo da-m
t

un libru.

JoZo gavetC1. a book 'JoZio gave me a book.' (59) Joiio da-m el.

Jog0 gave+Cl. Non-C1, 'Joiio gave it to me.' We see in section 5.6 that a sequence of clitics is ungrammatical. Hence sentences like (60) are ruled out.
(60)

*JoSo da-m-l. JoSo gave+C1.+C1.

The sentences in ( 5 9 , (56), (58), and (59) illustrate the four types of verbal clitics, Types I, 2,
3, and 4, displayed in Table 4:

Table 4 Type 1 P1 P2 P3 P4 P5 Type 2 Type 3 Object Clitic Type 4 Object Clitic

Subject Clitic

Subject Clitic

Initial Before Proclitic

Initial Before Enclitic

F i
After Enclitic

Final After Proclitic

Type 2 and Type 4 illustrate clitics wt dual citizenship: Dual citizenship refers to a situation ih
in which a clitic is structurally a member of one constituent but phonologicaUy the member of

another. The transfonnation of B k e for Type 2 shows that the enclitic attaches phonologically to the left because of phonotactic requirements, in spite of the fact that the syntactic host occurs to the right. T i is firrther illustrated in the following examples: hs
(61)

Joiio pidi p' e &a. JoZo asked that+he stayed 'Joao asked for him to stay.' Jo2o fra k'e bai kaza. Joio said that+he went home 'Jo8o said that he went home.'

(62)

(63)

Nha mai sabe k Nodja-bu onti. i my mother knows that I saw+you yesterday a 'My mother knows that I s w you yesterday.'

Unlike a simpler model of cliticization that described clitics as f i g into two categories,
proclitics and enclitics, klavans' framework accounts for the fact that a clitic may be a syntactic proclitic and simultaneously a phonologicaI enclitic, or vice versa.

The example in (56) and those in (61)-(63) show that the surface phonological host, the complementizer ki, is different &om the structural host V. This is represented in the figure in
(64):

host word Liaison Evidence that we are dealing in such examples with phonological cliticization to the left and

not syntactic cliticization is provided by nonclitic pronominals that undergo the same process,
as illustrated in (65):
(65)

Joao fia p'el &a na kaza. Jog0 said for+him/her stay in house 'Joiio said for himher to stay at home.'

To summarize, Klavans' h e w o r k enabled us to classifj, verbal clitics in Capeverdean into

four types: proclitics, enclitics, and subject and object clitics with dual citizenship. In the next section, we examine two theories of clitic placement, one theory claiming that clitics move and another claiming that they are base-generated.

5.5

The Competing Theories of Clitic Placement

5.5.1 The Movement of Clitics

The clitic movement theory, first proposed by Kayne (1972,1975,1984) assumes a transformation rule whereby object clitics are generated in an NP position and land in their surface position via a movement rule. In this process, the clitic leaves a trace in the original position that is subject to locality requirements. Such a movement rule is intended to account for the preposing of object pronouns before the verb in Romance languages like French (Kayne, 1975;66), as illustrated in (66). Under this approach, the sentence in (66a) would be derived from (66b):
(66)

a. Marie nous connait. Marie us knows 'Marie knows us.'

(French)

b.*Marie connait nous. Marie knows us (Kayne, 1975;74)

This approach is also adopted by Raverkort (2993), who argued that clitic movement is an
instance of head movement that does not obey the strict locality conditions imposed by the Head Movement Constraint (henceforth HMC). The nonlocal character of cliticization and
the fact that clitics violate selectional properties of verbs was an original motivation for

positing a movement rule. Consider the following: (67)

a. Jean nous est fidele. Jean to us is faithhl 'Jean is faithful to us.'

(French)

b.Jean1e fait manger. Jean him makes eat 'Jean makes him eat. '

(Haverkort, 1993;12)

Haverkort observed that in (67), the clitic does not cliticize to the eIement that selects it, the adjectivefidkle ' a t f l in (67a) and the verb manger 'to eat' in (6%). It cliticizes to the fihu' highest verb in the same clause in (67a) and to the highest finite verb in ( 7 ) In Spanish, 6b.
this nonlocal dependency can occur over even greater distances.

(68)

Te lo quiero permitir hacer. (Spanish) you it I want allow to do 'I want to allow you to do it.' (Haverkort, 2993;12)

In (68), the nonlocal behavior is not constrained to one clause; the object clitic lo 'it' has attached two clauses above that headed by the verb that seIects it, hacer 'to doY.As for the clitic te, it has cliticized one cIause higher. Such examples illustrate the nonlocal behavior of cliticization and support a movement approach.

5.5.2 The Base Generation of Clitics

On the other hand, Rivas (1977)' Jaeggli (1982) and Roberge (1990) basically
assumed that clitics are base-generated in their surface position and fiom there license and identif) a pronominal argument position. The data that Jaeggli adduced against a clitic movement hypothesis involve clitic doubling in Spanish. Observe the following Spanish sentence:

(69)

Lo vimos a el. him we saw to him - 'We s w h m ' a i.

(Spanish)

Jaeggli (1982) argued that this type of data shows that the clitic has not moved, because had it moved, the complement position would be empty at S-structure. He found hrther support for his approach in the position of benefkctive clitics in Spanish, which cannot be accounted for Jaeggli, 1982;19). by positing a transformational derivation (6. The movement and the base-generation approaches to cliticization are schematically illustrated in (70):

(70a) suggests that in languages like French or Spanish, the clitic has moved fiom a postverbal

position to a preverbal position, [caving a trace behind. (70b), which represents the basegeneration approach, suggests that clitics are generated in their surface position and fiom there may identi@ a pronoun in an argumental position, as in the case of clitic doubling in Spanish (Haverkort, 1993;12).

I stipulate, under the more generally accepted hypothesis, that clitics move; for subject
clitics, I adopt the VP-internal hypothesis (Koopman & Sportiche,l988), already discussed in chapter 4, section 4.4, which assumes that the subject starts out in the VP and moves upward.

I elaborate on this issue in section 5.8.

For object clitics, I assume that the clitic originates in the VP complement and incorporates to V. When the verb raises across a VP-internal adverbial, a topic we examined in depth in chapter 4, the object clitic raises with it, as illustrated in (71b): (71) a. Jolo xina ben lison. Jolo learnt well lesson 'Joiio learnt the lesson well. ' b. Jolo xina-l ben. Jolo learnt+ it well 'Jolo learnt it well.'

Another case where the clitic moves with the verb is that of a Ieft-dislocation construction, as

in (72) :
(72)

Spia-I, bu pode ma toka-1 bu ka pode.16 look-tit, you can but touch+it you Neg can 'You can look at it but you cannot touch it.'

This type of Capeverdean data can be derived only via a movement rule.

In the next section, we consider some properties of Capeverdean clitics.

5.6

Some Properties of Subject and Object Clitics in Capeverdean

So far, we have observed that one of the properties of Capeverdean verbal clitics is their dual citizenship; that is the syntactic host to a given cIitic can be different fiom the phonological one. A second property results in a ban on clusters of pronominal clitics. In this respect, it is worth pointing out a contrast between Capeverdean Creole and French. In

l6

I thank Elizabeth Pyan for eiiciting this piece of data during our linguistics exchanges.

French, the only element that may intervene between a clitic and a verb is another clitic, as illustrated in (73):
(73)

a. *a, souvent, voit Paula et Alexandra. (French) C1. often sees Paula and Alexandra b. D les voit souvent. he them sees often 'He often sees them.'

