The Marcos Regime

December 30, 1965, a very controversial chapter in the Philippine history began. It was the start of thepresidential term of the late Ferdinand Edralin Marcos. He was the first Philippine president to proclaim the state of martial law in the country. Through the martial law, he took advantage of everything that our country offered to him. Ferdinand Marcos term as president of the Philippines has influenced drastic changes in the country through his proclamation of the martial law. These drastic changes during his regime altered the peoples thoughts about the government. President Marcos traumatized the nation because of his works. Some of us Filipinos had been a part of this period in history. We should remember or at least know some of the misfortunes the Marcos Government had brought to the Philippine nation. It would be necessary for us to look back from time to time at Marcos presidential term so that we would be able to have knowledge of what it takes to prevent this kind of history to repeat itself. President Marcos was known to be the smartest and most talented amongst the presidents of the Philippines
Ideally, a government is assembled to cater to the needs of the people. They are institutions put together to determine the common good. Be it small organization, or a massive setting such as a nation, the purpose of a governing body is chiefly to provide service. This service should manifest itself in the form of the achievement and implementation of programs. These are programs that benefit and strengthen the welfare of the citizenry. Sadly, there are instances when the bodies created to serve become bodies that are served instead. These are unfortunate circumstances when the fulfillment of tasks becomes the concern of the people instead of the concern of the government. It is during these tragic instances that the need for change is demanded. It is during this failure in the institution that the need for reform surfaces. These are the times that give birth to revolution. Such was the situation of the Marcos Era. What started as a government elected to better the situation of the Filipino became an institution that ended up perpetrating hideous abuses. The protector itself being the criminal, abusing and maltreating the people responsible for its creation in the first place. Its leader, a man put in power to oversee the welfare of the people became a mad dictator concerned only with self-empowerment. The many injustices perpetrated during that period of time called many citizens into action. These people worked to improve the relationship of the citizenry and the government through the pushing of reforms. However, the corruption of the institution was too great. Soon the valiant warriors of democracy were struck down. Their dreams for a better society cast down by the greed and avarice of a single man. Sooner or later, eyes if the citizenry were awakened to the abuses, the corruption that for so long it had been acting blind to. The spirit of justice had been awakened in the Filipino people once more. Like their forefathers before them who rallied against the tyranny of the Spanish rulers, the people united in a common cause. Once again, the Filipino people united against insurmountable odds to overthrow the dictator Marcos. The revolution had been realized.

Revolution comes when change is resisted. Change comes when the existing system becomes inadequate to suit the needs of its beneficiaries. When the inevitable factor of change is resisted, drastic measures are taken. In systems such as the government institutions, there are only two directions to tread, the way of the people, or the way to corruption. When the latter is chosen, there can be evolution, where the people move on to a better government, or revolution, where the said drastic measures are taken to ensure change. Such measures can insure growth of a nations people and insure that atrocities perpetrated by the whims of madmen are not repeated to a younger generation. http://library.thinkquest.org/15816/thebeginning.article3.html By definition, Martial Law is the temporary superimposition of military government over civil government. This militaryrun government is put into place in the event of war or serious national emergencies. During such times, the military and its accompanying superiors take over the executive, legislative and judicial functions normally delegated to the civil government by virtue of its constitution. As a consequence, the writhabeas corpus, or the right of an individual in custody to be brought to court to determine whether such incarceration is lawful, may be suspended indefinitely. This suspension of individual rights denies the person due process of law. Many reasons can be brought forward to explain why a government can bring forth such a Draconian system on its populace. The are cases when civil unrest, such as this case of civil war, threaten to unravel a peaceful and productive soviety. In such cases, maybe the imposition of Martial Law can be justified. However, there are situations in which such measures are taken in order to cater to selfish and corrupt desires to remain in power. September 21 1972, President Ferdinand Edralin Marcos, President of the Republic of the Philippines signed Proclamation No. 1081, placing the entire country under his firm grasp. On that fateful day, the course of Philippine history would be changed forever, signaling the start of a new fight for freedom, not against a foreign invader, but a mad dictator blinded by absolute power. Under the guise of insurrection and by staging of several bogus "ambushes" on members of the cabinet, Marcos manipulated, ever tailored events to justify the imposition of Martial Law. He cited rebel factions, seditious Communist elements and Muslim extremists as reasons for his decision. In truth, many of the said elements were disgruntled citizens who were fed up with the corruption of the Marcos government, decided to take matters into their own hands. Anyone who lived during that period of Martial Law will tell you that those times were the darkest times in Philippine history. The common citizens were at the mercy of a man who had every intention of holding on to power as if it was life itself. Those were dark times indeed. As the write of habeas corpus was suspended, the military picked up and incarcerated many innocent civilians on trumped up charges of sedition. More often than not, these people were convicted without trial, and denied the due process of law. Curfew was imposed leaving many stranded in their offices, unable to return to the refuge of their homes. The right to assembly was also withheld, prompting many student and labor organizations to disband amidst threats of arrest. The government controlled media and all its related resources; the successive right to freedom of speech was non-existent. The law as it was intended to be simply ceased to be, all that existed was the whim of a dictator who sat with the entire nation in his grasp. It was during these hard times that the patriotic spirit of the Filipinos rekindled, many brave souls faced the darkness and denounced the abuses being performed on the Filipino people under the guise of Martial Law. However, the power of the dictator and his cronies were too great, slowly the corruption and greed overwhelmed the new heroes. Many of these patriots "mysteriously" disappeared only to reappear as corpses. Many were incarcerated for many years, denied the right to defend themselves in court. Those who were too influential such as the case of Ninoy Aquino, were simply sent away, exiled to foreign lands and denied the chance to better their countrys state.

The Philippine Republic simply ceased to exist in that one dark moment of history. The shadow of Martial Law will always be remembered, as one of the truly tragic events that gripped this gallant nation.

