THE LANGUAGES OF THE ANDES

The Andean and Pacic regions of South America are home to a remark-
able variety of languages and language families, with a range of typologi-
cal differences. This linguistic diversity results from a complex historical
background, comprising periods of greater communication between dif-
ferent peoples and languages, and periods of fragmentation and individual
development. The Languages of the Andes is the rst book in English to
document in a single volume the indigenous languages spoken and for-
merly spoken in this linguistically rich region, as well as in adjacent areas.
Grouping the languages into different cultural spheres, it describes their
characteristics in terms of language typology, language contact, and the
social perspectives of present-day languages. The authors provide both
historical and contemporary information, and illustrate the languages with
detailed grammatical sketches. Written in a clear and accessible style, this
book will be a valuable source for students and scholars of linguistics and
anthropology alike.
wiiiim i. n. oiin is Professor of Amerindian Languages and Cul-
tures at Leiden University. He has travelled widely in South America
and has conducted eldwork in Peru on different varieties of Quechua
and minor languages of the area. He has also worked on the historical-
comparative reconstruction of South American languages, and since 1991
has been involved in international activities addressing the issue of lan-
guage endangerment. His previously published books include Tarma
Quechua (1977) and Het Boek van Huarochir (1988).
rii1in c. mtvski is Professor of Linguistics at the University of
Nijmegen. He has travelled widely in the Caribbean and the Andes, and
was previously Professor of Sociolinguistics and Creole Studies at the Uni-
versity of Amsterdam and Professor of Linguistics and Latin American
Studies at Leiden University. He is co-editor of the Cambridge jour-
nal Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, and his previously published
books include Bilingual Speech: a Typology of Code-mixing (Cambridge,
2000), and One Speaker, Two Languages (co-edited with Lesley Milroy,
Cambridge, 1995).
CAMBRI DGE LANGUAGE SURVEYS
General editors
P. Austin (University of Melbourne)
J. Bresnan (Stanford University)
B. Comrie (Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig)
W. Dressler (University of Vienna)
C. Ewen (University of Leiden)
R. Lass (University of Cape Town)
D. Lightfoot (University of Maryland)
I. Roberts (University of Cambridge)
S. Romaine (University of Oxford)
N. V. Smith (University College London)
This series offers general accounts of the major language families of the
world, with volumes organised either on a purely genetic basis or on a
geographical basis, whichever yields the most convenient and intelligible
grouping in each case. Each volume compares and contrasts the typological
features of the languages it deals with. It also treats the relevant genetic re-
lationships, historical development and sociolinguistic issues arising from
their role and use in the world today. The books are intended for linguists
from undergraduate level upwards, but no special knowledge of the lan-
guages under consideration is assumed. Volumes such as those on Australia
and the Amazon Basin are also of wider relevance, as the future of the lan-
guages and their speakers raises important social and political issues.
Volumes already published include
Chinese Jerry Norman
The languages of Japan Masayoshi Shibatani
Pidgins and Creoles (volume I: Theory and structure; volume II:
Reference survey) John A. Holm
The Indo-Aryan languages Colin Masica
The Celtic languages edited by Donald MacAulay
The Romance languages Rebecca Posner
The Amazonian languages edited by R. M. W Dixon and Alexandra Y.
Aikhenvald
The languages of Native North America Marianne Mithun
The Korean language Ho-Him Sohn
Australian languages R. M. W. Dixon
The Dravidian languages Bhadriraju Krishnamurti
THE LANGUAGES
OF THE ANDES
WILLEM F. H. ADELAAR
with the collaboration of PI ETER C. MUYSKEN
cambridge university press
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, So Paulo
Cambridge University Press
The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru, UK
First published in print format
isbn-13 978-0-521-36275-7
isbn-13 978-0-511-21587-2
Willem F. H. Adelaar and Pieter C. Muysken 2004
2004
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521362757
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of
relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place
without the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
isbn-10 0-511-21587-8
isbn-10 0-521-36275-x
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls
for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not
guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York
www.cambridge.org
hardback
eBook (NetLibrary)
eBook (NetLibrary)
hardback
CONTENTS
List of tables page x
List of maps xiv
Preface xv
Orthographic conventions xvi
List of abbreviations xx
1 Introduction 1
1.1 The languages of the Andes 4
1.2 Physical description 6
1.3 Brief history of the region 7
1.4 A brief overview of the different Andean countries 10
1.5 History of the study of the Andean languages 15
1.5.1 The colonial period 15
1.5.2 The nineteenth century 18
1.5.3 Contemporary Andean linguistics 19
1.6 Sources for the study of the languages of the Andes 20
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 22
1.7.1 History of classicatory efforts 23
1.7.2 Quechuan and Aymaran, Quechumaran 34
1.7.3 Other proposals for individual language families 36
1.7.4 The Greenberg (1987) proposal 41
2 The Chibcha Sphere 46
2.1 The language groups and their distribution 50
2.2 Research on the native languages of Colombia 54
2.3 Chocoan 56
2.4 Yurumangu 60
2.5 Cuna 61
2.6 The languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 66
vi Contents
2.7 Chimila 75
2.8 Bar 80
2.9 The Muisca language 81
2.9.1 Sources 82
2.9.2 Phonology 83
2.9.3 Grammar 89
2.9.4 Lexicon 103
2.9.5 A Muisca text 106
2.10 Tunebo (Uw Cuwa) 109
2.11 Yukpa and Magdalena valley Cariban 112
2.12 The Arawakan languages of the Caribbean coast 115
2.13 TimoteCuica 124
2.14 Jirajaran 129
2.15 P aez (Nasa Yuwe) 130
2.16 Andaqu and the languages of the Upper Magdalena valley 138
2.17 Barbacoan languages 141
2.18 Kams a 151
2.19 Esmeralde no 155
2.20 Overview of the languages of the eastern Colombian lowlands 161
3 The Inca Sphere 165
3.1 The languages and their distribution 168
3.2 The Quechuan language family 179
3.2.1 The Quechua homeland 180
3.2.2 Historical overview of the colonial period 182
3.2.3 Dialect situation 183
3.2.4 Quechua studies 191
3.2.5 Phonology 194
3.2.6 Grammar 207
3.2.7 Characteristics of the Quechua lexicon 233
3.2.8 A sketch of an Ecuadorian Quechua dialect (Salasaca) 237
3.2.9 A sketch of a Peruvian Quechua dialect (Pacaraos) 242
3.2.10 A Cuzco Quechua text fragment 249
3.2.11 Literary production in Quechua 254
3.2.12 Social factors inuencing the future of Quechua 256
3.3 The Aymaran language family 259
3.3.1 Past and present distribution 260
3.3.2 Homeland and expansion 263
3.3.3 Internal variation in the Aymaran language family 264
Contents vii
3.3.4 Salient features of the Aymaran language family 267
3.3.5 Aymara phonology 270
3.3.6 Aymara grammar 274
3.3.7 Aymara lexicon 293
3.3.8 Literary production in Aymara 296
3.3.9 Aymara sample text 296
3.3.10 The Jaqaru language 301
3.3.11 Jaqaru sample text 315
3.4 The Mochica language 319
3.4.1 The sounds of Mochica 321
3.4.2 Mochica grammar 328
3.4.3 Mochica sample texts 344
3.5 Puquina and Callahuaya 350
3.6 The UruChipaya languages 362
3.7 The Atacame no language 375
3.8 The LuleTonocot e language 385
3.9 Extinct and poorly documented languages of the Inca Sphere 391
3.9.1 Ecuador 392
3.9.2 Northern Peru 397
3.9.3 Northwestern Argentina 407
4 The languages of the eastern slopes 411
4.1 The PanoTacanan languages 418
4.2 The Arawakan languages 422
4.2.1 Yanesha

phonology 424
4.2.2 The principal grammatical features of Yanesha

425
4.2.3 Complex sentences in Yanesha

430
4.3 TupiGuaran 430
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 432
4.4.1 Shuar phonology 433
4.4.2 The principal grammatical features of Shuar 435
4.4.3 Complex sentences in Shuar 445
4.5 Cahuapana 447
4.6 BoraHuitoto 449
4.7 The Zaparoan languages 451
4.8 The Tucanoan languages 453
4.9 Small families and supposed language isolates in Ecuador 454
4.10 Small families and supposed language isolates in Peru 456
4.11 Chol on 460
viii Contents
4.11.1 The Chol on lexicon and relationship with Hibito 461
4.11.2 Gender-determined language use 462
4.11.3 Chol on phonology 463
4.11.4 The principal grammatical features of Chol on 463
4.11.5 The basic word order of Chol on 475
4.12 Small families and supposed language isolates in Bolivia 475
4.13 Chiquitano 477
4.13.1 Gender-determined language use in Chiquitano 478
4.13.2 Chiquitano phonology 479
4.13.3 The principal grammatical features of Chiquitano 480
4.13.4 Chiquitano word order 488
4.14 The languages of the Chaco region: Guaicuruan, Matacoan,
Zamucoan and LenguaMascoy 488
4.15 Quechua inuences on eastern slopes languages 499
5 The Araucanian Sphere 502
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 508
5.1.1 Mapuche studies 510
5.1.2 The sounds of Mapuche 512
5.1.3 Grammar 517
5.1.4 Lexicon 537
5.1.5 Mapuche sample text 539
5.2 The Allentiac language 544
6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego 550
6.1 The languages and their distribution 552
6.2 Ethnohistory 555
6.3 Problems in classication 556
6.4 Linguistic features 558
6.4.1 The Chonan languages 558
6.4.2 Chono and Kawesqar 564
6.4.3 Yahgan 567
6.4.4 Areal-typological features of the Fuegian languages 578
6.5 Oral literature 580
6.6 Language contact 580
6.7 A Tehuelche text 582
7 The Spanish presence 585
7.1 Characteristics of Andean Spanish 585
Contents ix
7.1.1 Demography and the Iberian dialectal origins 586
7.1.2 Linguistic features 587
7.2 Amerindian substratum inuence 589
7.3 Language mixture and pidginisation in the Andes and the
Amazon basin 602
7.4 African inuences 604
7.5 Language planning and policy with respect to the Amerindian
languages and to bilingual education 605
7.6 Andean languages in the modern world 608
Appendix: Inventory of languages and language families
of the Andean region 610
References 625
Author index 681
Index of languages and ethnic groups 690
Subject index 703
TABLES
1.1 Percentage of Indian population in the different
Andean countries page 11
1.2 Early grammars of Andean languages 16
1.3 Greenbergs (1956) classication of the languages
of the Andes 28
1.4 The four networks proposed by Swadesh (1959, 1962) 29
1.5 The language families relevant to the Andes listed in Loukotka
(1968) 31
1.6 Groupings suggested by Su arez (1974) of language families and
isolates included in Loukotka (1968) 32
1.7 Language families relevant to the Andes listed in Kaufman (1990)
with their correlates in Loukotka (1968) 33
1.8 Greenbergs (1987) classication of the languages
of the Andes 44
2.1 Overview of the consonant inventories of Chocoan languages
and dialects 58
2.2 Cuna consonant inventory 63
2.3 Overview of the consonant inventories of the Arhuacan
languages 68
2.4 Possessive modiers in Chimila 77
2.5 Personal reference markers for subject and object in Chimila 78
2.6 Inventory of Muisca consonant phonemes 88
2.7 Inventory of Muisca vowel phonemes 88
2.8 Personal reference in Muisca 97
2.9 Inventory of Muisca pronoun and case combinations 100
2.10 Uw Cuwa (Tunebo) consonant inventory 110
2.11 Proto-Yukpa consonants 113
2.12 Guajiro consonant inventory 117
2.13 Personal prexes and pronouns in Guajiro 120
List of tables xi
2.14 Caldono P aez obstruents 131
2.15 Caldono P aez continuants 132
2.16 Caldono P aez vowels 132
2.17 Person markers in Nasa Yuwe (P aez) 135
2.18 Guambiano consonant inventory 143
2.19 Awa Pit (Cuaiquer) consonant inventory 144
2.20 Tsaki (Colorado) consonant inventory 144
2.21 Cha

palaachi (Cayapa) consonant inventory 145

2.22 Awa Pit pronouns 148
2.23 Cha

palaachi pronouns 148

2.24 Kams a consonant phonemes 152
2.25 Kams a personal reference markers 153
3.1 Proto-Quechua consonants 196
3.2 Proto-Quechua vowels 196
3.3 The Quechua four-person system 211
3.4 Subject conjugation in Ayacucho Quechua 219
3.5 Valency-changing sufxes in Quechua 229
3.6 Jaqaru personal reference markers 269
3.7 La Paz Aymara consonant inventory 271
3.8 Aymara subject and subjectobject paradigm for the unmarked
tense 282
3.9 Subject and subjectobject endings for the future tense in La Paz and
Sitajara Aymara 284
3.10 Aymara subject and subjectobject paradigm for the imperative
mood 285
3.11 Subject and subjectobject endings for the present and past potential
mood in La Paz Aymara 286
3.12 Nominalising afxes in Aymara 288
3.13 Jaqaru consonant inventory 302
3.14 Subject and subjectobject endings of the unmarked tense in
Jaqaru 307
3.15 Subject and subjectobject endings of the future tense in
Jaqaru 308
3.16 Mochica vowels as represented in Carrera Daza (1644) and
Middendorf (1892) 324
3.17 Sibilants in seventeenth-century Mochica 326
3.18 Overview of the consonant symbols in the Mochica grammars of
Carrera Daza (1644) and Middendorf (1892) 329
3.19 Personal reference in Mochica 331
xii List of tables
3.20 Mochica preterit and future tenses 337
3.21 Numerals 1 to 10 in Mochica 343
3.22 Puquina personal and possessive pronouns 353
3.23 Possessed nouns in Callahuaya 359
3.24 Personal and possessive pronouns in Callahuaya 360
3.25 Callahuaya consonant inventory 361
3.26 Chipaya consonant inventory 364
3.27 Unmarked present tense in Chipaya 371
3.28 Tentative inventory of Atacame no sounds 380
3.29 Possessive nominal paradigm in Atacame no 381
3.30 Atacame no personal and possessive pronouns 382
3.31 Verbal past-tense paradigm in Atacame no 383
3.32 Lule personal endings for unmarked tense and nominal
possession 389
3.33 Lule future and imperative verbal paradigms 389
4.1 The relationship between the Arawakan languages of the pre-Andean
area 423
4.2 Yanesha

(Amuesha) phoneme inventory 424

4.3 The relationship among the pre-Andean members of the
TupiGuaran language family 431
4.4 Shuar phoneme inventory 434
4.5 The Shuar switch-reference system illustrated with the verb
ant- to hear 446
4.6 Phoneme inventory of Bora 450
4.7 Phoneme inventory of Huao 454
4.8 The sound inventory of Chol on 464
4.9 Chiquitano phoneme inventory 480
4.10 Phoneme inventory of Toba 489
4.11 Phoneme inventory of Bolivian (Noctenes) Mataco 493
4.12 Reconstructed consonant system of Proto-Matacoan 495
4.13 Phoneme inventory of Ayoreo 496
5.1 Mapuche consonant inventory 517
5.2 Personal and possessive pronouns in Mapuche 519
5.3 Mapuche subject endings 523
5.4 Unmarked verbal paradigm in Allentiac 546
5.5 Interrogative verbal paradigm in Allentiac 547
6.1 The relation between putative Chono words identied by Bausani
(1975) and their possible equivalents in the Alacalufan materials of
Skottsberg (1913) and Clairis (1987) 553
List of tables xiii
6.2 Historical demographic data for the canoe nomads 555
6.3 Historical demographic data for the hunter nomads 555
6.4 Phoneme inventory of Selk

nam 559
6.5 Phoneme inventory of G un una Yajich 562
6.6 Phoneme inventory of Tehuelche 563
6.7 Tentative sound inventory of Chono 565
6.8 Phonemes of Kawesqar 566
6.9 Phoneme inventory of Yahgan (based on Golbert de Goodbar 1977
and Poblete and Salas 1999) 568
6.10 Phoneme inventory of Yahgan (based on Adam 1885) 569
6.11 Person inection in Yahgan 575
6.12 Phonological features of the Fuegian languages 579
6.13 Morphological features of the Fuegian languages 579
6.14 Constituent order features of the Fuegian languages 579
7.1 Major isoglosses in the Andean areas of Latin American
Spanish 588
7.2 Types of speakers of Spanish that may show inuence from
Quechua 590
7.3 Sprachbund phenomena in the pronunciation of liquids and vibrants
in different varieties of Quechua and Spanish in Ecuador 591
7.4 Features claimed to be due to Quechua in different varieties
of Spanish 593
MAPS
Map 1 The Chibcha Sphere: overview of ethnolinguistic groups attested
in premodern sources page 47
Map 2 The Chibcha Sphere: approximate distribution of indigenous
languages in the mid twentieth century 51
Map 3 The Inca Sphere: approximate distribution of indigenous
languages in the sixteenth century 166
Map 4 The Inca Sphere: approximate distribution of indigenous
languages in the mid twentieth century 169
Map 5 Approximate distribution of Quechua dialects in Peru and
adjacent areas 184
Map 6 Distribution of Aymaran and UruChipaya languages 260
Map 7 Eastern lowland languages: Ecuador and northern Peru 412
Map 8 Eastern lowland languages: southern Peru 413
Map 9 Eastern lowland languages: Bolivia 414
Map 10 Eastern lowland languages: the Chaco area 415
Map 11 The Araucanian Sphere: approximate distribution of languages
at the time of the Spanish conquest (sixteenth century) 503
Map 12 The Araucanian Sphere: twentieth-century distribution
of indigenous languages 504
Map 13 The languages of Tierra del Fuego 551
PREFACE
This book took much longer to write than originally intended, particularly because very
little was known about some of the regions to be covered, while much new material has
become available these last few years. We hope this survey will in its turn inspire new
research in the years to come.
We wish to thank rst of all Bernard Comrie for his precise and encouraging comments
on earlier chapter drafts. We are very grateful to Ana Fern andez, Timothy Curnow, Knut
Olawsky and Nicholas Ostler for reading and commenting on specic chapters of the
book. A special word of thanks goes to Rodolfo Cerr on-Palomino for providing us with
data from his ongoing research on the Chipaya language, and to Alfredo Torero for
permitting us to use his unpublished work on Puquina. Many colleagues and friends
have contributed over the years with valuable advice and commentary, by providing us
with newly published or little-known publications, or by calling our attention to new
materials and research results. Their generosity is duly remembered, although space
does not allow us to mention each of them individually.
Our gratitude extends in particular to those academic institutions that have provided
the environment and the facilities necessary for an undertaking such as the present one:
the Netherlands Institute of Advanced Studies (NIAS) in Wassenaar, the Netherlands, the
Research Centre for Linguistic Typology (RCLT) at La Trobe University in Victoria,
Australia, the Research School CNWS of Asian, African and Amerindian Studies and
the Faculty of Letters of Leiden University.
While the book was written under the primary authorship and responsibility of
Willem Adelaar, the individual chapters were divided as follows: Pieter Muysken wrote
sections 1.11.5 of chapter 1 and Adelaar the introductory pages of chapter 1 as well as
sections 1.61.7. Adelaar also wrote chapter 2 except for section 2.15, chapter 3 except
for section 3.2.8, and all of chapter 5. Muysken wrote chapters 4, 6 and 7, as well as the
sections 2.15 and 3.2.8.
ORTHOGRAPHIC CONVENTIONS
This book on Andean languages relies on heterogeneous sources, including premodern
grammatical studies and vocabularies, as well as contemporary descriptions obtained
by direct observation of living languages. These circumstances made it difcult to adopt
a uniform orthographic practice. The spelling of colonial and other traditional sources
has been preserved, allowing for marginal adaptations where the sources are internally
inconsistent. Languages such as Allentiac, Muisca and Puquina, which have long been
extinct, are known from premodern sources only, and the interpretation of the symbols
used to represent them remains tentative. In the case of relatively recent data from
languages that became extinct duringthe twentiethcentury, suchas Mochica andTimote
Cuica, the identication of sounds can be problematic when the recorded materials are
not in agreement with modern linguistic standards. Such materials are exemplied in the
original spelling as well. Finally, there are premodern sources relating to languages still
spoken, for instance, Valdivias Araucanian grammar of 1606. The use of premodern
sources includes exotic symbols, such as c, c

h, h, and . Among the languages

primarily known from premodern sources, the only one presented in a reconstructed,
rather than an original spelling is Chol on (see section 4.11.3).
For most of the living languages we are on rmer ground, although for these too we
have to rely on published sources with different methodological approaches, theoretical
backgrounds and degrees of phonological abstraction. In view of the necessity to repre-
sent such heterogeneous materials, we have opted for a phonetically based orthography
such as commonly found in North American linguistic journals dealing with Amerindian
languages (e.g. International Journal of American Linguistics). Consequently, several
of the original symbols have been replaced with others, and adjustments have been made
at the level of individual languages so as to facilitate the presentation of the linguistic
facts in a unied way.
1
In a number of cases (e.g. Guajiro l and r, Mapuche r, Quechua
n and q) concessions have been made to established practice. Such deviations of the
1
We wish to apologise beforehand for the inevitable errors and inconsistencies that are inherent
to this procedure.
Orthographic Conventions xvii
overall orthographic practice adhered to in this book are duly explained in the respective
sections.
Vowels
When only vowel quality is taken into consideration, most languages of the Andean
region select their vowels froma set of ve, including two front vowels (e, i), two rounded
back vowels (o, u) and one low vowel (a). These vowels usually exhibit a certain amount
of non-distinctive variation, which is not shown in the orthography except when the
phonetic realisation itself is a topic of discussion. In addition, many Andean languages
also have an unrounded vowel which may be high central, mid central, or high back.
We represent this sixth vowel by means of the symbol , regardless of its exact phonetic
nature and possible existing spelling conventions. For the representation of languages
exhibiting an additional contrast between a high central and a mid central vowel we
use the symbols and to distinguish between the two. The main reason for following
this procedure is to preserve unity in the presentation. It is, furthermore, justied by
the consideration that the sixth vowel often shows a wide range of non-contrastive
variation, depending on the phonetic environment in which it occurs, and the fact that
the observations of different authors rarely coincide, even when they are dealing with
the same language. In the absence of specialised phonetic studies, almost non-existent
in the case of Andean languages, the exact phonetic nature of the sixth vowel generally
remains uncertain.
Vowel systems of a different qualitative structure are foundinMochica, inlanguages of
the Amazonian lowlands, and in languages of Tierra del Fuego. They will be discussed
in the respective chapters (sections 3.4.1, 4.6 and 6.4). For these cases, as well as in
explanative phonetic representations relatingtomore current Andeansystems, additional
symbols (, , , , , , ) are used.
Secondary articulations of the vowels
Vowel length is indicated by a colon (a:, e:, i:, o:, u:), except when the
long vowel consists of several tone-bearing units. In that case, the vowels
are written separately (aa, etc.). Extra short vowels are marked as follows:
a, e, , o, u.
Nasal vowels: a, e, , o, u, etc.
Aspirated vowels: a
h
, e
h
, i
h
, o
h
, u
h
, etc.
Glottalised vowels: a

, e

, i

, o

, u

, etc.
Voiceless vowels: a

, e

, i

, o

, u

, etc.
Tonal contrast is indicated by means of an acute accent (for high or rising
tone), a grave accent (for low or falling tone), a superscript level stroke
(for mid level tone), or a circumex (for a descending tonal glide): a, ` a, a,
xviii Orthographic Conventions
a. Contrastive stress is also indicated by means of an acute accent. Stress
and tone are indicated only when contrastive.
Non-syllabic vowels
When non-syllabic, the high vowels i and u are analysed as glides, hence they are written
as y and w, respectively. This is always the case in syllable-initial position ( yV, wV), and
it is the preferred option in postvocalic syllable-nal position (Vy, Vw). Occasionally,
however, postvocalic glides are represented as vowels (Vi, Vu), when the status of vowel
sequences in the language under discussion appears to favour that choice.
Consonants
In the following overview the consonant symbols are grouped in categories:
Bilabial: plain stops p, b; implosive stop: ; fricatives , ; nasal m;
glide w.
Labiodental: fricatives f, v.
Interdental: stops
t

,
d

; fricatives , ; nasal
n

.
Alveodental: plain stops t, d; implosive stop ; affricates c (t
s
in phonetic
explanations), d
z
(dz before secondary articulation markers, as in dz
y
);
fricatives s, z; nasal n.
Apico-alveolar: fricative s; affricate t
s
.
Alveopalatal: affricates c, d
z
; fricatives s, z; glide y.
Retroex: stops t
.
, d
.
; affricates c
.
, d
z
.
; fricatives s
.
, z
.
; nasal n
.
; glide .
Palatalised velar (ich-laut): fricative: c; affricate: t
c
.
Velar: stops: k, g; fricatives x, ; nasal .
Uvular (or postvelar): stops q, G; fricatives x
.
, .
Glottal: fricative h; stop . (Note: h can also refer to a velar fricative
because many Andean languages tend to use glottal and velar fricatives in
a non-distinctive way.)
Laterals: plain (voiced alveodental) l; interdental l; retroex l
.
; voiceless
fricative l

; voiceless affricate
-
.
Vibrants: voiced tap r; trill rr; tap with palatal affrication r; retroex
ap .
Secondary articulations of the consonants
Gemination is indicated by doubling the consonant symbol (pp, kk, nn,
etc.). Double rr represents a trill, rather than only a geminate. (Quechua
nn is a cluster [n]; see section 3.2.5.)
Orthographic Conventions xix
Coarticulation is indicated by juxtaposition of the symbols: kp, pk, pk
w
.
Glottalisation: p, t, c, k, q, etc.
Aspiration (of stops and affricates): p
h
, t
h
, c
h
, k
h
, q
h
, etc.
Preaspiration or voicelessness (of resonants):
h
m,
h
n,
h
r, etc.
Palatalisation: t
y
, k
y
, n
y
, l
y
, etc.
Labialisation: p
w
, m
w
, k
w
, x
w
, etc.
Prenasalisation (or postoralisation):
m
b,
n
d,