Capeverdean, however, displays a ban on clitic clustering, as evidenced by the ungrarnmaticality of (74b) and (75b). The effect of this ban can be observed in sentences with ditransitive verbs hosting two pronominals. (74a) and (75a) show that a clitic/nonclitic sequence is acceptabIe. (74b) and (75b) show that a clitic-clitic sequence yields total unacceptability. (74) a. Jolo da-bu el. (Capeverdean) JoIo gave+you it 'Jog0 gave it to you.' b.*JoiXo da-bu-1. Jog0 gave+you+it a. El da-m el. she gave+Cl. Non-C1. 'She gave it to me.' b. *El da-m-I. she gave+CI.+Cl.

(75)

This leads to the following generalization: Object clitics m s appear immediately to the right ut
of a verb stem; hence, ody one clitic is allowed to the right of the verb.

At this point, it is worth observing that it may not be quite accurate to claim that the

data in (74) and (75) illustrate a ban on clitic clustering. Indeed, a similar phenomenon is

displayed by the copula-like morpheme e, which selects only nonclitics in subject position, as shown in (76):

(76) a. Mi

e temom. Non-Cl. C1. stubborn 'I am stubborn.' b.*N e temozu. C1. C1. stubborn

Such a ban should not a priori apply to the data in (76), given that e is a copula. As it is a verb, it should be able to take a clitic in subject position. A resolution to such a p d e would be to propose that e is a nonclitic that is too light to support a clitic (we investigate the behavior of this copula in section 5.8). This leads us to regard such as a ban as representing more accurately a double clitic constraint. By viewing it as a double clitic constraint, we may account for other data in the language involving clitics and affixes. Indeed, another type of double clitic constraint may be observed between aExes and clitics, as discussed in section 5.1. Indeed, when the verb stem is bare, the clitic object cliticizes to it, as shown in (5), repeated here for convenience as (77). However, when the verb is inflected with the anterior marker -baycliticization is blocked, in the sense that no clitic may be generated to cliticize onto the verb, as shown in (78b). Instead, a nonclitic appears in the complement position, as illustrated in (78a):
(77)

JoZo odja-m. Jog0 sawme 'JoBo saw me. '

a. El odjaba tni. s/he saw+Past me

(78)

' S h e had seen m . e' b.*El odja-m-ba. she saw+me+Past

c.*El odjaba-m. she saw+Past+me

(78b) and (78c) show that cliticization and f i a t i o n are incompatible processes in
Capeverdean; and on a rule ordering hierarchy, afkation must occur first and precludes cliticization, as schematized in (79a). If cliticization occurred first, this would yield the wrong sequential output in (79b). Instead, i5xation occurs and triggers the appearance of a nonclitic, as Uustrated in (79c).
(79)

a.*[[verb+inlection] clitic] (Capeverdean) b. *[[verb+clitic] inflection] c. [[verb+inaection] nonclitic]

This state of affairs shows that in Capeverdean, it is not possible to have a nonclitic adjacent

ny to a verb stem. O l clitics may cliticize to verb stems, This is further illustrated by the
ungramrnaticality of (80a) and (80b): (80) a. *El da mi el. he gave Non-Cl. Non-C1. b. *El da mi-l. he gave Non-Cl.+CI.

Even when a clitic cliticizes to the verb stem, the double clitic constraint just mentioned would prevent two clitics fiom co-occuning, as shown in (75b). A way to account for the data in (77) would be to say that the basic configuration of
the object clitic is as represented in (8 1):

At PF, the clitic needs to be adjacent to the verb, obeying strict adjacency constraints. Hence, configurations like (82) are ruled out in Capeverdean Creole.

(82)

* / T \

clitic

In order to account for (82), it is necessary to postdate that suffixation occurs at SS, whereas
the cliticization of the object occurs between SS and PF.

In summary,the two types of clitic doubling constraints can be described as follows:

Capeverdean bans clustering between pronominal clitics, and it also bans cliticization of a clitic to an a&.
In the next section, we refine the typology of Capeverdean pronorninals, using

Cardhaletti and Starke (1994; 1996).

5.7 Toward a Typology of Pronominals

5.7.1 Three Classes of Pronominals: Cardinaletti and Starke (1994;1996)

Cardinaletti and Starke (1996) assurned that there are not two but three typesof pronominals cross-linguisticalIy: strong pronouns, weak pronouns and clitic pronouns. They used the term deficient to refer to both clitic and weak pronouns. Cardhaletti and Starke proposed that there is only one system of pronominals; languages differ with respect to

which class they lexicalhe, or they may IexicaIize all three. They argued that what determines the choice of one class of pronominds over another is the Choice Principle. The Choice Principle represents an effort to account for the choice ordering among strong and deficient pronouns: Clitics are chosen over weak pronouns and weak pronouns are in turn chosen over strong pronouns. This hierarchy is represented in (83): Clitic > weak fonn > strong form

(83)

Cardinaletti and Starke specified that the Choice Principle is not a primitive; instead, the Economy of Representation must be the underlying primitive. The properties of the underlying system governed by the Choice Principle are listed in (84): a. Choice among pronoun classes
b. Coordination with shared subject pronouns

(84)

c. Facts about human reference d. XP versus positions of pronouns

In this section, we explore to what extent the Cardinaletti and Starke's system applies to the Capeverdean case. In languages like Capeverdean, where deficient and strong personal pronouns exhibit different morphology, a sentence such as that in (85) may in theory have
two variants, a strong pronominal form or a deficient form. However, only one variant is

available, and that is the most reduced one, as witnessed in (85):

(85)

a. Joiio odja-I. JoHo saw+Cl. 'Jof o saw her.' b.*Joiio odja el. Joiio saw Non-C1.

However, following Cardinaletti and Starke's original observation,we may note that the strong variant is not altogether excluded; it may appear in coordinated constructions or in cases where the pronominal is modified, as illustrated in (86a) and (86b), respectively.
(86)

a. Se pai sota el ku se irmon. his father beat him with his brother 'His father beat up him and his brother.' b. Se pai sota so el. his father beat only him 'His father beat up only h m ' i.

The strong variant can be used only if the deficient variant is not accessible. The most deficient form must be used otherwise. Hence, ifa clitic is available, it must be used, as illustrated in (85a). Now consider (87): It is worth asking why el in (87b) is disallowed after the adverb but is alIowed in the same contexts where a strong pronoun would appear.
(87)

a. JoIo konbida-l senpri. (Capeverdean) JoZo invited+him always b.*JoZo konbida senpri el. JoIo invited always him c. Jo%o konbida senpri el ku se irmon. Joio invited always him with his brother 'JoHo always invited h m and his brother.' i

Cardinaletti and Starke (1996;34) accounted for this by means of the Choice Principle and argued that a pronoun like el is ambiguous between two distinct entities (a weak and a strong personal pronoun).17 The weak el i (8%) cannot appear, hence its strong homophonous n

counterpart (which can be coordinated) will surface. The Choice Principle predicts that a strong pronoun can d a c e only if the weak one is independently impossible. On this issue, it is worth adding to Cardinaletti and Starke's assumptions that some type of heavy NP shift principle is also in operation.'8 Another prediction of the underlying pronominal system is that strong pronouns can refer only to humans, whereas clitic and weak pronouns can refer to humans and non-humans. Consider the sentences in (88). In (gab), ifthe strong pronoun refers to a non-human, the sentence turns out to be ~ngrammatical.'~ the other hand, if it refers to a human, the On output (88a) is grammatical.
(88)

a. AeVel, N gosta d' el. h m I like of+& i 'Him, I like him.'

b.*AeUel N gosta d'el. it I like of+it.

[+human]
[-human]

(Capeverdean)

" Cardhaletti

and Starke (1994) noted that the German pronoun ihn is similarly ambiguous.