During the campaign, what struck us was the response of the people. Wherever we went, people lined up in the streets chanting, 'Cory, Cory.' It was almost like a hero worship. The campaign tours lasted beyond our schedule. Cory and Doy sometimes arrived hours late, but people stayed to wait for them. That's the beautiful part of it. The people did not leave . . ."

home > the beginning > dekada '70: a book review

In the 70's, the Republic of the Philippines was suffering under the midst of then- President Ferdinand Marcos' reign as ruler. It was in September 21st, 1972, that he chained close whatever inkling of democracy the Filipinos had by declaring Martial Law. Unfortunately, it was a rule of a a twisted sort: the nation would be under the rule of the Armed Forces, but contrary to its definition, Marcos' Martial Law kept himself in power. Dekada '70 (Translated into English, the 70's decade) is a bittersweet tale of love in the face of hate, hope in the face oppression, and new life in the midst of death. It is a novel of a mother, her examination of her oftunappreciated role in modern society, and how she struggles to find for herself a sense of purpose and identity while suffering through the very pit of the nation's disintegration. It is a novel of a mother and her family, how society around her affects her family. It is a tale of she becomes torn between the letter of the law or her responsibility as a mother.

Cecilia Munoz Palma Member of Parliament Dekada '70 tells of how under hate, greed and corruption, one normal person transcends beyond right and wrong: instead learns that it is freedom that entails survival. Set in the 70's, urban Metro Manila, Amanda Bartolome is a middle-class mother of five young men. Amanda acts as a supposed symbolism of detachment. First of all, she was a mother, a housewife; such were not considered integral parts of society during those times. She was not the breadwinner; she did not experience the foremost effects of the decline of the Philippines economy back then. She was a member of the middle class; her family did not take money, like the rich, nor did her family suffer the worst of the financial crises, like the poor. The lives of Amanda's children each went in different directions in the story, and each varied. Her eldest son was Jules. Jules grew up normally, similar to every other ideal family. His upbringing was that of what ideally conformed to normal standards and circumstances. Being the eldest, however, Jules lived, and more importantly, matured through the shock caused by the declaration of President Marcos' martial law. Thus, Jules lived his adolescence exposed to rebellious reading material, and inevitably molded his mind into that of guerilla. Jules grew up to become a member of the communist New People's Army, and his evolution came full circle. Amanda and the father, Julian, had suspicions of their son's inclination to become an anti-Government winger when they found copies of rebellious pamphlets lying around the house. It was when they confronted their son with it that he told them of his decision. At first, the conflict that had arisen was unbearable. But eventually, as parents, they grew to accept their son, and became proud of him. In fact, heir home became a constant place of recreation for Jules, and more often than not he would come by with a friend. The friend of Jules whom Amanda had become the fondest of was Doming. Doming stayed with their family for quite a while, because he was recuperating from an injury. The family became close to the young man

because, among other things, he reminded them of their son Jules. But, it was all too late when they realized that Doming was an operative of the government all this time. He exposed Jules. His friendship was all a front. Jules was subsequently sent to prison. Possibly the most successful of the children was Isagani, their second child. With Jules becoming a rebel, they became more careful with how they handled Isagani, or Gani, as they fondly called him. Gani then grew up to become a sailor, and became the family's cream of the crop.Gani, however, quickly became the goat of the family because he had made the simplest mistake of getting a girl, his girlfriend Evelyn, pregnant. Naturally, being a Catholic country, the parents insisted on marriage. Alas, their lives were nothing but hollow imitations of couples in love, without enough of the very essence that keeps two people together. Their separation was inevitable; Gani never lived the shame down. Ironically, it was the third Bartolome offspring that provided himself with the most secure future. Emmanuel lived the same life as his elder brothers, but knew that the extreme left and the extreme right had no place in society. He called for peaceful evolution, change in the form of expression. He wanted to become a writer, a noble profession, one exceptionally crafted for someone of Emmanuel's ability. His problem was, his father violently objected to his son's decision, due to practical reasons. There is no good pay for a writer. Jason was Julian's favorite among his children. He was also the opposite of Emmanuel. While Emmanuel was studious and hardworking, Jason was a typical teenager. He joined rallies to make noise, not express a message. He was a constant failure in school, albeit his problems were self-inflicted. He stole from his parents. He lied to them. However, in the midst of the first three brothers' hardships, it was Jason's happy-go-lucky demeanor that provided Amanda and Julian with a well-needed dose of happiness. Unfortunately, in the end, it was Jason's felonious tendencies that caused hm his life; it wasn't his fault, but he was out with his usual round of pecadillos that the police accidentally killed Jason. Sometime before he was sent to prison, Jules himself met a girl he wanted to marry. And unlike Gani, he truly loved this woman, Marah, and also got her pregnant. While in prison, he married Marah, and so there was the first addition to their family. The youngest son was Benjamin. After all had come to pass, he was in the middle of his teens. 21 August 1983, China Airlines, Radio Veritas, and the Filipino people at the Manila International Airport witnessed the reckoning of a dictatorial President (attempting to obscure an infirmity with his kidney) and an irrepressible critique and "rival". Yet on the genesis of a political demise, Marcos downplayed Senator Benigno Aquinos return from Boston, Massachusetts (and from a heart condition). Nonchalantly disregarding insulting assaults on the once Martial Lawed Filipinos and on his labeled "can be Communist Catholic Church", Marcos did not heed US Ambassador Michael Armacosts "advice". Nevertheless, the Ambassadors proposal for the government to embrace Ninoys ideals and arrival almost destroyed his integrity as a true oppositionist. Indeed, 1983 served as the clinching gun shot to put the Presidents decree making powers to arrest enemies, supply patronage to friends, or legislate without public accountability into the ripples of unrest that would soon become ravenous waves. The boom was heard throughout the live coverage of Veritas. The non-governmental radio station unleashed the Christian Passion Play of the then cold Ninoy Aquino. Inevitably, much questioned later the irony of having him so