g.
Postnasalisation (or preoralisation): b
m
, d
n
, g

.
Click-like articulation: p
<
, m
<
.
Syllabic resonants: l

, n

.
Other symbols and conventions
V Vowel (only in phonological explanation).
C Consonant.
[. . .] Phonetic representation or tentative pronunciation.
Etymological provenance or borrowing source.
<. . .> Symbols used in premodern sources.
{ . . . } Explanation of morphological structure.
- Morpheme boundary.
Division of morphemic glosses.
= Division of constituents in reduplicated forms.
. Division of speech elements covered by a single morphemic
gloss.
Division of morphemic glosses relating to a portmanteau
speech element.
ABBREVIATIONS
In the example sentences of this book morphemic glosses may consist of numbers,
letters, or letter combinations. For reasons of presentation, all letter combinations have
been limited to a maximum of two elements. Grammatical person is indicated by means
of the numbers 1, 2, 3 and 4, which refer to the four-person system characteristic of the
structure of some of the languages treated in this work:
1 rst person (speaker)
2 second person (addressee)
3 third person (neither)
4 fourth person (speaker + addressee)
These numbers can be followed by the symbols S (subject), O (object), or P (possessor)
without an intervening hyphen or dot:
1S, 2S, 3S, 4S rst-person subject, etc.
1O, 2O, 3O, 4O rst-person object, etc.
1P, 2P, 3P, 4P rst-person possessor, etc.
The following list is an inventory of all the remaining morphemic glosses, which consist
of letters or letter combinations.
A absolute (as opposed to relational)
absolutive (as opposed to ergative)
AB ablative case
AC accusative case
AD additive (also, even)
AF afrmative (evidential)
AG agentive nominaliser
AJ adjective
adjectiviser
AL allative case
List of abbreviations xxi
AN anticompletive (still, yet)
AO aorist
AP applicative
AR attributive
AS assistance
AT attenuator
AU augmentative
AV adverbialiser
AX auxiliary
B benefactive case
BN beneciary
C comitative case
CA causative
CD conditional mood
CE centripetal (converging motion)
CF centrifugal (diverging motion)
CL classier or shape morpheme
(with semantic specication, e.g. CL: round object)
CM completive (already)
CN continuative
CO co-ordination
CP comparative (like)
CR circular motion (go around)
CS courteous
CT change of topic
CU customary
CV copula verbaliser
D dual
DA dative case
DB distributive
DC deictic
DD different directions
DE desiderative
DF denite
DG degree
DI diminutive
DL delimitative (just, only)
DM detrimental
xxii List of abbreviations
DP deductive past
DR directional
DS different subjects (in switch-reference systems)
DT distal
DU dubitative
DV declarative
DW downward motion
E ergative case
EC exclamation
EM emphatic
ES external subject
EU euphonic element
EV event/action
EX exclusive (addressee excluded)
F future
FA factitive (make)
FE feminine
FM factual mood
FN future-oriented nominaliser
FO focus
FR far remote
G genitive case
GA genitive agent
GO goal
GP generic pair
GR gerund
H hither (motion towards speaker)
HB habitual past
HN honoric
HO hortative
HS hearsay (evidential)
HY hypothetical
I inverse
IA imperfective aspect
IC inchoative
ID indicative mood
IE irrealis mood
IF innitive
List of abbreviations xxiii
II indenite
IK indirect knowledge
IL inferential
IM imperative mood
IN inclusion (provided with)
IP inferential past
IR interrogative
IS instrumental case
IT intensive
IU immediate future
IV inclusive (addressee included)
IW inward motion
L locative case
LA lack (not having)
LB left-behind object
LI limitative case (until)
LK linking element
LN locality nominaliser
LP lexicalised prex
LS lexicalised sufx
LV locative verbaliser
M momentaneous
MA motion across (traverse)
MD medial
MS masculine
MT motion
N noun
nominaliser
NA narrative past
NC non-control
ND non-determinate
NE negation
NF near future
NM nominative case
NP nominal past
NR near remote
NS non-speaker
NT non-transitive
xxiv List of abbreviations
NU neutral
O object
OB obligation
OC oblique case
OE ongoing event
OS ownership (having)
OV obviative
P possessor
PA past tense
PC paucal
PD predicate marker
PE perfect tense
PF perfective aspect
PI privative
PL plural
PM permissive
PN present tense
PO potential mood
PR progressive
PS passive
PT perlative case (path)
PU pronoun
PV previous event
PX proximate
Q question marker
QU quotative
R relativiser
RC reciprocal
RD realis mood
RE recent past
RF reexive
RL relational (possessed)
RM remote past
RO reportative
RP repetitive
RR referential
RS restitutive
RU remote future
List of abbreviations xxv
S subject
SA simple aspect
SD sudden discovery tense
SG singular
SI simulation
SJ subjunctive mood
SM simultaneous
SO source
SN stative nominaliser
SP supine
SQ sequential
SR speaker
SS same subject (in switch-reference systems)
ST state
SU subordination
T transitive
transitiviser
TF transformative (become)
TH thither (motion not towards speaker)
TO topic
TS thematic sufx
TV thematic vowel
U urgency
UF unfullled
UG undergoer
UN unspecied subject
UW upward motion
V verb
verbaliser
VE verbal extension
VO vocative
Z zero complement
ZP zero person
1
Introduction
In his book Visi on hist orica del Per u (AHistorical Vision of Peru) the Peruvian historian
Pablo Macera (1978) dates the beginning of human presence in the middle Andes at about
20,000 BC. The supposition of such an early human occupation, difcult to explain
within the context of New World prehistory, is based on datings relating to excavations
conducted by MacNeish at the highland site of Pikimachay of the Pacaicasa complex near
Ayacucho (cf. MacNeish 1979). These datings are nowconsidered very controversial (cf.
Rick 1988). Although Macera himself recognises the uncertain character of the 20,000
BC date, its value is more than just scientic. It acquires the character of a ctitious
date, needed to express the emotional feeling of timeless antiquity often associated with
Andean culture and tradition, a feeling that is best put into words by the expression
milenarismo andino (Andean millenarism). It is not the cold evidence of radiocarbon
datings, but the conscience of an immobile human society that clings fatalistically to
age-old agricultural traditions perfectly adjusted to the formidable Andean landscape,
that determines the view of the Andean intellectual until today. It is the view of a reality
which has always been there, seemingly immune to the triviality of programmes aimed
at modernisation and globalisation.
In the meantime, the antiquity of human settlement in the Andean region, indeed in
all of South America, remains a matter of debate. The rise of sea levels at the end of the
Ice Age ( 10,0008000 BC) may have hidden the traces of early coastal occupation.
Excavations conducted by Dillehay at Monte Verde, near Puerto Montt in the south
of Chile, have brought evidence of a relatively well-developed village culture that had
its beginnings as early as 11,500 BC. (Dillehay 198997; cf. also Fiedel 1992). The
inhospitable southern tip of South America at the Strait of Magellan (Fells Cave) was
inhabited about 9000 BC. When considering the linguistic evidence, the bewildering
variety of mutually unrelated languages found in South America suggests a protracted,
gradual process of penetration, followed by long periods of isolation. This evidence
appears to be in conict with the traditional concept of a rapid colonisation of the
subcontinent by big-game hunters, associated with the Clovis horizon of the North
2 1 Introduction
American plains ( 9500 BC). For an overview of the arguments in favour of a rapid
colonisation of South America after 9500 BC, see Lynch (1999).
For the Pacic side of the South American continent, the alternative of an early human
penetration in a context of marine and coastal activity remains attractive to those familiar
with the Andean situation, even though there is little support fromarchaeology. The date
at which human activity throughout the Andean region becomes unequivocally visible
is 9000 BC.
From a cultural point of view, the Andean civilisation initially did not lag behind the
rest of the world. Its agricultural beginnings were among the oldest in the world. The
site of Guitarrero cave in the Callej on de Huaylas (north-central Peru) contains evidence
of plant domestication (beans, peppers) before 8000 BC (Lynch 1980; Fiedel 1992:
193). Agriculture in the Andes reached a high degree of sophistication, both in diversity
of crops and in engineering techniques (terraces, raised elds, irrigation works). The
Andean camelids possibly became domesticated as early as 4000 BC (evidence from
Telarmachay, Junn, in central Peru; Fiedel 1992: 195). The mummication techniques
of the Chinchorro shermen of the coast near Arica in northern Chile (5000 to 1500 BC)
predated those of the Egyptians (Arriaza 1995). The construction of the extensive (pre-
ceramic) urban settlement of Caral-Chupacigarro, which has been excavated since 1996
near Supe in the central Peruvian coastal area, has been dated at about 2650 BC (Shady
Sols 1997). Curiously, the Andean society failed to develop an indigenous writing sys-
tem, a circumstance that sets it apart from other areas of civilisation elsewhere in the
world.
The variety of native cultures and languages in South America, in particular in the
Andes and on its eastern slopes, is remarkable even within the context of the New
World. Kaufman (1990) has calculated the number of language families and geneti-
cally isolated languages in the subcontinent at 118. Recent advances in the study of
historical-comparative relations have tended to reduce this number, but proposed group-
ings reducing the number of families mainly concern the eastern part of South America
(cf. Dixon and Aikhenvald 1999). The Andean area, with its wealth of mutually unre-
lated languages, has remained as opaque as ever in this respect. The linguistic diversity
is not only genetic; the typological distance between some of the language groups is
also impressive. It sufces to have a quick look at almost neighbouring languages such
as Quechua, Mochica and Harakmbut to be struck by the differences.
The historical picture is further obscured by the radical changes that have affected
South America during the last ve centuries of the second millennium. Scores of
native languages, including entire families, have disappeared, often without leaving
a trace. Others have dwindled to insignicant numbers. A few of them, including
Aymara, Mapuche and Quechua, maintained a prominent position during the colonial
period, partly at the cost of other languages, only to become endangered themselves
1 Introduction 3
in the subsequent period. Mapuche, Muisca and Quechua acted as linguae francae for
local tongues, which were considered obstacles to evangelisation and effective domi-
nation. Most languages, however, gave way to Spanish, the language introduced by the
conquerors.
The Spanish occupation, which for the Andean region began in Panam a, the Caribbean
coast of Colombia and Venezuela, and at the mouth of the River Plate, brought death
and destruction for many native groups. The prosperous and numerous Cueva people
of the Darien region in eastern Panam a were exterminated between 1510 and 1535,
their country depopulated, given back to the jungle, and partly occupied by other na-
tive groups (Romoli 1987). Many others were forced to participate in civil wars or to
join discovery parties geared at nding the legendary country of El Dorado (Hemming
1978). Epidemics of devastating dimensions swept through the continent even before the
conquest. Huayna Capac, the last ruler of the undivided Inca empire, became one of their
victims. After the arrival of the Europeans and during the rst half of the colonial period
the native population dropped dramatically. Many nations, such as the Quimbaya of the
Cauca river valley in Colombia, known as the New Worlds most talented goldsmiths,
disappeared with their languages during that period. At the same time a benign and
protective colonial rule guaranteed a state of relative quietude and prosperity. During
most of the colonial period widely used native languages, such as Quechua, beneted
from a certain prestige and legal protection. In 1770 the new Bourbon administration
headed by Charles III banned the use of the indigenous languages from his domains and
started a period of effective repression (Triana y Antorveza 1987: 499511; Mannheim
1991: 749). In Peru the repression gained momentum in 1781 after the unsuccessful
outcome of the Indian rebellion led by Tupac Amaru II.
The independence of the South American nations was at rst a new drawback for
the native populations. As a last manifestation of indigenous sentiment, the act of 1816
declaring the independence of the United Provinces of Ro de la Plata, the predecessor of
Argentina, was printed in Tucum an both in Spanish and in Quechua. Subsequently, the
linguistic and cultural rights of native South Americans were discontinued everywhere.
In the more traditional areas with large indigenous populations, the hacienda systemwith
its oppressive bondage practices reached its worst dimensions. Physical elimination by
military forces or headhunters struck the Indians of Argentina, Uruguay and Chilean
Tierra del Fuego, who had largely remained independent throughout the colonial period.
The Araucanians of southern Chile lost their independence and integrity as a nation. The
increase in the exploitation of rubber around the turn of the nineteenth century brought
untold misery to the tribes of the Peruvian and Colombian rainforest, including slavery,
deportation and ruthless massacres (Taussig 1987; Gray 1996).
Until the second half of the twentieth century, the attitude of the South American
governments and national societies remained indifferent to the existence of the native
4 1 Introduction
languages, if not overtly hostile. The survival of these languages depended on the per-
severance of their speakers, occasionally with the support of sympathising groups, such
as indigenista circles or missionaries. Only during the last decades has there been a
growing awareness at the national level of the importance of the cultural and linguistic
heritage and the practical consequences of a multilingual reality. It started in 1975 in Peru
with the recognition of Quechua as a second national language, a measure now largely
forgotten. Meanwhile, the multicultural and multilingual character of the Bolivian na-
tion has been recognised at the ofcial level. A strong movement of highland Indians
has come to play a crucial role in Ecuadorian politics. Finally, the cultural and terri-
torial rights of native groups have been recognised in Colombias constitution of 1991
(see section 1.4 below). There have been several more or less successful attempts to
introduce bilingual education in Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru. Needless to say, the prac-
tical elaboration of all these measures and their effectiveness still leave much to be
desired.
1.1 The languages of the Andes
The languages of the Andes are not at all structurally similar, nor directly related, and
are spoken in a huge area. Nonetheless, there are many connections between them, and
they share a recent history of domination by Spanish. To us falls the task of both pointing
out general traits, and doing justice to their various properties. It is only when compared
to each other that their individuality emerges most clearly.
In addition, we must try to stay clear of viewing these languages as static. In Race
et histoire (1952) L evi-Strauss warns against viewing other civilisations as either infant
or stationary. When we sit in a train, our perception of the movement of other trains
depends on the direction they are travelling in, with respect to our own train.
The history of the Andes is characterised by an alternation between periods of greater
communication and integration of different peoples and languages, and periods of frag-
mentation and individual development. For this reason we must nd, on occasion, a
middle perspective between the Andean region as a whole and individual languages. We
have tried to establish this by describing the Andean languages grouped into different
spheres, zones which at different points in time have functioned as single units. Within
these cultural spheres, the languages have inuenced each other, sometimes rather pro-
foundly. Hence our repeated insistence on the phenomenon of language contact in the
chapters that follow.
This bookconsists of sevenchapters. In the introductory chapter we begin by sketching
the geographical and the historical context in which the languages of the Andes attained
their present formand use. We then turn to an overviewof the linguistic and demographic
situation of the Indians in each of the Andean countries, and to the history of descriptive
and comparative studies of the languages of the Andes. Finally, we give a brief outline of
1.1 The languages of the Andes 5
the history of classicatory efforts for the Andean languages. More details are provided
in chapters 2 to 6, which deal with specic regions or spheres.
Chapter 2 deals with the Chibcha Sphere, which we dene as the Venezuelan Andes
and Colombia, including some of the border areas of Colombia with Peru and Ecuador.
In chapter 3 the Inca Sphere is discussed, roughly the area covered by the Inca empire:
highland and coastal Ecuador and Peru, highland Bolivia, northern Chile and north-
west Argentina. Chapter 4 deals with the eastern slopes of the Andes and the up-
per Amazon basin in Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia, and some information on the Gran
Chaco area of Argentina, Bolivia and Paraguay will be included. Chapter 5 is dedi-
cated to the Araucanian Sphere: the Chilean coast and highlands and part of south-
central Argentina. Chapter 6 treats the languages of Tierra del Fuego and adjacent
Patagonia.
Chapter 7, nally, deals with the non-Indian languages, primarily Spanish, but also
Afro-Hispanic survivals, as well as Amerindian contact vernaculars. In addition, policies
of bilingual education and language maintenance are surveyed.
Language contact in the Andes has taken several forms. First, we nd the use of spe-
cic lexical items (e.g. the Quechua word waranqa thousand or reexes of Quechua
atawal
y
pa chicken, rooster) in a wide variety of languages, many of which have
never been in direct contact with the language of source. This suggests extensive
and, as Nordenski old (1922) argues, sometimes fairly rapid transmission, over a wide
area.
Second, we nd cases of intense lexical inuence from either a demographically or a
culturally dominant language, as in the case of Mapuche inuence on G un una K une in
Argentina, or Quechua inuence on Amuesha on the Andean foothills in Peru.
Third, there is evidence of highly complex patterns of long-term convergence, inter-
ference and mutual lexical inuence in the contact between languages of the Aymaran
and Quechuan families. The contact has been so intense in this case that for a long
time the two families were thought to be directly related. We will address the question
whether the situation of Aymara and Quechua is unique in South America, or whether
there are other cases of intense mutual inuence as well.
Fourth, there are documented patterns of language mixture through relexication,
e.g. in the case of Media Lengua in Ecuador and the Callahuaya in Bolivia, a group of
itinerant herbal curers, who used a sort of secret language with elements of Puquina and
Quechua.
Fifth, a phenomenon frequently observed is the fusion of the remnants of a tribe that
has been decimated in number with another more vigorous tribe. Under the protection
of their new social environment such tiny groups may preserve a language for gener-
ations, and only gradually adopt the dominant language, as in the Chiquitano area in
Bolivia.
6 1 Introduction
Finally, the Indian languages of the Andes have responded in different ways to the
pressures from Spanish, from incidental lexical borrowing, through convergence and
relexication, to shift and substrate.
In the chapters to follow these different types of contact will be explored in some
detail.
1.2 Physical description
The Andes or, more properly speaking, the Cordilleras de los Andes constitute
a mountain range about 7,000 kilometres long. They stretch all along the west coast
of South America, from near Caracas to Cape Horn. On the average, the Andes are
400 kilometres wide, but at the twentieth parallel, at the altitude of Bolivia, over
900 kilometres. Steep on the western or Pacic side, the Andes are anked by lower
ridges on the eastern side, providing a more gradual transition to the Amazon and La
Plata basins. In the south the Andes start out as a single ridge, but in northern Chile they
split up into several ridges, enclosing the widening altiplano (high plain) of Bolivia and
southern Peru. Through northern Peru and Ecuador there are two ranges, with a valley in
between. In southern Colombia these join again before fanning out over this country in
three separate cordilleras, the easternmost of which reaches into Venezuela. The Andes
are a very high range, with several dozen peaks above 6,000 metres, and generally very
high passes. Only the Chamaya highlands, at the border between Ecuador and Peru,
provide an easy passage from the Amazon basin to the Pacic, as Raymond (1988: 281)
points out, providing the opportunity for tropical forest/coastal plain contacts starting
in early prehistory.
For our purposes, the physical characteristics of the Andes are important for a number
of reasons. First of all, because of their inhospitable character they have provided zones
of refuge for numerous indigenous groups. We have but to compare Bolivia, where
both remote mountainous regions and inaccessible Andean foothill areas have provided
niches for Indian languages, with the Argentinian plains, where widely spread Indian
groups were destroyed by the regular Argentinian army in the nineteenth century, to
realise the effect that the physical environment has in this respect. The linguistic and
cultural zones of refuge exist both where extremely harsh conditions or poor soils made
colonisation difcult or unprotable, and where the terrain made communication with
and travel to regional centres an ordeal. Within the ecological perspective taken here, it
is important to ask ourselves, for each indigenous language in South America and each
group, how come it still exists, resisting or escaping destruction or assimilation?
A second crucial aspect of the Andes, with its often steep slopes, is that it has made
available different ecosystems even to a single ethnic group. Thus we nd the Quechua-
speaking Saraguro Indians in the province of Loja, southern Ecuador, cultivating maize
and other cereal crops in the highlands in alternation with the raising of cattle on the
eastern slopes. Murra (1975) has documented a very extensive system of vertically
1.3 Brief history of the region 7
organised barter and economic cooperation networks in the Andes of Bolivia and Peru,
in which groups located at different altitudes were allied. Sometimes these subgroups
belonged to the same ethnolinguistic group, sometimes they did not. Altiplano groups
such as that of the Bolivian Lupaca kingdom relied on an archipelago of lower-down
settlements for their coca leaves and maize crops.
Third, the mountains inuence the climates in the Andean region enormously, in
conjunction with the Humboldt current. In the extreme south, the western slopes are
humid, and on the eastern side, Patagonia, it is dry. Near Valparaiso, however, where the
Humboldt current reaches the Chilean coastline, the coast becomes a desert and the east-
ern side more humid. This is the situation throughout Peru. At the altitude of the
Ecuadorian border it changes again: tropical rains fall on both sides of the Andes.
In Colombia, the coastal zone is hot and humid, and the central valleys are cooler. Thus
we have virtually all existing climates represented in the region we are studying: from
the Pacic deserts of Chile and Peru through the rainforest near the Brazilian borders of
Bolivia, Peru and Colombia, to the permanent snow of the mountains in the altiplano
regions around Lake Titicaca.
1.3 Brief history of the region
We will sketch the prehistory of the Andean region on the basis of Peruvian prehistory,
since it has been studied in the greatest detail and provides a point of reference for the
whole region. At various points we will link developments in the northern and southern
Andes to the central region focused on here.
In Keatinge (1988a, b) the archaeological evidence is reviewed, and it is concluded
that the earliest human occupation of the central Andes that is well documented dates
back to 90008000 BC. The early occupants were hunters and gatherers, and they had
well-dened lithic technologies. Soon settlements emerged, on the coast centred around
shing and gathering shellsh, and in the highlands based on the domestication of
plants and animals. Although in the central Andes the preceramic period lasted till
around 1800 BC, there is evidence of high levels of cultural evolution, e.g. in large
constructions such as at Sechn Alto.
The ceramic period is characterised by phases in which cultural elements were shared
by groups in the whole central Andes, called Horizons, and intermediary periods in
which cultural developments (as reected, for instance, in ceramic patterns) were more
regional. The Early Horizon (900 BC AD200), is associated with the Chavin de Hu antar
religious shrine and represents the consolidation of a pan-Andean religious foundation.
The Middle Horizon (AD 6001000, according to Keatinge 1988a, b) is linked with the
two large urban centres of Huari and Tiahuanaco, which may have been the capitals of
two empires: Tiahuanaco around the Titicaca basin and extending into western Bolivia
and northern Chile, and Huari extending as far as the northern Peruvian coastal plains.
These zones of inuence did not last for more than two centuries, but they formed the
8 1 Introduction
scene for a large network of exchange of goods, visual motifs and patterns of organisation
throughout the whole central Andes. The shared religious heritage remains, however, in
the subsequent period of regionalisation and is preserved in such centres as Pachacamac.
During this period of regionalisation we do see large kingdoms emerging, particularly
on the coastal plains of northern Peru, such as the Chim u kingdom. The Late Horizon
corresponds to the Inca period, to which we will turn shortly.
To the north in Ecuador we nd equally old early settlements, both near Quito and
on the Santa Elena Peninsula, where there are traces of some of the earliest New World
ceramics and textiles. Ecuador was at the crossroads between the Peruvian civilisations
just mentioned and circum-Caribbean cultures. The bivalve shell spondylus, shed along
the Pacic coast of Ecuador (and later much further north as well), was a highly valued
object of trade, not just in Ecuador but also in Peru, particularly in the Chavn culture.
Colombian archaeological remains date back to 8000 BC at the site of Tequendama
(Correal and Van der Hammen 1977; Lynch 1999). Ceramic techniques were known
as early as 3000 BC at the site of Puerto Hormiga on the Colombian Caribbean coast
(Reichel Dolmatoff 1965; Rojas de Perdomo 1979; Allaire 1999). The earliest construc-
tions at San Agustn date back to 500 BC (Rojas de Perdomo 1979), but the highly
developed gold-working techniques, which inspired the Spanish thirst for gold and led
to the myth of El Dorado, generally can be dated as having arisen in the rst millennium.
The San Agustn culture lasted until shortly before the arrival of the Spaniards.
Although the Andes are associated in popular opinion with the Inca civilisation,
historically the Incas played a relatively minor role. In the early part of the fteenth
century, they rose as a military power in southern Peru. Under Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui
the southern highlands were conquered, and one by one the earlier Peruvian states,
including powerful Chim u, were toppled. After 1460 his son Tupac Inca conquered the
northern highlands, as far as Quito in Ecuador, and after 1471 highland Bolivia and
adjacent parts of Chile and Argentina were incorporated into the growing Inca empire.
While most highland territories thus became Inca, the tropical forest remained out of
reach for the new conquerors.
Unlike earlier military powers, the Incas were not content with looting new territory,
but rather they organised and restructured it. Huayna Capac, who succeeded around
1492, only added small parts to the empire, and withstood the rst major assault on it,
from the Chiriguanos in the southeast. When Huayna Capac died in 1527, his two sons,
Huascar and Atahuallpa, fought over domination for ve years, and when a small group
of Spaniards under Francisco Pizarro invaded Peru in 1532 they could prot from the
divisions caused by the wars of succession and from the disaffections among local elites
of nations recently conquered by the Incas. In addition, the Incas were greatly debilitated
by waves of European epidemic diseases, smallpox and measles, which had reached the
Andes even before the advent of the Spaniards themselves.
1.3 Brief history of the region 9
From 1538 on Peru was rmly under the control of the Spanish colonialists, and it
remained under their control inspite of uprisings and resistance during the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries. Resistance to Spanish colonial rule took several forms. While
the Spaniards had been able to conquer most of the Andean region rather rapidly, in
the monta na, on the eastern slopes, the Incas held out for a long time, in fact until
1572, in their stronghold at Vilcabamba. While Europeans played the dominant role
in the highlands, it should not be thought that there were no Indian rebellions during
the colonial and republican periods. Messianic movements (Ossio 1973) kept aring
up throughout the colonial and early republican periods. Only a few can be mentioned
here.
In 1564 there was a revolt in the Ayacucho region of Peru, inspired by native religious
leaders, called Taki Onqoy (lit. dancing sickness, i.e. dancing into a trance), which
spread through large parts of central Peru and lasted seven years (Millones 1973, 1990).
Around 1780 there was the famous uprising in southern Peru of Tupac Amaru II, a
remote descendant of the Incas, which gained enormous peasant support before being
squashed.
The P aez in Colombia withstood the attacks by various Spanish conquistadores, in-
cluding Belalc azar,
1
but here also the Spaniards proted from conicts between the
various Indian nations. The Magdalena valley remained difcult to control for the colo-
nial rulers until the nineteenth century.
Just as the Incas had never been able to conquer the Mapuche in Chile, the Spanish
conquistadores, after some initial successes, were unable to bring this Araucanian group
down. Until the latter part of the nineteenth century, the Mapuche retained their inde-
pendence and proved to be a formidable enemy, requiring repeated military expeditions
by the colonial and later by the republican powers. After new hostilities, in 1869 and
again in 1880, they were nally subdued or pacied in 1882. They were forced to share
their limited agricultural area with intrusive settlers, but a majority has stayed in the
heartland south of the Biobo river.
The independence from Spain of the Andean regions and the formation of new
nation-states brought some changes for the Indian populations, but in many ways the
patterns established in the colonial period persisted. The overt rebellion against Spain
started in 1810 at the two opposite ends of the Spanish empire Caracas and Buenos
Aires and spread from there to the central Andean regions. Bolvar in the north
rst liberated Venezuela, then Colombia and then Ecuador, with the help of Sucre.
San Martn started in the Argentine and then liberated Chile. The two met in Peru,
where the battle of Ayacucho in 1824 marked the effective end of Spanish rule in South
America.
1
Benalcazar or Benalca car in the colonial sources.
10 1 Introduction
Even though Bolvar attempted to form larger nation-states, e.g. uniting Peru and
Bolivia, and uniting Colombia, Venezuela and Ecuador, the contours of what were to
become the Spanish American republics became clearer as the Wars of Independence
were fought. The republics founded in the early nineteenth century have remained till
today, and have now developed strong national identities. It would be a mistake to think
that independence was inspired by the Indians or was benecial to them. The opposite
is the case, for several reasons.
To begin with, independence from Spain did not mean full autonomy. When the
Spanish ofcials were gone, European bankers, traders and settlers stepped in. The
nineteenth century was a period of more intensive exploitation of a new series of
natural resources in Latin America. The guano dug up along the Peruvian coast,
the saltpetre mined in northern Chile and the rubber gathered in the upper Amazon
basin are examples of this. In many areas, the Indians were driven from their home-
steads by new colonists or forced to participate in the new explorations under hardship
conditions.
Further, the nationalismaccompanying the forging of newnations was often translated
into a desire for the cultural homogeneity of the citizenry. Public education, in Spanish,
was extended into rural areas. Cities expanded, and urban norms and values were seen
as signs of modernity. All of this meant that Indian lifestyles were depreciated and
threatened. An extreme result is the genocide perpetrated against the Indians of the
Argentinian pampas under the command of General Roca (187882).
Finally, independence had been fought for and won by elites associated with the import
and export sectors of the colonial economies, who had been clamouring for trading
possibilities with different nations, against the Spanish monopoly. These elites favoured
the breaking up of the traditional feudal landholding system, which had exploited the
Indian work force but at the same time sheltered their culture, or rather a complex
amalgam of their traditional culture and colonial patterns. Modernisation of agriculture
was accompanied by the increasing mobility of rural labourers, and hence by the splitting
up of traditional Indian communities.
These three factors still hold and help shape the relations between Indians and non-
Indians in the Andes. In recent history organised Indian movements have allied them-
selves with political movements, but major guerrilla activities such as Sendero Luminoso
in Peru and FARCin Colombia are only peripherally related to Indian movements (cf. the
contributions in Eckstein 1989).
1.4 A brief overview of the different Andean countries
All Andean countries have a native population which speaks several native languages.
However, the number of languages that became extinct since 1500 probably exceeds
1.4 Brief overview of the Andean countries 11
Table 1.1 Percentage of Indian population in the different Andean
countries (a fairly conservative estimate based on Instituto Indigenista
Interamericano 1993)
Total population Amerindian population Percentage
Venezuela 21,300,000 315,815 1.48
Colombia 35,600,000 620,052 1.74
Ecuador 10,600,000 2,634,494 24.85
Peru 22,900,000 8,793,295 38.39
Bolivia 8,200,000 4,142,187 50.51
Chile 14,000,000 989,745 7.06
Argentina 33,900,000 372,996 1.10
that of the languages still spoken. There is no longer a full coincidence between Indian
descent and the preservation of the native languages. Nor are languages always spoken
in their original locations. The social developments of the second half of the twentieth
century have induced many Indians to migrate to urban centres both within and outside
their original living areas.
The countries involved in our study differ widely in the variety and relative impor-
tance of native languages. Consider the gures for 1993 of the percentages of the Indian
ethnic groups of the total population in different countries (these gures refer to cultur-
ally identiable ethnic groups, not to speakers of Indian languages) in table 1.1. Bolivia,
Ecuador and Peru differ clearly from Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Venezuela in the
size of their indigenous populations. Although overall gures have changed somewhat
since 1993, the percentages remain comparable. These gures are rather conservative
estimates; for individual countries, sometimes higher gures are given. With the excep-
tion of Chile, all Andean countries mention Amerindian languages explicitly in their
constitutions. Of course, these documents are no more than that, and explicit mention in
the constitution is no guarantee of the existence or otherwise of an indigenous language.
However, these texts do reect the self-perception of the political classes, at least, of the
different countries.
Let us briey look at these countries one by one.
Venezuela. In so far as the region covered by this book is concerned, the Indian
languages of Venezuela have been preserved mainly in the area to the west of Lake
Maracaibo. In the Andes all native languages, including several isolates and small fam-
ilies, are considered extinct.
The 1999 Venezuelan constitution states in its article 9 that Spanish is the ofcial
language, while the indigenous languages are also for ofcial use by the indigenous
peoples and must be respected throughout the Republic, since they constitute a cultural
12 1 Introduction
heritage of the nation and of humanity at large.
2
Article 100 provides for the recog-
nition of cultural diversity and equality of all cultures that constitute the Venezuelan
identity.
3
Finally, there is a transitory measure regulating the election of indigenous po-
litical representatives, which includes the requirement that they speak their indigenous
languages.
Colombia. The Andean region of Colombia occupies the western, central and northern
parts of the country, and is bordered by tropical lowlands in the east. The Andean
mountainranges, whichrunfromnorthtosouth, are separatedbymightyriver valleys and
extensive forest areas, especially along the Pacic coast. At the arrival of the Europeans
many autonomous ethnic groups inhabited Andean Colombia, which has preserved part
of its original multilingualism. The languages that have survived belong to different
families and constitute linguistic islands in a largely Hispanicised country.
The Indian groups of the Colombian Andes are known for their spirit of independence
and ethnic awareness. Their high level of organisation is rooted in the defence of their
rights to reserved areas (resguardos) inherited from the colonial period. Many of them
encourage efforts to codify and preserve their languages as long as these are compatible
with the interests of the community.
The 1991 constitution of Colombia (with modications in 1997) states in article 10
that Spanish is the ofcial language of Colombia while the languages and dialects of the
ethnic groups are also ofcial in their territories. Education in communities with their
own linguistic traditions will be bilingual.
4
Ecuador. Ecuador has one of the highest percentages of Indian population in South
America. It is mainly concentrated in the inter-Andean valleys and the Amazonian low-
land to the east, referred to as the oriente in Ecuador. Some small communities inhabit the
northern part of the forested region separating the Pacic Ocean fromthe Andean ranges.
The majority of Ecuadorian Indians speak Quichua, the local variety of the Quechua lan-
guage spoken in the Andean countries further south. Quichua is found in the entire high-
land region except for its northern and southern extremities (in the provinces of Carchi
and Loja). The Quechuanisation of highland Ecuador became complete during the colo-
nial periodwhenit replaced a multitude of local languages. At the same time Quichua was
introduced in the Ecuadorian oriente, where it also gradually replaced some of the local
2
El idioma ocial es el castellano. Los idiomas indgenas tambi en son de uso ocial para los
pueblos indgenas y deben ser respetados en todo el territorio de la Rep ublica, por constituir
patrimonio cultural de la Naci on y de la humanidad.
3
Las culturas populares constitutivas de la venezolanidad gozan de atenci on especial, recono-
ci endose y respet andose la interculturalidad bajo el principio de igualdad de las culturas.
4
El castellano es el idioma ocial de Colombia. Las lenguas y dialectos de los grupos etnicos
son tambi en ociales en sus territorios. La ense nanza que se imparta en las comunidades con
tradiciones ling usticas propias ser a biling ue.
1.4 Brief overview of the Andean countries 13
languages. Varese (1983) estimatedthe Indianpopulationof the Ecuadorianoriente at be-
tween 30,703 (minimum) and 58,353 (maximum). The AbyaYala cultural organisation
on its website Peoples of Ecuador (http://abyayala.nativeweb.org/ecuador/pueblos/php)
mentions a gure of over a 100,000.
Article 1 of the 1998 constitution of Ecuador perhaps goes furthest in declaring that
the state respects and stimulates the development of all the Ecuadorian languages. While
Spanish is the ofcial language, Quechua, Shuar and the other ancestral languages are
to be used ofcially for the indigenous peoples.
5
Article 23 states that every person has
the right to be informed in her or his mother tongue, of proceedings against her or him.
6