The following examples give us indeed good grounds to suspect that some kind of heavy NP shift principle is also at work. Consider (i) and (ii). (b)shows that a coordinated constituent can be shifted to the right due to its heaviness. In contrast to (i), the pronoun in (iib) cannot undergo heavy NP shift due to its lightness: (i) a. J&o konbida el ku se h o n senpri. Joilo invited him and his brother always 'Joiio always invited him and his brother.' b. J d o konbida senpri el ku se innon. (Heavy NP shift permitted) J d o invited always him and his brother 'Joiio always invited bim and his brother.' (ii) a. Jo3o konbida-1 senpri. J&o invited h m always i 'J d o always invited him. ' b.*JoBo konbida senpri el. (NP shift not permitted) Joao invited always h m i
A demonstrative would be used instead.

'*

Cardhaletti and Starke also noted that strong pronouns like el (because they refer to a

[+human] entity) do not need to remain in a local relation to the verb to which they are linked; but if we change the referent of el to [-human], and nonlocal movement becomes impossible. Another fact that these authors observed is that strong pronouns cannot be coordinated ifthey refer to nonhumans, as shown by the Capeverdean sentence in (89a). Recall that in Capeverdean coordinated constructions, long forms of strong pronouns cannot appear; instead, only short forms can. If those short forms refer to nonhurnans, the output
will be ungrammatical; only if they refer to humans, will the output be grammatical. It is

important to emphasize that in (89a), el is used deictically. Demonstratives must be used when refering to nonhumans, as shown in (89b). (89) a. N po el ku el riba di kama. [*-human] [+human] (Capeverdean) I put him/*it and him/*it top of bed 'I put him and him on top of the bed.' b. N po kel-li ku kel-la riba di kama. [-human] [*+human] I put this one and that one on top of bed 'I put this one and that one on top of the bed.'

Note that noncoordinated el can refer to either a human or a nonhuman, as illustrated by

(90)

a. JoEo, N gosta d'el. JoBo, I Like ofihim 'JoBo, I like.' b. Ket kaza, N gosta d' el. that house, I like of+it 'That house, I like.'

The asymmetry between the el that can be coordinated but cannot refer to nonhuman entities

and the el that cannot be coordinated but can refer to nonhuman entities is a direct
consequence of the underlying pronominal system, given that el is ambiguous: Strong el can

be coordinated, modEed, is not subject to locality constraints and must refer to humans. In
contrast, weak el cannot be coordinated, cannot be m o a e d , is subject to locality constraints,

and can refer to both humans and nonhumans.

These properties are summarized in Table 5 (adapted fiom Cardimletti and Starke, 1994;26): The Capeverdean Pronominal Typology Table 5

Stong eVaeI [+human/*-human] no locality constraints modification coordination

Weak el [-human/+hurnan] locality constraints *modification *coordination

Clitic -1 [-human/+human] locality constraints *modification *coordination

Such properties have positional, structural, and case correlates, which we examine in the next subsection.

5.7.2

Structural Deficiency

Cardmaletti and Starke (1994; 26) argued that a more deficient pronoun is
morphologicalIy lighter than a stronger pronoun because it contains fewer underlying morphemes, and it contains fewer morphemes because it reaIizes fewer syntactic heads. This is schematized in (9 1):

(91) a. ctitic < weak < strong

b. morph(clitic) < morph(weak) < morph(strong)

c. struct(clitic) < struct(weak) < struct(str0ng) They argued further that the syntactic structure of deficient pronouns is itself deficient.

T i is represented in (39), where y is an abstract primitive (Carchaletti & Starke, 1994;26). hs

(92)

SmcfuralDeficiency
y = lacking a set of firnctional heads

CardinaIetti and Starke's underlying assumption is that a strong pronoun is endowed with a CP layer; and just as a weak element lacks the superior layer of strong elements CP, clitic elements lack the superior Iayer of weak elements CP. Weak elements are peeled strong elements and clitics are peeled weak elements: The resulting structures of the three classes are illustrated in (93) (Cardinaletti & Starke, 1994; 38): (93) a. Strong Pronouns

b. Weak Pronouns

c. Clitic Pronouns

This state of affairs would be governed by the principle in (94) (Cardinaletti & Starke;
1994;40):

(94)

Economy of Representation Minimize Structwe

In the next subsection, I propose three types of structures for strong forms, weak forms, and
clitics in Capeverdean pronominals.

5.7.3

The Structural Typology of Capeverdean Pronominals

In this subsection, I lay out two possible analyses to account for the distribution of

strong forms, weak forms and clitics in Capeverdean. First, I attempt to account for the distribution of Capeverdean pronominals in terms of case properties, following Cardinaletti and Starke's (1994) assumptions about the structural representation of each type of pronominal. I then show the problems that this analysis raises for the distribution of full NPs in Capeverdean and other languages such as Spanish. Second, I explore the more promising lead offered by the Choice Principle and show how it accounts in a more natural way for the distribution of Capeverdean pronominals.

Let us turn to the first lead. We observed in section 5.1 that long forms cannot receive
case from AGR (when they are in a subject position) or from the verb (when they are in object

position), this would explain why they can be found only in positions nonadjacent to the verb or in topicalized positions. One can account for such distributional facts if one postuIates furthermore that a in the long form may be a preposition assigning inherent case to the nonclitic; ifit is a preposition, this would explain why it cannot be preceded by another preposition, as that preposition would be a case-assigner. On the other hand, neither object short forms nor long forms may receive accusative case directly in object position, which accounts for the ungrammaticality of (22), repeated here as (95):
(95)

* Joto odja amilmi.

JoZo saw me

Although an account is quite transparent in the case of the long form, if one assumes that the ungrammaticality is due to the fact that the pronoun has already received case f?om the preposition, the source of the ungrammaticality may not be as clear for the short form. Following Cardinaletti and Starke, however, the explanation is that the preposition may be null in that case. Any strong element wilf contain such a complementizer-like preposition, whether realized or not. Hence, the long form would have the structure in ( 6 , where the 9) preposition is realized:

strong long form

\ J

Strong elements appearing without a lexically realized preposition would be assigned the
mcture in (97):

Let us now turn to the structure of weak pronouns: Due to the absence of a CP layer, weak pronouns are structurally deficient. Since deficient elements lack C,they do not contain any (functional) case-feature (Cardinaletti & Starke,
1994; 3 1). Assuming that every NP must be associated with a case-feature, then, we can infer

that deficient, but not strong, elements m s undergo some process allowing them to be ut associated with the case-feature. In this context, the natural interpretation of X is associated with a is that either X contains a or X is in a local coniiguration with an element containing

a. If one makes the traditional assumption that AGR is necessary for case-assignment, this
explains why deficient elements need to occur in a local structural codguration with AGR This also explains why weak pronouns need to remain in a local relation to the verb. If a weak pronoun is displaced, the displacement destroys the local configuration with AGR and the deficient pronoun Iacks case, which yields an ungrammatical sentence. Hence, the local relation between the weak pronoun and AGR must be maintained. The ban on coordination of deficient pronouns could be treated similarly: Being embedded inside a coordination, the deficient pronoun is not in an adequate local configuration with AGR', is thus not associated

with case, and is consequently uninterpretable. Because weak pronouns are XPs, they

establish a locd relation with AGR' by appearing in Spec-AgrP, as illustrated in (98).

(98)

weak

Within a traditional X-bar model, local configurations with 9 may mean one or two things:
or Spec-head agreement with 9, incorporation into p,as stated in (99).

(99)

ih Spec-head Agreement w t X'), or incorporation into 2. (Cardimletti & Starke (1994))

Hence, w a pronouns appear in a Spec-head agreement relation with a case-assigner, ek whereas strong pronouns incorporate a case-assigning preposition. There are, however, two problems regarding the proposal that nonclitic long forms cannot appear in positions where they would get case from AGR or f o the verb, presumably rm because they are already receiving the case they need &om the preposition a. In the case of topicalized NPs,as in (1 OO), one would wonder how the NP Jo60 is getting case, given the absence of a preposition.20 (100) JoBo, N odja-1. JoZo I sawhim 'Jo80, I saw.'