heavily guarded by some 1,199 military personnel. Marcos was shocked, so to speak, and denies ball handling. Thus, passes the ball to Communists and referees at the same time calling it a foula rubout job. The Filipino people then happened. They just got tired watching all the bad plays. Jumping into the arena, people turn to the mourning widow Coraczon C. Aquino. This was manifested through a candlelit march to Sto. Domingo Church and motorcade with the casket to Aquinos provincial capital of Tarlac. More than just a novelty, apparently, over two million people viewed the hearse 10 days later. Meanwhile, very vigilant Veritas continued its broadcast about the aftermath of the Aquino murder. Marcos had no choice but to keep them on air else enraging "his" people. Ergo, this revived the pre-martial law tradition among Filipino Broadcasters. And every angle of mushrooming rallies and demonstrations was exhausted. The Filipino people always watched and listened. Hence, "Frightened Ferdie" fixed a Fact Finding Board to feed flustered Filipinos. October, and juvenile court Judge Corazon Agrava took the reins of investigation with four representatives from business, labor, law, and education (plus, Chief Counsel Andres Narvasa). In a blink, the boards first session identify triggerman Rolando Galman (found lying in the morguefor over 3 months) as assassin. Nonetheless, the marinated thorough report of the Aquino murder never became its anniversary special. This was so when the board split and the four "sectoral" representatives implicated Chief of Staff Fabian Ver for wide conspiracy (although there was unanimity that there was military connivance). Marcos then transferred the trials to the Sandiganbayan, which he created five years back to judge corruption cases among government officials. Noticeably, the record of convictions from this court was even a clearer manifestation of corruption at its finest. People then thought of hope. They immersed themselves into the promises of the future after the May 1984 assembly elections. Partaking of this perspective, the Aquino family split because of differences in the envisioned future. Ninoys younger brother, Agapito "Butz" Aquino was found in the stronghold of the left that was tatooed with boycott. Ninoys mother, Doa Aurora found sanctuary in the shabby shade of opposition candidates. Jose Concepcion highlighted the elections with his reformed National Citizens Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL). Consequently, in 1984, some 200,000 wakeful watchers and vigilant volunteers almost prevented cheating through its quickcount. On one hand, at least it was able to cause Marcos to call off "Operation: Switch Phony Tally Sheets." On the other, he resorted to provincial tallies to swing votes to his partys favor causing a 2-1 victory over the total number of assembly sheets. December 2nd, declaration was made that Galman killed Aquino on behalf of the Communists, as if Marcos prophetically envisioned that declaration a day after the murder. Nonetheless, everyone believed the declaration as a mere whitewash. December 3rd, Corazon Aquino took the challenge of the upcoming February 7, 1986 presidential snap elections. These are the silent but small steps that set afoot on the road not taken that lead to the avenue of upheaval. Marcos felt he won. He felt he has "drawn the opposition back into his rules of his political gameof accepting the National Assembly as more than a simple rubber stamp". However,, he let the Church and the vast middle class plant the seeds of uprising. Alongside, the state against the leftists ("for moral repulsion and violations of culturally acceptable behaviour") bolstered the latter for an elite militancy to stop Marcos. This in turn, stirred public awareness (especially in provinces) causing an increase in strikes and demonstrations in front of the Malacaang. Consequently, this led to shootings into crowds into crowds best featured that 20th of September, 1985 at Escalante of Northern Negros. 27 people died (as blockade of radicals) by automatic weapons then. Meantime, further sparks of steady attraction of middle class liberals, intellectuals & businessmen joined with the Lefts anti-Marcos, anti-U.S. ferror. In effect most urban middle class with Former Senator Lorenzo Taada with Joaquin "Chino" Roces, former publisher of Manila Timeswho gave Ninoy his first assignment) stood at the foot of Mendiola like a sheriffs post as testimony of protest. As the economy plunged, the Philippines sank into the quicksand of IMF debits. To prove the government trustworthy of the peoplesnow not so verystrict obedience, the International Monetary Fund pushed Marcos to a blind corner. Conditional loans were made with the IMF, which in turn made the government succumb to their demand for a snap election. enator Benigno Aquino Jr. (1932-1983)

He was one of the strongest influences in the opposition party against the Marcos Administration. He relentlessly exposed and revealed all the graft and corruption happening behind the curtains of politics; thus, he became the archrival of Ferdinand Marcos during the Martial Law era. His life was abruptly ended as he deplaned from a China Airlines flight from Boston by a couple of bullets through his head. His death sparked a series of revolutions against the administration leading to the EDSA Revolution of 1986.

. .We were just staring at each other, probably all just waiting for gunfire. It seemed like eternity. Our lives seemed to be suspended. I just prayed, "My God, if you really want this thing to happen to us, our lives are in your hand. Your will be done."
Freddie Aguilar Singer

home > the beginning > what is a revolution?

The portents of change can take many forms. However, change to society is often met with criticism and resistance. When such reforms are challenged, the disaffected society takes revolution as its harbinger of change. Understanding the harbinger must include understanding the message. To understand the revolution, one must first understand the "ingredients" or circumstances surrounding the birth of a revolution. Political revolutions usually occur when an outspoken leader provides a focal point in which the disaffected masses vent the grievances. Revolutions also occur when tensions between opposing parties reach a boiling point. These intense emotions are unleashed through a catalyst, a major event that permits the outflow of emotion and actions towards the achievement of a certain cause. Incidents such as the assassination of political leaders, violence in protest rallies and terrorist acts are examples of such catalysts. Whether successful or not, revolt always brings about decisive change in government, thus fulfilling the chief characteristic of the said revolution. However, if the change is not satisfactory, chances are events will repeat themselves and cycle towards a new revolution. In conclusion, revolution comes as a tool for the masses. An ineffective governing body will assuredly come under intense scrutiny. If the will of the people is not followed, then a government, no matter how strong, will fall under its own corruption.