Article 69, nally, guarantees a form of bilingual education in which the indigenous
language is the principal one and Spanish the language for intercultural relations.
7
Peru. Like Ecuador, Peru has an Indian population of several millions concentrated
mainly in the Andes. The Peruvian eastern lowlands (selva) and the foothills (monta na)
separating them from the Andean highlands are inhabited by a substantial number of
ethnic groups. Their number has been estimated between 200,000 and 220,850 (Varese
1983). More recent estimates (Pozzi-Escot 1998) are slightly higher, but the number of
speakers of lowland languages of ve years and older has been calculated at 130,803
by Chirinos Rivera (2001). The Peruvian coast harbours several communities that have
native American roots but have lost their language.
The Andean highlands are dominated by the presence of two languages, Quechua and
Aymara. Peruvian Quechua shows a considerable amount of internal dialect diversity.
The number of Quechua speakers in Peru has been calculated at 4,402,023 (Cerr on-
Palomino 1987a). A recent estimate by Chirinos Rivera (2001), based on the national
census of 1993, is much lower, however: 3,199,474 speakers of ve years and older.
Aymara is mainly conned to the southern departments of Puno, Moquegua and Tacna
and has around 350,000 speakers in Peru. It has 412,215 speakers of ve years and older
according to Chirinos Rivera.
Article 48 of the 1993 Peruvian constitution talks of ofcial languages in the plural,
declaring these to be Spanish and, in those zones where they are dominant, Quechua,
Aymara and the other aboriginal languages.
8
In the general motivation for the 1993 con-
stitution it is mentioned that Peru is to be conceived of as a multiethnic and multicultural
5
El Estado respeta y estimula el desarrollo de todas las lenguas de los ecuatorianos. El castellano
es el idioma ocial. El quichua, el shuar y los dem as idiomas ancestrales son de uso ocial para
los pueblos indgenas, en los t erminos que ja la ley.
6
Toda persona tendr a el derecho a ser oportuna y debidamente informada, en su lengua materna,
de las acciones iniciadas en su contra.
7
El estado garantizar a el sistema de educaci on intercultural biling ue; en el se utilizar a como lengua
principal la de la cultura respectiva, y el castellano como idioma de relaci on intercultural.
8
Son idiomas ociales el castellano y, en las zonas donde predominen, tambi en lo son el quechua,
el aimara y las dem as lenguas aborgenes, seg un la ley.
14 1 Introduction
country, where all citizens have the right to express themselves in their own language
before any authority.
9
Bolivia. The Bolivian highland region is again characterised by the dominance of
Quechua and Aymara. Only small pockets of speakers of other highland languages
remain. In the lowlands surrounding the northern edge of the Andean high plateau there
is a wide array of small, genetically isolated languages.
The number of Quechua speakers in Bolivia is estimated at 2,194,099 on the basis
of the 1992 census gures, that of Aymara speakers at 1,503,754 (Alb o 1995, I: 19).
Speakers of the lowland languages are estimated at more than 96,000 (Alb o 1995,
I: 19).
The 1967 constitution of Bolivia, with modications dating from 1994, guarantees
in article 171 the rights of the indigenous peoples, including those concerning their
identity, values, languages and customs, and institutions.
10
Chile. The Mapuche people, who constitute the majority of the Chilean indigenous
population, are mainly concentrated in the region called La Araucana in the south of
that country. Originally, they inhabited most of the central and southern mainland parts
of Chile, including the island of Chilo e, but centuries of war and colonising pressure
have reduced their territorial space. Although there may be a million people of Mapuche
descent, only an estimated 40 per cent continue to speak the language. There are no
reliable gures as to the actual number of speakers, however. In addition to Mapuche
only a few other native languages are found in the northern and southern extremities of
the country.
The current Chilean constitution makes no reference, as far as we could establish, to
language and culture, indigenous or not. This may reect the fact that Chileans tend not
to perceive themselves as a partly Amerindian nation.
Argentina. The northwestern part of Argentina is inhabited by Indians and mestizos
belonging to the Andean cultural sphere. Many of them speak Quechua or did so in the
past. The Gran Chaco, to the east of the northern Argentinian Andes, is inhabited by
the TupiGuaran Chiriguano and several other important indigenous groups speaking
Guaicuruan and Matacoan languages. Araucanian (Mapuche) is the dominant Indian
language in the south and southwest of Argentinia. Other groups in Patagonia and Tierra
del Fuego are extinct or nearly so. In the central and western part of the country all
9
La primera visi on que tiene el Proyecto concibe al Per u como pas pluri etnico y pluricultural; en
consideraci on a ello el Proyecto comienza estableciendo por ejemplo, que todos los peruanos
tienen el derecho a expresarse en su propio idioma, no solamente en castellano, sino tambi en en
quechua o en aymara, ante cualquier autoridad.
10
Se reconocen, respetan y protegen en el marco de la ley, los derechos sociales, econ omicos
y culturales de los pueblos indgenas que habitan en el territorio nacional, especialmente los
relativos a sus tierras comunitarias de origen garantizando del uso y aprovechamiento sostenible
de los recursos naturales, a su identidad, valores, lenguas y costumbres e instituciones.
1.5 History of the study of the Andean languages 15
aboriginal Indian languages have disappeared. Indians or people of local indigenous
descent number several hundred thousand in Argentina.
Article 75 of the 1994 constitution of Argentina states that Congress must recognise
the ethnic and cultural pre-existence of the Argentinian indigenous peoples, and
guarantee the respect for their identity and right to bilingual and intercultural education.
11
The term pre-existence presumably refers to the Argentinian self-perception as a non-
Indian immigrant nation.
1.5 History of the study of the Andean languages
Little if anything is known about linguistics in the preconquest era, although there
may have been awareness of linguistic differences in the Inca empire. The colonial
era, in which missionary priests started recording the richness of the Indian linguistic
heritage, is well worth describing in some detail. The nineteenth century is dominated
by laymen: primarily European scholars, often with an archaeological and historical
interest. In the twentieth century we nd a stronger American presence, in addition to
the emergence of groups of researchers in the different Andean countries themselves.
The recent period shows several new developments: the participation of speakers of
native languages in the research, the widening concern for language use, the concern
about language endangerment and the role of multilingualism in Andean society.
We will describe the developments in these periods in sequence, rst looking at the
external history of language study in each period, and then consider the treatment of a
particular grammatical construction. Relative clauses in Quechua are used as an example
to illustrate different phases in the thinking about Andean languages: they are complex
and unfamiliar enough to have posed a challenge for different generations of outside
scholars.
1.5.1 The colonial period
The rst data on any Andean language gathered by an outsider, as far as we know, consist
of vocabulary noted down by Pigafetta, as Vocables Des G eantz Pathagoniens. Antonio
de Pigafetta accompanied Fernando de Magalh aes (Magellan) on his voyage around
the world between 1519 and 1522 (Pigafetta 1956: 177 ff ). The list of words includes
body parts, some terms referring to social status (her chief) and the physical universe.
No grammatical items were recorded, except chen [ cen] us. The list reveals only a
supercial dialogue context and probably reects some profound misunderstandings.
Contacts did not lead to immediate colonisation. This was different, of course, when
11
Reconocer la preexistencia etnica y cultural de los pueblos indgenas argentinos. Garantizar el
respeto a su identidad y el derecho a una educaci on biling ue e intercultural . . .
16 1 Introduction
Table 1.2 Early grammars of Andean languages (arranged
from north to south)
Chibcha 1609 Bernardo de Lugo
Mochica 1644 Fernando de la Carrera
Quechua (Inca) 1560 Domingo de Santo Tom as
1607 Diego Gonz alez Holgun
Aymara 1603 Ludovico Bertonio
Morocosi (Mojo) 1699 Anonymous Jesuit
Mapuche 1606 Luis de Valdivia
Allentiac 1607 Luis de Valdivia
Millcayac 1607 Luis de Valdivia
the Andes were taken from the north by Spanish bands of conquistadores in the 1530s.
With the conquistadores came the priests.
Fromthe very beginning of the European presence in South America Indian languages
were studied and documented by Roman Catholic missionaries. Some of the early lin-
guistic descriptions written in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries are admirably
accurate for the time. They contain a wealth of information, which is particularly valu-
able when placed in the interpretative context of recent ndings. Rowe (1974) calculates
that by 1700 grammars of 21 Amerindian languages had been published, 19 of which
dealt with languages of Mexico and South America. In addition, we nd a large num-
ber of vocabularies, catechisms, etc. Some of the rst grammars written for Andean
languages are listed in table 1.2.
The early grammars had an ecclesiastical use, and this meant that they were couched
in a vocabulary a priest could understand. Grammatical descriptions often reduced
grammars to the Latin mould. Most missionaries used the model developed by the
Spanish grammarian Antonio de Nebrija in his Introductiones Latinae (c.1488); see
D ummler (1997).
Still, we should not underestimate the achievement of early colonial grammarians.
First of all, they were writing at a time when very few languages had been described
yet in Europe. Fray Domingo de Santo Tom ass (1560a) grammar of Quechua antedates
the rst grammars of German (1573) and of English (1586). Second, we nd, next to
or subsequent to fumbling rst efforts, early seventeenth-century masterpieces, still un-
surpassed, of grammatical description and lexicographic exploration. Examples include
Bertonio (1603a, b) on Aymara, Valdivia (1606) on Mapuche and Gonz alez Holgun
(1607) onQuechua. Anadequate assessment of their intellectual backgroundandinsights
into the organisation of grammar is still lacking, even though a number of studies are
lling the gap (Su arez Roca 1992; Troiani 1995; Zimmermann 1997; Dedenbach-Salazar
1.5 History of the study of the Andean languages 17
S aenz and Crickmay 1999; Nowak 1999; Zwartjes 2000). The work of Herv as (Herv as y
Panduro 1784, 18005) reects the detailed knowledge which Jesuits and missionaries
of other congregations had in the eighteenth century of the linguistic situation in South
America.
We will illustrate the evolution of the grammatical tradition by using the example of
the treatment of Quechua relative clauses. Quechua relative clauses are generally formed
with nominalising particles. When the subject is relativised, -q is used (examples are
given from the Cuzco variety):
(1) kay-man hamu-q runa ruwa-nqa
this-AL come-AG man do-3S.F
The man who comes here will do it.
The relative clause precedes the antecedent, and the relativised element is generally not
expressed in the clause itself; cf. Weber (1983, 1989), Cole et al. (1982), Lefebvre and
Muysken (1982, 1988). In the Central Peruvian varieties the relative clause generally
follows the antecedent; if it precedes the antecedent, it is often interpreted generically.
When a non-subject is relativised, a different nominalising particle, such as -sqa, is
used:
(2) qaynun caw riku-sqa-yki runa ruwa-nqa-n
yesterday see-SN-2S man do-3S.F-AF
The man you saw yesterday will do it.
The grammars by Santo Tom as (1560a) and Gonz alez Holgun (1607) illustrate
the early tradition. The unfamiliar features of Quechua relative clauses, such as the
subject/non-subject distinction, their position and the absence of tense marking, posed a
considerable challenge for Spanish priests. Santo Tom as (1560a) does not discuss nom-
inalising particles in relation with relative clauses. Rather, he introduces a periphrastic
construction in his fteenth chapter (Of relatives), as in (3) (his spelling):
(3) Pedro pori-rca, pay-pas, o chay-pas, o quiquin-pas, micu-rca
Pedro walk-PA.3S he-AD or that-AD or self-AD eat-PA.3S
Pedro walked, the same ate. (Pedro anduvo, el cual comi o.)
This coordinate construction occurs in Quechua, but it is not the most common way to
form a relative.
Gonz alez Holguns (1607) grammar constitutes a considerable improvement. It is
noted that the primary way of forming relative clauses is with a participle and without a
relative pronoun, as in (1), but then Gonz alez Holguin goes on to say that a clearer and
more elegant way (oraci on muy clara y elegante) exists to express the same meaning, as
18 1 Introduction
in (4), involving the question word pi who, which again recalls the European models
(original spelling):
(4) Dios-pa gracia-n-pac pi-ch camari-cu-n, o pi-pas camari-cu-n
chay-ca usachi-cu-nca-tac-mi
God-G grace-3P-B who-DU prepare-RF-3S or who-AD prepare-RF-3S
that-TO attain-RF-3S.F-EM-AF
Whoever prepares himself for Gods grace, that person will certainly
attain it.
Gonz alez Holgun also mentions a third way of forming relatives, corresponding to
Santo Tom ass example (3).
An admirably detailed and generally faithful account of the language is coupled
with Jesuit certainty and missionary zeal, and with a desire to cultivate the language
(somewhat along the lines of Latin). This cultivation of Quechua was part of Spanish
colonial policy (see chapters 3 and 7). University chairs were established for Quechua
and Aymara at the University of San Marcos in Lima, for Quechua in Quito and for
Muisca in Santaf e de Bogot a.
Half a century later we nd the rst grammar of Quechua in which different varieties
are explicitly treated (Torres Rubio 1619), and this coincides with the beginning of the
comparative tradition in Andean language studies, which will be the subject of the nal
sections of this chapter.
1.5.2 The nineteenth century
The opening up of Latin America to other European nations after independence was
accompanied by a newtype of scholar dedicated to the languages of the Andes. Wilhelm
von Humboldt had already paid attention to languages such as Quechua, basing himself
on seventeenth- and eighteenth-century sources (1836, 1971). He saw the Quechua
relative clauses in an evolutionary perspective, in a fashion typical of nineteenth-century
historicist thought. The nominalised participles, as in (1) and (2), reect an early, more
primitive phase in Quechua language and culture; the relative clauses involving question
words as in (4) correspond to the higher attainments of Inca civilisation.
The same tendency to viewAndean culture patterns in terms of the Great Civilisations
is found in Ernst Middendorf, a curious but highly impressive gure who arrived in Peru
as a physician in 1855, twenty-ve years old. He spent a total of twenty-ve years in the
country, in three extended periods, rst as a physician in Lima and then as a hacendado,
a landowner, in the Cuzco region. Middendorf combined the edition of surviving texts
in a number of Andean languages with actual eldwork. In his Quechua grammar
(1890a, 1970) the relatives formed through coordination, (3), and those formed with a
1.5 History of the study of the Andean languages 19
question word, (4), move to the second plan. The crucial subject (1)/non-subject
(2) distinction is stated clearly for the rst time.
For the rst time as well we nd an explicit discussion of possible Spanish inuence
on the Andean languages: are relative clauses formed with a question word the result
of Spanish grammatical inuence? Middendorf considers the question unanswerable,
and indeed the issue is highly complex (see, for instance, Lefebvre 1984; Appel and
Muysken 1987: 161), since already in the earliest Quechua sources we nd a special
type of correlative formed with question words, but no ordinary relative clauses formed
this way.
1.5.3 Contemporary Andean linguistics
Particularly after the Second World War, the study of Andean languages underwent a
new upsurge, stimulated by linguists from the United States and Europe, both secular
and evangelist. The activities of the early missionary grammarians have received a
modern continuation in the work of the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL; in Spanish:
Instituto Ling ustico de Verano, ILV), whose members study the native Indian languages
for purposes of evangelisation. SIL members have been active in most South American
countries.
Two typical examples of post-Second World War descriptive linguistics are Yokoyama
(1951) and Levinsohn (1976). In contrast with the notionally based grammars of tra-
ditional and nineteenth-century linguists, these scholars focus on formal patterns and
resemblances. Yokoyama discusses relative clauses in Quechua in terms of their con-
stituent morphemes, going through some of the different uses of a sufx such as -sqa,
before coming up with some examples of a relative clause.
Levinsohn (1976), working in the framework of tagmemics, sets up numerical for-
mulas for different verb and sufx combinations. We get examples such as (5a), which
can be glossed as (5b):
(5) a. Vb 1331.1 H:nighua
b. ni-g-wa
say-AG-C
with the one who says
While the formula in (5a) may have made it possible for the author to describe the lan-
guage economically and consistently, for outsiders it is difcult to gain much information
from it without a lot of puzzle work. Work in more contemporary grammatical frame-
works such as Lefebvre and Muyskens (1988) analysis, couched in the Government
and Binding model, while providing more examples, similarly has proven little more
accessible.
20 1 Introduction
In work done by scholars from the Andean countries often a more tradition-based,
practical perspective is adopted.
1.6 Sources for the study of the languages of the Andes
Linguistic eldwork is, of course, the principal source of information concerning the
languages presently spoken. Cases where this type of research is particularly urgent are
numerous. Notwithstanding its essential importance, eld research cannot answer all
the questions relevant to the past and present state of the South American languages.
Manuscripts withwordlists, travel accounts andrecordings inpublic archives or libraries,
or in private possession, may provide data concerning extinct languages and earlier stages
of living languages.
As we have said before, early Spanish grammarians contributed substantially to our
knowledge of native American languages, and some of them played a role in efforts
towards the standardisation of the Quechua language to suit its use as an instrument of
evangelisation. Among these was the team that translated the Doctrina Christiana and
the Catechisminto Quechua following the Third Lima Council of 1583. They designed a
unied, phonologicallysimple versionof Quechua inwhichthe regional differences were
tosome extent attenuated(Cerr on-Palomino1987b: 8490). Others, suchas Bertonioand
Gonz alez Holgun, wrote grammars and dictionaries (of Aymara and Cuzco Quechua,
respectively) considered among the classics of renaissance linguistic description. How-
ever, they too focused their attention mainly upon those languages considered useful
for purposes of colonisation and evangelisation. When unimportant from a numerical
point of view, languages were mostly left unrecorded, or the grammars, dictionaries
and catechisms dedicated to them remained in single manuscript versions. Many of
these subsequently became lost. One manuscript grammar that fortunately has sur-
vived is de la Mata (1748), kept in the British Library in London. It is a grammar
of the Chol on language spoken until recently in the Huallaga valley in the Peruvian
department of San Martn. However, the previous existence of Barzanas grammar (pub-
lished in 1590; see Brinton 1891: 170) of the Diaguita or Kak an language, once spoken
in what is now northwestern Argentina and northern Chile, is only known to us from
an indirect source. Most unfortunately, there is no grammatical nor lexical information
on this language apart from a substantial number of place names and a few terms in
local use.
Not until shortly before the end of Spanish colonial presence in the Andean region, do
we nd a renewed interest in local linguistic and cultural conditions. Aremarkable gure
representing this current, inspired by the European Enlightenment, is Baltasar Jaime
Martnez Compa n on, who collected word lists of the native languages still spoken about
1780 in the northern Peruvian coastal and sierra regions (Martnez Compa n on 1985).
Martnez Compa n on stood at the beginning of a tradition of systematically collecting
1.6 Sources for study 21
data for a variety of Amerindian languages that lasted through the nineteenth and part
of the twentieth centuries.
The analysis of texts in native languages collected for different purposes, published
and unpublished, constitutes another promising eld. Much work remains to be done in
this area.
Several areas in South America, especially in the Andes, exhibit an ancient agricultural
tradition rooted in the pre-Columbian and early colonial past but have lost their original
languages. In such areas, the study of toponymy can provide information about the
linguistic situation as it was in early postconquest times. Such an undertaking can help
not only to identify the languages formerly spoken in a particular area, but also to provide
an indication of their territorial extension at the time before they became extinct. This
type of research has been carried out in recent years in relation to the coast and sierra
of northern Peru (Torero 1986, 1989; Adelaar 1988, 1999).
As regards the issue of extinction, a precaution is in order. Rediscoveries of languages
thought extinct are not unusual. Elderly people may remember a language whereas the
younger generation is hardly aware that it ever existed. Chol on, for instance, was found
to be still in use with a few individuals in the Peruvian Huallaga valley (Barbira 1979,
cited in Cerr on-Palomino 1987a), although it is probably extinct now. Van de Kerke
(1998, 2000) found a number of speakers of Leco, a language on the slopes of the Andes
in Bolivia that had been considered extinct as well.
Several surveys dealing with the present-day situation of the native languages in the
South American countries have provided data for this book. For Colombia the principal
sources are publications of the Centro Colombiano de Estudios de Lenguas Aborgenes
(CCELA) of the Universidad de Los Andes and Gonz alez and Rodrguez (2000). For
both Colombia and Ecuador a basic source are publications of the Summer Institute of
Linguistics. Torero (1974) and Cerr on Palomino (1987a) are important reference works
for Quechua. For Aymara there is Hardman et al. (1988), and Cerr on Palomino (2000).
For Chile the main reference for Mapuche is Salas (1992a). The Argentinian situation is
treated in Klein (1985) and Censabella (1999); as far as Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego
are concerned, a basic source is Clairis (1985a).
With respect to the Amazon area, important compilations have appeared, such as
Key (1979), Pottier (1983), Klein and Stark (1985a), Derbyshire and Pullum (1986,
1990, 1991, 1998), Doris L. Payne (1990a), Queixal os and Renault-Lescure (2000) and
Dixon and Aikhenvald (2000). Loukotka (1968), Tovar and Larrucea de Tovar (1984),
Migliazza and Campbell (1988), Campbell (1997) and Fabre (1998) provide the most
complete recent bibliographical data. These books give a fairly complete listing of South
Americas native languages, accompanied by remarks concerning existing classicatory
proposals. Their aim is not to contribute a reasoned classication in itself. The Atlas
of the Worlds Languages (Moseley and Asher 1994), with a contribution by Kaufman,
provides additional information.
22 1 Introduction
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages
South America has rightly been called the least known continent (Lyon 1974). This
statement holds true, in particular, when applied to the genetic relationships of the
native languages of its western half. Much remains to be done before a comprehensive
classication can be established of the numerous native languages spoken, or once
spoken, in the Andes and in the pre-Andean lowlands. Genetically isolated languages
and small language families predominate in the area. Not the number of languages,
but rather the number of irreducible genetic units constitutes its most striking feature.
The resulting impression of extreme linguistic diversity is partly due to insufcient
documentation, but in cases where good data are available the situation seems to be
no less complex. The linguistic situation in the Andes is comparable in many ways
to that in other parts of the Americas, except for the circumstance that maybe more
languages became extinct here during the last ve centuries than anywhere else on the
continent. In a majority of cases, such languages have remained undocumented. Their
extinction implies the loss of just as many potential genetic links between the languages
still in use. Consequently, some of the best-known languages of the Andean region, such
as Araucanian or Mochica, do not form part of any genetic grouping that could meet
with the consensus of linguistic scholarship. The same holds true for shallow genetic
units such as Quechua, a conglomerate of closely related dialects, and Aymaran (also
known as Aru or Jaqi), the language family that includes Aymara as its most important
representative.
The existence in South America of a number of large genetic groupings including
many widely scattered individual languages has been known for a long time. They in-
clude the Arawakan, Cariban, Chibchan and Tupi linguistic stocks. All four of them
are represented in the Andes, in the pre-Andean lowlands or in both. However, with
the exception of Chibchan in the northern Andes, they all occupy a predominant place
elsewhere in South America. There have been several attempts to link linguistic isolates
of the eastern Andean slopes to one of the larger stocks just mentioned, but in most cases
without lasting success. The genetic status of several languages that were once tenta-
tively classied as Arawakan or Chibchan will have to be reconsidered. The Amuesha
language of the central Peruvian forest slopes constitutes a remarkable exception to this.
Its supposed membership of the Arawakan family was long considered controversial,
but its close genetic relationship with other Arawakan languages of the Pre-Andine
subgroup has now become established beyond reasonable doubt (Wise 1976).
Like in North America, the diversity of languages seems to have been the greatest
along the mountainous spine on the Pacic side of the continent, which may also have
constituted the scene of the earliest wave of migrations. Early colonial observers, such
as Bibar (1558), Cieza de Le on (1553), Cobo (1653) and Sim on ([1626] 18821892,
II: 116, 284; cited in P erez de Barradas 1955: 1719) speak of an amazing variety
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 23
of languages in what is now Colombia, Peru and northern Chile. It is often not clear,
however, whether the languages referred to were actually different languages or merely
local varieties of more widespread languages. When Sim on, for instance, speaks of the
numerous languages used in the highlands surrounding Santaf e de Bogot a and Tunja
in New Granada (present-day Colombia), he may have been referring to dialects of the
prevailing Muisca and Duit languages with the possible inclusion of some unrelated
neighbouring idiomatic groups. On the other hand, the linguistic variety in the northern
Peruvian bishopric of Trujillo observed by Garcilaso de la Vega (Royal Commentaries
of the Incas, 1609, Book VII, chapter 3) turned out to be quite real. Except for Mochica,
these languages remained virtually without record throughout the colonial period and
hardly received any attention until their extinction at a relatively recent date.
The cultural and political developments that took place in the Andes have favoured the
spread of a few languages, i.e. Quechua, Aymara and Araucanian, at the cost of scores
of local languages originally present in the area. Their expansion was initiated before
the establishment of the Inca empire and the European invasion. In quite a fewcases, the
local languages did not disappear before the end of the colonial period. A few of them
remained vital well into the twentieth century. In addition to the expansion of the major
native languages, the rapid spread of Spanish also contributed to further reducing the
complexity of the linguistic situation in the Andes. Spanish, for instance, has directly
replaced Mochica and several other languages on the northern Peruvian coast as well as
in its mountainous hinterland.
The disappearance without record of so many potential relatives has doubtlessly con-
tributed to the apparent genetic isolation of the languages still spoken. Tenacious efforts
to relate some of the surviving languages of the area to each other, rather than con-
sider them within the framework of more comprehensive genetic constructs, may have
contributed to further obscuring the situation. This holds true, in particular, for the two
Indian languages most widely spoken in the Andes, Quechua and Aymara.
After centuries of increasing uniformisation, considerable language diversity, as may
once have existed everywhere in the Andes, is still found nowadays on the eastern slopes
along the upper reaches of the Amazonian rivers. Lowland Bolivia and eastern Ecuador,
as well as the Colombian and Peruvian Amazonian regions adjacent to Ecuador, are
typical areas in this respect.
1.7.1 History of classicatory efforts
Opinions about the origin of the South American Indians and their languages date back
to the early years of European presence on the continent. If we leave aside the initial
postdiscovery belief that America was part of Asia, Acosta in his Historia natural y moral
de las Indias (Natural and Moral History of the Indies; 1590, Book I, chapters 204) was
probably the rst to intuitively sense the way in which the ancestors of Americas Indian
24 1 Introduction
population had entered the New World in times long gone. He assumed that they came
mainly over land, crossing estuaries whenever necessary, in small bands and without
the intention of peopling a new continent. Acosta also indicated the areas where this
could have taken place: in the Arctic regions, where the boundaries of the Old and New
World had not yet been discovered by his contemporaries. It was precisely the diversity
of nations and languages found throughout the Americas that incited Acosta to reject
prevalent theories about shipwrecks and maritime expeditions organised by historically
known peoples. Quite correctly, he predicted that such diversity must have taken a long
time to develop.
In the linguistic domain, Cobo in his Historia del Nuevo Mundo (History of the New
World; 1653, Book XI, chapter 10) assigned a common origin to Quechua and Aymara,
the two predominant languages in the Inca empire, on account of their being remarkably
similar (cf. Mannheim 1985b, 1991). He compared their relationship to that of Spanish
and Italian, both descendants from Latin. By doing so, Cobo underestimated the power
of long-termcontacts between two languages sharing a common geographic and cultural
space, a fact of which he was well aware nevertheless. As he posited the genetic unity
of Quechua and Aymara, Cobo also laid the foundations for a debate bound to continue
until the present.
In the eighteenth century, as a result of expanding missionary activity, the awareness
grew that the languages of many South American ethnic groups could be reduced to a
few comprehensive genetic units. Missionaries were well informed about the existence
of a multitude of tribes speaking different languages in the South American lowlands.
Among them, the Italian Gilij (17804) drew the contours of several genetic groupings
of lasting validity, including Arawakan (still referred to as Maipuran at that time) and
Cariban (Hoff 1968). Another representative of the church, the abbot Herv as (1784,
18005), published a substantial amount of data, collected from, among others, Jesuit
missionaries residinginEurope after their expulsionfromthe SpanishAmericandomains
in 1767. When pointing out the fact that the Omagua of the Upper Amazon valley
and the Guaran of the Paraguayan missions spoke closely related languages, despite
geographic separation and different environments, Herv as showed himself to be aware
of the existence of a TupiGuaran linguistic family. Herv as refers to information from
Gilij, among others, when assigning a number of languages to the Maipuran or Arawakan
family. Among them is the language of the Achagua people of the Colombian llanos
plains, of whose good disposition towards Spanish rule and religion Herv as speaks
highly. On the other hand, his concept of the existence of a Cariban language family
seemed to be partly inspired by the idea that the Caribs did not easily submit to Spanish
colonial domination. Arawakan nations who resisted colonisation efforts were classied
as Cariban in company with a number of unsubjugated North American tribes. Herv as
held an interesting concept of language families. If several languages appeared to be
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 25
related, one of them was assigned the status of lengua matriz (mother language or
principal language), from which the others, by extension, were derived. This approach
must be viewed in relation to the necessity felt at that time to select a limited number of
languages for the purpose of evangelisation carried out among a much larger number of
linguistic groups.
There is a denite contrast between the amount of information provided by Herv as
concerning the Andes and the Pacic coast on one hand and the Amazonian lowlands on
the other. The latter is remarkably accurate and full of detail; the former exhibits many
lacunae, particularly in the sphere of the minor languages spoken within the limits of
the former Inca empire. As it appears, the availability of Quechua as a vehicle used
for evangelising purposes made these languages less interesting in the opinion of the
missionaries and information concerning them was not passed on systematically. It may
explain why languages such as Culli, Sechura and Tall an, spoken until the nineteenth
century in the northern Peruvian coastal plains and highlands, and the Pre-Quechuan
languages of highland Ecuador received almost no attention before they eventually
became extinct.
The nineteenth century marks a renewed interest in native American linguistics and
ethnography. In the southern half of the Andean region, including the adjacent lowlands,
the French traveller and natural scientist dOrbigny recorded word lists and ethnographic
information on many Indian groups (dOrbigny 1839). His information on the lowland
Bolivian tribes brought together in the Chiquitos and Moxos missions is particularly
valuable. DOrbignys classication of Indian nations is still primarily based on ethno-
graphic and geographic rather than on linguistic considerations, however.
Efforts towards a genetically based classication of the South American languages
gained importance during the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Brinton published
The American Race (1891), a survey of the native American peoples with a strong
emphasis on linguistic classication. Almost simultaneously, Uhle (1890) proposed the
existence of a Chibchan family, and Middendorf (18902) published his monumental
work on the indigenous languages of Peru, in which he also discusses the nature of the
relationship between Quechua and Aymara.
Henceforth, two types of contributions must be distinguished, those aiming at overall
classications meant to include all documented South American languages, or, at the
least, as many of themas possible, and those aiming at establishing genetic links between
specic languages or language families. Bothactivities have beengoingon, oftenwithout
much mutual feedback. Proposals concerning genetic relations involving native Andean
languages have been numerous and often contradictory. Here they will be dealt with
very selectively.
We will rst enumerate and discuss some of the proposed classications. Propos-
als concerning individual languages or language families will be treated subsequently.
26 1 Introduction
Classications are termed conservative if their authors refrain from including genetic
units of which the internal cohesion is still open to doubt. Virtually no classications are
entirely consistent in this respect. Two classications stand at the conservative end of
the scale, Loukotka (1968), with 117 independent units for all of South America and the
Caribbean islands, and Kaufman (1990), with 118. At the other end we nd Greenberg
(1987) with one comprehensive Amerind phylum thought to include all the native lan-
guages of South and Central America, the Caribbean and most of North America as
well. Conservative classications do not necessarily imply a rejection of possible com-
prehensive groupings, as their authors explicitly indicate, but they are meant to provide
a list of rmly established shallow language families, which can be used in further
rearrangements.
One of the earliest overall classications of the South American languages, apart from
Brintons, is that of Chamberlain (1913). It is a conservative classication containing 84
groups, most of which are represented in the Andes and the eastern foothills. The lower
number of units in relation to, for instance, Loukotkas classication is due to the fact
that many languages and small families were still absent from Chamberlains account.
In Rivets classication of the South American and Caribbean languages, which ap-
peared in Meillet and Cohens well-known handbook Les langues du monde (1924),
some reductions in the number of groups can be observed (to a total of 77; expanded to
108 in the revised edition of 1952). These reductions reect Rivets comparative views
and concern, in particular, the Chibchan language family, to which several groups previ-
ously thought independent had been added. Languages thus classied as Chibchan were
Andaqu, the Barbacoan languages (Cayapa, Colorado and Cuaiquer), the Coconucan
languages (including Guambiano), the Paniquitan languages (including P aez), Cof an
and Cuna. Rivet also proposed a subgroup consisting of Barbacoan, Cuna and the Costa
Rican groups Guatuso and Talamancan (the latter comprising all Costa Rican languages
except Guatuso). Further innovations of Rivets classication concern the inclusion of
the Tacanan family of northern Bolivia within Arawakan and the inclusion of Uruan
and Puquina (wrongly considered a unit) within that same family. Of these proposals
only the classication of Cuna as a member of the Chibchan family became generally
accepted.
Masons contribution to the Handbook of South American Indians (1950) contains
an extensive and very useful discussion of previous classicatory efforts. It also brings
a further reduction of the number of language families. Proposals to establish new
groupings are partly taken from other authors. For the Chibchan family and its possible
expansions (classied as Chibchan, probably Chibchan, or doubtful), Jij on y Caama no
(19405) is the main source, although the latters proposals are presented with much re-
serve. Followingupsuggestions of Rivet, Harrington(1944) andJij onyCaama no, Mason
groups the Huitotoan, Boran and Zaparoan languages of the Colombian, Ecuadorean
and northern Peruvian lowlands with TupiGuaran. Two innovations in Masons
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 27
classication are the terms Kechumaran and Ataguitan, the former referring to a ge-
netic grouping consisting of Quechua and Aymara and the latter bringing together the
Atacame no, Diaguita and Humahuaca languages of northern Argentina and northern
Chile. Mason presents the proposed Ataguitan grouping with much hesitation. It has
never gained much support, in particular, because the Diaguita and Humahuaca groups
are virtually undocumented. In contrast, Mason considers Kechumaran yet unproved
but highly probable (again referring to Jij on y Caama nos work). Subsequently, the term
has become widely used in the alternative spelling Quechumaran. It is remarkable that
Mason explicity excludes the Cauqui or Jaqaru language from this grouping, although
Cauqui was already thought (and is now known) to be closely related to Aymara.
McQuowns classication (1955) follows Masons in several respects, including the
acceptance of the Ataguitan and Quechumaran groupings, which he considers less con-
vincing than Mason does (1955: 562), the unjustied exclusion of Cauqui and the ex-
panded TupiGuaran. On the other hand, it is a conservative classication since it allows
for no less than 629 unclassied languages in South America in addition to 12 large fam-