20

One could then argue that it gets case from a null preposition, as w u d the short forms of nonclitics. ol

The second problem would rise for languages Like Spanish, in which animate NPs in object position are preceded by a presumably case-assigning preposition. This type of construction is shown in (101) (repeated fkom footnote 5): (101) JuanvioaRaina. Juan saw a Raina 'Juan saw Raina.'

My analysis ruled out the appearance of Capeverdean long forms in a position where they
could get case on the grounds that the preposition had already assigned case to them. This would violate case theory because the nonclitic would be assigned case from two sources: the

hs verb and the preposition. T i analysis would not hold for Spanish constructions like (10 1).
This suggests a second approach to the problem. We now t r to a more promising lead offered by a combination of the Choice un Principle (Cardinaletti & Starke, 1996) with the double-cbtic constraint (discussed in section
5.6). In subsection 5.7.1, we discussed the Choice Principle as representing an effort to

account for the choice ordering among strong and deficient pronouns: It basically states that clitics are chosen over weak pronouns and weak pronouns are in turn chosen over strong

i' pronouns. Such a principle accounts for why in (85) ( J d o o4a-ly 'JoZo saw h m , *J&Q
odja el ), the occurrence of the weak or strong pronoun is impossible: as the clitic is

available, it must be used. On the other hand, the strong forms must appear in dislocated positions, as in (88) (AeVel, Ngosta d 'el, 'Him, I like'; *I, N gustu d 'el)because weak forms
and clitics are not available in such positions. For the same example, one can explain why the

cIitic cannot occur after the preposition (*Ngosta d' I ) if one assumes that preposition cannot support clitics. Now,consider the example in (102): (102) a. El odjaba mi. he had seen me 'He had seen me.' b. *El odjaba-m he had seenKl. The ungrammaticality of (l02b) is accounted for by assuming that -ba behaves like a clitic, as it cliticizes to the verb stem. Hence, -ba obeys the double-clitic constraint and as a result, no clitic is available to appear after it. As for the example in (76) (Mi e ternom 'I am stubborn';

*Ne temozu), we can hypothesize that the clitic is not available in such constructions for the
following reason: Mi is the weakest form available because the copula e is a nonclitic which is too light to support a clitice2' To sum up this analysis, we have shown that a combination of the Choice Principle

and the double-clitic constraint account for the full range of pronominal distribution in
Capeverdean.

Let us now come back to the structural properties of those prominals, as they were discussed in Cardindetti and Starke (1996). These authors argued that the category of weak pronouns is somewhat intermediary between that of strong pronouns and that of clitic pronouns. Both weak pronouns and strong pronouns remain an XP on the surface, weak pronouns and clitics share the property of resisting coordination and modification. As for

I thank Susumu Kuno (personal communication) for these vduable observations.

clitics, Cardinaletti and Starke argued that they have an

status. This state of affairs is

summarized in (103) (Cardhaletti & Starke, 1996;36):

(103) a. Clitic elements are deficient P . s b. Weak elements are deficient XPs. c. Strong elements are nondeficient XPs.

I present in section 5.9 some arguments in favor of the ]P status of Capeverdean subject
clitics and the potential consequences for the pro-drop status of Capeverdean, and we also consider the issues that my analysis raises. However, before doing so, I focus on the morpheme e, which is not only the third person singular c1itic in Capeverdean but also a copula. We discuss the status and role of this morpheme in the next section.

5.8

Focus on the Morpheme e In this section I show how the clitic e introduced in Table 1 has a verbal homophonous

counterpart in the copula e and how both morphemes share a number of properties. This leads us to examine the possibility that the clitic e and the copula e may represent a case of feature codation but have come to play two distinct roles in the Capeverdean grammar.

In doing so, we study the distribution of the morpheme e wt regard to Negation, Tense, and ih
pronominal selection. We then consider the arguments for and against interpreting this morpheme as a pronoun. We show that Hebrew h and Guinea-Bissau i share a number of its characteristics. We then speculate on its possible evolution and offer a theoretical account for its behavior.

5.8.1 The Clitic Pronominal e and the Copula e :A Case of Feature Conflation?

Consider the example in (104),where the morpheme e is clearly the subject ciitic pronominal introduced in subsection 5.1.1, and the examples i (105), where e behaves like a n

copula introducing nominal predicates ( (105a)) or adjectivd predicates (in (l06a)). Note i n
that the clitic e cannot appear in a position adjacent to the copula e, as illustrated by the ungramrnaticality of (105~) (106~).El is preferably null. and (104) E kume katxupa. she ate katxupa 'She ate katxupa.'

(105) a. El e un bon omi. he is a good man ' eis a good man.' K b. E un bon omi. is a good man 'He is a good man.' c.* E e un bon orni. C1. e a good man (106) a. El e intelijenti. he is inteIligent 'He is intelligent.' b. E intelijenti. is intelligent 'He is intelligent'. c.* E e intelijenti. C1. e intelligent Let us turn our attention for a moment to the behavior of the nonclitic pronominal el in (105)
and (106). The third-person singular el is the only pronominal that is optionally null in

capeverdean= Dropping the third-person singular pronominal is the preferred option in many dialects. (105) and (106) ilIustrate an individual-level predicate, where to be a good m m and
to be intelligent are viewed as permanent qualities. In contrast, (107) illustrates a stage-level

predicate, indicating a stage that the subject is temporarily going through.

sta duenti. (107) a. El Non-C1. is sick 'He is sick.' b. E sta duenti. Cl. is sick 'He is sick.' c.*sta duenti. is sick

As shown by ( 1 0 7 ~ the argumental pronoun el cannot be n d . El can be dropped only )~

before the copulative e.

It is of interest that in the presence of the past tense form of e, era, the pronoun el is

marginally null when it has a referent, as illustrated in (108b). However, it can be null in
expletive constructions, as shown in (109). (108) a. El era un bon omi. he was a good man 'He was a good man.' b.?Era un bon omi. was a good man
(109) Era nha mai k faze tudu pa m . i i was my mother who did all for me 'It was my mother who did everything for me.'
This leads us to the following descriptive generalization about Capeverdean Creole:

* The exception is in the imperative ahnative, where the second person singular is also null (cf. chapter 1,
subsection 1.2.4.2).

(110) The third-person singular argumentd pronoun el is preferably null w t individualih

level predicates in the present tense and obligatorily overt with stage-level predicates. A phonologically null subject can be interpreted only as third-person singular. Two questions that emerge with regard to this generalization are the following:

(a) How can we account for the fact that only the third-person singular nonclitic
pronominal may be dropped?
(b) Why is it not possible to drop the same pronorninaI with other verbs like sta?

I propose that the default feature of e is third-person singular. Hence, the pronominal

that can be dropped is el, due to conflation of features between el and e. In other words, el is optional because the third-person singular features can be recovered, due to the fact that the

hs two morphemes share the person and number same features. T i in turn explains why such an
option is not available with other verbs like sta in (107). Ln ( 0 ) there is no information in 17, Spec-AgrP or in AGR to identifL the features of the subject. Let us now focus on the copula-like morpheme e in (105) and (106) and determine its status and role in the Capeverdean grammar.

5.8.2 The Distribution of e and its Characteristics

To determine the real nature of the morpheme e is no easy task: It generally occupies the syntactic position of a copula between a subject NP and a predicate NP or AP but displays nonverbal properties with regard to Negation, pronominal selection, and Tense. Let us fist consider Negation.