Republic of the Philippines, The Marcos Regime

The 1965 elections gave the presidency to Ferdinand E. Marcos, the Senate president and Nationalist Party candidate. Rapid economic development created by the American military buildup in Vietnam and ambitious public-works projects, financed by foreign loans, brought prosperity during Marcoss first term. He was easily reelected in 1969, making him the first Philippine president to win a second term. The Marcos government soon faced several challenges on the domestic front, however. Government debt led to lackluster economic growth, while criticism increased over the dominant U.S. economic position in the Philippines. Many Filipinos actively opposed the continued

presence of the U.S. military bases and Marcoss support for United States policy in Vietnam. In addition, by the early 1970s two separate forces were waging guerrilla war on the government: the New Peoples Army (NPA), the militant wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) that included former Huks, and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), a Muslim separatist movement based in the southern islands. Meanwhile, government and opposition political leaders agreed to draft a new constitution to replace the American-authored constitution of 1935. That constitution limited the president to two terms. The delegates in charge of drafting the new constitution never finished their work, however, and the 1973 presidential elections never took place. Marcos, citing the need for national security, declared martial law on September 21, 1972. Congress was dissolved, opposition leaders arrested, and strict censorship imposed. A new constitution was promulgated in January 1973, but transitional provisions attached to it gave Marcos continued absolute power, and elections were indefinitely postponed. Marcos ruled by decree. The United States continued providing military and economic aid to the Philippine government. The countrys continued borrowing and eventual inability to repay its foreign debts led to a severe economic recession in the mid-1980s. Meanwhile, monopolies were established in most sectors of the economy, including manufacturing, media, construction, financial services, and agriculture. Marcos and his wife, Imelda, and their closest associates and relatives controlled these monopolies through a system known as crony capitalism. Marcos ended martial law in 1981, but he retained sweeping emergency powers. Most opposition groups boycotted the elections held in June of that year, and Marcos won another six-year term as president. In 1983 the widely popular opposition leader Benigno Aquino was assassinated upon his return from years in exile. The political archrival of Marcos, he was one of the first opposition leaders to be arrested after the declaration of martial law. The assassination led to mass demonstrations in Manila and revitalized the political opposition. For the first time the hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church openly opposed the Marcos regime. Regular strikes and demonstrations demanded Marcoss resignation. Legislative elections were held in 1984 and, despite a boycott by some opposition groups and widespread government vote rigging, opposition parties registered large gains. Meanwhile, a commission concluded that Aquinos murder was the result of a military conspiracy. However, all 25 defendants were summarily acquitted in 1985.

http://www.countriesquest.com/asia/philippines/history/republic_of_the_philippines/the_marcos _regime.htm

he Marcos Administration in the Philippines In the elections of November 9, 1965, Macapagal lost his reelection bid to Ferdinand Marcos who had vowed to make the nation progressive with his campaign slogan, The Nation can be Great Again. President Marcos therefore intensified tax collection. Congress passed new tax laws. The government secured loans from foreign banks. All these measures were designed to help increase the income of the government. Cottage industries were encourage in towns and cities to help increase the income of every Filipino family and the country as a whole. The need to increase rice production was given priority by the government. President Marcos strengthened the standing of the Philippines with other countries, a non-combatant troops was sent to Vietnam. Educational Reforms were instituted the adoption of the

National College Entrance Examination. http://lendy826.hubpages.com/hub/The-Marcos-

Administration-in-the-Philippines

The Achievements And Problems Under Marcos Administration

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During the first term of President Ferdinand Marcos, he listed the following to be the achievements during his administration; 1. Increased rice and corn production to the point of self-sufficiency with the initiation of the Green Revolution and the introduction of miracle rice.

2.The construction of roads and bridges, more than those built under all his predecessors combined, including a substantial portion of the Philippine-Japan Friendship Highway that would link Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao. 3. The construction of more school houses than under any preceding administration. 4.The revival of intellectual renaissance through the First Ladys patronage and involvement in the arts. 5. The rehabilitation of irrigation systems; the intensification of the cooperative movement, and the vigorous implementation of land reform. There were, however, still many problems which confronted the Marcos administration especially during the middle period of his second presidential term, after his reelection in 1969. These problems included, 1. The worsening of peace and order situation 2.The rising prices of commodities 3. The increasing unemployment 4.The spread of squatters and housing problems 5. The perennial school crisis 6.The overstaying Chinese 7. The integration of the so-called cultural minorities 8.The question of the American military bases 9.The Sabah question All these problems taken together and the danger of an outbreak of rebellion, prompted President Marcos to declare martial law in the Philippines.

http://www.philippinealmanac.com/2010/07/654/the-achievements-and-problemsunder-marcos-administration.html

http://www.oocities.org/collegepark/pool/1644/marcosera.html
THE PHILIPPINES UNDER FERDINAND MARCOS For more than 20 years (Dec. 30, 1965 Feb. 25, 1986) Ferdinand Marcos ruled the Philippines. He promised to make the nation great again in his inaugural speech of December 30, 1965.

His political venture began with his election to the House of Representatives in 1949 as a Congressman from Ilocos. He became Senate President in 1963. He was married to Imelda Romualdez from Leyte.

He ran for President as Nacionalista in 1965 election and won over Macapagal. Elected with Marcos as Vice-President was his NP running mate Fernando Lopez.

THE FIRST MARCOS TERM (1965 1969)

In his first term Marcos tried to stabilize the financial position of the government through an intensified tax collection. He also borrowed heavily from international financing institutions to support a large-scale infrastructure works projects were built. He improved agricultural production to make the country self-sufficient in food, especially in rice.

Marcos also tried to strengthen the foreign relations of the Philippines. He hosted a seven-nation summit conference on the crisis in South Vietnam in October, 1966. In support for the U.S. military efforts in South Vietnam, he agreed to send Filipino troops to that war zone.

THE SECOND TERM OF MARCOS (1969 1972) In November 1969 Ferdinand Marcos and Fernando Lopez were re-elected. They defeated the Liberal Party ticket of Sergio Osmea, Jr. and Senator Genaro Magsaysay. In winning the election, Marcos achieved the political distinction of being the first President of the Republic to be reelected.

The most important developments during the second term of Marcos were the following:

The 1971 Constitutional Convention The Congress of the Philippines called for a Constitutional Convention on June 1, 1971 to review and rewrite the 1935 Constitution. Three-hundred twenty delegates were elected. The convention was headed first by former President Carlos P. Garcia and later by former President Diosdado Macapagal.

The Convention's image was tarnished by scandals which included the bribing of some delegates to make them "vote" against a proposal to prohibit Marcos from continuing in power under a new constitution. This scandal was exposed by Delegate Eduardo Quintero. For exposing the bribery attempt, Quintero found himself harassed by the government.