ilies and 38 minor families. Characteristic of McQuowns contribution is an attempt to
enumerate and locate on maps all the native Latin American languages ever mentioned
in literature (1820 for all Latin America). Although doubtlessly useful, McQuowns lan-
guage list contains many items which are geographic denominations rather than language
names. This is the case, in particular, of the Quechua-dominated middle Andean region,
where names of towns, provinces and valleys gure as just as many separate languages.
This procedure apparently rests on the assumption that Quechua was introduced at a
recent stage in most places where it is now spoken (or known to have been spoken),
and that in each case a different language must underlie it. The linguistic parcelling that
results from it is merely hypothetical and is also accessory to a spectacular increase in
the number of unclassied languages.
In 1956 Greenberg presents a classication which is distinguished from the previous
ones by its greater sophistication and classicatory explicitness (Greenberg 1960a). In it
few South American languages, however poorly documented, remain unaccounted for.
Although it was published without a factual justication of the groupings proposed, it
became widely known after its appearance in the 1958 edition of the Encyclopaedia
Britannica, in Steward and Faron (1959) and in Current Anthropology (Greenberg
1960b). Much later work on individual South American native languages begins with
a statement locating the language at issue in Greenbergs classication. It was also
used and given credit in the development of anthropological and archaeological theory
concerning past migrations; see, for instance, Lathrap (1970: 83) and Meggers (1979).
Greenbergs initial classication was superseded by a rather revolutionary proposal
advanced in his book Language in the Americas (Greenberg 1987). It will be the subject
of a separate section (1.7.4). Since the inuence of Greenbergs initial classication has
been particularly great, the essentials of it regarding the Andean region are reproduced
28 1 Introduction
Table 1.3 Greenbergs (1956) classication of the languages of the Andes
nok Yurumangui
mcno-cnincn A. Chibchan proper ChibchaDuit,Tunebo group, Aruaco group,
CunaCueva.
B. Paezan Choco, Cuaiquer, Andaki, PaezCoconuco,
ColoradoCayapa, Jirajira, Yunca (=Chim u,
Mochica), Atacameno (=Kunza), Itonama.
oirocnin A. Macro-Ge 1. Ge: Caingang, Chiquita, Guato.
2. Bororo.
B. Macro-Panoan TacanaPano, Moseten, Mataco, Lule, Vilela,
Mascoy, Charrua, Guaycuru-Opaie.
[C. not applicable]
D. Huarpe
E. Macro-Carib Carib, Peban (=Yaguan), Witotoan.
oiiqt1onii A. Andean A 1. Ona, Yahgan (=Yamana), Alakuluf
(=Kawesqar), Tehuelche, Puelche
(=Gennaken), Araucanian (=Mapuche).
2. Quechua, Aymara.
3. Zaparoan (including Omurano, Sabela),
Cahuapana.
4. Leco, Sec, Culle, XibitoCholon, Catacao,
Colan.
5. Simacu (=Itucale, Urarina).
B. Andean B Jibaro-Kandoshi, Esmeralda, Cofan, Yaruro.
C. Macro-Tucanoan 1. Tucano (including Auixira), Ticuna, Muniche,
Yuri, Canichana, Mobima.
2. Puinave.
D. Equatorial Arawak (including ChapacuraUanhaman,
Chamicuro, Apolista, Amuesha, Araua, Uru),
Tupi, Timote, Zamuco, GuahiboPamigua,
Saliban, OtomacoTaparita, Mocoa
(=Kams a, Sibundoy), Tuyuneri (=Toyeri,
Harakmbut), Yurucare, Cayuvava.
in table 1.3. For this classication see also Key (1979) with some minor orthographic
variation. Occasionally, alternative language names are added in parentheses and pre-
ceded by an equation sign in order to facilitate comparison with other classications.
There are minor differences between the versions in circulation of Greenbergs classi-
cation. Inthe EncyclopaediaBritannicaandCurrent Anthropology versions, Greenbergs
classication is mapped onto McQuowns (1955) language list; Simacu (better known
as Itucale or Urarina) is classied as Macro-Tucanoan, not Andean; Atacame no (also
knownas Kunza) is left out (possiblyas a result of a confusionwiththe extinct Ecuadorian
language called Atacame or Esmeralde no); the subdivisions are more detailed and ex-
plicit and their denominations (phylum, stock, family, subfamily) more differentiated.
In the Steward and Faron version, Simacu is not mentioned.
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 29
Table 1.4 The four networks proposed by Swadesh (1959, 1962)
mcno-mv: Chibchan (in its limited sense, see below, but including Timote) and
Tucanoan; most languages of Meso-America.
mcno-cnin: Cariban (including Jirajaran), Zaparoan (including Yaguan), Arawa,
Kaingangan (including Ge), Guamo and Guat o; many language
groups of Brazil.
mcno-nwk: Campan (including part of the Arawakan family: Campa,
Machiguenga, Chamicuro, Amuesha, and additionally Chirino),
Arawakan, Guahiboan, Cams a, Chapacuran, Saliban, Yuran
(including Ticuna and Cof an), Mobima, Tup, Bororoan (including
Chiquitano), Sec, Lecoan (including Choc o) and Mochica; several
language groups of Brazil, Venezuela and Florida (Timucua).
mcno-qticnt: Quechuan (including Aymara, Cauqui and UruChipaya), Paezan
(including the Barbacoan and Coconucan languages, Andaqu,
Atacame no and the Brazilian Kapishana and Mashub), Cullian
(including HibitoChol on), Itonama, Cayuvavan (including
Esmeralda), PanoTacanan, Sonchon (which includes Moset en,
Chon and Hongote), Yuracare, Macuan (which includes
Mac uPuinave, Het, Charr uan, Ahuishiri, Zamucoan, Yurumangu,
Canichana, the Brazilian Ot, Ofai eXavante and Catuquina, and the
Venezuelan Macu), Muran (which includes JivaroanCahuapanan,
Boran and Huitotoan, along with the Brazilian Matanau and
MuraPirah a), Puelche (Gennaken), Huarpean, Urarina,
Guaicuruan, Mapuchean (including Matacoan), Guachian
(including Vilela and Guach of Mato Grosso, Brazil), Yamanan
(including Alacaluf), Lule, Otomaco and Yaruro (Venezuela),
Lengua-Mascoy (Paraguay), Trumai and Huari (Brazil). Outside
South America: Tarascan (Mexico) and Zuni (New Mexico, USA).
Swadeshs classication (1959, 1962) is to a certain extent comparable with
Greenbergs in that it seeks to account for as many languages as possible. Swadesh
sees the differentiation of languages as a geographic continuum. He does not dene it
exclusively in terms of genetically independent units which are internally structured by
chronologically ordered moments of splitting. Instead of the usual tree model, Swadesh
opts for a model of interconnected networks designed to cover the whole world, not
only the Americas. As in the case of Greenbergs initial classication, the publication of
factual evidence supporting the classication was announced but remained fragmentary.
Swadeshs classication is less well known than Greenbergs. Nevertheless, some of the
surface-level proposals brought forward in it have of late received renewed attention (for
instance, the JvaroCahuapana connection and the proposed link between Atacame no
and the Brazilian Kano e or Kapishana; see Kaufman 1990).
Swadesh distinguishes four networks in South America represented in table 1.4.
Tiniguan, Omurano and Nambikwara (Brazil) have a status independent from the
networks. Some languages are left unclassied for lack of data: Puruh a, Ca nari, Aconipa
30 1 Introduction
(Tabancale), Copall en, Diaguita, Gorgotoqui, Humahuaca, Munichi, Sabela and Mayna
(considered by others to be a group with Omurano). The networks are linked to each
other at different points and also to the North American Macro-Hokan network.
Loukotka (1968) was published posthumously by Wilbert. It had been preceded by
several other classications, elaborated by the same author, the rst of which dates back
to 1935. Loukotkas work is well known among scholars of South American Indian
languages because it provides the reader with short word lists of almost every language,
whether spoken or extinct, that had been documented before 1960. Although the data
presented are frequently inaccurate, the availability in one single work of some basic
vocabulary of so many different languages constitutes an invitation to browsing and
amateur linguistic comparison.
Loukotka divides the South American and Caribbean languages into languages of
Paleo-American tribes, languages of Tropical Forest tribes and languages of Andean
tribes. This general division, together with its subsequent subdivisions, seems to have a
geographic or an anthropological inspiration, rather than a linguistic one. More essential
are the 117 genetic units (stocks, small stocks and isolated languages) which Loukotka
distinguishes and his endeavour to assign to as many languages as possible a place in the
classicatory framework which he develops. Loukotkas classication is conservative in
the sense that the proposed groupings basically contain languages of which the genetic
unity is unquestioned. Unnecessary splitting, such as observed elsewhere in the separa-
tion of Aymara and Cauqui (Mason, McQuown) or in that of Puquina and Callahuaya
(Kaufman 1990: 44), is successfully avoided. On the other hand, two cases of unjustied
grouping occur, both of them concerning the northern Andes (see also Kaufman 1990:
378): (1) the inclusion into the Arawakan family of the Guahiboan languages of eastern
Colombia; and (2) the inclusion into the Chibchan family of Yaruro, Esmeralde no and a
substantial number of language groups of Ecuador and southern and eastern Colombia
that are not visiblyrelatedtoit: Betoi, Andaqu, P aez, Coconuco, Barbacoa andSibundoy.
The assignment of the Misumalpa family of Central America to the Chibchan stock must
equally be rejected if indisputable internal genetic cohesion is to be the leading criterion
(Constenla Uma na 1981). Loukotkas postulation of two separate isolates in the south
of Chile, Alacaluf and Aksan as, will be discussed in chapter 6.
In table 1.5, those of Loukotkas 117 stocks and families relevant to the Andean region
are enumerated. We will distinguish three approximate categories: (I) groups located in
the Andes and along the Pacic coast, (II) groups which are predominantly located in the
eastern lowlands of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia and Argentina, and (III) groups
which are strongly represented in other areas, but also in the Andes, or in the eastern
lowlands as dened above. The original numbering is retained.
As can be observed from table 1.5, 75 of Loukotkas 117 units are represented in the
Andes or in the eastern lowlands of the Andean countries. Admittedly, some groups are
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 31
Table 1.5 Language families relevant to the Andes listed in Loukotka (1968)
I Linguistic groups located in the Andes and along the Pacic coast:
Y amana (1), Alacaluf (2), Aksan as (3), Patagon or Tshon (4), Timote (95), Jirajara
(96), Choc o (97), Idabaez (98), Yurimangui (99),* Sechura (101), Catacao (102), Culli
(103), Tabancale (104), Copall en (105), Chim u (106), Quechua (107), Aymara (108),
Puquina (109), Uro (110), Atacama (111), Mapuche (113), Diaguit (114), Humahuaca
(115), Huarpe (117).
II Linguistic groups located in the eastern lowlands of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia
and Argentina:
Gennaken (5), Chechehet (6), Sanaviron (7), Vilela (9), Chiquito (13), Gorgotoqui
(14), Tinigua (51), Yagua (54), Kahuapana (55), Munichi (56), Cholona (57), Mayna
(58), Murato (59), Auishiri (60), Itucale (61), Jbaro (62), Sabela (63), Z aparo (64),
Cayuvava (71), Mobima (72), Itonama (73), Canichana (74), Tacana (76), Toyeri (77),
Yuracare (78), Mosetene (79), Andoque (82), Uitoto (83), Bora (84), Cofan (100),
Leco (112), Lule (116).
III Linguistic groups partly or mainly represented in other areas:
Guaicuru (8), Mataco (10), Lengua (11), Zamuco (12), Charrua (15), Kaing an (16),
Bor oro (27), Tupi (45), Arawak (46), Otomac (47), Guamo (48), Piaroa (50),
Tucuna (53), Chapacura (65), Pano (75), Guat o (80), Tucano (81), Yuri (85), Mak u
(86), Araw a (88), Karaib (89), Chibcha (94).
* The original sources refer to this group as Yurumangu, which is also the name of a river
in the present-day Colombian department Valle del Cauca. The form Yurimangu is found in
Loukotka (1968) and, as Yurimangi, in Kaufman (1990, 1994).
represented very marginally (Arawa, Guat o, Kaing an, Yuri). On the other hand, there
is an additional enumeration of unclassied or unknown languages, some of which
probably represent separate groups, and, as we saw earlier, the Arawak and Chibcha
groups are subject to further splitting.
Another relatively conservative classication was carried out by Su arez, and published
in the fteenth edition (1974) of the Encyclopaedia Britannica. It distinguishes 82
language groups for all South America. In relation to Loukotka (1968), Su arez proposes
the groupings listed in table 1.6.
Apart from these groupings, which apparently meet with Su arezs approval, he in-
dicates possible additional linkings advanced by others. Of Su arezs groupings some
are relatively well established, such as Lulean (Balmori 1967; Lozano 1977), and Pano
Tacanan (Key 1968) without its FuegianPatagonian extension. Others have been refuted
(Choc o and Cariban; UruChipaya and Mayan, see below) or rest upon extensive bor-
rowing (Quechua and Aymara).
Kaufmans classication of 1990 (see also Kaufman 1994) is a conservative proposal,
comparable to Loukotkas insofar as the number of genetic groups (118 for all South
America) is concerned. According to the author, every group is either obvious on
inspection or has been demonstrated by standard procedures (Kaufman 1990: 37).
32 1 Introduction
Table 1.6 Groupings suggested by Su arez (1974) of language families and isolates
included in Loukotka (1968)
Su arez (1974) Loukotka (1968)
Alacalufan Aksan as, Alacaluf
BoraHuitotoan Bora, Uitoto
Cariban Choc o, Karaib
Guaycur uCharruan Charrua, Guaicuru
JeberoJivaroan Jbaro, Kahuapana
Lulean Lule, Vilela
Macro-Chibchan Chibcha, Itonama, Warao (Venezuela), Yanoama (Brazil, Venezuela)
Macro-Ge Bor oro, Kaing an and a number of Brazilian groups
Macro-Mayan Uro and the Mayan languages (Meso-America)
MacroPano-Tacanan Mosetene, Pano, Patagon/Tshon, Tacana, Yuracare
Quechumaran Aymara, Quechua
Suggestions for further grouping are accompanied by the qualications good, good?,
promising, probable or maybe. Considering the greater methodological rigidity
observed by Kaufman, one may wonder why the number of groups in his classication
are not substantially higher. This is mainly because a number of poorly documented
extinct languages and language groups have not been included.
In table 1.7 we have arranged the genetic groups of Kaufmans classication insofar as
they concern the Andean region by using the same geographic distinctions as observed
in relation to Loukotkas work above.
As can be deduced from tables 1.5 and 1.7, the extinct languages and language
groups guring in Loukotkas classication, but not included in Kaufmans, are
Idabaez in Colombia, Tabancale and Copall en in northern Peru and four Argentinian
groups, Diaguit, Humahuaca, Chechehet and Sanaviron because they are undocumented.
Kaufman observes that maybe Gorgotoqui should be excluded as well for the same
reason.
12
The differences between the two classications reside in the treatment of
the Chibchan family (L94) (Kaufman has six units where Loukotka has one), the
Arawakan family (L46) (Kaufman keeps Guahibo apart from Arawakan), Puquina
(L109) (Kaufman has two units where Loukotka has one), the Je family (K74) (Kaufman
has one unit where Loukotka has two), and Kaw eskar (K58) (Kaufman has one unit where
Loukotka has two). Otherwise, apart from a minor readjustment concerning the demar-
cation between Arawakan and Har akmbut/Toyeri (K18, L77), the two classications are
identical insofar as the Andean region is concerned.
12
The Gorgotoqui people are well attested historically, and so is the existence of a grammar of the
language written by a father Ruz (Gonzales de Barca 17378). Unfortunately, no one has been
able to locate this grammar in recent years.
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 33
Table 1.7 Language families relevant to the Andes listed in Kaufman (1990) with
their correlates in Loukotka (1968)*
I Linguistic groups located in the Andes and along the Pacic coast:
Yurimangi (1, L99 Yurimangui), Tim otean (2, L95 Timote), Hirah aran (3, L96 Jirajara),
Chok o (4, L97 Choc o), P aesan (6, L94 Chibcha: Andaqu/ Paez/ Coconuco), Barbak oan
(7, L94 Chibcha: Barb acoa), Ezmeralda (27, L94 Chibcha: Esmeralda), Chim uan (41,
L106 Chim u), Kulyi (43, L103 Culli), Sechura (44, L101), Katak aoan (45, L102 Catacao),
Kechua (47, L107 Quechua), Haki (48, L108 Aymara), Chipaya (49, L110 Uro), Pukina
(50, L109 Puquina: Puquina), Kolyawaya (51, L109 Puquina: Callahuaya), Chon (56, L4
Patagon or Tshon), Y amana (57, L1), Kaw eskar (58, L2+L3 Alacaluf, Aksan as),
Mapudungu (59, L113 Mapuche), Warpe (61, L117 Huarpe), Kunsa (99, L111 Atacama).
II Linguistic groups located in the eastern lowlands of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia and
Argentina:
Betoi (5, L94 Chibcha: Betoi), Kams a (10, L94 Chibcha: Sebondoy), Tinwan (11, L51
Tinigua), Wahvoan (15, L46 Arawak: Guahibo), Har akmbut (18, L46+L77 Arawak:
Mashco, Toyeri), Tekiraka (21, L60 Auishiri), Kanichana (22, L74 Canichana), Munichi
(26, L56), Kof an (29, L100 Cof an), Kandoshi (30, L59 Murato), Hvaro (31, L62 Jbaro),
Kawap anan (32, L55 Kahuapana), S aparoan (33, L64 Z aparo), Y awan (34, L54 Yagua),
Omurano (35, L58 Mayna), Sabela (36, L63), Urarina (37, L61 Itucale), B oran (38, L84
Bora), Wit otoan (39, L83 Uitoto), Andoke (40, L82 Andoque), Chol onan (42, L57
Cholona), Leko (46, L112 Leco), Yurakare (52, L78 Yuracare), Tak anan (54, L76 Tacana),
Moset en (55, L79 Mosetene), Puelche (60, L5 Gennaken), Lule (65, L116), Vilela (66,
L9), Gorgotoki (69, L14 Gorgotoqui), Chikitano (70, L13 Chiquito), Itonama (98, L73),
Movima (107, L72 Mobima), Kayuvava (108, L71 Cayuvava).
III Linguistic groups partly or mainly represented in other areas:
Chbchan (8, L94 Chibcha), Otom akoan (12, L47 Otomac), Wamo (13, L48 Guamo),
Chapak uran (14, L65 Chapacura), Maip urean (16, L46 Arawak), Araw an (17, L88
Arawa), Puin avean (19, L86 Mak u), Tuk anoan (23, L81 Tucano), Tikuna (24, L53
Tucuna), Jur (25, L85 Yuri), Jaruro (28, L94 Chibcha: Yaruro), P anoan (53, L75 Pano),
Mat akoan (62, L10 Mataco), Waikur uan (63, L8 Guaicuru), Charr uan (64, L15 Charrua),
Mask oian (67, L11 Lengua), Sam ukoan (68, L12 Zamuco), Bor oroan (71, L27 Bor oro), Je
(74, L16+L24, Kaing an, Ge), Guat o (82, L80), Tupan (109, L45 Tupi), K ariban (110,
L89 Karaib), S alivan (114, L50 Piaroa).
* Along with the group numbers introduced by Kaufman, the numbers of Loukotkas classi-
cation are given in the formula Lx, followed by his group or language names when different
from those used by Kaufman. In the main text, Kaufmans group numbers are referred
to as Kx.
Kaufman suggests that further grouping may be possible in the following cases (the
spellingis Kaufmans): P aesan (K6) and Barbak oan(K7); Chibchan (K8) and Misumalpa
(a Central American group); Wamo (K13) and Chapak uran (K14); Tikuna (K24) and
Jur (K25); Ezmeralda (K27) and Jaruro (K28); Hvaro (K31) and Kawap anan (K32);
S aparoan (K33) and Y awan (K34); B oran (K38), Wit otoan (K39) and Andoke (K40);
Sechura (K44) and Katak aoan (K45); Kechua (K47) and Haki (K48); Pukina (K50) and
Kolyawaya (K51); P anoan (K53) and Tak anan (K54); Moset en (K55) and Chon (K56);
34 1 Introduction
Lule (K65) and Vilela (K66); Chikitano (K70), Bor oroan (K71), Je (K74), Guat o (K82)
and nine other Brazilian groups; Kunsa (K99) and Kapishan a.
In connection with other classications, we commented en passant upon some of these
suggested groupings (Lule and Vilela, Panoan and Tacanan, Chibchan and Misumalpa,
Aymara and Quechua). Arguments for a comprehensive Macro-Ge grouping including
Ge, Guat o and Bororoan, as well as several other language groups, can be found in
Davis (1968) and in Rodrigues (1986, 1999), but do not, as yet, extend to Chiquitano.
The proposal of a special genetic relationship between Esmeralda and Yaruro was ad-
vanced by Seler (1902); see section 2.19. Loukotka located them in the same subgroup
of Chibchan. Doris Payne (1984) has presented evidence for a genetic relationship of
Yaguan (K34) and Zaparoan (K33). Callahuaya (Kaufmans Kolyawaya) is a profes-
sional jargon composed of roots taken from a Puquina dialect and Quechua endings (see
section 3.5). The unity of the extinct Sechura and the equally extinct Tall an languages
of the Piura area (K45 Katak aoan) was proposed by Rivet (1949) but the evidence for
it considered inconclusive by Torero (Torero 1986); see section 3.9.2. The possibility
of a genetic relationship between the Boran and Huitotoan languages, on one hand, and
Andoque, on the other, was considered unconvincing by a leading expert on this lan-
guage (Landaburu 1979). As for the proposed special relationship between the Kunza or
Atacame no language and the Brazilian Kano e or Kapishana, the geographic and cultural
barriers seem formidable, and there would need to be a very strong linguistic case to
support it (see also section 3.7).
1.7.2 Quechuan and Aymaran, Quechumaran
The two dominant language groups of the central Andes, Quechuan and Aymaran,
must be viewed as language families rather than as single languages. Traditionally,
however, Quechuan is more often referred to as the Quechua language. The internal
comparison of Quechuan, a linguistic entity consisting of numerous local varieties,
became an issue in the 1960s when Parker (1963) and Torero (1964) published their well-
known articles about the Quechua dialect situation (see section 3.2.3). Hardman (1975,
1978a, b) introduced the name Jaqi (man, human being) for the Aymaran family,
which, according to her, has three living members to be treated as separate languages:
Aymara, Cauqui and Jaqaru. For a discussion of the terminology and a justication of
our use of the term Aymaran see section 3.1.
Quechua(n) and Aymara(n) have repeatedly been compared to each other, but rarely
to other languages. Harrington (1943) suggested a relationship between Quechua and
Hokan; Dum ezil (1954, 1955) compared some of the Quechua numerals to those of
Turkish. Following an unconvincing rst attempt by Swadesh (1967), Liedtke collected
a list of lexical and grammatical resemblances between Quechua and Tarascan, some
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 35
of which are quite suggestive (Liedtke 1996). No thorough comparative study has been
carried out, however.
Orr and Longacre (1968) set out to prove Masons Quechumaran hypothesis by trying
to reconstruct the phoneme system and part of the lexicon of the proto-language un-
derlying it. Although they apparently achieved their aim, the lexicon they reconstructed
consists almost exclusively of shared vocabulary, which is evidently due to intensive
borrowing between the two languages at an early stage of their development. Given
the virtually identical form of the shared items, the radically different character of the
remainder of the lexicon is left unexplained. The same holds for the grammatical com-
ponents of the two language groups, which show quite a few semantic but hardly any
formal similarities (Davidson 1977). Notwithstanding the lack of proof, the idea of a
Quechumaran genetic unity exclusive of all other languages still has supporters. For
an attempt to revive the Quechumaran hypothesis on a more sophisticated basis see
Campbell (1995).
The relationship between the Quechuan and Aymaran linguistic families is indeed
unique. When the effects of loan trafc between individual Quechua dialects and the
different languages of the Aymaran family are left aside, a substantial basis of common
lexicon remains (about 20 per cent of the root vocabulary in each group), which can be
traced back to the proto-languages. The phoneme inventories of the two proto-languages
were probably very similar, as most of the existing differences may be explained by
later internal developments in each of the two families. The existence of glottalised
and aspirated consonants in Aymaran and in a number of Quechua dialects (Cuzco,
Puno, Arequipa, north and south Bolivian Quechua) is generally attributed to diffusion
from Aymaran into Quechuan, although its distribution within the latter group is far
from predictable (see section 3.2.5). Morphological and lexico-semantic coincidences
are highly specic and difcult to ascribe to parallel developments of a typological
nature (see chapter 3 for more details). For a systematic inventory and discussion of
all the coincidences see also Cerr on-Palomino (1994a). The obvious similarities that
have united Quechuan and Aymaran since the stage of the proto-languages stand in
contrast with differences that are equally impressive. The very characteristic phonotac-
tics and vowel suppression rules of all Aymaran languages (see section 3.3.4) are not
found in Quechuan. The structure of the verbal inection, personal reference marking
in particular, differs considerably between the two language groups, and, of course, a
major part of the lexicon and afxes do not show any systematic formal relationship
at all.
All this leads to the conclusion that Proto-Quechua and Proto-Aymaran were spoken in
contiguous areas, if not in the same area, which were probably situated in central Peru, the
heartland of the Middle Andean civilisation. The bi-directional loan inuence between
the two linguistic families was so intense, that possible surviving correspondences of a
36 1 Introduction
genetic kind became hard to detect. If the languages were not genetically related and
there is no decisive evidence that they were at the least one of them must have suffered
a profound structural transformation adopting the phonological and morphosyntactic
model represented by the other. This scenario presupposes a period of intense interaction
and common development prior to the stage of the proto-languages. It may have begun
well before the beginning of our era. Although it is risky to venture a statement on
such a speculative matter, a variety of Aymaran would be the best candidate for having
provided such a model because of the more homogeneous character of Aymaran verbal
and nominal inection in comparison to Quechuan inection.
The remaining languages of the central Andean region do not participate in the same
sort of lexical and grammatical entwining that characterises the relationship between
Quechuan and Aymaran, although lexical borrowing has occurred. Since these languages
have been poorly studied so far, further research may eventually cast additional light on
their relationship with either Quechuan, or Aymaran (or both).
1.7.3 Other proposals for individual language families
As we anticipated, there have been many proposals of genetic connections between
specic groups which were formulated outside the framework of an overall classication.
For the earlier period (before 1960), two scholars, Rivet and Jij on y Caama no, deserve
to be specially commended for the size of their contribution to South American Indian
linguistics, including much classicatory work. Many of their classicatory proposals
have been the subject of drastic reconsideration. Therefore, it is not necessary to treat
themin detail here, but the amount of data they brought together and their inuence have
been considerable. Among Rivets classicatory contributions we nd the proposed
connection of Arawakan and Tacanan (see above), the inclusion of Uru and Puquina
within the Arawakan family (see also above), a rearrangement of the Chibchan family
involving many groups in Ecuador and southern Colombia (see also above), and the
association of the isolated Yurumangu language of the Colombian Pacic coast with
Sapirs Hokan phylum (Rivet 1942). Well known was also Rivets conviction that the
Chon languages (Tehuelche and Ona) of Patagonia were genetically related to languages
spoken by the Australian aborigines (Rivet 1925). Rivets comparative methods have
met with much criticism. In the case of Yurumangu, for instance, he compared the
vocabulary of this poorly documented extinct language with that of a wide array of
North American and Mesoamerican languages of supposed Hokan afliation. A lexical
similaritybetweenYurumangu andanyof these languages wouldbe consideredevidence
of a genetic relationship.
In his monumental El Ecuador Interandino y Occidental antes de la Conquista Espa-
nola (Inter-Andean and Western Ecuador before the Spanish Conquest, 19405), Jij on y
Caama no assigned most languages of northwestern South America to a Macro-Chibchan
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 37
phylum, which, in its turn, would t into HokanSiouan. His Macro-Chibchan was
more comprehensive than any of the previous proposals concerning Chibchan and its
connections. Jij on y Caama nos Macro-Chibchan not only included all the languages in
Loukotkas Chibcha, but also Timote, Cof an, Murato (Candoshi), Yurumangu, Mochica
(Chim u), Cholona and the Central American Lenca, Xinca, Jicaque and Subtiaba.
By contrast, Tucano and HuitotoBoraZ aparo are listed as separate phyla. Jij on y
Caama nos interpretation of the comparative method has been much criticised, inter alia,
for its acceptance of systematic equations of phonetically unrelated sounds. Constenla
Uma na (1981) mentions some striking examples of this procedure. Nevertheless, both
Rivet and Jij on y Caama no must be credited with having brought to public attention a
wealth of data on many extinct and poorly documented languages, which until then had
been virtually unknown.
Recent investigations of the Chibchan family have tended to reduce the number of
languages associated with it. In his thorough phonological reconstruction of Proto-
Chibchan, Constenla Uma na (1981) found that the Barbacoan, Paezan, Andaqu, Kams a,
Betoi, Jirajaran and Misumalpa languages are not Chibchan. What is left is a family
based primarily in Central America and represented in Colombia and Venezuela by the
Cundinamarcan Chibchan languages Muisca and Duit, Tunebo, the Arhuacan languages
of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Bar, Chimila and Cuna. In a revised version of
his reconstruction, Constenla Uma na (1989) proposes a PayaChibchan family con-
sisting of a Paya branch (represented by the sole Paya language of Honduras) and a
Chibchan branch. The Chibchan branch comprises several subgroups. One of them is a
Colombian Chibchan group which comprises the Arhuacan, Tunebo and Cundinamarcan
Chibchan languages. Cuna is found to belong to a different subgroup with the extinct
Dorasquean languages of Panama. Chimila and Bar remain unclassied as to subgroup
for lack of data. Several poorly documented languages once spoken in the Colombian
department of Antioquia (Nutabe, Cato Chibcha) are also classied as Chibchan. The
linguistic evidence seems to point to a relatively recent arrival of the Chibchan people
from Central America, making it less likely for all proposed South American connec-
tions to be correct. The alleged genetic relationship of Chibchan with Warao (in the
Venezuelan Orinoco delta) and with Yanomama (in the BrazilianVenezuelan border
lands; Greenberg 1959, 1960a, b; Migliazza 1978a) has been the object of an investi-
gation by Weisshar (1982). Among many other similar proposals, we may mention that
of L evi-Strauss (1948), who suggested a genetic relationship between Chibchan and the
Brazilian Nambikwara languages (refuted in Constenla Uma na 1981).
The reduced Chibchan family, such as proposed by Constenla Uma na, is almost the
same as that originally outlined by Uhle (1890). The afnities of the different mem-
bers of the family thus being reconsidered, many languages previously classied as
Chibchan are again left unclassied. There is convincing evidence that the Barbacoan
38 1 Introduction
languages Cayapa, Colorado and Cuaiquer are related in a family which also includes
the Coconucan languages Guambiano and Totor o (Constenla Uma na 1991; Curnow and
Liddicoat 1998). Whether the extinct languages of the northern Ecuadorian highlands
and the adjacent highlands in the Colombian department of Nari no (Cara, Pasto) also
belonged to the same grouping is a question which deserves further investigation (see
section 3.9.1). Although Greenberg and Kaufman classify Guambiano as Paezan, the
distance between Guambiano and P aez seems to be greater than that between Guambiano
and the Barbacoan languages. The position of P aez, Andaqu, Kams a and Betoi requires
renewed attention.
The Cariban language family, which has it greatest concentration of speakers in the
Guyanas and eastern Venezuela, is represented in the ColombianVenezuelan border
mountains, west of Lake Maracaibo, with the Yukpa or Motilones group. Rivet (1943a)
assumed a more generalised presence of Carib-speaking peoples in the Colombian
Andes, by assigning the (extinct) Muzo, Colima, Panche, Pijao, Pant agora and Op on
Carare languages of the Magdalena basin to the same family. He also believed the
Chocoan languages of the Colombian Pacic area to be related to Cariban (Rivet 1943b).
Durbin and Seijas (1973a, b, 1975) have shown that only the Op on and Carare languages,
located to the northwest of the Cundinamarcan highlands, were demonstrably Cariban.
Of the other languages Muzo and Colima may have been Cariban as well. For the three
remaining languages, however, the lexical similarity with Cariban is not such that it
can provide the assumed relationship with a solid basis (see section 2.11). The alleged
connection of Chocoan and Cariban has been superseded by Greenbergs proposal relat-
ing the Chocoan languages to Paezan. For similarities between Chocoan and Barbacoan
see section 2.3. Similarly, Constenla and Margery (1991) have published evidence for a
relation between Chocoan and Chibchan.
Genetic connections have been sought between the Mochica language (also known
as Yunga and, erroneously, as Chim u) and Chibchan (Jij on y Caama no, Greenberg),
and also with the Mayan language family in Mesoamerica (Stark 1972a, 1978). Another
language that has been associated with Mayan is Mapuche (Stark 1970, Hamp 1971).
Olson (1964, 1965) has proposed a genetic relationship between Mayan and the Chipaya
language of the Bolivian altiplano (closely related to Uru). As this theory became widely
acceptedLongacre (1968: 320) considers it provenUruChipaya came tobe included,
along with Mayan, into the North America-based Macro-Penutian phylum in published
classications of the North American and Mesoamerican languages (e.g. Voegelin and
Voegelin 1965). Campbell (1973) later showed that many of the similarities observed by
Olson between Chipaya and Mayan could have been the result of contact with Quechua or
Aymara. Verylittle is left of the arguments that seemedtohave convincedthe Americanist
linguistic community for some time. A serious drawback is the lack of a good grammar
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 39
and dictionary of Uru and Chipaya, which makes verication a difcult task for the
non-initiated.
Family-internal reconstruction work was carried out for Panoan by Shell (1965, 1975),
and for Tacanan by Key (1968) and by Girard (1971). Another complex of proposals
concerns the connection of Panoan and Tacanan with the Bolivian Moset en language
(Su arez 1969) and the relationship of both groups to UruChipaya, to Yuracar e (also in
Bolivia) and to the Chon languages of Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego (Su arez 1973,
following Swadesh 1962 in the latter two suggestions). Key (1978) compared Pano
Tacanan and Moset en to Araucanian.
The extensive Arawakanor Maipuranfamilyhas beenthe subject of muchcomparative
and classicatory work (Shafer 1959, Kingsley Noble 1965, Matteson 1972, Tovar 1986,
Valenti 1986, Payne 1991a). Kingsley Noble includes the Uru and Puquina groups and
Araw a in his comparison. Arawakan and Araw a share rather specic features of their
gender systems but are quite far apart lexically. Matteson includes Madi (Araw a) and
Harakmbut, a procedure which is rejected by Tovar. David L. Payne (1991a) does not
include Araw a and Harakmbut within the Arawakan family. Harakmbut has now been
shown to be related to the Brazilian Katukina family with a suggested further connection
to Macro-Ge (Adelaar 2000).
Although Arawakan as a whole constitutes a closely-knit family with strong lexical
resemblances (Rodrigues 1986: 70), the supposed afliation between Arawakan and a
number of languages in the Andean region has met with reserve. Such languages are
Amuesha (recognised as Arawakan by Tello in 1913), Apolista (shown to be Arawakan
by David L. Payne 1991b), Chamicuro (Parker 1987) and Resgaro. Although Amuesha
(spoken in the Andean foothills of the Peruvian department of Pasco) seemed at the
best a highly divergent member of the Arawakan family, Wise (1976) convincingly
demonstrated that Amuesha is closely related to pre-Andean Arawakan groups, such
as Campa, Machiguenga and Piro, the relationship being obscured by rather unusual
phonetic changes that tookplace inAmuesha. These changes must have occurredrecently
because they have also affected loan words from Spanish. The classicatory status of
Resgaro is discussed by Allin (1975) and by David L. Payne (1985); see also Aikhenvald
(2001).
The fact that UruChipaya and Puquina are by no means closely related invalidates
their inclusion into Arawakan as a subgroup, a hypothesis which is nevertheless defended
by de Cr equi-Montfort and Rivet (19257), Kingsley Noble (1965) and Greenberg
(1987). It does not, however, preclude the possibility that one of the two languages,
i.e. Puquina, exhibits a remote Arawakan afnity. There are, in fact, similarities in the
lexicon and, above all, in the pronominal system (cf. section 3.5). The ongoing inves-
tigation of the internal relations within the Arawakan family, which once spread over
40 1 Introduction
much of South America and the Caribbean, holds great promise for the unravelling of
the continents linguistic puzzle.
David L. Payne (1990) has pointed at some very striking similarities concerning the
formation of possessive nouns in four South American families, Arawakan, Araw a,
Cariban and Candoshi, which are difcult to explain through borrowing. On the other
hand, Rodrigues (1985a) has presented well-documented lexical evidence relating the
Cariban family to the Tupi stock (tronco Tup ), a huge genetic construct attaining its
maximum differentiation in the Brazilian Madeira basin. Lexical similarities between
Tupi and Macro-Ge (tronco Macro-J e) were already noticed by Davis (1968, 1985) and
conrmed in Rodrigues (1985b). The suggested genetic relationship of Tupi, Cariban
and Macro-Ge is supported by typological similarities (a relatively loose morphological
structure and a lack of polysynthesis), as observed by Doris Payne (1990b); see also
Rodrigues (2000).
David L. Payne (1981) investigated the alleged relationship of the Jivaroan languages
and Candoshi (proposed in both Greenbergs classications). Although he found lexical
similarities, these lay in the sphere of ora and fauna and seemed to point at bor-
rowing. David L. Payne (1990: 845) no longer considers the evidence for a Jvaro
Candoshi grouping convincing, but he mentions some grammatical similarities between
Arawakan, Candoshi and Cariban. In Su arezs classication (1974), Jivaroan is linked to
Cahuapanan, another small language family of the northern Peruvian foothills. Kaufman
(1990) considers this a possible relationship. Among several other suggestions, Kaufman
(1994: 63) offers an interesting new proposal concerning a genetic relationship between
Candoshi, Omurano (Mayna), and Taushiro (all in the Peruvian Amazon).
A new proposal concerning a possible genetic relationship between two linguistic
groups that had never been associated before has been made by Croese and Payne
(Croese 1990). They observed rather striking lexical similarities between Araucanian
(Mapuche) and the Arawakan family. The matter requires further investigation.
For the Panoan languages Migliazza (1978a, mentioned in Migliazza 1985) proposes
a rather close genetic relationship with Yanomaman, based on a cognate number of about
40 per cent, and a more remote relationship with Chibchan (see above).
The Guaicuruan language family (including Toba as its principal representative in
the pre-Andean space) and the Matacoan language family have, together with a third
group, LenguaMascoy, their centre of gravity in the Gran Chaco. Tovar (1981) found
considerable lexical resemblance between Toba and the Matacoan languages. Whether
this is due to a common genetic origin or borrowing is an issue awaiting further in-
vestigation. Tovar also observes lexical similarities between Matacoan and Arawakan.
In Greenbergs classication Matacoan, Guaicuruan and LenguaMascoy are taken
together. For Charr uan, a group of extinct languages once located in Uruguay and
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 41
Argentinian Entre Ros, Arawakan, Matacoan, LuleVilelan and Guaicuruan connec-
tions have been proposed by Perea y Alonso (1937), Ferrario (Ms), Rona (1964) and
Su arez (1974), respectively. See for the three rst proposals the discussion in Longacre
(1968: 3534), who seems to give most credit to Ferrarios arguments for the Matacoan
connection, cited in Censabella (1999: 61). Su snik (1978: 94) appears to favour a
Guaicuruan connection.
Among the languages of the southernmost part of South America, a grouping
was recognised as early as 1913 by Lehmann-Nitsche. It consisted of the Patagonian
languages (Tehuelche, Tehues) and the languages of Tierra del Fuegos main island
(Selk