5.8.2.1 Distribution With Regard to Negation

As w s demonstrated in chapter 2 (subsection 2.2.2.l), all verbs must follow Negation a in Capeverdean, as is illustrated by the position of kume 'to eat' in (1 11); whereas e
obligatorily precedes Neg (n many dialects), as is shown in (1 12) and (1 13) (cf. chapter 4 i (subsection 4.2.2.)):
(1 1 1) a. Joiio ka kume katxupa. JoZo Neg ate katxupa 'JoZo did not eat katxupa.' b.*JoZo kume ka katxupa. JoZio ate Neg katxupa

(1 12) a. JoEo e ka intelijenti. Jolo e Neg intelligent 'JoZo is not intelligent.' b. *Jog0 ka t intelijenti. JoZo Neg e intelligent
(1 13) Kauberdianus sivilizadu e ka mas e ka menus k propi g ~ l t a r ~ i a n u s . ~ i Capeverdeans civilized e Neg more e Neg less than real "goltarpianus" 'Civilized Capeverdeans are no more no less "goltarpianus" themselves.' (Veiga, 1987;14)

The pre-Neg position of the copula e is reminiscent of that of the pronominal clitic e, which is also pre-Neg in examples like (1 14), the pronominal counterpart to (1 12):
(114) E ka kume katxupa. she Neg ate katxupa 'She did not eat any katxupa.'

" The "secret language"expression goltarpianus means Portuguese in Veiga's (1987) novel.

Hence, the first nonverbal property of e is that, contrary to all other verbs in the language, e is pre-Neg. The second nonverbal property of e involves pronominal selection, as shown in the next subsection.

5.8.2.2

Pronominal Selection

As was discussed in section 5.1, all Capeverdean verbs may select pronominal clitics
or amalgamate nonclitics and clitics in subject position, as illustrated in (1 15); but e may select only nonclitic pronominals, as shown in (1 16a), otherwise yielding an ungrammatical utterance, as in (1 16b). (115) a. N kume katxupa. C1. ate katxupa 'I ate katxupa.' b. Milami N kume katxupa. Non-C1. CI. ate katxupa 'I ate katxupa.' (1 16) a. Mi e intelijenti. Non-C1. e intelIigent 'I am intelligent.' b. *N e intelijenti. C1. e intelligent If one views the copula e as a clitic, a status that it would share with its pronominal homophone, one may say that it obeys the double clitic constraint discussed in section 5.6, hence can select only nonclitics in subject position. Another approach would be to assume
that e is just a light verb but not a clitic. Then the ban that we discussed earlier would be

problematic: N being a pronoun and e a verb, the two morphemes should be able to be

adjacent to one another. Hence, one would need to say that e is nonciitic but, due to its

lightness, cannot support a clitic. In any event, the special status of e is fbrther supported by
the behavior of its past tense and future tense counterparts.

5.8.2.3

Distribution With Regard to Tense Evidence that e is of a merent nature &om its past counterpart era and hture tense

counterpart fa ser is provided by the behavior of the latter two vis-&vis Negation and pronominaI setection. In (1 17) and (1 18), era and ta ser are i a post-Neg position; and their n ability to select a clitic pronominal as a subject NP shows that they behave like real verbs, whereas e must precede Neg and must select a nonclitic pronominal for a subject, as illustrated in (I 16).
(117) a. N M i N ka era temozu.

I Neg was stubborn 'I was not stubborn.' b.*N/Mi N era ka temozu. I w s Neg stubborn a
(118) a. N/Mi N ka ta ser temozu. I Neg TMA be stubborn 'I will not be stubborn.' b.*N/MiNta serka temozu. I TMA be Neg stubborn

In the next subsection, I discuss the nature of e and provide arguments for and against its
pronoun status. I then consider its possible evolution.

5.8.3

Arguments fore as a Pronoun

I recapitulate in this subsection the arguments in favor of e as a pronoun.

It has already been observed that the morpheme e behaves quite differently fkom ordinary verbs, including its stage-level copulat counterpart sta, in a number of ways. First, the copulalike e in (1 12)-(113) o m s in the same position as the pronominal e, vis-a-vis the

. negative marker h When present in a clause, e is pre-Neg, as in (1 12)-(113), like the clitic
pronominal e in (1 14). The second argument ia fivor of e as a pronoun is found in its inconsistent behavior vis-a-vis its past tense and future tense counterparts. Indeed, unlike the English be, which is consistently pre-Neg in the present and the past, as in (119), e and its past tense counterpart behave quite dBerently vis-a-vis Negation. Indeed, the past tense and hture tense counterparts of e, era and ta ser, are always post-Neg like other verbs, as illustrated in (1 17) and (1 18). (I 19) a. John is not sick. b. John was not sick. The other nonverbd property of e is that unlike other verbs, which select a clitic in subject position, e can tolerate only a nonclitic in subject position, as in (1 16). An argument in favor of e as a pronoun would be that the status of e as a clitic pronoun accounts for the fact that it cannot host another clitic pronoun in subject position, thus obeying the double clitic constraint discussed in section 5.6.14 There are, however, certain facts that may prevent us fiom considering e a pronoun.

24

In section 5.6, we presented e as a verb and showed that this renders problematic the formulation of the ban on clitic clustering.

5.8.4

Arguments Against e as a Pronoun

Ife were a pronoun, its appearance in certain environments would be blocked. It

would not appear in constructions fiom which the subject has been e x t r a ~ t e dHowever, in .~
the two types of environmentsjust mentioned, e is obligatory, as shown in (120) and (121)

respectively:
(120) a. Mhinu ke '

obidienti ka ta faze kel kuza. child who+e obedient Neg TMA does that thing 'The child who is obedient does not do such a thing.' b.*Mininu ki obidienti ka ta faze kel kuza. child that obedient Neg TMA do that dhg

(12 1) a. Kenhe ki bu pensa e intelijenti? who that you think e intelligent 'Who do you think is intelligent?' b.*Kenhe 16 bu pensa intelijenti? who that you think intelligent There are other theoretical arguments against e's pronoun status. For instance, construction

like that in (1 22) would involve three pronouns; fixthemore, the third-person pronoun e
would co-occur with the first- and second-person nonclitic p r o n o d s .
(122) a. Ami,

mi e terno~u.~~ Non-cI., Non-C1. CI. stubborn 'I am (really) stubborn.' b. Abo, bo e temom. Non-C1. Non-CI. C1. stubborn 'You are (realIy) stubborn.'

25

These tests were also implemented by Berman and Grosu (1976) for Hebrew.

26 Recall that in section 5.6, I proposed that in this type of construcrions, a nonclitic m s appear in subjm ut position because e is a nonclitic which is too light to support a clitic. H n e the clitic counterparts to mi and ec, bo, which are N and bu, respectively are not available.

The same problem wouId arise with the following topidzed construction:
(123)

E el.

e hidher 'It's himher.' Note that even in languages fike Russian that do not require an overt copula in main clauses, that-clauses would require the presence of an overt copuIa. Consider the Capeverdean sentence in (124). Lfe were a pronoun, the &-clause would lack any overt verb.
(124) N ta

pensa k'e intelijenti. I TMA think that e intelligent 'I think that he is intelligent. '

Evidence in favor of the verbd status of e is also provided by VP-detetion. Consider (125) where the ordinary verb kume 'eat' is deleted in the coordinated clause. Similarly, e undergoes Ve deletion and copula stranding, as ilIustrated by (126) and (127)' respectively:
(125) Jofo kume tudu katxupa y Eliza [vpl tanbe. JoZo ate all katxupa and Eliza too

'Jofo ate all the katxupa and so did E i a ' lz.

(126) JoZo e grandi y E h [w] tanbe. JoZoistall andEliza too 'Jofo is tall and Eliza too.'
(127) E intelijenti ki Jofo e.

is intelligent that Jofo is 'It is intelligent that Jofo is.'

Furthermore, given the pre-Neg position of e, we argued in chapter 4 that as a verb, the copula moved to such position. This would instantiate the only long verb movement to AGR

in Capeverdean, whereas other verbs undergo short V-raising to TO.