The first Papal Visit to the Philippines On November 27, 1970, Pope Paul VI visited the Philippines. It was the first time that the Pope had visited the only Catholic nation in Asia. Huge crowds met the Pope wherever he went in Metro Manila. The Pope left on November 29. The Rise of Student Activism

Students protests on the prevailing conditions of the country saddled the second term of Marcos in office. Large throngs of students went out into the street of Manila and other urban centers to denounce the rampant graft and corruption, human rights violation, high tuition fees, militarization and abuses of the military, the presence of the U.S. Military bases and the subservience of the Marcos Administration to U.S. interests and policies.

The most violent student demonstration took place on January 1970 when thousands of student demonstrators tried to storm the gates of Malacaang. Six students were killed and many were wounded. This event came to be know as the "Battle of Mendiola".

The radical student groups during this period were the Kabataang Makabayan (KM) and the Samahang Demokratikong Kabataan (SDK). The communists took advantage of the situation and used the demonstrations in advancing its interests. The most prominent of the student leaders of this time were Nilo Tayag and Edgar Joson.

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF NEW PEOPLE'S ARMY (NPA)

Because of the perceived deplorable condition of the nation, the communist movement subdued by President Magsaysay in 1950's, revived their activities and clamor for reform. A more radical group, the Maoists, who believed in the principles of Mao-Tse-Tung (leader of China) took over the communist movement. They reorganized the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and created a new communist guerilla army called the New People's Army (NPA).

The communists took advantage of the growing discontent with the Marcos. Administration to increase the number and strength. As a strategy, they actively supported a number of anti-Marcos groups. They infiltrated several student organizations, farmers, laborers and even professionals. The NPA gradually increased its ranks and spread to other parts of the country as far as Mindanao.

THE RISE IN ACTS OF VIOLENCE

In the early 1970's many of the acts of violence were inspired by the communists. Some, however, were believed to have been planned by pro-Marcos and other terrorist incidents rocked Metro Manila. The bloodiest was the Plaza Miranda Bombing on the night of August 1, 1971 where the Liberal Party had a political rally. Eight persons were killed and over 100 others were injure. Among the senatorial candidates injured were Eva Estrada Kalaw and several of its top officials.

Marcos blamed the communists for the tragic incident. He suspended the writ of habeas corpus to maintain peace and other. The suspension was lifted on January 11, 1972. Hundred of suspected subversives among the ranks of students, workers and professionals were picked up and detained by the government.

THE PROCLAMATION OF MARTIAL LAW

On September 21, 1972, Marcos declared Martial Law. This marked the beginning of the Marcos dictatorship. Proclamation 1081 placed the entire country under the military. It was signed on September 21, 1972 and announced to the nation in the evening of September 23, 1972. His main reason for declaring Martial Law as "to save the Republic" and "to reform society". He explained that the growing violence in the nation, caused by the leftists and the rightists elements had come to certain magnitude that required martial law.

It was believed that the true reason why Marcos declared martial was to perpetuate his rule over the Philippines. The 1935 Constitution limited the term of the President to no more than eight consecutive years in office.

The constitution did not say how long martial law should last. The constitution left much about martial law to the President's own judgment.

Marcos extended the period of Martial Law beyond the end of his term in 1973. He abolished the Congress of the Philippines and over its legislative powers. Thus, Marcos became a one-man ruler, a dictator. Marcos described his martial law government as a "constitutional authoritarianism".

Although the courts remained in the judiciary, the judges of all courts, from the Supreme Court down to the lowest courts, became "casuals". Their stay in office depended on the wishes of the dictator.

Under the martial law Marcos disregarded the constitution. For instance, he violated the provision which guaranteed the Bill of Rights (Article III). Upon his orders, the military picked up and detained thousands of Filipinos suspected of subversion. Among them were his critics and political opponents namely Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr., Francisco "Soc"Rodrigo, Jose W. Diokno and Jovita R. Salonga. Hundreds of detainees were tortured by their captors. Some disappeared and were never found again. Many were held in military detention camps for years without trial.

As a result of the foregoing measured, the crime rate in the country was reduced significantly. People became law-abiding. But these good gains did not last long. After a year of martial law, crime rates started to soar. By the time Marcos was removed from power, the peace and order situation in the country had become worse.

This communist insurgency problem did not stop when Marcos declared Martial law. A government report in 1986 showed that the NPAs already numbered over 16,000 heavily-armed guerillas. The NPAs waged a vigorous war against government forces They staged ambuscades and engaged in terrorist activities such as assassination

of local officials who were known to be engaged in corrupt activities. The NPA killer squads were called Sparrow Units. They were feared in the areas under their control. They also imposed taxed in their territories.

To fight the growing NPA threat, Marcos increased the armed forces to over 200,000 men. He also organized Civilian Home Defense Forces in the rural areas threatened by the NPAs . Several NPA leaders were captured like Jose Ma. Sison, alleged founder of the communist Party in the Philippines; Bernabe Buscayno, the NPA chief, and Victor Corpus, a renegade PC lieutenant.

The rampant violation of human rights of the people in the rural areas suspected of being NPA sympathizers, the injustices committed by some government officials and powerful and influential persons, and the continuing poverty of the people were used as propaganda of the NPA in attracting idealistic young people. Even priests and nuns who were witnesses to the oppression of the Marcos dictatorship join the NPAs. One of the priests who joined the NPA was Father Conrado Balweg of the Society of the Divine Word (SVD). He became a rebel folk hero to the ethnic tribes in the Cordilleras in Northern Luzon. As of July 1993, Balweg claimed to reports: "I am still in charge".

POLITICAL PARTIES DURING THE MARCOS REGIME

In the early years of martial law, political parties were suspended. Political parties resumed only with the election for the Interim Batasang Pambansa on April 7, 1978. It was the first national election under Martial law.

The second electoral exercise was the election of local officials held on January 30, 1980. As expected, political parties resurfaced. Those who supported President Marcos formed the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) which became in fact anew political party. Its members were from the ranks of the Liberal and Nacionalist parties. The KBL dominated all the elections held during the Marcos era.

New political parties emerged to fight the KBL. One such group was the Lakas ng Bayan (LABAN) founded in 1978 by the opposition group headed by former Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. LABAN had a 21-man ticket in Metro Manila for the 1978 IBP

elections. The KBL candidates headed by Imelda R. Marcos prevailed in the elections.