nam or Ona, Haush). This grouping was called Tshon or Chon, a denomination
that includes elements of the words Tehuelche and Ona. For many languages once
spoken in Argentina it will probably never be possible to even approximately determine
a genetic afliation because the populations in question were exterminated before their
languages could be recorded. Viegas Barros has proposed a genetic relationship between
Kawesqar and Yahgan (Censabella 1999: 88).
A nal word about possible trans-Pacic genetic connections. Although there have
been many proponents of such connections (Rivet 1925; Imbelloni 1928; Ibarra Grasso
1958), no valid arguments were brought forward to support them. The search for them,
however, has shown at the least two lexical items shared by Polynesian languages and
languages in South America. One of them is the name of a plant domesticated in the
New World, the sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), Easter Island kumara, Hawaiian uala,
which is found as kumar or kumara in Quechua and Aymara. The second word is toki,
Easter Island stone axe, Mapuche stone axe, military chief (the holder of the axe);
compare also Yurumangu totoki axe (Jij on y Caama no 1945). Although the former
case constitutes near proof of incidental contact between inhabitants of the Andean
region and the South Pacic, the latter is not nearly as convincing but certainly deserves
attention. Apparently, there were sporadic contacts that led to an occasional interchange
of words, not to migrations of entire populations that could have brought along their
languages.
1.7.4 The Greenberg (1987) proposal
The appearance of Greenberg (1987) brought the discussion about the origins of lan-
guage, both in the Andes and elsewhere in the NewWorld, into a newphase. Rather than
merely containing the long expected factual justication of Greenbergs earlier proposal,
which, in part, it did, the terrain of comparison was widened to include the whole of
native America. It also brought a revision of the classication of the South American
Indian languages proposed before. In short, Greenberg (1987) contains the following
new elements:
42 1 Introduction
A. All the languages of the New World belong to three families: EskimoAleut, Na
Dene and Amerind; EskimoAleut and NaDene are limited to the Arctic and parts of
North America. Consequently, all South American and Mesoamerican Indian languages,
as well as most North American Indian languages are related. They belong to a single
family: Amerind. The tripartite division of the native American languages is associated
with three consecutive waves of migration, the rst of which is represented by speakers
of Amerind. Support for this hypothesis is sought from physical anthropology (blood
groups, dental structure) and archaeology; a rst outline of it had already been published,
before the appearance of Greenberg (1987), in Greenberg, Turner and Zegura (1985,
1986).
B. The South American languages are divided into seven subgroups: Macro-Ge,
Macro-Panoan, Macro-Carib, Equatorial, Macro-Tucanoan, Andean and Chibchan
Paezan. As in Greenbergs earlier classication, one language, Yurumangu is assigned
to a North American subgroup, Hokan. In addition, Macro-Ge, Macro-Panoan and
Macro-Carib are said to form a group at an indermediate level, which corresponds
to the GePanoCarib of Greenbergs earlier classication; the same holds for Equa-
torial and Macro-Tucanoan, which formed part of AndeanEquatorial in the earlier
classication. AndeanEquatorial as such is abandoned. So there are four groups at
the intermediate level between Amerind and the seven subgroups just enumerated: Ge
PanoCarib, Andean, EquatorialTucanoan and ChibchanPaezan (the former Macro-
Chibchan). For Amerind as a whole, including North America and Mexico, Greenberg
posits eleven subgroups and six groups at the intermediate level. As Swadesh (1962)
did before him, Greenberg nds more genetic diversity in South America than in
North America (except for the presence of non-Amerind NaDene and Eskimo
Aleut).
C. ChibchanPaezan receives extensions in North America and elsewhere in the
Americas. Its Chibchan division is made to include Tarascan and Cuitlatec, two lan-
guage isolates located in Mexico; the Paezan division now includes Timucua, a lan-
guage isolate once to be found in Florida. Huarpean (Allentiac), originally classied
as GePanoCarib, has been reassigned to Paezan, where it nds itself together with
Atacame no. JvaroCandoshi and the languages associated with it (Esmeralda, Yaruro
and Cof an), originally a separate division of AndeanEquatorial, have been reclassi-
ed as Equatorial. Quechua and Aymara are both classied as Andean but no longer
treated as a unit. Greenberg (1987: 100) admits that Aymara appears relatively isolated
within Andean.
Greenbergs new classication comes at a point in time when historical linguists tend
to be increasingly reluctant to accept distant genetic relationships if not accompanied
by solid proof (see, in particular, Campbell and Mithun 1979). Greenberg shows him-
self highly critical of the current methods of obtaining such proof, the use of sound
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 43
correspondence tables and asterisked reconstructed forms (1987: 1). Instead, Greenberg
advocates the search for lexical and grammatical similarities that become apparent from
a comparison of many languages at the same time (multilateral comparison). He does
not pursue phonetic exactitude and considers it premature to look for regular sound cor-
respondence lest other signicant similarities should be missed. Greenberg also allows
for a substantial amount of error in his data: the method of multilateral comparison
is so powerful that it will give reliable results even with the poorest of materials. In-
correct material should have merely a randomizing effect (1987: 29). As a matter
of fact, the data included in Greenberg (1987) are riddled with errors. For instance,
Cochabamba Quechua to see is given as ruk, instead of rik
h
u-, and quechuologists
are puzzled about identifying the Huanacucho dialect (probably a designation for
Ayacucho affected by a confusion with the name of some other dialect, such as Hu anuco
or Huanca). Old misunderstandings are perpetuated and even reinforced. For instance,
the alleged unity of UruChipaya and Puquina is not only defended, but Olsons work is
quoted as evidence for it (Greenberg 1987: 84). In reality, Olson (1964) merely observed
that some Chipaya call their language Puquina, which says nothing about the undeni-
able fact that there also existed a Puquina language quite distinct from present-day
Chipaya. Identical namegiving is no proof of identity. On the other hand, possible close
connections, such as Guambiano and Barbacoan, or Harakmbut and Katukina, were
missed.
It is not surprising that Greenbergs work has met with vigorous criticism; see, for
instance, the discussion in Current Anthropology 28: 64767, Kaufman (1990), and the
reviews byAdelaar (1989) andMatisoff (1990). Nevertheless, not all his proposals should
be dismissed lightly. Some of the proposed genetic links will undoubtedly turn out valid,
even though the factual basis is still insufcient. Greenberg also gives an inventory of
grammatical elements that are widespread in the Amerindian languages. Of some cases
Greenberg was not the rst to have noticed them (see, for instance, Swadesh 1954).
The grammatical elements in question are not merely cases of typological resemblances
because they concern the formal aspects of morphemes. One of the best-known cases
is a pattern consisting of n, or another non-labial nasal, for reference to rst person, in
combination with m for reference to second (both usually followed by a vowel). One
may be tempted, for instance, to investigate the possibility of a genetic link between,
say, Araucanian and Californian Penutian on the basis of Araucanian n
y
i my and mi
your, on the one hand, and Wintu ni I and mi you, on the other, only to nd out later
that many other Amerindian languages exhibit similar or related patterns of personal
reference. Whatever the origin of such resemblances may be, they can hardly be due to
borrowing.
In table 1.8, we summarise the classication proposed in Greenberg (1987) insofar as
it concerns the languages and language groups located in the Andean region. Alternative
44 1 Introduction
Table 1.8 Greenbergs (1987) classication of the languages of the Andes
I. on1nin minio C. Hokan 5. Yurumangui.
III. cnincn-riz A. Chibchan 3. Nuclear Chibchan: a. Antioquia (incl.
Katio, Nutabe). b. Aruak (incl.
Guamaca and Kagaba). c. Chibcha
(incl. Duit and Tunebo) d. Cuna.
f. Malibu (incl. Chimila). h. Motilon.
B. Paezan 1. Allentiac (incl. Millcayac).
2. Atacama. 3. Betoi. 4. Chimu.
5. Itonama. 6. Jirajara. 8. Nuclear
Paezan: a. Andaqui. b. Barbacoa (incl.
Cara, Cayapa, Colorado and Cuaiquer).
c. Choco. d. Paez (incl. Guambiano).
IV. oi A. Aymara Aymara, Jaqaru.
B. ItucaleSabela 1. Itucale. 2. Mayna. 3. Sabela.
C. KahuapanaZaparo 1. Kahuapana (incl. Jebero and
Chayahuita). 2. Zaparo (incl. Arabela
and Iquito).
D. Northern 1. Catacao. 2. Cholona (incl. Hibito).
3. Culli. 4. Leco. 5. Sechura.
E. Quechua.
F. Southern 1. Alakaluf. 2. Araucanian. 3. Gennaken
(=G un una K une). 4. Patagon (incl.
Ona). 5. Yamana.
V. iqt1onii1tco A. Macro-Tucanoan 1. Auixiri. 2. Canichana. 10. Mobima.
11. Muniche. 15. Puinave. 17. Ticuna
Yuri: a. Ticuna. b. Yuri. 18. Tucano.
B. Equatorial 1. Macro-Arawakan: a. Guahibo.
c. Otomaco. d. Tinigua. e. Arawakan:
(i) Arawa. (ii) Maipuran (incl.
Amuesha, Apolista, Chamicuro,
Resgaro and the Harakmbut
languages). (iii) Chapacura.
(iv) Guamo. (v) Uro (incl. Puquina and
Callahuaya). 2. Cayuvava. 3. Coche
(=Kams a). 4. JibaroKandoshi:
a. Cofan. b. Esmeralda. c. Jibaro.
d. Kandoshi. e. Yaruro. 5. KaririTupi:
b. Tupi. 6. Piaroa (incl. Saliba).
8. Timote. 11. Yuracare. 12. Zamuco.
VI. oirocnin A. Macro-Carib 1. Andoke. 2. BoraUitoto: a. Bora.
b. Uitoto. 3. Carib. 5. Yagua.
B. Macro-Panoan 1. Charruan. 2. Lengua. 3. LuleVilela:
a. Lule. b. Vilela. 4. MatacoGuaicuru:
a. Guaicuru. b. Mataco. 5. Moseten.
6. PanoTacana: a. Panoan. b. Tacanan.
C. Macro-Ge 1. Bororo. 4. Chiquito. 7. GeKaingan:
a. Kaingan. 8. Guato.
1.7 Genetic relations of South American Indian languages 45
names are occasionally added, preceded by an equals sign (=) in order to ease identi-
cation. The lowest level of the classication is left out because not all the language
names listed in Greenbergs classication actually represent different languages but,
rather, dialects or different designations of the same language. In other cases, however,
they do represent different languages, a fact which may give rise to confusion.
2
The Chibcha Sphere
The present chapter deals with the languages of the northern Andes; the term Chibcha
Sphere has been chosen because of the historically important role of the Chibcha people
in that area. In the sixteenth century the Chibcha or Muisca were the inhabitants of the
highland region that coincides with the modern Colombian departments of Boyac a and
Cundinamarca. Although historical sources insist that there was no linguistic unity, it
is likely that most Chibcha spoke closely related languages or dialects belonging to a
subgroup of the Chibchan language family. At least two languages have been identied:
Muisca was spoken on the upland plain (sabana) surrounding the present-day Colombian
capital Santaf e de Bogot a (department of Cundinamarca) and Duit in the department
of Boyac a. By their location in the highlands east of the Magdalena river valley, close
to the Amazonian plains, the Chibcha held a peripheral position in the Colombian
Andes. Therefore, their linguistic inuence on other parts of that area must not be
overestimated.
The Chibcha were a populous agricultural nation, who specialised in the cultivation of
potatoes and cotton. They were divided into several chiefdoms, two of which occupied a
leading position. Asouthern chiefdom, centred in Bacat a or Muequet a (near the modern
town of Funza, close to present-day Bogot a), was ruled by a king called the zipa. At
the time of the arrival of the conquistador Gonzalo Jim enez de Quesada in 1537, the
valley of Bogot a was lled with a multitude of high wooden buildings, which impressed
the Spaniards so much that they gave it the name of Valle de los Alcazares (Valley
of the Castles). The zipas northern neighbour, located in Hunza (todays Tunja, the
capital of the Boyac a department), was known as the zaque. A third town of importance
was Sogamoso (Sugamuxi), the religious centre of the Chibcha and the seat of a highly
venerated wooden temple of huge dimensions. According to tradition, the temple of
Sogamoso was burned down accidentally by two greedy Spanish conquistadores, who
let goof their torches as theybeheld the richness of the gold decorations inside (Hemming
1978: 867). The high priest of Sogamoso subsequently changed his name to don Alonso
and became one of the most faithful propagandists of the Christian faith (Triana y
Antorveza 1987: 555).
2 The Chibcha Sphere 47
Santa Marta
ACHAGUA
AGATANO
Mrida GUAMO
SLI BA
BETOI
LACHE
OTOMACO
HACARITAMA
CHITARERO
Bogot
SUTAGAO
C O L O M B I A
CUICA
GUANE
OPN-CARARE
CATO
NUTABE
YAMES
SIN
GUACA-
NORI
CUNA
DUIT
Sogamoso
Tunja
TEGUA
MUISCA
MUZO
ARMA-
POZO
Cartagena
PACABUEY
MALIB
ARHUACO
VENEZUELA
MAI PURE
PEZ
TIMAN
YALCN
San Agustn
IRRA
ANSERMA
QUIMBAYA
QUINDO
LILI
IDABAEZ
YURUMANGU
JAMUND
JITIRIJITI
PUBENZA
Popayn
BARBACOA
SINDAGUA
QUILLACINGA
PASTO
SIONA
QUIJO
P E R U
ECUADOR
CARA
YUMBO
ESMERALDEO
MALABA
NIGUA
PANAMA
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TAMA
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NTGORA
COLIMA
Map 1 The Chibcha Sphere: overview of ethnolinguistic groups attested in premodern sources
The Chibcha heartland also became known worldwide as the source of the El Dorado
legend, a major incentive for conquest and exploration in the northern Amazon. At
regular intervals, the cacique or chieftain of Guatavita, one of the most inuential vassals
of the zipa, would anoint himself with gold dust and plunge into a volcanic lake. The
48 2 The Chibcha Sphere
story of El Dorado had a tremendous impact on Spanish conquistadores and adventurers.
During the decades following the conquest, they would organise numerous expeditions
geared at nding other El Dorados. These expeditions brought considerable havoc and
misery to the Chibcha and their neighbours. Their damage in terms of human losses and
social disruption was such that the emperor Charles V forbade all such expeditions in
1550 (Hemming 1978: 139).
There were some remarkable cultural achievements, such as the goldsmiths art of
the Quimbaya people of the Cauca river valley, the monumental stone sculptures of San
Agustn in the department of Huila, the Ciudad Perdida (lost city) of the Tairona in
the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, and the pictographic writing system of the Cuna (cf.
Nordenski old 192830). At the same time, the native peoples of the northern Andes were
divided. Apart from the powerful Muisca kingdoms, there was no political unity, but
rather a conglomerate of small chiefdoms and tribes, living in an almost permanent state
of war. These small political units were usually referred to as behetras by the Spaniards
(see, for instance, Cieza de Le on 1553; Acosta 1590). The difference in this respect
between New Granada, as Colombia was called in colonial times, and Peru (including
present-day Ecuador) was emphasised by most of the chroniclers. The Chibcha, although
highly organised internally, were besieged by the warlike tribes of the Magdalena valley,
including the Panche, the Pant agora and the Pijao, who blocked their way to the west
and contributed to their isolation. Within the neighbouring highlands, the Muzo and the
Colima were encroaching upon the Chibcha heartland from the northwest. A special
caste of warriors, the guecha (probably g uecha [wet
y
a]; cf. Uricoechea 1871: 253) were
in charge of the defence of the Chibcha realm, which is otherwise described as relatively
peaceful.
After the arrival of the Spaniards, many Colombian tribes refused to submit and
continued to ght the colonial rulers, taking advantage of the rugged physiognomy of
the country. Famous is the story, possibly a legend, of la Gaitana, a female cacique of
Timan a in the Upper Magdalena valley. In 1543 she is said to have hunted down and
ferociously killed the Spanish conquistador Pedro de A nasco, who was responsible for
burning her son.
1
Many sectors of the Magdalena river valley remained dangerous and
insecure for travellers well into the twentieth century. The Chimila, who inhabited the
region east of the lower Magdalena valley (departments of Cesar and Magdalena) and the
Andaqu of the forest region east of San Agustn (departments of Huila and Caquet a), are
known for their long and tenacious resistance. The fearsome Pijao of Huila and Tolima
challenged Spanish rule in a large-scale rebellion in the early seventeenth century.
1
The story of La Gaitana is related by the chroniclers Juan de Castellanos (1589) and Pedro Sim on
(1625). Her ethnic background has not been established. She may have belonged either to the
P aez or to the local Yalc on nation.
2 The Chibcha Sphere 49
Outside the Chibcha heartland, another concentration of highly developed and popu-
lous societies was found in the valley of the Cauca river, in the modern departments of
Caldas, Risaralda and Quindo. An outstanding position was occupied by the Quimbaya
federation, centred around the modern towns of Chinchin a (near Manizales) and Pereira
(Chaves, Morales and Calle 1995: 156). The Quimbaya are known as the most talented
goldsmiths of pre-Columbian America. Although the rst contacts with the Spanish
conquistador Jorge Robledo in 1539 were not particularly hostile, the subsequent re-
pression and exploitation by Sebasti an de Belalc azar and his men from Peru led to a
series of rebellions, which brought about the near annihilation of the Cauca peoples. The
Quimbaya became extinct as a recognisable group around 1700 (Duque G omez 1970).
Their language remains unknown and its afliations a matter of speculation.
Sixteenth-century chroniclers report the existence of almost innumerable different
languages. Some of them give a fair account of the situation which can help to make us
aware of the loss. Pascual de Andagoya (1545) mentions the Atunceta, Ciaman, Jitirijiti
and Lili languages spoken in the area of Cali and Popay an. Only the names of these
languages have been preserved, as well as the observation that they were so different
from each other that the use of interpreters was required. Pedro de Cieza de Le on
(1553), the chronicler of Peru, who accompanied Captain Robledo in his conquest of
the lower and middle Cauca valley, has left very precise information about the language
situation of Antioquia, Caldas, Quindo and Risaralda. Through an analysis of Ciezas
linguistic observations, Jij on y Caama no (1938: Appendix, pp. 10912) points at the
existence of four different languages in the CaldasQuindoRisaralda region: Arma
Pozo, QuimbayaCarrapaPicaraPaucura, QuindoandIrra. However, this enumeration
does not include the languages of the Anserma, of the Chancos nation and of several
other local groups. They may either have been separate languages, or be included in
one of the groupings just mentioned. The information on all these languages is too
limited to permit any conclusion as to their genetic afliation. An exception are the
languages of Antioquia (known as Old Cato and Nutabe), which were identied as
Chibchan (Rivet 19436; Constenla Uma na 1991: 31). Interestingly, one of the few
words mentioned by Cieza de Le on for the language spoken in the towns of Arma and
Pozo (department of Caldas) is ume woman, which corresponds to ome in the Cuna
language of the Colombian and Panamanian Caribbean coast. A frequent ending -racua
is reminiscent of the Cuna derivational ending -k
w
a (cf. Llerena Villalobos 1987: 723).
Such similarities, as well as some others, were observed by Rivet (19436) but remain
merely suggestive as long as no additional data are found concerning the languages of
the Cauca valley.
Since most of the indigenous languages were lost without possibility of recovery,
the extent of linguistic variety in the northern Andes may never be fully appreci-
ated. The fewlanguages that have survived the contact with the European invaders may or
50 2 The Chibcha Sphere
may not be representative. As it stands, none of the original languages of the Cauca
and Magdalena valleys have survived, and there is hardly any documentation on them.
The main languages of the sabana, Muisca and Duit, became extinct in the eighteenth
century, although in the rst case the available documentation is relatively extensive. On
the other hand, some surviving groups (e.g. the Chocoan Ember a, the Cuna, the P aez)
have been remarkably expansive in recent times. From this perspective, the original
linguistic situation and the present-day one are hardly comparable.
2.1 The language groups and their distribution
Colombia and western Venezuela form the northernmost section of the Andean region.
This area was a meeting point of linguistic and cultural inuences from the central
Andes, the Amazon basin, the Caribbean and Central America. From an archaeological
and cultural point of view, it is part of a region often referred to as the Intermediate Area
(AreaIntermedia), negativelydenedas anarea belongingneither toMesoamerica, nor to
the Central Andean civilisation domain. In addition to Colombia and western Venezuela,
the Intermediate Area alsocomprises a substantial part of Central America. The linguistic
features of the Intermediate Area have been studied by Constenla Uma na (1991), who
nds it subdivided into three main typological regions: a Central AmericanNorthern
Colombian area (including the Cof an language isolate as an outlier), an Ecuadorian
Southern Colombian area, and a GuajiroWestern Venezuelan area.
Two important language families, Cariban and Chibchan, have left their mark in the
northern Andes since precontact times. Cariban has its origin in the Amazonian and
Guyanese regions, whereas Chibchan has Central American connections. Considering
their distribution and the amount of internal differentiation within the area under dis-
cussion, the intrusion of the Chibchan languages in the northern Andes is clearly much
older than that of the Cariban languages. Nevertheless, a Central American origin for
the Chibchan languages seems likely because some of the most fundamental diversity
internal to the family is found in Costa Rica and western Panama (Constenla Uma na
1990). Furthermore, the closest presumable relatives of the Chibchan family as a whole,
Lenca and Misumalpa, are located at the northern, Central American borders of the
Chibchan domain (Constenla Uma na 1991).
The area of the Caribbean coast of Colombia comprises two important nuclei of
Chibchan-speaking populations: the Cuna, around the Gulf of Urab a and adjacent
areas of (Atlantic) Panama, at one end, and the complex of indigenous peoples of
the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta (Ika, Kankuamo, Kogui and Wiwa) and the Sierra
de Perij a (Bar), at the other. Between these two geographical extremes, several other
groups were decimated or eliminated early in the colonial process. In the present-day
departments of Bolvar, C ordoba and Sucre, three prosperous chiefdoms, Fincen u,
Pancen u and Cen ufana represented the Sin u culture, renowned for its burials rich in gold
2.1 The language groups and their distribution 51
KOGUI
IKA
YUKPA
BAR
Maracaibo
V E N E Z U E L A
YARURO
CUIBA
SLIBA
HITN
TUNEBO
PI AROA
YAVITERO()
PUINAVE
BANIVA DEL
GUAINA
CURRIPACO
ACHAGUA
CUBEO
NUKAK
YURUT
KAKUA
GUANANO
TARIANA
Bogot
TINIGUA
PIJAO()
CARIJONA
PISAMIRA
CARAPANA
TATUYO
DESANO
BAR
CABIYAR
BARASANA
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OCAINA
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ANDOQUE
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MAKAGUAJE
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recent expansion
Map 2 The Chibcha Sphere: approximate distribution of indigenous languages (mid twentieth
century). The shaded area surrounding Lake Maracaibo indicates a recent expansion of the
Guajiro language.
52 2 The Chibcha Sphere
(Chaves et al. 1995). The surviving descendants of the Sin u, who live at San Andr es de
Sotavento (C ordoba), not far from the town of Sincelejo, have no record of their origi-
nal languages. The language of the lower Magdalena river (between Tamalameque and
Trinidad) was known as Malib u. It and the extinct languages of neighbouring peoples,
such as the Mocana and the Pacabueyes, have been grouped with the (Chibchan) lan-
guage of the Chimila by Loukotka (1968: 244) without any factual basis (cf. Constenla
Uma na 1991). The Chimila language is still spoken today. The language of the Tairona,
who were destroyed in 1600 after almost a century of warfare with the colonists of Santa
Marta, may have been related to (or even identical with) one of its Chibchan neighbours
further east in the Sierra Nevada.
2
The Andes northeast of the Chibcha heartland were inhabited by several agricultural
highland peoples who shared some of its cultural characteristics. They include the Lache,
who lived near the Sierra Nevada del Cocuy (northeastern Boyac a), the Guane in the
southern part of Santander department (south of Bucaramanga) and the Chitarero of
the Pamplona area (department of Norte de Santander). The Agatano occupied the
mountains west of V elez (Santander). Most of these peoples have been classied as
Chibchan, although there are hardly any linguistic data to support such a supposition.
Since the territory of the Lache bordered on that of the modern (Chibchan) Tunebo or
Uwa of the eastern Andean slopes and lowlands in Casanare, it is tempting to speculate
that they represented the same linguistic grouping. Here again, however, the necessary
data on Lache are lacking. The Venezuelan Andes form a geographical continuation of
the area just referred to. The high Andes of the states of M erida and Trujillo comprise
a substantial indigenous (now Spanish-speaking) population, representing the (extinct)
TimoteCuica family, not related to Chibchan. In the pre-Andean hills of the states of
Lara and Falc on, the Jirajaran family (also extinct) constituted another linguistic isolate.
Cariban-speaking peoples survive in the ColombianVenezuelan border area west of
Lake Maracaibo (Yukpa and Japreria). Elsewhere in the northern Andean region the
identication of Cariban languages has been problematic as a result of their poor docu-
mentation and early extinction. In addition, Spanish chroniclers did not employ the term
Carib (caribe) primarily as a linguistic concept, but rather as a cover term for Indians
who remained intractable in their contacts with the colonial authorities, and, especially,
for those who used arrow-poison and practised cannibalism. Such tribes inhabited the
2
The linguistic connection between the area of Santa Marta and the Muisca highlands of Bogot a
is illustrated by Piedrahitas account of the conquest of 1537. In 1676 he wrote: Quienes m as
percibieron el idioma fueron Peric on, y las Indias, que se llevaron de la costa de Santa Marta, y
Ro Grande, que con facilidad lo pronunciaban, y se comunicaban en el con los Bogot aes (Those
who best understood the language [of the Muisca] were Peric on [the expeditions guide] and the
Indian women, who hailed from the coast of Santa Marta, and the Ro Grande [Magdalena], who
with ease pronounced it, and communicated in it with the Bogot aes; Ostler 2000, following Uhle
1890).
2.1 The language groups and their distribution 53
Magdalena valley, where at least one group, Op onCarare, has been identied as Cariban
on linguistic grounds (Durbin and Seijas 1973a, b). In the case of other Magdalenan
peoples, such as the Panche and the Pijao, a Cariban afliation remains hypotheti-
cal, although the poor lexical data of the Pijao language that are left exhibit traces of
Cariban inuence in its basic vocabulary (cf. Constenla Uma na 1991: 62). Cariban inu-
ence in the Magdalena valley is also suggested by its unique Carib-sounding toponymy
(Coyaima, Natagaima, Tocaima), which is found in both the ancient Panche and Pijao
areas. In other areas, however, where a Carib presence has been suspected mainly on
cultural grounds, e.g. in the Cauca valley, there is no linguistic evidence to support it.
In addition to Cariban and Chibchan, two more families which have their origin out-
side the northern Andes are found in the area under discussion. The Arawakan family
of probable Amazonian origin is represented near the Caribbean coast (Guajiro and
Paraujano). The Quechuan group (cf. chapter 3) is represented by the Inga or Ingano
language in the southern Colombian departments of Nari no and Caquet a. The inuence
of Quechua is particularly noticeable in the southern Andes of Colombia, notwith-
standing the fact that local languages, such as Pasto, Quillacinga and Sindagua contin-
ued to remain in use for a long time. It is not unlikely that Quillacinga and Sindagua
survive in present-day Kams a or Sibundoy and in (Barbacoan) Cuaiquer or Awa Pit,
respectively (Groot and Hooykaas 1991). The department of Nari no, bordering on
Ecuador, has a substantial indigenous population, even though the use of Spanish is now
predominant.
The extent of Quechua inuence in southern Colombia, as well as the moment of its
introduction, is a matter of debate. It may already have been present before the arrival of
the Spaniards, or it may have been introduced by the yanacona (serfs) from Quito, who
accompanied Belalc azar and other conquistadores on their expeditions. The Quechua-
speaking yanacona played an important part in the conquest of NewGranada. They were
eventually allowed to settle down at several locations north of Popay an, in the Bogot a
area and in Huila (Triana y Antorveza 1987: 11820). As early as 1540, Andagoya (1986:
133) observed a sort of mixed use of Quechua and Spanish among the Jitirijiti tribe, who
lived in the neighbourhood of the present-day town of Cali. He quotes the words of a
recently christianised Indian woman turning down an improper proposal made to her by
a Spaniard: mana se nor que soy casada y tern a Santa Mara ternan hancha pi na, no,
sir, I am married, and the Holy Mary will be very angry; cf. Quechua mana no, an ca
pin
y
a very angry (tern a and ternan may represent the Spanish verb tendr a he/she will
have). In 1758 the Franciscan friar Juan de Santa Gertrudis visited the archaeological
remains at San Agustn, leaving a detailed account of his ndings (Reichel-Dolmatoff
1972). He reported that Quechua, la lengua linga (an adulteration of la lengua del Inga
the language of the Inca), was used in the Upper Magdalena region, an area which had
been highly multilingual in the sixteenth century (Triana y Antorveza 1987: 169).
54 2 The Chibcha Sphere
As might be expected, not all northern Andean languages can be assigned to one
of the four widely extended families discussed so far. In addition to the two extinct
Venezuelan families mentioned earlier, there are at least two local families, Barbacoan
in the southern departments of Cauca and Nari no (as well as in Ecuador) and Chocoan
in the Pacic region. There are ve living Barbacoan languages: Awa Pit (Cuaiquer),
Cha