This type of morpheme hybrid between a copula and a pronoun was observed in languages such as Hebrew and Guinea-Bissau C e l . Rapoport (1987) expressed the roe grammatical ambiguity of such morphemes by labeling the Hebrew morpheme hu a "copular pronouny'. Hu, like e is homophonous with the third-person singular nominative pronoun and exbibits behavior similar to that of e. Consider the Hebrew sentence in (128) (taken fiom Rapoport, 1987): (128) Ha-yeled hu student. the-boy is student 'The boy is a student.'

H behaves like e in being obiigatody pre-Neg, as illustrated in (129): u

(129) a. David hu lo student. (Present) David 3rd Neg student 'David is not a student.' b.*David lo hu student. David Neg 3rd student

In contrast, its past tense counterpart is obligatorily post-Neg, as shown in (130).

(130) a. David lo haya student. David Neg was student 'David was a student.' b.*david haya lo student. David was Neg student

The past tense hayu occupies the same position as other verbs vis-a-vis Negation, as

illustrated in (13 1):

(13 1) a. David lo ohev studentim. David Neg love students 'David does not love students.' b.*David obev lo studentin. David love Neg students

(ReguIar verb)

These data show us that both hu and e are in complementary distribution with their past copular counterparts vis-a-vis the negative morphemes lo and ka. The behavioral similarities between Capeverdean e and Hebrew hu are summarized in Table 6: Table 6 Capeverdean e Identical in form to third-person nominative Precedes Negation, whereas all other verbs follow it Complementary distribution with past tense copula
-I

Hebrew h

On the same topic, Guinea-Bissau Creole has a morpheme i that seems to share similar idiosyncrasieswith e. Consider the Guinea-Bissau Creole sentence in (132): (132) El i pursor. she i professor She is a professor. Ichinose (1993) claimed that Guinea-Bissau Creole i, the counterpart to Capeverdean e, evolved fiom the third-person singular. Hence in constructions such as Xi Y, i does not

originate fiom the Portuguese ser 'be', but f?om the third-person singular ele (Ichinose,
1993;24). The absence of verbal characteristics associated with i (namely, i cannot follow an

aspect marker, cannot be preceded by the tense marker -ba, and cannot appear sentenceinitidy in an imperative construction) led Ichinose to conclude that i is not a verb.

In this regard, Ferguson (1971; 142, cited in Ichinose, 2 993) defended the proposal
that languages without a copula in equative constructions may use a third-person singular pronoun to topicalize the subject of the clause. According to him, the equative construction has evolved fiom Y to X Y, to i Y to Xi Y; and the construction i Y is found in a number of languages like Bambara, where the predicator shows up when there i no explicit subject. s On this matter, Ichinose (1993;30, h.9) mentioned that Wolof (spoken in the North west of Africa) also has constructions of the form ii/he/she Y. Although Ichinose analyzed I

as a pronoun, he did not explain how case theory and the theta-criterion are satisfied.

5.8.5

A Theoretical Account

Ln chapter 4, I proposed that e has undergone Iong verb movement to AGR, which hs explains why the morpheme e is obligatorily pre-Neg. T i is represented in the tree (134):
(133) (El) e ka nha pai.

he e Neg my father 'He is not my father.'

(134)

nha pai
Let us now ask why the third-person singular pronoun el is the only argumental pronoun that may be null in Capeverdean in individual-level predicates introduced by the morpheme e. T i hs

fact may be accounted for as follows: If one assumes that the default interpretation for the
tensed verbal e is the third-person singular, the presence of el in Spec-AgrP is redundant, hence optional. In other words, el and e share the same person and number features. So if e
in AGR is endowed with the 3rd person singular feature, the 3rd person feature of the null

element el @m Spec-AgrP) is recovered, and the sentence is interpreted as having a thirdin person singular subject, as illustrated in (135).
35)

GRP

Pro e
nha pai

T i leads to the correct prediction that no other nonclitic may be dropped, because its hs
number and person features could not be recovered.

The assumption that e and d pronominal clitics are in AGR has obvious repercussions for th'e pro-drop -statusof Capeverdean, the topic of the next section.
At this point, a few assumptions about the evolution of e are in order. I join

chi nose

(1993) in assuming that, like Guinea-Bissau Creole, Capeverdean may have started out with

copulaless constructions and then used a pronoun in equative constructions before the morpheme assumed the role of a copula (and clause-initial focalizer of the type in (127)). Such evolution wouId account for the r m i i g nominal properties of the morpheme with regard to eann Negation, Tense, and pronominal selection. An offshoot ofthis evolution is the parallel use of the copula as a focalizer under the influence of Portuguese. We may hypothesize that the use of e as a pronoun in a copula position may have been acquired under the influence of substrates like Wolof. Later on in the continuum, the Portuguese influence may have created a shift fiom a pronoun to a copula and focalizer. Capeverdean Creole instantiates Lipski's (1996) claim that a null copula may not be
the preferred option for Creole languages.

5.9

On the Position of Subject Clitics in Capeverdean Creole and the Implications for Its Pro-Drop Status

In this section, we consider the position of subject clitics, as this will determine the
pro-drop status of Capeverdean Creole. I claim that on a par with Northern Italian dialects

(Rizzi, 1986, Brandi & Cordii 193111989, Poletto, 1996) and Haitian (DeGraff, 1993),
Capeverdean has subject clitics that are heads in Infl (or AGR). We see that they arein complementary distribution with f h U NPs and strong forms that are both XP and occupy Spec-

IP. We have recourse to two types of tests to back up this hypothesis and compare

Capeverdean to French, Fiorentho, Trentino, Basso Polesano, and Hiin We then,consider ata. the implications of these findings for the pro-drop status of Capeverdean. We argue that, Like the Northern Italian dialects and possibIy Haitian, Capeverdean is a pro-drop language but is closer in the distribution of its subject cIitics to Basso Polesano than the other Italian dialects. We begin by considering the basic assumptions behind the pro-drop parameter

5.9.1

A Brief Overview of the Theory of Pro-Drop

An early form of the pro-drop theory, articulated in Chomsky (1982), stipulated that a
[-anaphoric, +pronominal] null category @ro) is allowed in the subject position of a finite clause if the Agreement features on the verb are rich enough to enable its content (the phifeatures) to be recovered (cf Taraldsen 's generalization in IaeggIi & Safir, 1989;241). The difference between pro-drop languages (e-g., Italian) and non-pro-drop languages (e.g., English) is assumed to follow f?om this basic assumption. Thus Italian allowspro in subject position of finite clauses because Agreement features (of I d ) are rich enough. In contrast, English does not, because Agreement features (of Infl) are not sufficiently rich.

Huang (1584,1989), noted, however, that in languages like Chinese, pro is possible in
subject position of finite clauses even though, by hypothesis, AGR is absent. By no AGR, we mean that no Agreement morpheme is generated under I d , as Huang assumed in a prePollock, non-split-IP framework. We must make it clear that absence of Agreement morphology on verbs is not equivalent to absence of AGR in the syntax. The distribution of

pro, however is strictly determined by the availability of the closest antecedent. The basic observation is that there is no morphological subject-verb Agreement in Chinese, hence no

rich AGR T i led to an interesting addition to the theory, whereby pro is permitted fiom the hs
subject position of a k i t e clause only if an antecedent or a rich AGR is present. This is still consistent with the basic assumption of the standard pro-drop account based on the principle of Recoverability. I this respect, Riai (1986) distinguished between licensing and n identification ofpro. Licensing ofpro is syntactic, whereas idenscation ofpro is semantic, insofar as reference ofpro is recovered fiom previous discourse. At this point, it would be worthwhile to clarifj the typology of pro-drop:
First, a language can have genuine subject pro-drop only if it allows referential null subjects

without an overt antecedent, as do Italian and Spanish. Consider the following example f o rm Spanish, where the first person singular subject may be absent:
(136) (Yo) hablo Frances.
() I speak French 'I speak French. '

(Spanish)

Second, a language may d o w only nonreferential nuli subjects, that is, null expletives, as in Modem Icelandic and, to some extent, German. Such languages are sometimes referred to as semi-pro-drop languages. Consider the following example from German,where only null expletives are dowed, as in (1 37a), but referential subjects are obiigatorily overt and otherwise yield ungrammaticality, as illustrated by (137b):
(137) a. Er sagte, dass

ihm scheint, dass H n den Hund getotet hat. (German) as he said that h m seemed that Hans the dog killed has i 'He said that (it) seemed to him that Hans killed the dog.'

b. *Er he

sagte, dass said that

den Ifund getotet hat. the dog killed has

Third, a language m y allow null topics (either as subjects or as subjects and objects); it is a
then a topic-drop language. The general idea is that i languages without rich Agreement n
morphology, identification of a dropped subject or object is possible through association with

an antecedent that is possibly just a discourse-antecedent.