Aside from LABAN, the other partied organized were the Mindanao Alliance, the Partido Demokratiko ng Pilipinas (PDP), Bicol Saro, Pusyon Bisaya and Pinaghiusa in Cebu. Later on these small political parties united themselved into one umbrella organization that came to be known as the United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO) headed by former Senator Salvador H. Laurel. The UNIDO had its first electoral exercise in the 1984 Batasan elections. The great majority of the 60 or so opposition lawmakers who were elected in 1984 were UNIDO candidates.

ECONOMIC CHANGES UNDER MARCOS

To hasten the economic development, President Marcos implemented a number of economic programs. These programs helped the country to enjoy the period of economic growth I the mid-1970's up to the early 1980's.

The farmers were given technical and financial aid and other incentives such as "price support". With the incentives given to the farmers, the country's agricultural sector grew. As a result, the Philippines became self-sufficient in rice in 1976 and even became a rice exporter.

To help finance a number of economic development projects such as soil exploration, the establishment of geothermal power plants, the Bataan Nuclear Plant, hydro-electric dams, the construction of more roads, bridges, irrigation systems and other expensive infrastructure projects, the government engaged in foreign borrowings.

Foreign capital was invited to invest in certain industrial projects. They were offered incentives including tax exemption privileges and the privilege of bringing out their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most important economic programs in the 1980's was the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (KKK). This program was started in September 1981. Its aim was to promote the economic development of the barangays by encouraging the barangay residents to engage in their own livelihood projects.

The government's efforts resulted in the increase of the nation's economic growth rate to an average of six percent to seven percent from 1970 to 1980. The rate was only less than 5 percent in the previous decade. The Gross National Product of the country (GNP) rose from P55 billion in 1972 to P193 billion in 1980.

Another major contributor to the economic growth of the country was the tourism industry. The number of tourists visiting the Philippine rose to one million by 1980 from less than 200,000 in previous years. The country earned at $500 million a year from tourism. A big portion of the tourist group was composed of Filipino balikbayans under the Ministry of Tourism's Balikbayan Program which was launched in 1973.

Another major source of economic growth of the country was the remittances of overseas Filipino workers. Thousands of Filipino workers found employment in the Middle East and in Singapore and Hongkong. These overseas Filipino workers not only helped ease the country's unemployment problem but also earned muchneeded foreign exchange for the Philippines.

FOREIGN-RELATIONS POLICY UNDER MARCOS REGIME

In 1976 President Marcos announced to the Filipino people his policy of establishing relations with communist countries such as the People's Republic of Chine (june 9, 1975) and the Soviet Union (June 2, 1976).

Relations with the United States was modified. It was no longer based on the "sentemental ties" but on mutual respect for each other's national interest. Thus, the military and economic agreements between U.S. and the Philippines were amended to reflect this new relationship. In the amendments to the RP-U.S. Military Bases Agreement of 1947, the U.S. acknowledged the sovereignty of the Philippines over the American military bases in the country (Subic and Clark). These bases would have a Filipino commander and would fly the Philippine flag. IN addition, the U.S agreed to pay rentals to the Philippines for the use of the bases.

Marcos established closer ties with the Asian countries. The Philippines became a leading member of the Third-World the collective name for the developing countries at that time. The Philippines actively participated in such world conferences as the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) meeting held in Nairobi, Kenya, in 1976 and in the International Meeting on "Cooperation and Development held by the heads of 21 nations in Cancun, Mexico, in 1981.

Marcos took his oath of office on June 30, 1981 at the Luneta Park for a six-year term ending in 1987. On that occasion Marcos announced the establishment of a "New Republic of the Philippines".

The lifting of Martial Law

After implementing the program of development, Pres. Marcos issued Proclamation NO. 2045 on January 17, 1981, lifting Martial Law. Martial Law lasted for eight years, 3 months and 26 days. Mr. Marcos lifted Martial law to show to the Filipinos and the world that the situation in the Philippines was already back to normal. The government had already been functioning smoothly under the 1973 Constitution. Despited the lifting of Martial law, however, Marcos remained powerful and practised authoritarian rule.

The Presidential Election of 1981

Marcos called for a presidential election to be held on June 16, 1981. In this election he had Alejo Santos of the Nacionalista Party as opponent. Former Senator Benigno Aquino, Jr. was then living in exile abroad and could not run for presidency. The Liberal Party did not take part in the election. It was a runaway victory for Marcos who obtained 88% of the total votes cast. It was believed that Marcos won in the 1981 election because he was in full control of the situation.

Marcos took his oath of office on June 30, 1981 at the luneta Park for a six-year term ending in 1987. On that occasion Marcos announced the establishment of a "new" Republic of the Philippines.

THE RETURN AND ASSASINATION OF BENIGNO S. AQUINO, JR.

When martial law was proclaimed, the first politician to be arrested by the military on order of Ferdinand Marcos was Benigno S. Aquino, Jr. Aquino, a popular political leader, spent nearly eight years in a military detention cell at Fort Bonifacio.

In 1980, Marcos allowed Aquino to leave the country to enable him to undergo an emergency heart bypass operation in the United States. When Aquino decided to come home in 1983, the government tried to stop him, claiming that there were some people who wanted to kill him. He was asked to postpone his return. But Aquino persisted, and by using fake travel documents, he was able to fly back to the Philippines.

When the China Air Lines jetliner carrying him landed at the Manila International Airport at about 10:00 p.m., on August 21, 1983, soldiers boarded the plane and took him away. As Aquino and his military escorts were going down a stairway, a shot was heard, followed later by more shots. After a while, Aquino laid dead on the airport tarmac. Nearby laid the body of Rolando Galman. Galman was pointed as Aquino's "assassin."

The assassination of Aquino was reported to have awakened the Filipinos to the evils of Marcos as a dictator. Millions of Filipinos who sympathized with Aquino bereaved family, joined the funeral march to mourn for the death of an intelligent leader and to express their feelings against Marcos.

The assassination transformed Ninoy Aquino into an "idol". The battlecry "Ituloy ang laban ni Ninoy!" and "Ninoy, hindi ka nag-iisa" were heard from anti-Marcos demonstrators that erupted in Metro Manila and other urban center in the country.