palaachi (Cayapa), Guambiano, Totor o and Tsaki (Colorado). Cha

palaachi and
Tsaki are only spoken in Ecuador. Chocoan is represented by two languages: Ember a
and Waunana. The P aez language of Cauca and Huila is either an isolate or the surviving
member of a small family. On the eastern slopes Kams a or Sibundoy and Andaqu (the
latter extinct) are isolates, and so are Yurumangu and Esmeralde no, extinct languages
of the Pacic region of Colombia and Ecuador.
In the following sections we will discuss some general characteristics of the principal
documented languages of the Colombian and Venezuelan Andes, as well as the north-
western part of Ecuador. Because of its historical importance, Muisca will be treated
in somewhat more detail. Demographically important languages, such as Guajiro and
P aez, will also receive particular attention. The nal section of this chapter contains
an overview of the languages of the eastern lowlands that are adjacent to the northern
Andes.
2.2 Research on the native languages of Colombia
Among the precursors of academic studies concerning the languages of the northern
Andes two scholars must be mentioned, the natural scientist and physicist Jos e Celestino
Mutis (17321808) and the linguist Ezequiel Uricoechea (183480). After his arrival in
New Granada in 1761, Mutis became an enthusiastic collector of descriptive material
of difcult accessibility concerning the indigenous languages of the Spanish American
domain. In 1787 he received the commission to make a collection of indigenous language
materials as the result of a request addressedbyCatherine II of Russia tothe kingof Spain.
The empress needed these materials for her ambitious project to document the languages
of the world in Saint Petersburg. Mutis carried out his assignment with great care, making
copies so as to avoid losses. As it appears, most of Mutiss materials never reached
Russia (Ortega Ricaurte 1978: 102), but copies remain in Madrid. Born in Colombia,
Uricoechea, a man of wide interests, spent part of his life in Belgium, where he held
a professorship in the Arabic language. He was the founder of the series Biblioth` eque
Linguistique Am ericaine (18711903), in which much early work on the indigenous
languages of the Americas, including his own on Muisca, was brought together. In
more recent times, the Frenchman Paul Rivet (18761958) collected and published
material on numerous languages of Colombia and the Venezuelan Andes, including
extinct languages of which only a minimum amount of data could be found. Landaburu
2.2 Research on the native languages of Colombia 55
(1996a, 1998, 1999) has published substantial parts of Rivets Colombian archive, kept
at the Mus ee de lHomme in Paris.
In Colombia a number of important studies, both descriptive and historical, have
appeared, especially in recent decades. In 1965 Sergio Elas Ortiz published a survey of
the Colombian indigenous languages. The Instituto Caro y Cuervo in Bogot a, a venerable
institution originally dedicated to Hispanic studies, issued several works of indigenous
linguistic interest. Among these are a history of studies dedicated to the Colombian
native languages (Ortega Ricaurte 1978), a history of the fate of the indigenous languages
in colonial society (Triana y Antorveza 1987), an overview of historical-comparative
efforts concerning these languages (Rodrguez de Montes 1993) and two fundamental
works on Muisca (Gonz alez de P erez 1980, 1987; see section 2.9 on Muisca). A most
remarkable achievement is Lenguas Indgenas de Colombia: una visi on descriptiva
(Indigenous Languages of Colombia: a Descriptive Vision) (Gonz alez and Rodrguez
2000), a monumental book containing descriptive sketches and information by different
specialists on all the native languages spoken in Colombia today.
In 1984 the Universidad de los Andes in Bogot a, in co-operation with the French
Centre National de la Recherche Scientique (CNRS), initiated a programme for the
training of descriptive linguists under the direction of Jon Landaburu, in order to study
and document the indigenous languages of Colombia in a systematic way. The institution
harbouring this programme, the Centro Colombiano de Estudios de Lenguas Aborgenes
(CCELA), issues a series of descriptive studies and dictionaries, which have appeared
regularly since 1987. Up to now, the series includes work on Achagua, Cuna, Ember a,
Chimila, Damana, Guambiano, Guayabero, Kogui, P aez, Sikuani and Ticuna. Most of the
contributions in Gonz alez and Rodrguez (2000) have been written by linguists trained
in the CCELA programme.
Members of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, which has deployed activities in
Colombia for several decades, have produced descriptive studies, inter alia, of Achagua,
Ember a, Ika and several Tucanoan languages. Also worth mentioning is a useful com-
parative vocabulary of Colombian indigenous languages, compiled by Huber and Reed
(1992).
The journal Estudios de Ling ustica Chibcha, published by the University of Costa
Rica at San Jos e, contains much data and discussion concerning the reconstruction of
earlier stages of Chibchan in particular. Other important work by the Costa Rican school
is Constenlas dissertation on the reconstruction of Chibchan phonology (Constenla
Uma na 1981) and his book on the typology of the Intermediate Area (Constenla Uma na
1991). Morphosyntactic reconstruction of Colombian Chibchan languages is attempted
in Ostler (2000).
The indigenous literature of the northern Andean area is mainly conned to collec-
tions of folkloric text. An overviewof the traditional literature in the Chibchan languages
56 2 The Chibcha Sphere
can be found in Constenla Uma na (1990a). Two Chibchan languages, Cuna and Kogui,
are well represented in this respect. Many Cuna texts were collected in the rst half
of the twentieth century by researchers of the Ethnographic Museum in G oteborg
(Nordenski old 1928, 1930a, 1938; Holmer 1951; Holmer and Wass en 1953). An eval-
uation of the literary value of these texts is provided by Kramer (1970). More recent
text material and an extensive study of Cuna discourse and speech styles can be found
in Sherzer (1983, 1986). A rich corpus of Kogui folkloric text was collected by Preuss
in 1915 and published in different issues of the journal Anthropos (Preuss 19215; cf.
also Fischer and Preuss 1989). Further information on Kogui traditional literature can
be found in Reichel-Dolmatoff (19501). Of great interest is an extensive collection of
Huitoto myths, transcribed and with a vocabulary and a German translation, again by
Preuss (19213). Finally, Howard and Sch ottelndreyer (1977) present some texts in
Kams a and in Cato (Choc o), respectively.
2.3 Chocoan
The Chocoan language family is located on the Pacic side of Colombia and eastern
Panama.
3
It consists of two languages, Ember a and Waunana. The Waunana language
has its principal location in the lower part of the San Juan river valley in the Colombian
department of Choc o. Additionally, a substantial number of Waunana speakers have
migrated to coastal areas adjacent to Panama and to the Darien region of Panama itself.
The Ember a constitute a exible and expanding population, which have colonised new
territories whenever external or demographic pressure incited them to do so. At present,
the Ember a not only inhabit Darien and the Choc o, but also parts of Antioquia, Cauca,
C ordoba, Nari no, Risaralda and Valle del Cauca, thus occupying areas both to the north
and to the south of the Waunana. In recent times some Ember a have reached Ecuador,
and others have crossed the Andes into the Amazon region (department of Caquet a).
Chocoan presence is easily traceable by the frequent occurrence of the ending -d o river
in place names (e.g. Apartad o, Baud o, Docampad o, Opogad o). The number of Ember a
speakers in Colombia is estimated at more than 70,000, while that of the Colombian
Waunana has been calculated at ca. 8,000 (Arango and S anchez 1998).
4
3
Loukotka (1968) reports the existence of an extinct language isolate in the area of Baha de
Solano (northern Choc o), which he calls Idabaez. It is based on a report concerning a short-lived
missionary adventure of the Franciscans between 1632 and 1646 (Rowe 1950a). Only one word
(tubete medicine-man) and the name of a chief (Hijuoba) were recorded, too little to attribute
a separate identity to this group on linguistic grounds only.
4
The population numbers supplied by Arango and S anchez (1998) often seem to be inated in
relation to gures taken from other sources. It has nothing to do with a difference in number be-
tween speakers of the language and members of the ethnic group. In many Colombian indigenous
groups the ancestral language is used by all members.
2.3 Chocoan 57
In their expansion the Ember a have settled in areas formerly occupied by other peo-
ples who became extinct during the process of colonisation. Ember a is known under
different names according to the region where it is spoken (Cato in central Antioquia
and C ordoba, Cham in southern Antioquia and Risaralda, Saija in the area south of
Buenaventura, Samb u in the Panamanian border area). At least in one case, such a
name (Cato) originally designated a Chibchan people who preceded the Ember a in
the same area (central Antioquia). Whether or not there has been any continuity be-
tween the modern Choc o and extinct societies such as the Quimbaya and Sin u, re-
mains an open question.
5
A connection that certainly seems promising is that between
Chocoan and the language of the Cueva people, who inhabited central and eastern
Panama at the beginning of the sixteenthcentury (Loewen 1963a; Constenla and Margery
1991).
Constenla and Margery (1991) point out a number of lexical and morphological
similarities between the Chocoan and the Chibchan languages, which may indicate
historical contact or a possible genetic relationship. It seems useful to observe that there
are a number of close lexical similarities with the Barbacoan languages as well, e.g.
Proto-Barbacoan (Curnow and Liddicoat 1998) *kim-u nose, Guambiano (Curnow
1998) kalu, Awa Pit (Calvache Due nas 2000) kail
y
ear; Proto-Chocoan (Constenla
and Margery 1991) *k eb u nose, *kIwIr i ear. Greenberg (1987) links Chocoan with
Barbacoan and P aez. Rivets proposal of a genetic link between Chocoan and Cariban
(Rivet 1943b) has been rejected upon several occasions (cf. Pardo and Aguirre 1993:
27892).
The difference between the two Chocoan languages, Ember a and Waunana, is in the
rst place lexical. Ember a itself is best treated as a dialect continuum. From a phonolog-
ical point of view, the Chocoan languages are complex and show a considerable amount
of internal variation. Comparative studies of the phonology of the different varieties can
be found in Loewen (1963b), and Pardo and Aguirre (1993). Llerena Villalobos (1995)
contains the views of different authors on the phonology of several Ember a varieties.
Waunana has many syllable- and word-nal obstruents, whereas Ember a has a preference
for open syllables. All varieties of Chocoan present three series of stops, which can be
either voiceless aspirated/voiceless unaspirated/voiced lax (Waunana, Saija), or voice-
less plain (somewhat aspirated)/voiced tense/voiced implosive (the northern dialects of
Ember a). In addition to these basic distinctions, there is much allophonic variation; in
5
In a discussion of Rivet (1943b), Constenla and Margery (1991) refer to a short word list collected
by Bastian (1878) among possible descendants of the Quimbaya. It seems relatable to Chocoan.
Considering the late date, so long after the recorded extinction of Quimbaya, one has to take into
account the possibility that the interviewed persons were Chocoans who had migrated into the
area. A closer analysis of the place and circumstances under which this word list was collected
can possibly throw light on the matter.
58 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Table 2.1 Overview of the consonant inventories of Chocoan languages and dialects
(adapted from Pardo and Aguirre 1993)
Atrato,
Upper San Antioquia,
Waunana, Saija Lower Baud o Juan N. Choc o
Stops Aspirated p
h
t
h
k
h
p
h
t
h
k
h
p
h
t
h
k
h
p
h
t
h
k
h
Plain p t k p t k
Voiced b d g b d b d b d
Implosive 5 d 5 d 5 d/
Affricates Voiced z d
z
and
Fricatives Voiceless c s h
Vibrants r rr
Resonants l m n
Approximants w y
a nasal environment the stops generally have prenasalised allophones. The dialect of
the lower Baud o river is unique in that it presents four series in the labial and dental
articulations (voiceless aspirated/voiceless unaspirated/voiced lax/voiced implosive). A
constant feature of all the Chocoan languages is a phonemic opposition between a sim-
ple (r) and a multiple vibrant (rr), both of which occur in intervocalic and syllable-nal
position. The number of affricates and fricatives varies according to the dialect. Only
the southern varieties have a phonemic glottal stop.
Table 2.1 contains a synopsis of the consonant systems of Waunana and a number of
Ember a dialects.
Constenla and Margery (1991) propose a reconstruction of Proto-Chocoan phonology.
In spite of the rather elaborate inventories of stops found today in the Chocoan varieties,
they reconstruct a stop system with voiced (b, d ) and voiceless (p, t, k) elements only.
This reconstruction is claimed to be valid for Proto-Ember a, as well as for Proto-Chocoan
in its totality.
The minimal vowel inventory found in all present-day varieties comprises three high
vowels (i, I, u), two mid vowels (e, o) and one lowvowel (a). In addition, Waunana has an
extra row of lowered (open) high vowels; Saija has an extra central vowel (

). A nasality
opposition is relevant for all six vowels. Progressive nasal spread can affect whole words
unless checked by an opaque consonant (one of the obstruents, or rr). In an analysis of
2.3 Chocoan 59
Saija (Harms 1994), the nasal consonants are treated as allophones of b and d before a
nasal vowel. Also in Saija stress can be contrastive.
Two detailed and recent studies address the structure of Ember a varieties. Harms
(1994) deals with the Saija variety of Nari no, Cauca and Valle, whereas Aguirre Licht
(1998, 1999) describes the Cham dialect of Cristiana (southwestern Antioquia). Llerena
Villalobos (1994) treats predication in the Cham dialect of the Upper And agueda
(interior of Choc o). In Gonz alez and Rodrguez (2000), Hoyos Bentez presents a sketch
of the Napip river dialect (in the Baud o hills, coast of north-central Choc o) and Meja
Fonnegra a sketch of Waunana. A detailed study of loan words in Waunana by Loewen
(1960) documents language contact with Spanish.
Chocoan word forms present an agglutinating structure which is mainly based on
sufxes. Prexes are exceptional. Nominal sufxes refer to case and number. Verbal
sufxes refer to aspect, tense, number and mood. The verbal morphology furthermore
includes sufxes for causative, directionality and other derivational categories. Auxil-
iaries and copula verbs play an important role in the grammar. There is a rich choice of
compound verbs, including some cases of object incorporation.
In a genitive construction a possessor precedes its head without any special marker.
This is also the case when the modier is a demonstrative pronoun. Adjectives and
numerals, however, follow their heads. Personal reference is indicated by pronouns,
which precede a noun (when referring to a possessor), or a verb (when referring to
subject and object). There is no indication of personal reference in the verb form itself,
except that Waunana has a set of auxiliary verbs reecting person-of-subject, which are
limited to stative constructions (Meja Fonnegra 2000).
All Chocoan languages are ergative. The case system comprises an ergative marker
which is obligatory with agents of transitive constructions. Objects of transitive verbs
and subjects of intransitive verbs remain unmarked. The preferred constituent order is
AgentPatientVerb. For instance, in Waunana, we nd:
(1) k
h
um-au su:rr bu:rr-pi-hi-m
jaguar-E deer fall-CA-PA-DV
The jaguar caused the deer to fall down. (Meja Fonnegra 2000: 89)
(2) su:rr bu:rr-hi-m
deer fall-PA-DV
The deer fell down. (Meja Fonnegra 2000: 89)
A special ergative marker is used with singular pronouns:
(3) mu-a pII-rik bine de:-hi-m
I-E you-DA medicine give-PA-DV
I gave medicine to you. (Meja Fonnegra 2000: 90)
60 2 The Chibcha Sphere
When plurality is marked on the verb in Ember a, it refers to the agent, regardless
of whether the latter is in the ergative or in the absolutive case. Examples from Saija
(southern Ember a) are:
(4) eper a:-r

a-pa p
h
ok
h
ura
6
k
h
o-pa- ci-d a
person-PL-E toasted.corn eat-HB-PA-PL
The Epena used to eat toasted corn. (Harms 1994: 98)
(5) mIIwarr a-r a c o:-pa- ci-d a
I son-PL ght-HB-PA-PL
My children used to ght. (Harms 1994: 103)
Ember a has a series of copula verbs used in adjectival and locative constructions. They
(lexically) encode such distinctions as number, aspect, honoric and size. In example (6),
also from Saija, ci-to:n-a- is the honoric plural past stem of the copula verb. A past-
tense marker (- ci-) is then still required.
(6) cupIIra ci-to:n-a-pa- ci-d a
poor be.HN-PL-PA-HB-PA-PL
They were very poor. (Harms 1994: 32)
The following examples from Cham illustrate a predicative construction with a
dual copula verb (7), and a locative construction with a possessive interpretation (8),
respectively.
(7) d ai ep

era pan u-ma

we Ember a be.D-DV
The two of us are Ember a. (Aguirre Licht 1999: 55)
(8) ci w ar mara-d de 5 5 u
DC child Mara-L be.SG
The child belongs to Mara. (Aguirre Licht 1999: 56)
2.4 Yurumangu
Yurumangu is the name of a group of Indians who inhabited the upper reaches of the
Cajambre, Nava and Yurumangu rivers. These rivers descend to the Pacic Ocean from
the mountain range Los Farallones de Cali, situated southwest of the modern town of
Cali in the department of Valle del Cauca. The Yurumangu were visited between 1765
and 1768 in two expeditions organised by a local prospector, Sebasti an Lanchas de
Estrada. He left a diary and a list of words and expressions in the language, as well as
some interesting ethnographic notes. These materials were published in 1940 by Arcila
6
Intervocalic k
h
has a fricative pronunciation [x].
2.5 Cuna 61
Robledo (cf. Ortiz 1946). The fate of the Indians of Yurumangu after the two visits of
the 1760s is unknown. There have been no further records of their existence.
Rivet (1942) made a study of the language data recorded by Lanchas and concluded
that Yurumangu was not visibly related to any other language of the area. He proposed
a genetic relationship with the Hokan languages of North America, leaving Yurumangu
as the only language with such an exclusive connection outside South America. The
suggestion was explicitly followed by Greenberg (1960a, 1987: 132). Jij on y Caama no
(1945) proposed both a Hokan and a Chibchan afnity. Many other researchers (e.g.
Kaufman 1990, Constenla Uma na 1991) prefer to treat the language as an isolate.
The data on Yurumangu are very limited and probably unt to establish genetic
connections that are not particularly close. Its simple sound systemwith a preference for
open syllables does not plead in favour of a North American connection. Even though
the Yurumangu territory was situated along rivers descending to the Pacic, it was an
inland tribe, one of the reasons for which the group could remain unnoticed for so long.
Instead of speculating about a marine origin for the Yurumangu, it would probably be
more logical to consider them as survivors of one of the groups of the Cali region who
may have ed exploitation by the cruel Belalc azar and his men.
Some morphological elements can be deduced from the Yurumangu data, such as a
sufx -sa that characterises the citation form of several verbs (e.g. anga-sa to sleep,
sai-sa to die, ulsa-sa to take out) and a prex ca(i)- that occurs frequently in kinship
terms and words referring to body parts (e.g. cai-g mother, cai-enai e grandmother,
cai-cona head, cai-lusa hair). Assumedly, ca(i)- may have been one of the possessive
personal reference markers. Interrogative pronouns began with c [k], as, for instance,
cana what?, and cu or co where? (cu-na where is it?, cu-cae where are you?,
co-cobica where do you come from?, co-cuebiquen where are you going?). Constenla
Uma na (1991: 53) observes word order preferences to the effect that a genitive must
precede its head, and an adjective must follow its head, characteristics that the language
shares with Chocoan.
A lexical item worth mentioning is chuma to drink (e.g. in chuma- e drink!). Ortiz
(1946: 25) observes that it is used in southern Colombian Spanish to denote drunkenness,
suggesting that it could be a loan from Yurumangu. However, the same expression is
widely used in Ecuador and northern Peru. Its most likely source is Mochica cuma-
(get) drunk (cf. section 3.4). The case suggests that, notwithstanding their apparent
isolation, the Yurumangu were not entirely free of contact with neighbouring speakers
of Spanish.
2.5 Cuna
In Colombia approximately 1,000 Cuna (autodenomination Tule) occupy two villages
near the Gulf of Urab a: Arqua (department of Choc o) and Caim an Nuevo (department of
62 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Antioquia). A majority of the Cuna people (over 40,000) inhabit neighbouring Panama,
where they occupy an autonomous region or comarca, comprising the archipelago of
San Blas in the Caribbean and parts of the Darien mainland. The Cunas of Panama
obtained their autonomy as a result of the 1925 uprising led by the nele (shaman)
Kantule.
7
Notwithstanding their present homeland, the Panamanian Cuna are origi-
nally from Colombian territory. They were probably chased from the Atrato river valley
and the adjacent Pacic region by their hereditary enemies, the Ember a. On the coast
of northern Choc o a place name Jurad o means river of the Cuna in Ember a, sug-
gesting that Cuna once may have inhabited that area (cf. Rowe 1950a). During the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries they moved eastward, attacking the Spanish set-
tlements on the Sin u river (Fals Borda 1976), and westward, occupying empty areas in
the Darien region, which had been inhabited by the extinct Cueva people. In 1681 the
Darien Cuna were visited by the English ships doctor Lionel Wafer, who stayed with
them for a while and published a word list of the language (Friedemann and Arocha
1985).
8
The Cuna language belongs to the Chibchan family, of which it constitutes a separate
branch (Constenla Uma na 1993: 119). Descriptive material on the Cuna language can be
found in Holmer (1946, 1947, 1951, 1952), Sherzer (1975, 1978) and Llerena Villalobos
(1987, 2000). The sound inventory of Cuna, which is relatively small, is subject to
morpheme-internal allophonic variation and an elaborate set of sandhi rules operating
at morpheme boundaries. The language has ve vowels (a, e, i, o, u) and a series
of diphthongs or, rather, vowel sequences. Vowels are automatically long in stressed
open syllables (stress is normally on the penultimate). Extra-long vowels, analysable as
sequences of same vowels, occur as well, in particular, in monosyllabic words (Holmer
1946: 186).
Within the consonants there is a distinction between geminate (tense) and simple
(lax), as can be seen in table 2.2.
Geminate consonants only occur intervocalically; the geminate stops pp, tt, kk and
kk
w
are always voiceless. By contrast, the plain stops p, t, k and k
w
occur in all positions.
They are normally voiced between vowels or when adjacent to a voiced consonant; in
word-initial position voicing is optional. The affricate c is always voiceless and acts
7
The kantule, literally, ute (kammu) man (tule), is the name of the central gure at girls puberty
rites (Sherzer 1974).
8
Loukotka (1968: 2389) apparently treated Wafers Cuna word list as a specimen of the Cueva
language. The mistaken view that the Cuna are close relatives or even direct descendants of the
Cueva is still upheld in literature (e.g. Greenberg 1987: 117; Whitehead 1999: 887). Cuna lan-
guage and culture are very different from those of the unfortunate Cueva, who were exterminated
during the early years of Spanish colonisation (Romoli 1987; Constenla Uma na 1991: 47).
2.5 Cuna 63
Table 2.2 Cuna consonant inventory
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Labiovelar
Stops Simple p t k k
w
Geminated pp tt kk kk
w
Affricate c
Fricative s
Nasals Simple m n
Geminated mm nn
Laterals Simple l
Geminated ll
Vibrant r
Approximants w y
as the geminate counterpart of s. As a result, the two are usually not distinguished in
loan words, where c is banned from positions reserved for non-geminates. The sound r
is a trill and has no geminate counterpart. It cannot occur in word-initial position, and
neither does l, which is automatically replaced by n in that position.
The existence of separate labiovelar phonemes k
w
and kk
w
is defended in Holmer
(1947: 13; 1951: 35) and Sherzer (1975: 49), but rejected by Llerena Villalobos. The
existence of an opposition between kue to be, to become and k
w
a (classier for seed-
like objects and also a frequent multifunctional sufx) seems to favour the former
position.
Sandhi in Cuna mainly consists in the syncope of morpheme-nal and word-nal
vowels and syllables, sometimes accompanied by other processes, such as replacement
of l by r (9) and various types of fusion (for an account of the possible changes see
Llerena Villalobos 1987: 20916). Particularly frequent is the suppression of nal e
in polysyllabic morphemes, when followed by any other morpheme. Voicing may be
preserved, even where the triggering intervocalic context has disappeared as a result of
syncope (10).
(9) mola-makke
[morm akke]
cloth-prick
to sew (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 26)
(10) ape-takke
[ab d akke]
want-see
to await (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 216)
64 2 The Chibcha Sphere
When, as a result of syncope, the velar stops k and kk end up in syllable-nal position
before another (non-velar) consonant, they are often replaced by a high vocalic glide y,
as in (11):
(11) pakke-nae-te
[pay na:de pan
y
a:de]
buy-go-TH
He went to buy it. (Llerena Villalobos 2000: 29)
In spite of its frequency, it is not always predictable whether sandhi will occur or
not. Holmer (1951: 41) observes that syncope is highly dependent on register. The use
of non-syncopated forms is often found in songs and in ceremonial speech, of crucial
importance toCuna society. Syncopatedforms are more frequentlyfoundinmens speech
than in the speech of women and children. In some cases sandhi is obligatory, whereas
in other cases it is merely a matter of stylistic variation. The different registers of the
Cuna language have been studied by Sherzer (1983) in his work on the ethnography of
speech tradition. He observes the use of separate registers for public discourse, daily
language and specic rites, such as puberty rites. In the remaining part of this section,
the example sentences will be given in their non-syncopated forms, as they are presented
in the sources.
Cuna is an agglutinating, predominantly sufxing language. The occurrence of pre-
xes is limited to the function of indicating a difference in verbal valency. There are
matching pairs of transitive and intransitive verbs differentiated by the initial vowel, e- for
the transitives and a- or zero for the intransitives (12)(13).
9
In addition, causativisation
can be indicated by means of a prex o- (14).
(12) k
w
ane e-k
w
ane
to fall (of fruit) to drop (fruit) (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 24)
(13) a-tinne e-tinne
10
to get tied to tie (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 24)
(14) purk
w
e o-purk
w
e
to die to kill (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 25)
Verbal morphology expressed by sufxes includes voice (passive), tense, number and
directionality. In addition to the directional sufxes, there is a set of verb stems referring
to direction. These directional verb stems can be either afxed or used as main verbs
9
This situation is reminiscent of similar paired categories in Chiquitano (see section 4.13.3).
10
Llerena Villalobos (2000: 71) gives a phonetic representation [ettnne] for this form, suggesting
a geminating effect of the prex.
2.5 Cuna 65
themselves. Even when afxed, they frequently combine with the directional sufxes,
as illustrated in (11) and (15).
(15) se-tani-kki
carry-come-H
He came to bring it. (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 29)
Another set of stems combine the functions of bodily posture with durative aspect
and to be. They can be used either as main verbs or as afxed auxiliaries. For instance,
in (16) the stem k
w
i ci indicates that the subject performs his action standing.
(16) we sunmakke-k
w
i ci-t sayla ospino
this speak-stand-N chief Ospino
The one who stands there talking is chief Ospino.
(Llerena Villalobos 1987: 130)
As in Chocoan, personal reference is not expressed morphologically. Subject and
object (with verbs) and possessor (with nouns) are all indicated by the same uninected
personal pronouns an rst person, pe second person and e third person (Llerena
Villalobos 1987: 634). Third-person subject is often omitted. The corresponding plural
forms are obtained by adding the universal pluraliser -mala, and dual forms by adding
-po two. The personal pronouns accompany verbs on an SOV order basis. When used
as possessive pronouns, they must precede the head noun immediately. The same holds
for the demonstrative pronouns we this and a that. It should be observed that not all
authors agree as to the status of the personal and demonstrative pronouns. Holmer (1946,
1951) treats them as prexes, thus expanding the prex inventory of the language, but
makes an exception for the plural forms an-mal(a) we, pe-mal(a) you (plural), which
are clearly independent forms. Adjectives and numerals follow their heads, again as in
Chocoan.
Cuna has several relational sufxes which together divide the oblique case functions.
For instance, -kala indicates possession, destination and beneciary; -kine locative,
ablative, instrument and cause.
(17) an ma ci sayla-kala kue-oe
I son chief-DA become-F
My son will be a chief. (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 47)
(18) akk
w
a-kine makke-sa-mala
stone-IS hit-PA-PL
They hit him with a stone. (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 53)
66 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Cuna has a series of numeral classiers based mainly on shapes and measures (Sherzer
1978). Even though there are special classiers for sh and personal adornments, there is
none for human beings. These are classied among the long objects (wala- war-). The
numerals and the stem for how many? (-pik
w
a) are sufxed to the numeral classier,
which itself follows the noun it classies, as in (19):
(19) ma ci-mala wala-pik
w
a pe nikka
son-PL CL-how.many you have
How many children do you have? (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 67)
Cuna has a great variety of compounds, including verbverb compounds and combina-
tions of verbs with an incorporated object; e.g. mas-kunne to eat (from masi banana,
food and kunne to chew); kap-takke to dream (from kape to sleep and takke
to see) (Llerena Villalobos 1987: 256). A more complex form is op-nake-t-akk
w
a
millstone (from opa maize; nake- to grind; -t nominaliser, and akk
w
a stone)
(Llerena Villalobos 1987: 37). There are borrowed words not only fromSpanish (kannira
chicken, from Sp. gallina), but also from English; e.g. mani money; wa ci time,
hour (watch).
2.6 The languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta
The languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, also known as the Arhuacan lan-
guages (not to be confused with Arawakan; cf. Shafer 1962), form a group of mutually
related languages of undisputed Chibchan afliation. There are three living languages,
which are known under several names. The Ika language is spoken in the southern part
of the mountain massif (departments of Cesar and Magdalena) by some 14,000 people
also known as Arhuaco or Bntukua (Arango and S anchez 1998). The Ika are well known
for their dynamic organisation and level of political awareness. Their principal centre
is the town of Nabusmake (former San Sebasti an de R abago). North of the Ika, in the
highest part of the Sierra Nevada (departments of Cesar, La Guajira and Magdalena),
some 9,000 traditional Kogui or K aggaba are speakers of the Kogui language, called
Kougian in Kogui, and Peibu in Ika (Frank 1990: 41). The Kogui are an individualis-
tic people, known for their inaccessibility and religious conservatism. Their principal
ceremonial centre is Macotama. The third language of the Sierra Nevada, Damana, is
found in the eastern and northeastern part of the Sierra Nevada (departments of Cesar
and la Guajira). The approximately 2,000 speakers of Damana are less numerous than
the Ika and the Kogui. As an ethnic group they are known by no less than six dif-
ferent names: Arsario, Guamaca, Malayo, Marocasero, Sanj a or Sank a, and Wiwa;
see Trillos Amaya (1989: 1517) for a discussion of the respective merits of all these
names.
2.6 Languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 67
In spite of the fact that the Sierra Nevada people have been successful in preserv-
ing their languages and traditions, they have felt the constant pressure of non-native
colonisation. In addition to the three nations mentioned so far, a fourth group the
Kankuamo, located near the town of At anquez (Cesar) lost its identity in the twen-
tieth century. Its language, Kanku, closely related to Damana, is no longer spoken,
although some people claim knowledge of it (Ortiz Ricaurte 2000). In order to escape
colonisation and preserve their secluded life the Kogui have had to abandon most of the
lower strata of their original habitat. The sixteenth-century Tairona, who occupied the
area east of Santa Marta, were almost certainly part of the Arhuacan culture complex.
It is likely that survivors of the Tairona group sought refuge with the Kogui after their
defeat in 1600. It is not known to what extent the languages spoken by the Kogui and
Tairona differed. The religious leaders of the Kogui claim knowledge of a ceremonial
language called T ei zua, and it is tempting to interpret this as a relict of Tairona. Land-
aburu (1994: 375) mentions that the speakers of Damana also have a sacred language
called Terruna shayama.
The survival of the cultural and linguistic identity of the Arhuacan peoples is largely
due to the strength of their traditional authorities and spiritual leaders, the mama (grand-
fathers), who distribute their knowledge at ceremonial temples known as kankurua.
11
They have successfully fought the inuence from outside, in particular, missionary ac-
tivity. The native languages are part of the traditional values they seek to protect. At the
same time, mama refuse to take part in formal education (Trillos Amaya 2000: 750).
Some actively discourage the learning of Spanish, in particular by women. On the other
hand, multilingualism seems to be the rule in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta. Due to
mixed marriages and contact, many people speak several languages (especially Damana
and Kogui), and some know as many as four languages.
Since the pioneering work by Celed on (1886), Preuss (19215), Holmer (1953) and
Reichel-Dolmatoff (19501, 1989), the study of the Arhuacan languages has developed
considerably. The Ika language has been the object of studies by Frank (1985, 1990)
and Landaburu (1988, 1992, 1996b, 2000a). The Damana language is treated in Trillos
Amaya (1989, 1994, 1999, 2000). There are partial studies of Kogui in Ortiz Ricaurte
(1989, 1994, 2000) and in Olaya Perdomo (2000). Each of the three languages of the
Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta has a clearly distinct character. Among them, the Kogui
language is most conservative and particularly well suited for historical comparison
with other Chibchan languages. Its nominal derivational morphology, involving several
old classifying elements, is quite elaborate; see Ortiz Ricaurte (2000) for an inventory.
11
KInkurwa, an Ika word; cf. Landaburu (1988: 163) and Trillos Amaya (2000: 749).
68 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Table 2.3 Overview of the consonant inventories of the Arhuacan
languages
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Stops Voiceless p t k ****
Voiced b d g
Affricates Voiceless c
Voiced d
z
*
Fricatives Voiceless s s** h**
Voiced w z z
Nasals m n []*****
Vibrants Simple r*
Multiple rr***
Laterals l**
* not in Kogui, ** marginal or absent in Ika, *** only in Damana, **** not in
Damana, ***** only in Ika
However, many of the characteristics that are of interest in a general survey like the
present one coincide and, therefore, justify a combined treatment.
All the Arhuacan languages have voiceless and voiced stops: p, b; t, d; k, g (intervocalic
k is realised as a fricative [x] in Kogui). They also distinguish between voiceless and
voiced alveodental sibilants: s, z. The distinction between voiceless and voiced palatal
sibilants ( s, z) is found in all three languages, with the observation that s is marginal in
Ika. Furthermore, a voiceless palatal affricate c occurs in all three languages, its voiced
counterpart d
z
being limited to Damana and Ika. The glottal stop () plays an important
role in Ika, a marginal one in Kogui, and it is absent from Damana. Conversely, the velar
or glottal fricative h is frequent in Damana and Kogui, but marginal in Ika. As far as
the vibrants and laterals are concerned, Damana stands out with three distinct sounds:
lateral l, simple vibrant r, and multiple vibrant rr. Ika only has r, and Kogui only has l.
All three languages have labial and alveodental nasals (m, n); the latter assimilates to the
articulation place of a following stop. In Ika the velar nasal can occur between vowels
at morpheme boundaries, and may thus be interpreted as a separate, albeit peripheral
phoneme. Ika has a bilabial approximant w, which is pronounced fricatively [], except
before a. It is also found in Damana, where a fricative realisation obtains between
vowels. Its absence from the consonant inventory of Kogui (Ortiz Ricaurte 2000) seems
to be the result of different analyses; cf. Ika wakI, Kogui uaka [w axa] sh. Table 2.3
contains a combined representation of the consonant inventories of Damana, Ika and
Kogui.
Consonant clusters can be found in initial position (stop + r in Ika; sibilant + stop
in Kogui). In these cases there is often a suppressed vowel that can be restored even
2.6 Languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 69
synchronically. All Arhuacan languages have labiovelar consonants (k
w
, g
w
). These are
generally not treated as separate phonemes in the available descriptions, but as consonant
clusters or consonantvowel sequences. In Ika most syllable-nal stops are disallowed,
and the number of consonant-clusters is limited. Prevocalic k in Ika often corresponds
with a glottal stop in word- or syllable-nal position, e.g. nak-a to come (perfective
participle) vs. na (indenite participle) (Landaburu 2000: 743); cf. also Ika anI stone,
Kogui hag-, hagi; Ika ka earth, Kogui kag-, kagi.
The vowel inventory is basically the same in all three languages and consists of six
basic vowels: a, e, i, o, u and a sixth vowel I, which has been described as a central
vowel [] in Damana and in Ika, and as an unrounded high back vowel [I] in Kogui. For
Ika, Frank (1990) recognises two central vowels, high central I and mid central n[],
instead of one, but admits that their distribution is largely predictable. Damana has an
additional nasal vowel u of unclear status (Trillos Amaya 2000: 751). Vocalic nasality
is also found in Kogui, where it is limited to a small number of instances (e.g. hay