Let us consider the following example fiom Chinese: (138) Zhangsan shuo [(ta) Iai le]. (Chinese) Zhangsan say pro come ASP 'Zhangsan said that pro came.' (Huang, 1989;188) In (138)pro cannot refer to Zhangsan but ody to someone eke introduced in the previous discourse. 27 The theory of pro-drop, whether in its standard or modified forrn, therefore predicts that in the absence of a rich AGR or of an antecedent, pro should be excluded as the subject of a finite clause. There is, however, a last category of languages that have been argued to be pro-drop although they are endowed with overt pronominals. These are the Northern Italian dialects.

Rizzi (1986), Brandi and Cordin (198 1;1989), and Poletto (1996) argued that in those
dialects, the clitic pronominals are not in Spe~AgrP in AGR itself. Consider the two but representations in (140) and (142) for the Trentino sentences in (139b) and (141):

*'

However, Wu (1992) has sho~m this is not a general fact of Chinese. that

(139) a. Mario e parla. (Fiorentino) Mario he speaks 'Mario speaks.' b. La Mra la parla. (Trentino) ai the Maria she talks 'Maria talks.' (Brandi & Cordin, 1989;116)

la Maria

Para

(141) Tu parli. (Trentino) you speak 'You speak.' (Brandi & Cordii 1989;116)

pro

tu

parli

In (140), the subject clitic la is described as the spelling out of AGR and bears, as a result, the
same features as the subject NP la M r a Brandi and Cordin argued that given the presence ai.

of a lexical NP subject, the theta-role is assigned to it; and because the subject clitic is simply
the morphological realization of the pronominaI fatures of Infl, it has no argument status, hence does not require any theta-role.

In (142)' the subject clitic, as the spelling out of AGK is able to license and give
content to pro in subject position. The representation in (142) shows that the subject position is not f l e d lexically. Because the nu1 subject cannot express the theta-role usually assigned to the subject position, it is the clitic tu coindexed with pro that expresses the theta-role of

subject (Brandi & Cordin, 1 9 8 9 ) ~hence the subject clitic acquires argument status and ~; hctions as a referential pronoun. These examples explain why clitics in Northern Italian dialects like Fiorentino and Trentino have been described as the spelling out of AGR

DeGraff (1993) made a similar proposal for Haitian.= His proposal was based on two
observations: First, Haitian exhibits null expletives in weather, existential, and raising predicates of the type in (143).
(143) Genle Jak damou.

(Haitian)
(DeGraff, 1993;7 1)

seem Jak in love 'It seems that Jacques is in love.'

Second, he noted that subject clitics are not in Spec-IP (in his framework) but in Infl to spell
out AGR features and identlfypro in Spec-IP. Hence, a sentence Like (144) is represented as in (145) (DeGraff, 1993;76):
(144) Li ale. (Haitian)

he left 'He left. '

Clitic AGR in INFL may license pro in p , S ] ; and subject pro, when argumental, is identified

Note, however, that, contra Brandi and Cordin, it has been shown that Japanese and Korean null subjects can ex-press the theta-role assigned to the subject position.
28 29

See Deprez (1994) for a different perspective.

by the phi-features of the clitic. In the absence of a preverbal clitic, INFL contains anaphoric

null AGR, which requires a binder in p , S ] . This binder may be null only when the subject

position is nonthernatic, as in the case of expletives.

I propose in this section that Capeverdean patterns after the Northern Italian dialects

and Haitian. We therefore examine the position of the clitics in Capeverdean as the focus of
the next subsection.

5.9.2 The Position of Subject Clitics in Capeverdean Creole and Its Pro-Drop
Status

In this subsection, I examine expletives and argumental pronouns in Capeverdean Creole and will argue that Capeverdean subject clitics are syntactic clitics. Let us first consider the expletives and the argumental pronouns. There are no overt expIetive in Capeverdean Creole in weather predicates, as in (146), existential predicates, as in (147), and raising predicates, as in (148).~* (146) Sta faze kalor oji. is make heat today 'It's hot today.'
(147) Ten des gatu na nha kaza. have ten cats in my house 'There are ten cats in my house.'

Constructions with adjectival predicates however require the presence of the morpheme e, as shown in (i): (i) E difisil di papia ku Jdo. is difficult to speak with J o b 'It is difficult to speak with Joiio.' DeGratf(1993;fh 29;86) noted a similar dichotomy in Haitian where /i is obligatory before adjectival predicates but does not appear before the other types of predicates. Li in Haitian is clearly an expletive, whereas e in Capeverdean in this context seems to be a copula.
30

(148) Parse k JoBo sta na ospital. i seem that JoZo is in hospital 'It seems that Joiio is in the hospitd.' The null expletives in (146)-(148), as null NPs, can be viewed aspro in Spec-AgrP.

They are in a position that is not assigned a thematic role and hence are not arguments.
As for subject clitics, I argue that Capeverdean subject clitics (as in Northern Italian

dialects and probably Haitian) are heads at SS and not true NPs. This leads me to propose
that Capeverdean Creole is a pro-drop language. Consider the two possible subject positions

in (149) and (150). The subject may be in Spec-IP, as in (149), or in Id,as in (150):

(149)

(French)

n
(150)

voit

Eliza

(Capeverdean)

odja

Eliza

I propose that Capeverdean subject clitics are in I d , based on two tests that were

implemented for the Northern Italian dialects (Rizzi, 1986, Brandi & Cordin, 1981;1989, Poletto, 1996). The fist test involves the behavior of clitic subjects with the negative marker

in the imperative; and the second one, VP conjunction.

Let us consider the first test involving cliticization in a post-Neg position in the negative Imperative. Although subject clitics usually occur in a pre-Neg position, as shown in
(1 5 1)' a clitic subject must be post-Neg in the negative Imperative. As noted in chapter 1

(subsection 1.2.4.2), the negative imperative in Capeverdean is formed by inverting tbe clitic
and the negative marker, yielding the order in (152). This test is crucial in showing the

different positions of full NPs and pronominals. Although subject ctitics may be inverted with the negative morpheme, such inversion is banned with fbU NPs, as witnessed by the

(151) Bu ka kume kel mangu. you Neg ate that mango 'You did not eat that mango.'
(152) Ka bu/nu/nhos

kume kel mangu. Neg you/we/you (Plur.) eat that mango 'Don't eatilet's not eat/don7teat (Plur.) that mango!'

(153) *Ka JoHo kume kel mangu. Neg Jofo eat that mango Similar observations about the Northern Italian dialects led Rizzi (1986) to assume that the negative morpheme and the subject clitic are members of the same duster, both being in INFL.~'Hence, we may argue that in (152), both the subject clitic and the negative morpheme are in AGR

31 I argued in chapter 4 that the negative marker ka heads the projection N e e ; ko might then raise to Infl in the same w y that the Italian negative morpheme non has been said to raise to AGR (Belletti, 1990). a

The second test involves VP conjunction. Although a fblINP subject may not be repeated in a conjoined clause, as shown in (154), the subject clitic cannot be deleted, as shown by the ungrammaticality of (155b):
(154) Jolo bebe se vinhu y

bai se kaminhu. Jolo drank his wine and went his way 'Joiio drank his wine and left.'