The demonstrations were participated by different sectores, namely students, workers, farmers, businessmen, professionals and religious (nuns, priests and seminarians).

Many militant and cause-oriented groups were the August Twenty-One Movement (ATOM), Justice for Aquino, Justice for All (JAJA), Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (BAYAN).

The Aquino assassination gave Marcos a bad image abroad, Public opinion in the United States went against Marcos. President Reagan of the United States cancelled his state visit to the Philippines.

On October 14, 1983, President Marcos issued PD 1886 creating a five-man independent body to investigate the Aquino assassination. Headed by Mrs. Corazon Juliano Agrava, a retired Court of Appeals Justice, the investigation body came to be known as the Agrava-Fact-Finding Board (AFFB). The other members of the board were businessman Dante Santos, labor leader Ernesto Herrera, lawyer Luciano Salazar, and educator Amado Dizon.

The members of the AFFB, however, identified 25 military men and a civilian as participants in the plot. Those identified include AFP Chief of Staff General Fabian C. Ver, Jam. General Prospero Olivas of the PC Metropolitan Command (METROCOM) and Gen. Custodio.

President Marcos referred the two reports to the Sandiganbayan for trial. The trial began in Feb. 1985, and was presided over by Sandiganbayan Presiding Justice Manuel Pamaran. This trial became known as "Trial of the Century".

On December 2, 1985, the Sandiganbayan handed down its decision. The tribunal ruled that the 26 accused were innocent and that it was Galman who was hired by the communist who killed Aquino.

THE DECLINE OF THE ECONOMY

As the investigation and trial of the Aquino Assassination was going on, the Philippine economy was having hard times. There was a slow down of economic activities caused largely by high price of oil. The Philippine traditional exports such as sugar and cocunut oil were experiencing a price decline in the world market. The

government was forced to borrow more money from the International Monetary Fund to help keep the economy going. The foreign debt of the Philippines reached $26 billion. A big portion of the annual earning of the country was allocated to the payment of annual interest on loans.

The tourism industry suffered a great decline after the Aquino Assassination. The wave of anti-Marcos demonstrations in the country that followed drove the tourists away. In addition, the political troubles hindered the entry of foreign investments. Foreign banks also stopped granting loans to the Philippine government. Foreign creditors started demanding payment of the debts which were already past due.

Without an adequate supply of foreign exchange, the industry sector could no longer import raw materials needed in production. Many factories had to close shop of cut their production because of the difficulty of obtaining raw materials. Many workers were laid off.

Marcos tried to launch a national economic recovery program. He nogotiated with foreign creditors including the International Bank for reconstruction and Development, World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for a restructing of the country's foreign debts to give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos launched the Sariling Sikap, a livelihood program, in 1984. He ordered the cut in government expenditure to be able to save money for financing the livelihood program.

Despite the recrovery program, the economy continued to decline. A negative economic growth was experienced in the country beginning in 1984. The failure of the recovery program was due to the lack of credibility of Marcos and the rampant graft and corruption in the government. Many officials went on stealing the people's money by millions through anomalous transactions. Marcos himself spent large sums of government funds to help the candidates of the KBL to win.

THE SNAP ELECTION OF 1986 As the economy continued to decline, the IMF, World Bank, the United States and the country's foreign creditors pressured Marcos to institute reforms as a condition for the grant of additional economic and financial help. Rumors then spread about the possibility of a snap presidential election.

The rumors turned to be true because in November 1985, Marcos announced that there would be a snap presidential election. Marcos said that he needed a new mandate from the people to carry out a national economic recovery program successfully. The Batasang Pambansa enacted a law scheduling the election on February 7, 1986.

The divided opposition had the problem of choosing a candidate to fight Marcos. There were several opposition leaders who aspired to run for president, one of them being former Senator Salvador "Doy" H. Laurel who was nominated in June 1985 by the UNIDO to be its presidential candidate in any future presidential election. But none of them could unite the opposition.

A majority of the opposition and other anti-Marcos groups proposed instead that Mrs. Corazon C. Aquino be made the common opposition candidate for president. Due to a growing nationwide clamor for her to lead the opposition, Aquino agreed to run if Marcos would call for an election and at least one million people would sign a petition urging her to run for president. After the announcement of snap election by Marcos, the Cory Aquino for President Movement (CAPM), organized by Joaquin "Chino" Roces, was able to solicit more than one million signatures nationwide asking Mrs. Aquino to run against Marcos.

Upon the advice of Jaime Cardinal Sin, the Archbishop of Manila, former Senator Salvador Laurel of the UNIDO Party decided to sacrifice his presidential ambition for the sake of unity of the opposition by agreeing to run as Corazon Aquino's vicepresidential candidate.

The campaign period was from Dec. 11, 1995 to Feb. 5, 1986. The two rival political camps had their slogans and symbols. The LABAN Party of Cory Aquino had yellow as the symbolic color while the KBL of Marcos had red. The Aquino'' campaign slogan was "Tama na, Sobra na, palitan na!" The Marcos slogan was "Marcos pa rin!" Aquino had her "L" sign while Marcos had his "V" sign.

Corazon Aquino campaigned on the issue of ending the Marcos dictatorship and the restoration of freedom, justice and democracy. She charged Marcos with impoverishing the nation by allowing his family and cronies to rob the Filipinos of their wealth though illegal transactions. She also denounced the gross violations of

human rights of the Marcos regime. She promised to give justice to the victims of harassment and abuses by the government officials.

President Marcos accused Mrs. Corazon Aquino of being a communist herself and said that her husband, Ninoy Aquino, was one of the founders of the Communist Party of the Philippines. He warned that an Aquino victory would pave the way for communist rule in the Philippines. Marcos also criticized Aquino for her lack of experience in government.

IN the election campaign, Marcos said that he favored the retention of the U.S. Military Bases. On the other hand, Mrs. Aquino said whe would let the U.S. Military stay until 1991 when the Military Bases Agreement (MBA) expired.

Mrs. Aquino also accused Marcos of being responsible for her husband's assassination. She also disclosed that Marcos was a fake World War II hero.

THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1986

On February 7, 1986, election day, about 20 million registered voters cast their votes in som 86,000 election precincts throughout the country. It was the most historic in the history of the 3rd republic. It was reported to be the "most controversial and confusing election" ever held in the Philippines, the "most internationally publicized election", and the "most fraudulent election" in the Philippine history.

Marcos resorted to massive vote buying to ensure his victory. KBL leaders in many areas used armed goons to terrorize the voters. There were instances of ballot box snatching. Flying voters were used. Election returns were falsified or altered.

So widespread was the cheating that the Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) in a statement issued a week after election, strongly condemned the conduct of the election. The CBCP described the election as "unparalleled in its fraudulence".

The Batasang Pambansa convened itself to make an official canvass of the election returns and to proclaim the winners. Based on the certificates of the canvass submitted to it by the Comelec registrars of 143 provinces, cities, and election districts, the Batasan on Feb. 15, 1986 proclaimed Ferdinand Marcos and Arturo Tolentino as the duly elected president and vice-president , respectively. The official Batasan tabulation showed that Marcos obtained 10,807,197 votes as against Aquino's 9,291,715 votes.

The Batasang Pambansa, which was controlled by the KNL, went on with the canvassing amidst the objections of the opposition members. The opposition MPs pointed out that there were irregularities in most of the certificates of canvass.

The fraudulent election Feb. 7, 1986 destroyed the image of President Marcos and his government abroad. Based on the reports of foreign newsmen and on what they saw on television, many people in the Philippines and abroad felt that Marcos was not the legitimated President of the Philippines. They believed that it was Corazon Aquino who won the presidency. As a result, except for the Soviet Union, not one foreign country congratulated Marcos.

The fraudulent election weakened American support for the Marcos Regime. After receiving the report of Senator Lugar who headed the U.S. election observer team in the Philippines, President Reagan said that "the fraudulent election casts doubts on the legitimacy of Marcos' re-election.

Mrs. Corazon Aquino, believing that she won, refused to accept the election of Marcos. So did the Catholic Church and many other groups which issued strong statements condemning the fraudulent election. On Feb. 16, 1986, Corazon Aquino launched a civil disobedience nationwide at Luneta.

The Philippines on the Eve of the EDSA Revolution

On the eve of the revolution, President Marcos was already a demoralized and beleaguered dictator. The international community of nations was convinced that there was fraud in the February 7 snap election and that he was a president who no longer had the mandate of the people. At that moment, influential members of the

U.S. Congress were already urging Marcos to step down and over the presidency to Mrs. Corazon Cojuanco Aquino.

In the country, particularly in Metro Manila, political tension was rising to new heights. The Aquino civil disobedience movement rapidly gained heights and strengths. Students and teachers in many colleges and universities boycotted their classes to protest the fraudulent. February 7 election. Worker's groups planned for a general labor strike throughout the nation.

In the face of these events which threatened his dictatorial regime, Marcos began to issue warnings. He threatened to use his extra-ordinary powers to crush the strike movement. And he gave indications to impose martial law again. In fact he had already prepared a plan code named "Everlasting". The plan called for sending out soldiers loyal to his regime into the streets of Metro Manila to spread terror and violence. They would be in civilian clothes and would pretend to be Aquino followers. This would be used by Marcos as an excuse to impose martial law again in the country. Like what he did in 1972, Marcos would have the military arrest and detain the leaders of the opposition, including those among the clergy and in the armed forces who opposed him. But before he could carry out his plan, the EDSA Revolution of 1986 broke out.

Plans for a Military Coup De'etat

While the anti-Marcos sentiment in the country was growing, a group of young officers in the Armed Forces of the Philippines were making their own plans to overthrow the Marcos dictatorship. These officers were the leading organizers and members of a group known as the Reform the AFP Movement (RAM)

This movement was started in March 1985 by a group of officers who were graduated of the Philippine Military Academy. Its main aim was to work for reform in the armed forces. Just like the other branches of the government, the AFP was riddles with graft and corruption, favoritism and other anomalies that demoralized the decent members of the military. RAM wanted the restoration of professionalism in the military so that the AFP could regain its honor and pride. A reformed AFP, the movement's organizers believed, would be able to fight more effectively the growing communist threat in the Philippines. Minister of Defense Juan Ponce Enrile

secretly sympathized with RAM. The members of the RAM came to be know as reformists.

The RAM.s pleadings for reforms were ignored by Marcos and the AFP Chief of Staff, General Fabian Ver. They were harassed by the dictator and the military. Because of this the Reformists decided to force a coup de'etat was made by the organizers who were close to Juan Ponce Enrile. It was headed by Col. Gregorio Honasan, the chief security officer of Enrile. But the Coup attempt did not take off because it was discovered by Ferdinand Marcos. Several plotters were arrested. Marcos then announced that the military rebels planned to attack Malacaang and to take over the government.

When the RAM realized that Marcos had discovered their plot they sought refuse at the Ministry of National Defense building at Camp Aguinaldo in Quezon City. Enrile took command of the military rebellion. General Fidel Valdez Ramos, the AFP vicechief of staff and PC chief, sided with Enrile and the reformists and took over control of the Philippine Constabulary Headquarters in Camp Crame which is located across Epifanio delos Santos Avenue (EDSA) from Camp Aguinaldo.

OUTBREAK OF THE 1986 REVOLUTION

Enrile and Ramos announced to the nation in a press conference in Camp Aguinaldo that they were breaking away from the fold of the Marcos Dictatorship and that they supported Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. This announcement was made in the early evening of February 22, 1986.

They said that the Marcos did not win the February 7 snap Presidential election and therefore did not have the mandate of the people.

When Marcos learned about the defection of Enrile and Ramos, he immediately went on nationwide radio and TV to announce that he had discovered and failed the RAM's plot to overthrow the government. He demanded that Ramos and Enrile surrendered. He then promised to look into the grievances of the Reformists. But Enrile and Ramos defied Marcos' orders. The two rebel leaders said that the issue was no longer the reforms but the legitimacy of Marcos' rule. They called on Marcos to resign and warned him not to order any attack on Camp Crame and Aguinaldo for

they were prepared to defend the camp. Marcos ordered General Fabian Ver to subdue the rebellion and recapture the two camps. http://www.oocities.org/collegepark/pool/1644/marcosera.html