u
coca), including very few minimal pairs (Ortiz Ricaurte 2000: 760). Stress is largely
predictable in Damana and Ika, but distinctive in Kogui.
The morphophonology and morphosyntax of the Arhuacan languages stand out on
account of their great complexity and highly unusual character. In the context of this
chapter we can only mention a fewexamples, referring to the literature mentioned above
for a fuller picture. The Arhuacan languages are mainly verb-nal with a preferred word
order of subjectobjectverb. Adjectives follow the substantive they modify, whereas
genitive modiers and possessors precede it. In Ika many adjectives in postnominal
modier position are followed by a nominalised verb kaw-a seeming in a sort of
adjective phrase reminiscent of a relative clause.
(20) d ze kII kaw-a
water cold seem-N
cold water (Frank 1990: 32)
Nouns and noun phrases can receive case markers, as illustrated by the following
example from Damana, where - ze indicates genitive and -rga allative case:
(21) ra-n- ze ade te-rga
I-EU-G father eld-AL
My father is in the eld (has gone to the eld). (Trillos Amaya 2000: 753)
Pronominal possession is often expressed by a genitive phrase. In addition, prexed
possessive markers indicating personal reference also occur. Prexed possessives are fre-
quently found with kinship terms, but not exclusively. Kogui, for instance, has two ways
to express the notion my house, with a prex and by means of a genitive construction;
see example (22). The full word formfor house, hu-, contains a petried sufx element
70 2 The Chibcha Sphere
-, which can be suppressed both in compounds (e.g. h u-kala roof of house) and in
inected forms (e.g. na-h u).
12
(22) na-h u na-h hu-
1P.SG-house 1.SG-G house-LS
my house my house (Ortiz Ricaurte 2000: 765)
Subject andobject are not obligatorilymarkedfor case. Nevertheless, Ika has a locative
case marker -se, which can be added to the agentsubject of a transitive verb in an
ergative function. This marker can remove doubts as to which constituent plays the
role of subject in a transitive construction. It is used, for instance, when the subject
stands immediately before the verb, either because there is no overtly expressed object,
or because the prevalent SOV order has been modied for pragmatic or other reasons.
The marker -se is frequently found in combination with a topicalising sufx -ri. For an
extensive discussion of the use of both sufxes see Frank (1990: 11534).
(23) maiknII perII-ri -k-g-a na g
w
iad
z
ina-se-ri
three dog-TO 3O-DA-eat-N be/past
13
puma-E-TO
The puma ate his three dogs. (Frank 1990: 116)
Verbs in Arhuacan languages often exhibit a set of competing stems which can differ
in their nal consonants and internal vowels. Several types of nominalised and non-
nite verb forms are derived from these stems. The morphosyntax of the Arhuacan
languages is furthermore characterised by an extensive use of auxiliary verbs, which
may appear in strings following a main verb. The choice of the appropriate formboth for
non-independent main verbs and for auxiliaries depends on the auxiliary that follows.
In Ika the verb phrase is regularly ended by a sufx indicating the epistemic status of
the sentence (validation), whereas in Kogui prexes fulll such a role.
Auxiliary verbs may carry the morphology that cannot be accomodated on the main
verb, but in other cases their presence is merely pragmatic or serves the purpose of
rening temporal and aspectual distinctions. A characteristic case in which a morpho-
logical element is transferred from the main verb to an auxiliary is negation. In Ika the
negative marker -u is sufxed to the root of a main verb, creating some sort of negative
participle; the latter is followed by a form of nan to be. In example (24) the main verb
12
The bound form hu- coincides with a widespread Chibchan root for house. The conservative
character of Kogui appears clearly in the Chibchan reconstructions presented in Constenla
Uma na (1993: 11113). For the sufx - see also Constenla Uma na (1981: 362).
13
The element na has received two interpretations, (1) that of a distal past marker (Frank 1990:
634); and (2) that of a nominalised form of the verb nan to be. According to Landaburu
(2000), it acts as an auxiliary verb in indenite past forms.
2.6 Languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 71
is cwa to see; when -u is attached to it, it becomes c-u. Before the sufx -w- the
appropriate stem for the auxilary verb to be is nar-.
14
(24) c-u nar-w-in
see-NE be-1S.SG-DV
I do not see. (Landaburu 2000: 743)
The expression in (24) can be made more complex by adding a form of the auxiliary
verb u/aw- to do, to have, as in (25). The negative participle of u/aw- is a-u:
(25) cwa a-u nar-w-in
see have-NE be-1S.SG-DV
I have not seen. (Landaburu 2000: 743)
Personal reference marking in the Arhuacan languages is remarkable for the num-
ber of syntactic roles that can be expressed. In Ika Landaburu (1992: 12; 2000a: 740)
distinguishes as many as ve formal possibilities. These are subject, direct object (ac-
cusative), indirect object (dative), beneciary and possession acted upon. Non-subject
personal reference is indicated by means of prexes. The latter consist of more or less
constant elements accompanied by an additional marker identifying the syntactic role
(dative, beneciary, etc.). Fusion of the respective elements occurs. The non-subject roles
can be expressed in combination with the subject role, but they cannot be combined with
each other within a single verb form. The distinction between non-subject roles in the
verb form is all the more important due to the fact that many Arhuacan verbs are im-
personal, their main participant being encoded as accusative, dative, etc. Example (26)
from Damana illustrates the combined use of subject and accusative markers.
(26) mII-nII-pa s-ka
2S.SG-1O.SG-beat-FM.2S.SG
You beat me. (Trillos Amaya 1989: 54)
The subject marker in (26) is a prex, but it is accompanied in Damana by a sufx -ka
(-ga after monosyllabic roots beginning with k, z or z), which plays an accessory role
in the identication of the subject. Its primary function is that of a marker of a factual
mood, indicating the general validity of the stated event. It varies according to person and
number, the form -ka being limited to third-person subjects and second-person-singular
subjects. Dative marking with an impersonal verb ( zIn- to dream) is illustrated in (27).
14
In Landaburus analysis, the reference of -w- to a rst-person-singular subject is not the primary,
but rather a derived function of that sufx, which he denes as an intralocutive. It denotes a
combination of speakersubject and present tense. After roots ending in -k/- its allomorph is
-k
w
-; see example (30) below.
72 2 The Chibcha Sphere
The choice of the prex mi- identies it as dative, not accusative; there is no special
marker for third-person subject.
(27) mi-n- zIIn-ga
2.SG.DA-EU-dream-FM.3S
You dream. (lit. Dream comes to you.) (Trillos Amaya 1989: 54)
A comparable example from Kogui (28) shows the use of a special dative marker -k-,
which follows the person marker. The impersonal verb is nuni to want. The initial n
of the stem changes to l according to a frequent morphophonemic rule of the Kogui
language.
(28) big za na-k-l uni
pineapple 1O.SG-DA-want
I want a pineapple. (Ortiz Ricaurte 2000: 774)
Accusative marking with an impersonal verb can be observed in example (29) from
Ika. It is followed by (30), which illustrates a verb form with a beneciary marker.
(The auxiliary verb nuk (nu) to be in combination with the nominalisation in -In
expresses a progressive form.) The future tense in Ika is expressed by an impersonal
auxiliary verb -g
w
a. It obligatorily takes an accusative object marker that refers to the
actor. The auxiliary verb -g
w
a is preceded by the imperfective participle (in -In) of the
verb it dominates (31).
(29) n-atikuma na
1O.SG-forget be/past
I forgot. (Frank 1990: 9)
(30) akusa win-i-zas-IIn nu-k
w
-in [Spanish aguja needle]
needle 3O.PL-BN-save-N be-1S.SG-DV
I am saving needles for them. (Frank 1990: 71)
(31) pinna d
z
una was-IIn nII-g
w
a
all kind chase-N 1O.SG-F
I will chase all kinds (of animals). (Frank 1990: 61)
The interplay of prexes and sufxes referring to person of subject is illustrated in
(32) by means of the factual (habitual) mood paradigm of the verb bu s- to spin in
Damana (Trillos Amaya 1989: 87):
2.6 Languages of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 73
(32) 1S.SG bu s-uga I spin
1S.PL bu s-kurra we spin
2S.SG mII-bu s-ka you (sg.) spin
2S.PL mII-bu s-k
w
a you (pl.) spin
3S.SG bu s-ka he/she spins
3S.PL yi-bu s-ka they spin
The Damana afxes for virtual (non-realised) and real (realised) mood are inserted
between the root and the variable sufx, as in bu s-In-kurra we may spin or mI -bu s-
an-ka you spun.
In Ika the interplay of subject-marking prexes and corresponding sufxes that also
convey such meaning is even more subtle, because the latter are selected on the basis
of deictic distinctions involving both personal reference and tense. Further temporal
distinctions are made explicit by variation in the stems to which the sufxes can be
attached. For a detailed discussion of this complicated part of Ika verbal morphology
see Landaburu (1988, 1992, 2000a); cf. also Frank (1990: 636).
The systemof Damana and Ika pronouns and object markers is based on the distinction
of three persons and singular or plural number. At the least in its set of possessive markers
Kogui expresses a distinction between inclusive and exclusive rst person plural. The
formsIn- our (exclusive) reects a Chibchan rst-person-plural marker not recorded in
the other Arhuacan languages.
15
Its inclusive counterpart na-wi- is the regularly derived
plural of the rst-person-singular marker na-. In other contexts the element sIn- is used
indistinctively both for inclusive and exclusive (33).
(33) gaik a-li ni ub sa sIIn-ka-l ai
snow.mountain-L water much 1O.PL-DA-be
On the snow-capped mountain we have a lot of water.
(Olaya Perdomo 2000: 782)
Some valency-changing processes show a clear afnity with other Chibchan lan-
guages (cf. section 2.5 on Cuna). It is the case in example (34), where u- is a transitiviser,
and (35), where a- is an intransitiviser.
16
The examples are from Kogui. (The substi-
tution of stem-initial consonants is part of a regular morphophonemic alternation; cf.
also (28).)
15
Constenla Uma na (1981: 430) reconstructs *s

e for Proto-Chibchan on the basis of the

Talamancan (Costa Rican) languages Bribri, Cab ecar and T erraba.
16
A Chibchan language of Central America (Honduras) that uses the prex u- as a transitiviser is
Paya (see Holt 1989).
74 2 The Chibcha Sphere
(34) n a si to come u-l a si to bring (Olaya Perdomo 2000: 781)
(35) g
w
a si to kill a-k
w
a si to kill oneself
(Constenla Uma na 1990: 117)
In Ika causative derivation can be achieved by adding a sufx -s- to the root, usually
in combination with further morphophonemic adaptations; cf. (36) and (37). Another
strategy consists in raising the root-vowel with simultaneous replacement of root-nal
-n- by -- (Frank 1990: 667); cf. (38).
(36) kIImma- to sleep kIImma-s- to cause to sleep
(37) aruk- to go up aru-s- to lift
(38) con- to enter cu- to let someone enter
Also in relation to Ika, Frank (1990: 55) lists a series of transitive verbs differing
semantically by the shape of the object that is handled (39). Similarly, intransitive verbs
referring to position may differ according to the shape of the subject (40).
(39) gaka to place long and thin objects
sa to place three-dimensional objects
pan to place at objects
co to place things with an upright position
(40) a-gei-k
w
a to be in (of long objects)
a-pIIn-k
w
a to be in (of at objects)
a-ni-k
w
a to be in (of three-dimensional objects)
a-nuk to be in (of upright objects)
Arhuacan languages have fully developed numeral systems formed on a decimal basis.
As Constenla Uma na (1988) has pointed out, some of the Arhuacan numerals contain
petried classier elements also found in other Chibchan languages. One of them is
*k
w
a
2
seed, for instance, in Kogui m aig
w
a three, k ug
w
a seven, ug
w
a ten, m u zug
w
a
twenty.
The Arhuacan languages have several lexical borrowings from Spanish, some of
which are quite old. An example is Damana turruma, Kogui tuluma, from Spanish
turma, an early term for potato that was widely used in New Granada. Damana galina
[gal
y
ina] chicken (Spanish gallina) and paka cow (Spanish vaca) are evident loans.
In spite of their isolation the Kogui have adopted a few characteristic loan words, such
as k alta book, paper (from Spanish carta) and g
w
bu egg (from Spanish huevo).
A very important cultural term is k
w
bulu or k
w
bulo, which refers to the traditional
Kogui village. Although it is perfectly adapted to Kogui pronunciation, it does not seem
far-fetched to derive its etymology from Spanish pueblo village.
2.7 Chimila 75
2.7 Chimila
The Chimila language (or Ette Taara) is spoken by the descendants of a once numerous
population (Ette Ennaka) inhabiting the space situated between the lower Magdalena
river to the west and southwest, and the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and the Cesar
river to the east. The strategic centre of the Chimila homeland was formed by the
Ariguan river valley, which constitutes the border of the modern departments of Cesar
and Magdalena. During the conquest the Chimila were much feared because of their
use of poisoned arrows. They were referred to as Caribs (Hemming 1978: 70; cf.
section 2.1). In reality, the Chimila speak a language of the Chibchan family.
About 1720 the Chimila people, exasperated by the excesses of colonisation, began
a guerrilla war that was conducted with great cruelty on both sides (Chaves et al. 1995:
12734). Although this war reached its highest intensity in the eighteenth century, ruth-
less violence against the Chimila aiming at their extermination continued until well into
the twentieth century. In 1990 the last traumatised and largely assimilated survivors were
assigned a small reservation called Issa Oristuna, near San Angel (Magdalena), which
harbours some eighty families (Trillos Amaya 1997: 25). The language, which had been
practised in secret for a long time, is now spoken more openly, but eld research is still
difcult due to the Chimilas understandable distrust of outsiders. The total number of
Chimila is estimated at 900 (Arango and S anchez 1998).
In 1947 the anthropologist Reichel-Dolmatoff published an article on the Chimila
language, summarised in Mel endez Lozano (2000a). The information on Chimila con-
tained in the present study is based on Trillos Amaya (1997). She provides a very good
and honest impression of the language, admitting that many of the analyses offered
must remain provisional for lack of data. Trillos Amaya respected the restrictions set by
the community upon her eldwork in the expectation of a more open attitude that may
develop over the coming years.
The phonologyof Chimila still retains several unsolvedquestions. AccordingtoTrillos
Amaya (1997: 66), its ve vowels (a, e, i, o, u) can be short, long, interrupted (glottalised)
and aspirated. Monosyllabic words ending in a long vowel can bear contrastive tone, e.g.
t o: maraca (a musical instrument) with rising tone, versus t ` o: heart with descending
tone. Polysyllabic words contain a tone-bearing syllable of which the tone appears to
be partly determined by the nature of a following consonant (descending tone before
geminates and r, rising tone before non-geminate obstruents). In Trillos Amayas study,
tonal distinctions are not indicated except for a few relevant pairs in the phonological
chapter (Trillos Amaya 1997: 756).
The consonant inventory comprises a series of voiceless oral stops and affricates (p,
t, c, k), a prenasalised series (
m
b,
n
d,
n
d
z
,

g) and a nasal series (m, n, n
y
, ). In addition,
there is a voiced stop (g) and a voiced affricate (d
z
). All these oppositions are fairly
well exploited, e.g. ka: breast, ga: excrement,

ga: wing, feather, ` a: to hoist up,
76 2 The Chibcha Sphere
a: to lie down. All the velar sounds have labiovelar counterparts (k
w
, g
w
,
w
,

g
w
)
The remaining consonants are a lateral l, a preglottalised tap r, the laminal and velar
fricatives s and h, and an approximant w. Syllable-initial consonant clusters may consist
of a stop + r. In clusters after velar consonants r is pronounced as a uvular trill.
Most consonants (not the prenasalised ones, and not h, r, w) have tense or geminate
counterparts. Gemination appears to be an automatic process, occurring after a stressed
short vowel. Nevertheless, gemination is sometimes found more than once in a word
(even in consecutive syllables), and Trillos Amaya mentions the case of sufx pairs in
which gemination appears to be contrastive, as in (41):
(41) ki:ro-tik
w
i ki:ro-tikk
w
i
chicken-PL.DI chicken-not.fully.grown
small chickens small chick (Trillos Amaya 1997: 75)
The interaction between gemination, vowel length, accent and tone in Chimila is a
eld that requires further investigation. Some of these aspects are discussed in Malone
(19978).
As might be expected, Chimila shares a number of characteristics with the related
languages of the Arhuacan group, with which it has been in contact over centuries. As
in Ika, some verbs exhibit internal stem variation depending on the afxes with which
they are combined.
(42) kenne-ridd
z
a konni-dd
z
a
eat-AG eat-PS.N
eater food (Trillos Amaya 1997: 834)
Most conspicuous among these similarities is the use of a set of auxiliary verbs, which
follow nominalised or otherwise non-nite main verbs. The selection of a particular
auxiliary verb (here glossed as be or do) may reect tense or mood distinctions,
but in many cases there appears to be no clear semantic distinction that determines the
choice. The matter requires further research. Finite verbs must either be specied as
declarative or interrogative. The following examples illustrate the use of auxiliaries and
the declarative marker -(t)te.
(43) hogg
w
a
17
a- -tte
bathe be-3S.SG-DV
He bathes. (Trillos Amaya 1997: 157)
17
Trillos Amaya suggests that the nal vowel in a full verb, such as hogg
w
a, has an aspectual
function. Note that verbs such as hogg
w
a in constructions with an auxiliary verb must also
be nominalised. If not, it may be necessary to reinterpret the auxiliary verb stems as sufxes.
Considering that the relevant information is imprecise and insufcient, we will not represent
aspect and (covert) nominalisation in our glosses.
2.7 Chimila 77
Table 2.4 Possessive modiers in Chimila (from Trillos
Amaya 1997: 126)
Singular Dual Plural
1 pers. na na na-ra
2 pers. ma ma ma-ra
3 pers. ni
h
ni ni
h
-ne
(44) hogg
w
a d
z
a- -tte
bathe do-3S.SG-DV
He will bathe. (Trillos Amaya 1997: 157)
When directly afxed to a noun, the declarative marker -(t)te indicates that the noun
is used predicatively (45).
(45) ia-te
smoke-DV
It is smoke. (Trillos Amaya 1997: 161)
In contrast to the Arhuacan languages, Chimila is predominantly or entirely sufxing.
The language has a set of possessive personal reference markers, which are prex-like
elements encoding the distinctions of rst, second and third person, as well as singular,
dual and plural number.
In spite of the syntactic limitations, there are arguments to consider these possessive
markers as free forms, rather than as prexes. As a matter of fact, a numeral can intervene
between a possessive marker and the noun it modies (46).
18
(46) na
m
bu
h
na ogg
w
e
1P.SG two child
my two children (Trillos Amaya 1997: 141)
Possessive constructions are obtained by the juxtaposition of a possessive marker, the
possessed and the possessor in that order. No genitive case marker occurs.
(47) ni
h
ogg
w
e taki:ridd
z
a

o
3P.SG child chief
the son of the chief (Trillos Amaya 1997: 127)
In the verb personal reference and number are indicated by means of sufxes. These
sufxes bear no formal relationship to the possessive markers. There are different sets
18
Compare the case of the Araucanian possessive markers in chapter 5.
78 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Table 2.5 Personal reference markers for subject and object in Chimila (based on
Trillos Amaya 1997: 123, 125, 163)
Subject markers
Subject markers in negation Object markers
Singular Dual Plural Singular Non-singular Singular Non-singular
1 -n -kre -kre-
m
bre -na -na-kre -nu -nu-ra
2 -uka -uka-ra -uka-ra-
m
bre -ka -ka-ra -d
z
u - cu -d
z
u-ra
3 - -(n)ne -(n)ne-
m
bre - -ne -wi -(n)ne
for the identication of subject and object, respectively. In addition, there is a sep-
arate set of personal reference markers used to indicate the subject in a negation.
Table 2.5 represents the three sets of verbal personal markers that refer to subject and
object.
As can be seen in table 2.5, the category plural for subject markers is systematically
distinguished from the dual by the addition of a plural marker -
m
bre. This marker -
m
bre
is also used to indicate plural with nouns. It can be left out, so that the difference between
plural and dual is not always overtly expressed. In the third person plural the order of
the sufxes represented in table 2.5 is not always respected, for instance, in d
z
ua-
m
bre-nne-tte they (more than two) walk (Trillos Amaya 1997: 123). The elements
-kre, -ra and -(n)ne are non-singular markers, with functions limited to the pronominal
system.
Object markers have only been found in verbs with a third-person subject (49). The
scarce examples of use recorded so far do not yet allow a full appreciation of the
possibilities. In negative sentences personal reference markers referring to rst- and
second-person subject are attached to the adverbial negation marker d
z
umma, not to the
verb itself (50). By contrast, the third-person non-singular marker -ne is attached to the
main verb, not to the negative adverb d
z
umma (51).
(48) kenne ka-uka-ra-tte
eat be-2S-D-DV
The two of you eat. (Trillos Amaya 1997: 124)
(49) ce:-ri sedd
z
a ko

-d
z
u- -tte
money-DA give be-2O-3S.SG-DV
He gave you money. (Trillos Amaya 1997: 109)
(50) d
z
umma-ka d
z
ua
not-2S.SG walk
You do not walk. (Trillos Amaya 1997: 163)
2.7 Chimila 79
(51) d
z
umma d
z
ua-ne
not walk-3S.PL
They do not walk. (Trillos Amaya 1997: 163)
The noun morphology of Chimila displays an elaborate inventory of case markers and
postpositions with a particular emphasis on spatial distinctions and types of association.
Strings of case markers referring to spatial relations occur; in (52), for instance, the case
marker -a refers to action within a space, whereas -(s)sa implies a previous motion
into that space.
(52) ummaenta ka- -tte assu
n
didd
z
o-a-ssa
become.quiet be-3S-DV only rain-L-AL
He only became quiet under the rain. (Trillos Amaya 1997: 115)
Both subject and object can remain unmarked in a constituent order which is predom-
inantly SVO. An ergativedative case marker -ri is available for the purpose of marking
off the actor of a transitive verb fromits object, as illustrated in (53). However, in (49) we
have seen that -ri can also mark a direct object, when there is no independent expression
of either the subject or a dative. The matter requires further investigation.
(53) nogg
w
e-ri assu tukku wi- -tte kawi-manta
he-E only see do-3S-DV cabildo-LS
He only saw the cabildo.
19
(Trillos Amaya 1997: 108)
Chimila has a set of numeral classiers: g
w
a- for round objects; ti:- for long objects;
kra:- for corncobs;
m
bri:- for animals and clothing. As in Cuna, these are prexed to
the numerals.
(54) ti:-mu
h
na
CL-two
two pencils, bananas, etc. (Trillos Amaya 1997: 139)
(55)
m
bri:-ma
h
na
CL-three
three animals, clothes, etc. (Trillos Amaya 1997: 139)
The Chibchan afnity with Chimila is not only clearly evident from its lexicon, but
also from its frequent use of the lexical sufxes -k
w
a/-g
w
a and -kra; for instance, in
kak-k
w
a mouth, wa:-k
w
a eye, rug-g
w
a neck; ha:-kra head, kik-kra bone. These
19
Cabildo: traditional administrative board of an indigenous community. The element -manta is
translated as skin (Trillos Amaya 1997: 868). Its function in this particular context remains
obscure.
80 2 The Chibcha Sphere
elements reect the classiers *kua
2
seed and *kara
3
bone, stick reconstructed for
the proto-language by Constenla Uma na (1990).
20
2.8 Bar
The Bar or Dobocub occupy an area at the border between Colombia and Venezuela
corresponding to the southern part of the Sierra de Perij a (department of Norte de
Santander in Colombia and state of Zulia in Venezuela). Together with their neighbours
to the north, the Cariban Yukpa, the Bar were traditionally referred to as Motilones
shaven heads. Due to their hostile attitude towards outsiders and, among other things,
their resistance to oil prospectors working in the area, the Bar were known as Motilones
bravos wild Motilones in contrast to the Yukpa, who were called mansos tame. The
Bar inhabit thirteen villages on the Colombian side, as well as a number of villages
in Venezuela. In Colombia their number is estimated at approximately 3,500 (Arango
and S anchez 1998). The Bar language, which belongs to the Chibchan family, has only
recently begun to be studied (Mogoll on P erez 2000). The vocabularies of Catarroja and
Guti errez published by Rivet and Armellada (1950) have only a few words in common
with the more recently collected data.
Like its Proto-Chibchan ancestor, Bar is a tonal language. Two basic tone levels,
low and non-low, are distinguished. The non-low tone is subject to some subtonemic
variation. No examples are provided of tonal contrast between vowels that are part of
the same root.
(56) k abb u he sleeps k` abb` u heron (Mogoll on P erez 2000: 724)
Noun phrases display special internal tonal patterns, which suggest grammatical func-
tions such as genitive or subordination. No further grammatical markers specifying
the relation appear to be used. Modiers precede the modied in a genitive construction,
but follow their heads in a nounadjective combination.
(57) cd u u abb
[ cd u: abb]
snake blood
snake blood (Mogoll on P erez 2000: 724)
(58) cd u u ` abb``
[ cd u: ` abb`:]
snake big
big snake (Mogoll on P erez 2000: 724)
20
The superscript numbers
2
and
3
in the reconstructed forms refer to mid and high tone, respec-
tively (Constenla Uma na 1989: 37).
2.9 The Muisca language 81
The Bar language distinguishes six oral (a, e, i, I, o, u) and six nasal vowels ( a, e, i, i,
o, u). Long vowels are interpreted by Mogoll on P erez as sequences of same vowels and
tone-bearing segments, rather than as single phonemes. Bar has a small, asymmetrical
consonant inventory, which consists of four stops (b, t, d, k), two fricatives (h, s), one true
nasal (m), a multiple vibrant (rr), and two variable resonants. In Mogoll on P erez (2000)
these resonants were classied as nasals (n, n
y
). However, a fully nasal realisation ([n],
[n
y
]) is found in one specic environment only, namely, in word-initial position before a
nasal vowel. Elsewhere, they are either oral ([r], [y]), or slightly nasalised. As a matter of
fact, the least environmentally inuenced allophones of the two resonant phonemes are
non-nasal; e.g. in /n
y
inu/ [yiru] yesterday. The opposition of the alveodental resonant
[r], which is found between two oral vowels, and the multiple vibrant rr is that of
two vibrants; e.g. /kinu/ [kiru] to spin versus /kiru/ [kirru] to rub with tobacco.
Alveodental consonants have palatal allophones before high front vowels, as could be
seen in examples (57) and (58).
Geminate consonants and consonant clusters of two consonants occur frequently at
syllable boundaries, and most combinations are permitted. Within a syllable the only
consonant cluster foundoccasionallyis that of a stopfollowedbyanalveodental resonant,
e.g. [tr], in syllable-initial position. This fact and the contrast between the two vibrants
are both Chibchan and northern Colombian areal features shared by Bar.
2.9 The Muisca language
The importance of the Muisca or Mosca language (in Muisca: muysc cubun [m
w
Isk
kuun] language of the Indians) in the sixteenth century can be measured from the
amount of descriptive material prepared in the colonial period. In 1538 the high plain
of Boyac a and Cundinamarca was densely populated by speakers of Muisca and related
dialects. In spite of the fact that the Spanish colonial authorities and clergy were aware of
the linguistic diversity in the area, they chose Muisca as a so-called general language
(lenguageneral ) tobe usedfor administrationandevangelisation. Achair for Muisca was
established in Santaf e de Bogot a in 1582. The rst chairholder was a parish priest called
Gonzalo Berm udez (Gonz alez de P erez 1980: 6075). In the meantime, the practicability
of Muisca as a general language remained a matter of contention. Apparently, history
put the opponents in the right, as the language died out during the eighteenth century.
According to Uricoechea (1871: xliv), the language was no longer spoken in 1765.
The degree of linguistic diversity found in the Muisca realm becomes evident from
observations of chroniclers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Unfortunately,
almost nothing is known about varieties spoken in the Boyac a and Cundinamarca high-
lands, other than Muisca itself. The only specimen of Duit, the language of Boyac a, is a
fragment of a catechism published and analysed by Uricoechea (1871), who reports that
this was only a sample of a larger document to which he had access. He, furthermore,
82 2 The Chibcha Sphere
afrms that it was written in the language of Duitama, which in his opinion was different
from that of Tunja, the capital of Boyac a. It is unfortunate that the Duit document used
by Uricoechea was never located after his death.
Uricoecheas Duit was a distinct language, clearly related to Muisca, but probably
not on a level of mutual intelligibility. An interesting element of Duit is the frequent
occurrence of r, a sound rarely found in Muisca. Correspondences between Duit r, on
the one hand, and Muisca s [s, s] or z [t
s
], on the other, occur; e.g. Duit sir, Muisca sis(y)
[sis() sis()] this; Duit pcuare, Muisca pquahaza [pk
w
ahat
s
a] lightning. Constenla
Uma na (1984: 87) furthermore observes a coincidence of dialectal r with standard
Muisca ch [t
y
], as can be distilled from place names and local borrowings of the native
language into Spanish. For instance, in the SpanishMuisca vocabulary contained in
the anonymous manuscript no. 158 of the Colombian National Library (see below) the
Muisca version of the name of the town of Zipaquir a is given as Chicaquicha.
21
As we
shall see, the treatment of r is also an element of differentiation between the sources for
the Muisca language itself.
Another interesting observation made by Uricoechea (1871: xlii) concerns the ex-
istence around 1600 of a mixed dialect of Spanish and Muisca, which he calls jitano
(gipsy). He provides a few examples, such as hicabai for horse (Spanish caballo)
and zebos for lover (Spanish mancebo). Unfortunately, no source is mentioned for
Uricoecheas jitano data.
2.9.1 Sources
Of the many grammatical studies dealing with the Muisca language mentioned in the
historical sources only three are known to have survived. One of these studies is the
work of a Dominican and scholar of the Muisca language, Bernardo de Lugo (1619);
the two others have no known authors. Lugos work has been the subject of a modern
facsimile edition with an introduction by Alvar (1978). The two anonymous gram-
mars belong to a different tradition from Lugos. One of them was sent to Madrid in
1789 by Mutis (cf. section 2.2) and was kept as manuscript no. 2922 in the Library
of the Royal Palace in Madrid, together with a SpanishMuisca vocabulary (cf. Ostler
1999). Most of the contents of the Royal Palace Library grammar were published by
Lucena Salmoral (1967, 1970); the vocabulary by Quesada Pacheco (1991). A much
earlier publication by Quijano Otero (1883) was apparently based on a copy of the
same manuscript that remained in Colombia until it was lost. In 1970, after its partial
publication by Lucena Salmoral, the manuscript of the Royal Palace Library grammar
21
The ending -quir a, so far unexplained, is highly frequent in Boyac a and Cundinamarca (e.g.
Chiquinquir a, Moniquir a, Raquir a). As Constenla Uma na points out, it has often mistakenly
been identied with the word quica (also recorded as quyca) place, town.
2.9 The Muisca language 83
became lost as well, while being transferred from Madrid to Salamanca (L opez Garca
1995: 20).
22
The other anonymous work is kept as manuscript no. 158 in the National
Library of Colombia. Apart from a grammar, it contains an extensive vocabulary and
religious texts. It is available in print in an edition of the Instituto Caro y Cuervo
(Gonz alez de P erez 1987) and certainly constitutes the most important extant source on
Muisca.
The authorship of the two anonymous grammars has been the object of much spec-
ulation. A candidate for the authorship of either one of the manuscripts is the Italian
Jesuit Joseph Dadey (15761660), known in his time as the foremost authority on the
Muisca language. The history of the three Muisca grammars and their interrelations is
discussed in Gonz alez de P erez (1980, 1987); see also Ostler (1994).
Several works on Muisca date from the nineteenth century. Uricoecheas Muisca
grammar and vocabulary of 1871 is based on a compilation of elements from the two
anonymous manuscripts. Adam (1878) presents an interesting study of Muisca word
formation and syntax, based on Uricoechea, and Middendorf (1892) a grammatical
overview of the language. Acosta Orteg on (1938) is useful because it contains an exten-
sive MuiscaSpanish vocabulary. It, however, must be used with utmost care due to the
authors highly personal and erratic interpretation of the symbols found in the original
Muisca sources. For the following succinct discussion of the Muisca facts, we will refer
to and draw from a substantial body of linguistic literature that appeared in the 1980s
and 1990s. Constenla Uma na (1984) presents a modern interpretation of the Muisca
sound system. Morphological and syntactic aspects of the Muisca language are treated
in Ostler (1993, 1994) and, in a historical-comparative perspective, in Ostler (2000).
Translated and annotated specimens of colonial texts written in the Muisca language
are found in Ostler (1995, 1999). A further study dealing with Muisca is L opez Garca
(1995).
2.9.2 Phonology
The orthography that was developed for Muisca during the colonial period diverged in
several respects from general Spanish usage in accordance with the necessities of the
language. For the recovery and interpretation of the sounds of Muisca, Lugos work is of
particular importance. It contains three symbols not found in the anonymous grammars:
<c