(155) a. E bebe se vkhu y e bai se kaminhu. he drank his wine and e went his way 'He drank his wine and left.' b.*E bebe se vinhu y bai se kaminhu. he drank his wine and went his way
Following Rizzi, we may argue that these subject clitics occupy a position strictly associated
with the verb. This shows once more that subject cIitics and fill NPs are in different positions,

d which corroborates the conclusion that subject full NPs are in Spec-IP and clitics, in I .
Regarding the VP conjunction test, it is worth pointing that the explanation to the facts in (155) may lie elsewhere. Indeed, in many languages, diticization occurs only with a single zero-level p. Hence, one could view the ungrammaticality of (1 55b), as being due to a ban against cliticization to a bracketed constituent of the type [[V and V]]. In other words, e cannot appear in (15%) because it cannot cliticize to a bracketed constituent; it must cliticize to a head. 32 The next question is: What it the b c t i o n of the cfitic in Infl? For Fiorentino and Trentino, the subject clitics have been argued to spell out AGR under M1.

We follow Poletto (1996), however, in assuming that they do not necessarily serve such a

32 I

thank Susumu Kuno (personal communication) for this valuable observation.

function for other Italian dialects like Basso Polesano or for Creoles like Capeverdean Creole. Indeed, in Basso Polesano, it is possible for the subject clitic to be absent and yield a

grammatical sentence. Consider (1561, where the subject clitic may be present, as in (156a),
or absent, as in (156b); both versions are grammatical:
(156) a. Mario el mapa tanto. (Basso Polesano) Mario he eats a lot 'Mario eats a lot.' b. Mario magna tanto. Marioeats aIot 'Mario eats a lot.' poletto, 1996;275)

In light of such cases, Poletto noted that if subject clitics were to be assimilated to Agreement morphology, as they have been for the other two dialects, they should be present in every context. In this respect, Capeverdean Creole patterns more fike Basso Polesano than the other two dialects, as examples patterning like (156b) are the ody ones possible without a pause. I therefore suggest that Capeverdean clitics are in Lna and that they absorb the thetarole and license apro through a chain that transmits the person and number features (Capeverdean clitics do not show gender features) of the nuil subject.

I would propose the representation in (1 57) to account for the Capeverdean subject
and object clitic position and movement: For the sake of clarity, I have numbered each step of the derivation.33

" I thank John O'Neil

for his valuable help on this particular issue.

Content of AGRS at the end of the derivation

(1) Incorporation of object clitic to V (head)

(2) O e t vr

vt - Oraising (head) -oT

(3) Movement to Spec-TP to check Nominative case (XP) (following Jonas, 1993)
(4) Head movement to adjoin to AGRS to check AGR features

(5)

to AGRS (possibly covert)

5.10

Conclusion

In this chapter, I have had a three-fold goal: Fist, I have described the distribution of Capeverdean clitics and nonclitics and accounted for their distributional properties in terms of
the Choice Principle and a double-clitic constraint.

Second, following Klavans' (1985; 1995) parametric approach to cliticization, I designed a four-category ~Iassification Capeverdean clitics. Furthermore, following of Cardinaletti and Starke (1994;1996), I argued for the existence of three classes of pronominds

in Capeverdean: strong fonns, weak forms and clitics. Third, regarding the structure of these

pronorninals, I argued that nonclitics are XPs in Spec-AgP, and using a few tests, I proposed that kbject clitics in Capeverdean are heads in AGR; hence, subject ciitics are syntactic clitics. Noting that the subject clitics are in AGR, I proposed that Capeverdean is a pro-drop language and has, in this respect, the same status as the Northern Italian dialects and Haitian. It is noteworthy however, that it is possible to reach a dserent concIusion regarding the pro-drop status of Capeverdean if one assumes t a sentences such as E odja J d o , 'he ht
saw JoZo', can be derived by positing that e starts out in Spec-AGRSP; then an obligatory

clitic incorporation rule may apply, whereby the subject clitic lowers to AGR If one followed

this line of reasoning, we could argue that Capeverdw Creole is at most a semi pro-drop
language.34 T i issue is open to further research. hs

34

I thank Susumu Kuno (personal communication) for proposing this alternative analysis.

CONCLUSION

The m i purpose of this thesis has been to account for a number of issues in the an morpho-syntax of Capeverdean Creole, focusing on the Sotavento dialects of Brava and Fogo. In chapter 1, I have provided an in-depth account of nominal categories such as determiners, nouns, adjectives and several pronominal paradigms. I have brought to the fore the full complexity of the referential system and discussed the intricate roIe pIayed by nu11 morphemes. In this regard, I argued that the null morpheme and not the indefinite un is at the core of the Capeverdean article system. Furthermore, I have examined how Capeverdean expresses Tense, and I have provided evidence that sta and ta are auxiliaries.

In chapter 2, I attempted to give an overview of the Capeverdean phrase structure by

focusing on its basic syntactic patterns. Among other issues, I focused on adverbs and designed a typology of adverbials consisting of six classes, based on their distribution or semantic interpretations; I also examined the placement of the verb with regard to Negation, adverbs, and floating quantifiers. In the section on basic word order, I discussed the intricate distribution of TMA markers and the way they interact yielding dserent temporal and aspectual interpretations. I added a few observations on Capeverdean TMA markers, to the pioneering studies by Silva (1985; 1990) and Suzuki (1994). Ishowed that Silva's Group IU verbs are not stative but nonstative. I supported my claim by using an array of examples

featuring those verbs in the imperative and with the auxiliary sta. I have also proposed that two kinds of ta occur in the Capeverdean grammar: the aspect/mood marker ta and the

hhitival marker fa. I also argued that sta ta is not the underIying form of sta, given possible
intervening adverbials between these two morphemes.

In chapter 3, I: have examined bctional categories in Capeverdean, and I have argued

not only that Capeverdean has a split IP but also that it is endowed with a biclausal structure. This observation proved to make interesting predictions with regard to the distribution of TMA markers and adverbials.

In chapter 4, I have explored the verbal syntax of Capeverdean Creole and have
examined the position of verbs vis-a-vis Negation, a certain class of adverbids and floating quantifiers. This examination brought to Light the fact that the Capeverdean verb shows clear symptoms of V-raising to TO, contrary to what the most widespread assumptions on verb movement would predict. As a result, I adopted an alternative approach to these verbal phenomena and showed that analyses by Thrhsson (1994;1 9 ) Bobaljik (1995)and 96, Bobaljik and Thdinsson (forthcoming) are more promising in accounting for the behavior of verbs in Creoles Iike Capeverdean and Haitian. In chapter 5, I accounted for the distributional properties of clitics and nonclitics in terms of the Choice Principle and a double-clitic constraint. Adopting a parametric approach to cliticization @lavans, 1985; 1995), I designed a four-category classification of Capeverdean clitics. Furthermore, I argued for the existence of three classes of pronominds in Capeverdean: strong forms, weak forms and clitics (Cudindetti and Starke, 1994;1996). Regarding the structure of these pronominals, I argued that nonclitics are XPs in Spec-AgrP,

and using a few tests, I proposed that subject clitics in Capeverdean are heads in AGR; hence, subject ciitics are syntactic clitics. Noting that the subject clitics are in AGR, I proposed that Capeverdean is a pro-drop language, or at least a semi pro-drop language. Given that this thesis focused primarily on the dialects of Brava and Fogo, I plan on subjecting the specific morpho-syntactic issues addressed here, to a wide range of dialects fiom the Sotavento and the Barlavento areas. This wilI be the next step in my research.

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