h>, <h> and <>. Lugos symbol <c

h> is represented as <ch> in the other

sources.
23
A passage in the National Library grammar (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 72)
suggests that the sound it stood for was not a palatal affricate as in Spanish, but rather a
22
Thanks to Christiane D ummler, a photocopied version of the manuscript is in existence.
23
Except for the section on numerals in the National Library manuscript (Gonz alez de P erez 1987:
1613). This section seems to have been directly inspired by Lugos work.
84 2 The Chibcha Sphere
palatalised stop [t
y
] (cf. Constenla Uma na 1984: 759).
24
It should be noticed, however,
that Lugo uses both the symbols <c

h> and <ch> (cf. Ostler 1995: 134). In spite of

some obvious misspellings and inconsistencies in the use of the two symbols at issue,
Lugo shows a clear preference for the use of <ch> before <i> (e.g. in chi- our, chi e
we) and of <c

h> before any other vowel (e.g. in c

huenha bad, c

hq priest).
Ostler notes a number of exceptions in which <c

h> precedes <i>, such as c

hic

hua to
learn and c

hibc

ha Chibcha. Still, it may be argued that <ch>could have been a palatal

affricate (as in Spanish), whereas <c

h>represented some other sound, for instance, [t

y
].
Lugos symbol <h> is replaced by <z> in the anonymous grammars (where Lugos
c

huenha becomes chuenza). It probably represented an alveodental affricate [t

s
], as
Constenla Uma na (1984: 7985) argues.
25
Lugos symbol <>represented a vowel reportedly intermediate between [e] and [i].
On the basis of comparative considerations and the phonetic descriptions of the time,
Constenla Uma na (1984: 937) assigns it the value of a high central vowel []. In the other
sources <> has been replaced by <y>; thus, Lugos c

hq becomes chyquy.
26
When
</y> follows a labial consonant in writing, a symbol <u> is always inserted; e.g. in
musca / muysca human being. It may have represented a non-syllabic labial element
subsidiary to the realisation of the high central vowel (/mska/ [m
w
ska]). The fact that
Lugo chose to use a special symbol for the high central vowel turned out felicitous in
that it avoids confusion with the high front vowel [i] and its non-syllabic correlate [y].
Both could be written <i> as well as <y> in colonial Spanish sources, as in fact they
were in Lugo.
Muisca had three simple stop consonants in the labial, alveolar and velar articulatory
positions: [p], [t] and [k], respectively. For the [k] three different spellings were in use:
<c>, <q>and <qu>. Lugo used <q>before <>and before <h>(e.g. c

hqpriest,
qhic

ha ten), but, conforming to the Spanish orthography, he used <qu> before <e>
and <i>, and <c>elsewhere. Before other vowels <qu>represented a labialised velar
sound [k
w
], as in hbqsqu a I do. In the National Library grammar <qu> [k] also
appears before <y> (Lugos <>), and <q> does not occur by itself; for its treatment
of Lugos <qh> see below.
24
The passage (our translation) reads: The pronunciation of the syllables cha, che, chi, cho, chu
should not be done with the tongue as a whole but just with the tip of it.
25
The awkwardness of Lugos representation of the complex obstruents [t
y
] and [t
s
] is reminiscent
of the way in which la Carrera sought to describe comparable sounds in Mochica (by means of
the symbols <c> and <tzh>, respectively; cf. section 3.4).
26
The word chyquy priest originally denoted representatives of the native religion, but was
subsequently also used for Roman Catholic clergymen. Its Spanish corruption jeque sheikh
presents an interesting case of linguistic interaction. In colonial New Granada native priests
were usually referred to as moh an.
2.9 The Muisca language 85
In addition to the three plain stops, Muisca had a complex obstruent, both in a plain
and in a labialised version. It was usually written <pq(u)>, as in pqua [pk
w
a] tongue,
pqueta [pketa] silly and pquyquy [pkk] understanding. The plain version occurred
before [e], [i] and [], the labialised version before [a] and [o]. This sound may have
represented a coarticulated stop ([pk], [pk
w
]) and is mentioned in the National Library
grammar as one of the special sounds (pronunciaciones particulares) of the language
(Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 72; cf. also Constenla Uma na 1984: 74). Notwithstanding the
fact that many other exotic consonant clusters were found in Muisca, there are good
reasons to assign a special status to this combination. At least in some lexical items
the presumed coarticulated stop was a reex of *ku-, as Muisca has pk
(w)
V where other
Chibchan languages have k
w
Vor kuwV(Constenla Uma na 1989: 434). Compare, for in-
stance, Muisca pqua, Chimila k
w
a:, Cuna k
w
apinni [k
w
a:bin], UwCuwa (Tunebo) k` uwa
tongue; Muisca pquaca, UwCuwa k
w
ka arm; Muisca pquyhyxio, UwCuwa k
w
as aya
white; Muisca pquyquy understanding, Cuna k
w
ake [k
w
a:ge] heart; Muisca fapqua
chicha, Uw Cuwa b ak
w
a (Huber and Reed 1992). The presence of a coarticulated stop
is limited to Muisca and Duit. It has not been found in other Chibchan languages.
Six symbols that were used in the transcription of Muisca have been interpreted as rep-
resenting fricatives: <b>, <f>, <s>, <x>, <g> and <h>. Constenla Uma na (1984:
74) observes that <b>and <f>were never used contrastively. These symbols may have
referred to voiced [] and voiceless [] bilabial fricatives, respectively, presumably al-
lophones of a single phoneme. It should be observed that <f> was only used before
a vowel symbol, whereas <b> occurred in any position, before another consonant as
well as word-nally. Lugo practically limited the use of <f>(as an alternative for <b>)
to the position before <u> (e.g. fuc

ha woman, but cubun language), whereas the

other sources extended the use of <f> to other prevocalic positions as well (e.g. fac
outside, hista breast). As it seems, some orthographic normalisation occurred to the
extent that <f>became used mainly (but not exclusively) in root-initial position before
a vowel.
27
The identication of <b> and <f> as identical elements is challenged by
the existence of a word-initial cluster <bf>, which is found in the word bfue beam.
Possibly, this cluster may have to be reinterpreted to contain an internal vowel [ue].
The symbols <s> and <x> represented sibilants (presumably [s] and [ s], respec-
tively). Constenla Uma na (1984: 86) considers them not to be contrastive. The symbol
<x>was used optionally before <i>and <y>(e.g. xie who?, bxy I carry), whereas
<s> could occur in all positions (e.g. saca nose, soco bring!, sisy this, muysca
human being). Although in many lexical items (e.g. sie xie river, water; also
who) the two symbols can be used interchangeably, in other cases there seems to be
a preference for either one. Word pairs such as siu rain versus xiun sweat, and sua
27
Today f is widely used in place names of Chibchan origin, such as Facatativ a and Fusagasug a.
86 2 The Chibcha Sphere
sun versus xua dew do suggest an opposition, albeit of a limited functional load. In
Lugo <x> is mainly, and fairly consistently, found before <i>.
The symbol <g>is interpreted by Constenla Uma na (1984: 8890) as a voiced velar
fricative [ ], historically derived from a Chibchan voiced velar stop *g; e.g. gye [ e]
excrement (cf. Chimila ga:, Kogui gai). The assumption that <g> was a fricative is
based on a probable symmetry with the labials (<b/f>) and on the pronunciation of the
corresponding symbol in Spanish. As in Spanish, <gu> rather than <g>, was written
before <e>, <i> and, in Lugo, also before <>; e.g. in gue gu to be, guity- to
whip.
28
Even though the regular realisation of <g> was allegedly a fricative, a stop
allophone may have occurred instead after a nasal, for instance, in the verbal future
ending -nga.
Withthe complexsymbol <gu>we touchuponaninsufciencyof the colonial Muisca
orthography because an identical sequence was used to represent a bilabial glide [w] or a
labialised voiced velar fricative [
w
], e.g. in gue [
w
e we] house, gui wife [
w
i
wi]. In such cases the morphophonemic behaviour of the lexical itemin question must be
considered in order to recover the correct form. For instance, the rst-person possessed
form of house is zue [t
s
we] my house, not *zgue [t
s
e], as might be expected if the
velar element were prominent. Lugo, who used diacritics, appears to have indicated the
presence of a labial element by a circumex accent on the following vowel (gu e, gu ),
although not consistently. The question whether the velar element was pronounced at
all in such cases remains open for discussion. Lugo occasionally used the spelling -gu a
for the interrogative sufx [wa]. Some Chibchan cognate relations, such as Muisca gua
sh (Cuna ua, Chimila wa:

gra:, Kogui uaka), suggest that a velar fricative was not

necessarily always represented in <gu>.
29
All colonial sources agree that the symbol <h> represented an aspiration. In con-
tradistinction to <gu>, the combination <hu>was not normally used to denote a labial
approximant [w], as in the orthography of so many other Amerindian languages during
the colonial period, e.g. hui inside was pronounced [huy huwi], not *[wi]. The
Muisca aspiration occurred prevocalically, but characteristically also between two like
vowels. Sequences of identical high vowels separated by <h> may have counted as
single vowels. This can be deduced from the fact that the tenseaspect sufx -squa,
28
The vocabulary of the National Library grammar mentions a related verb root uity- [wit], which
has the meaning to whip/chastise oneself. This unique correlation does not prevent us from
following the general opinion that guity- was pronounced [ it], not [
w
it] nor [wit]. The shape
of the prexes that accompany guity- supports this view.
29
Constenla Uma na (1984: 98) mentions the example of the root gua- to kill as a case where a
velar fricative could have been retained (by comparison with Guatuso kua:, also Kogui g
w
a si).
However, the root for to kill in Muisca is gu-, rather than gua-. The confusion is probably due
to Lugo (1619: 778), who translates the verb for to feed gua-squ a as to kill, to say, glosses
which correspond to gu-squ a; but see p. 70, where he translates it correctly. In the Muisca stem
(b)gu- to kill a velar fricative was indeed present.
2.9 The Muisca language 87
otherwise only occurring after monosyllabic roots ending in a vowel, was also regularly
found after roots that ended in such a sequence, e.g. b-chuhu-squa to wash, b-chihi-
squa to write, to paint, tyhy-squa to sit down.
30
This situation suggests a special
class of aspirated vowels. In Lugos grammar the <VhV> sequence is relatively in-
frequent, omission of its rst vowel being the rule, as, for instance, in sh uh a eight,
qh uma big, thpqua- to wound (in the vocabulary of the National Library grammar:
suhuza, cuhuma, b-tyhypqua-, respectively) and bhac uca needlessly ( fahacuca in the
vocabulary published by Quesada Pacheco 1991). In some items Lugo hesitates between
notations of the types <hV> and <hVhV>, as in the postposition bh oh oh a bh oh a
with (bohoza), or inserts an <h>where others do not have it, as, for instance, in thh-
to love (b-tyzy-).
The nasals <m>and <n>were both very frequent. The symbol <r>, which presum-
ably represented a vibrant, is occasionally found in Lugo, but it is nearly absent in the
other sources, who replace it with <ch>; e.g. (Lugo) erq [erk], (Gonz alez de P erez
1987: 286) yechyc [et
y
k] other.
31
At least in borrowings from Spanish it survived, as
can be deduced from a case like raga dagger (Spanish daga). There were no laterals
in Muisca.
In addition to the vowel </y> (see above), the sources of the Muisca language
record ve vowels that were similar to their Spanish counterparts: a, e, i, o, u. The vowel
symbols <i> and <u> can refer both to syllabic [i], [u], and to non-syllabic [y], [w].
32
An analysis of the lexical and grammatical data brings to light the necessity to distinguish
between the two possibilities in writing, as their realisation is not entirely predictable.
For instance, the spelling ja of the word for rewood (also found as ia, cf. Uw Cuwa
r eya) in the vocabulary accompanying the National Library grammar (Gonz alez de
P erez 1987: 273) strongly suggests the presence of a non-syllabic approximant [ya].
By contrast, the word for illness iu must be interpreted as polysyllabic [iyu] on the
basis of its morphophonemic behaviour.
33
This option appears to be conrmed by the
1612 Vocabulary, in which the form at issue is transcribed as i u, suggesting that the two
vowels were pronounced separately (Quesada Pacheco 1991: 62). In the Royal Palace
Library grammar published by Lucena Salmoral (1967: 67) the past participle of the verb
m-u- to spin is explicitly written as uisca, again suggesting that the vowel sequence
30
The ending -squa is also found after the verbaliser -go-, e.g. in muysy-go-squa to dream
(cf. Adelaar 1995a). In the Muisca vocabularies all non-stative verbs are presented with either
the ending -squa or -suca.
31
The word erq is found in one of the sonnets that accompany Lugos grammar (Ostler 1995:
136).
32
In word-initial position, <u> is often replaced with its orthographic variant <v>, especially
when a full vowel [u] is represented.
33
The verb iu- to be ill takes the imperfective sufx -suca, not its alternative form -squa. Since
the latter is preferred after monosyllabic roots ending in a vowel, the use of -suca suggests a
polysyllabic structure for the root iu (cf. Adelaar 1995a).
88 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Table 2.6 Inventory of Muisca consonant phonemes
Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar Coarticulated labiovelar Glottal
Stops p t k pk
w
/ pk
Affricates c t
y
/ c
Fricatives / s ( s) h
Nasals m n
Vibrant r
Glides w y
Table 2.7 Inventory of Muisca vowel phonemes
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid e o
Low a
Aspirated versus plain
may have been polysyllabic [uwi]. Finally, it is likely that gui [
w
i wi] wife and ui
[uy uwi] left side were distinct not only in writing, but also in pronunciation.
A putative inventory of the Muisca consonant phonemes is shown in table 2.6. It con-
tains the phonemes proposed in Constenla Uma na (1984) expanded with our additions.
The vowels of Muisca are shown in table 2.7.
Consonant clusters frequently occur both in word-initial and -nal position (cf.
Constenla Uma na 1984: 1001). Most (but not all) of the initial clusters owe their
existence to the presence of a prex, in particular the verbal prex b-/m-, which can
indicate transitivity, and the personal reference markers z- rst person singular and
m- second person singular, which indicate both possessor and subject. These personal
reference markers are also found as ze-/zy- and um-, respectively, making it clear that
if an additional vowel was not always present, it was at least recoverable.
34
In (59) the
prex ze- is given in its full form, whereas m- is short.
(59) m-hu-za-c ze-guque
2S.SG-come-NE-AL 1S.SG-say.PA
I thought that you had not come. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 257)
34
Lugo writes h- for the rst-person prex. Remember also that um- is frequently represented
as vm-; in our discussion of Muisca grammar, we shall write um- throughout.
2.9 The Muisca language 89
The prex b-/m- is frequently found before other consonants. Although there seems
to be no vowel that can be recovered, certain combinations with b-, in particular, are
awkward to pronounce if no vowel is inserted (see also above for the unusual case of
bfue).
35
Some examples of clusters involving b-/m- are given in (60). The function of
the prex will be treated later.
(60) b-so- to eat (herbs, leaves)
b-ca- to eat (maize, meat, fruit, etc.)
b-chichua- to learn
b-hu- to carry
m-nypqua- to hear, to understand
Word-nal consonant clusters are frequently found in genitives which precede their
heads. When the genitive consists of a noun with a nal vowel a, that vowel may be
suppressed. As a result, a consonant cluster can end up in word-nal position, e.g.
in (61).
(61) muysc chimy [muysca human being]
human.being.G esh
human esh (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 210)
2.9.3 Grammar
In a reviewof previous syntactical claims concerning the Muisca language Ostler (1994)
concludes that Muisca is a strict SOV language. The auxiliary verb gue/gu follows the
main verb. Both adjectives and numerals follow the noun they modify, while demon-
stratives and genitives precede the noun they modify. Muisca has postpositions and case
sufxes. All these features are characteristic for most of the Chibchan languages that we
have discussed until now.
From a morphological point of view Muisca is a complex language that uses both
prexes and sufxes. The prexes are mainly related to personal reference and valency
(passive, transitiveintransitive). Nominalisation, verbalisation, negation, interrogation,
topicalisation, mood, tense, aspect, case and degree (of adjectives) are indicated by
means of sufxes. Other morphological processes found in Muisca are root suppletion,
internal vowel change and the suppression of nal vowels, as in (61). Some parts of the
verbal conjugation, in particular the present and past participles, the so-called second
supine, and the imperative can be highly irregular.
35
Spanish colonial grammarians often tolerated consonant sequences which their modern suc-
cessors prefer to split by inserting shwa-type vowels; for a similar example in Araucanian see
chapter 5.
90 2 The Chibcha Sphere
The Muisca verbal lexicon comprises a formal division between transitive and in-
transitive verbs. This division is made visible by the conjugational behaviour of the
verbs, and in most cases also by the shape of the verb stem itself. Many transitive verb
stems in Muisca contain the prex b-/m-; see also (60). If the transitive verb stem is
part of a transitive/intransitive verb pair, its intransitive counterpart does not have the
b-/m- prex. Speaking generally, the m- allomorph is found before vowels and nasals,
whereas b- occurs in clusters with non-nasal consonants. It has been argued that, since
m- is the prevocalic allomorph (where no inuence from the phonological environment
is expected), it also constitutes the more basic form of the prex (Ostler 2000: 288).
Transitiveintransitive verb pairs differentiated by b-/m- are exemplied in (62) and
(63). The latter also exhibits a root vowel change.
(62) to- to split [intransitive]
b-to- to split [transitive]
(63) na- to go [intransitive]
m-ny- to take along [transitive]
Transitive verb stems that are not paired with intransitives may contain the b-/m-
prex, although many of them do not. All transitive verbs lose their b-/m- prex in the
imperative, and in several participial and gerund forms (64). Some intransitive verbs
also have an initial b-/m- element, which behaves as if it were part of the root and is
never lost. Intransitive verbs of any type take an additional prex a- in the imperative
form (65) and occasionally also in one of the participles.
(64) b-quy- to do [transitive]
quy-u do! [transitive imperative]
quy-ia having done [transitive past participle]
(65) bgy- to die [intransitive]
a-bgy-u die! [intransitive imperative]
Examples (66) and (67) illustrate the case of a transitiveintransitive pair with an ir-
regular imperative form, where it can be seen that the prex a- serves to avoid homonymy
between a transitive and an intransitive form. The most common imperative ending is
-u (plural -u-ua). For negative commands the negative future is used.
(66) b-ga- to make, to cause to become [transitive]
so make!, cause to become! [transitive imperative]
(67) ga- to become [intransitive]
a-so become! [intransitive imperative]
2.9 The Muisca language 91
There are other formal strategies to distinguish transitive from intransitive verbs. The
latter may take a sufx -n-, not found in the former, e.g. miu- to crumble (transitive)
versus miu-n- to crumble (intransitive).
A number of Muisca verbs are stative. They refer to existence or position and may
encode number or shape of the theme. Most of these verbs end in -ne, e.g. zo-ne to be lo-
cated (singular), puy-ne to be located (of liquids) (Ostler and Gonz alez forthcoming).
The majority of Muisca verbs, however, are active. Active verbs are conjugated for tense.
They can take either one of the characteristic endings -squa and -suca, which is the form
by which they are normally found in the colonial dictionaries. The endings -squa and
-suca indicate imperfective aspect in nite verbs, which can then be interpreted as present
or (ongoing) past-tense forms.
(68) ze-bquy-squa
1S.SG-do-IA
I do, I was doing. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 81)
(69) ze-guity-suca
1S.SG-whip-IA
I whip, I was whipping. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 84)
As we have noted before, the choice of -squa is phonologically determined (see
also Adam 1878). For -suca there is no such restriction. Since it is added to all active
verb roots that cannot take -squa, it appears to have a default distribution. In a few cases
-suca has been found with a root that normally takes -squa, allegedly with a frequentative
meaning (70), (71).
(70) ze-hu-squa
36
1S.SG-come-IA
I come. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 332)
(71) ze-hu-suca
1S.SG-come-IA
I come often. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 332)
It may be observed that examples (70) and (71), originally from the National Library
grammar, seem to be incompatible with a statement made in the same source, namely,
36
(70) and (71) are entries in Gonz alez de P erezs edition of the vocabulary of the National Library
grammar, where they appear as zchusqua and zchusuca, respectively. Elsewhere in the same work
(Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 98, 121) we nd zehusqua with the meaning to come. We assume
that zchusqua and zchusuca, not attested in any other source as far as we know, are miswritings
for zehusqua and zehusuca, respectively. Uricoechea (1871: 204), who must have used the same
source, writes zuhusqua/zuhusuca in accordance with a pronunciation rule formulated in the
National Library grammar (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 140).
92 2 The Chibcha Sphere
that ze-hu-squa serves as the frequentative counterpart of the defective verb i-xyquy I
come (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 121).
A frequentative meaning also obtains when -suca is added to a stative stem (72), (73).
(72) i-sucu-n
37
1S.SG-be.there-ST
I am there. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 261)
(73) i-sucu-n-suca
1S.SG-be.there-ST-IA
I am there frequently. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 261)
Some verbs, such as -na to go, can have a present-tense interpretation, even when
the imperfective sufx is lacking. If there is an imperfective sufx, it has a frequentative
meaning, even though it is -squa.
(74) i-na
1S.SG-go
I go, I went. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 123)
(75) i-na-squa
1S.SG-go-IA
I go often. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 123)
The indicative future tense of verbs is formed by adding -nga to those verbs that can
take -squainthe present tense, and-nyngatothose that canonlytake -suca; for a historical
phonological explanation of this phenomenon see Ostler and Gonz alez (forthcoming).
Stative verbs change -ne to -ne-nga (76). The future form of the verb to be is nga.
(76) muysca-c ze-gue-ne-nga
man-AL 1S.SG-be-ST-F
I will be a man (person). (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 127)
The past tense has no specic ending. Verb roots which end in -a- normally take
an (optional) sufx -o [w] (77); some roots (including a few in -a-) take -quy (-que)
(78); the others remain unaltered.
38
Before the negative sufx -za most roots remain
unaltered (79).
37
There was probably no difference in use between the endings -n and -ne (-ny) (Ostler and
Gonz alez forthcoming).
38
The velar stop in -quy (-que) may also appear in other forms of the paradigm, namely in the
imperative and past participle. From a historical point of view, it can be considered as a part of
the root (Ostler and Gonz alez, forthcoming).
2.9 The Muisca language 93
(77) ze-mnypqua(-o)
1S.SG-hear/understand-PA
I have heard/understood. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 98)
(78) um-gui boza um-caquy-oa
2P.SG-wife with 2S.SG-ght.PA-IR
Did you ght with your wife? (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 356)
(79) ze-gu-za [ze-guquy I said]
1S.SG-say.PA-NE
I did not say. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 115)
Interrogation and negation are indicated by adding the sufxes -ua [wa]/-o
39
and -za,
respectively, to a verb form. The future tense has a special negative ending -zi-nga (not
*-nga-za). The auxiliary verb gue/gu has as its interrogative and negative counterparts
ua/o and nza, respectively; the corresponding future forms are nnua and nzinga. Alonger
and more explicit negation of the verb to be is ma-gue-za. It includes a negative prex
ma- of limited productivity.
(80) hycha-n i-na-zi-nga
I-TO 1S.SG-go-NE-F
I will not go. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 335)
(81) chie nnua
we be.F.IR
Shall we be? (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 78)
(82) chie nzinga
we be.NE.F
We shall not be. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 79)
Muisca has three nominalisations or relative verbs which have been interpreted tradi-
tionally as participles (agentives) of the present, future and past. With all three, the b-/m-
prex is lost. The present participle can be formed by adding a sufx -sca, very often
accompanied by a vowel change in the root (83). This sufx -sca can only be added to
roots that have the phonological characteristics allowing the presence of the imperfec-
tive marker -squa (see above). The other roots, namely, those that take the imperfective
marker -suca, are treated differently. They receive either a sufx -suca (transitives) (84),
or -uca (intransitives) (85).
39
The distribution of -ua in relation to -o is not entirely clear; it may have been a case of free
variation (Ostler and Gonz alez forthcoming). The marker -o is reminiscent of the interrogative
marker -o in Ika.
94 2 The Chibcha Sphere
(83) b-quy to do qui-sca (he) who does
m-o- to bathe [transitive] o-esca (he) who bathes (someone)
o- to bathe [intransitive] o-esca (he) who bathes (himself)
b-ca- to eat qui-esca (he) who eats
(84) b-xin- to sew xin-suca (he) who sews
(85) cubun- to speak cubun-uca (he) who speaks
Some present participles are quite irregular in their formation, allowing, in a fewcases,
an additional distinction between a frequentative and a non-frequentative meaning. Some
irregular forms coincide either with the future, or with the past participle (86), (87). In
(86) the regular formal opposition is taken over by a frequentative contrast. A future
form (sienga) is used both for present and future, whereas the expected present form
(siesca) is interpreted as a present frequentative.
(86) na- to go sie-nga (he) who goes, (he) who will go
sie-sca (he) who goes often
(87) sucun- to be suz-a (he) who is, (he) who has been
The future participle, with a few exceptions, takes the same endings as the future
indicative (-nga, -nynga). The past participle generally ends in -a or -ia. There are
many irregular formations, and the nal consonant of a stem preceding -a is often not
predictable.
40
The past participle has an additional function. It can be used as a hortative
(a so-called second imperative) with the possibility of marking the subject for all
persons and number (88). A third-person subject remains unmarked, but it is possible to
distinguish between transitive and intransitive forms by adding the prex a- to the latter
(89). Present participles can also be used as hortatives; they convey progressive rather
than punctual aspect meaning.
(88) chi-quy-ia
1S.PL-do-PA.AG
(we) who did, (we) having done, Let us do!
(Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 82)
(89) za-ia [b-za-to place]
place-PA.AG
(he) who placed it, Let him place it! (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 104)
40
Considering the fact that the consonants preserved in past-participle endings are also found in
so-called irregular past-tense forms and imperatives, one may conclude that they are part of
original stems, which appear in a truncated form in the present tense; cf. Ostler and Gonz alez
(forthcoming).
2.9 The Muisca language 95
(90) a-za-ia [za- to take a place]
NT-place-PA.AG
(he) who took a place, Let him take a place!
(Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 104)
When a sentence is introduced by an interrogative pronoun, its main verb must be a
participle, rather than a nite verb (91). (Note that baz-a is a past participle of the verb
m-a- to bring.) This does not hold when the interrogative pronoun is in an oblique case
or is followed by a postposition (92); cf. Ostler (1994: 2212).
(91) ipqua fuyz-o ma-baz-a [fuyze all]
what all-IR 2S.SG-bring-PA.AG
What things did you bring? (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 132)
(92) sie-c-o m- -cuquy [b-cu- to buy]
who-AL-IR 2S.SG-T-buy.PA
From whom did you buy it? (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 193)
Passive resultative participles can be formed from at least part of the transitive verbs.
The shape of these participles resembles that of stative verbs, and is characterised by a
prex a- and a sufx -ne, attached to the past-tense stem (93); cf. Ostler and Gonz alez
(forthcoming).
(93) ia a-chihiquy-ne
already 3S-write-SN
It is already written. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 126)
The grammars of the Muisca language mention the existence of two so-called
supines. Examples of use are rare. The rst supine has subject marking (personal
reference) and a b-/m- prex if applicable. It is derived from the root by adding a sufx
-ioa [yowa yuwa];
41
e.g. ze-b-quy-ioa in order for me to do. The second supine is
formally related to the present participle, with which it shares most of the irregularities.
It can be obtained by substituting -ca for -suca or -sca, e.g. guity-ca (in order) to beat,
cf. guity-suca (he) who beats; qui-ca (in order) to do, cf. qui-sca (he) who does
(Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 110).
The passive in Muisca is formed by means of a prex n-, added to a transitive root
deprived of its (possible) b-/m- prex. All indicative tense forms, all originally active
participles, as well as the rst supine can be passivised. The subject (patient) of a passive
form is identied by means of a personal reference prex which precedes n-; the agent
41
The pronunciation [yuwa] is suggested by the fact that Lugo writes a diacritic on the u, as in
a-guit-y ua for him/them to beat (Lugo 1619: 489). The National Library grammar has -ioa.
96 2 The Chibcha Sphere
cannot be expressed. A special prex a-, identical in form to a third-person subject
marker, accompanies the passive marker, except when the preceding subject marker
already ends in a. This a- prex of the passive construction is absent before participles
whose subjectpatient is third person (also in their hortative function). If we assume that
a- is part of the passive formation, the third-person subject marker of the passives may
be interpreted as a zero marker throughout.
42
(94) chi-a-n-quy-squa
1S.PL-PS-PS-do-IA
We are being done. It is being done to us. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 111)
(95) m-a-n-quy-ioa
2S.SG-PS-PS-do-SP
for you to be suffered, so that it may be done to you
(Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 112)
(96) -a-n-quy-nga
3S-PS-PS-do-F
He/it will be done. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 112)
(97) -n-quy-ia
3S-PS-do-PA.AG
(he) who was done. Let him/it be done! (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 113)
Some passive formations are irregular, as is the case of ucan- to know, where n-
is inxed, rather than prexed, e.g. chi-a-u-n-cane we were known. Compare also
cha-nn-isty I was seen from m-isty- to see (cf. Ostler 2000: 284), where a vocalic
onset of the root is compensated by doubling of the passive prex.
Personal reference marking in Muisca is morphological and consists of prexation.
Two sets of personal prexes have to be distinguished minimally. They are summarised
in table 2.8 together with the syntactically free personal pronouns.
The roots contained in the case for third-person personal pronouns are demonstratives,
rather than personal pronouns. They represent the three usual degrees of distance (near
speaker / near addressee / remote).
The formof the rst-person-singular prex exhibits an interesting variation. It appears
as i- before alveolar and palatal consonants (e.g. i-chuta my son, i-nyquy my brother)
42
Historically, the a- prex is probably identical to the homophonous third-person prex. Ostler
(2000: 285) shows that a was a third-person singular pronoun in Proto-Colombian Chibchan. If
we analyse a- synchronically as part of the passive formation, no more than two sets of personal
reference markers have to be distinguished.
2.9 The Muisca language 97
Table 2.8 Personal reference in Muisca
Set 1 Set 2 Personal pronouns
1 pers. sing. z- / i- / - cha- hycha
1 pers. plur. chi- chi- chie
2 pers. sing. m- ma- mue muy*
2 pers. plur. mi- mi- mie
3 pers. a- - sis(y) / ys(y) / as(y)
* Word-nal high vowels in monosyllabic words are normally
followed by -e; the form muy [m
w
] is found before words with
an initial vowel, as in muy um-boi your cloak.
and as z(ey)- elsewhere (cf. Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 75).
43
The latter is found as
z- before vowels (e.g. z-ue my house) and as ze- (Lugo: h-) before consonants (e.g.
ze-boi my cloak), although z- is often written instead of ze-. The National Library
grammar indicates that the prex ze- was usually left out before a b-/m- prex, e.g.
b-quy-squa I do instead of ze-b-quy-squa (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 87). However, this
last practice is rarely reected in the examples. When the prex z- precedes ia [ya] or io,
the semi-vowel i is lost, e.g. in z-an-suca I ee, from ian- to ee. The presence
of the second-person-singular prex m- eliminates a following b-/m- prex, as in
m-iohoty-suca you drink, from b-iohoty- to drink; this prex can be preceded by u in
order to facilitate its pronunciation in clusters. The third-person prex a- is merged with
a following high vowel, following the rules a + i > e, a + y > a; a + u > o, e.g. epqua
(< a + ipqua) his belongings; ata (< a + yta his hand); oba (< a + uba) his face
(Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 140).
The division of labour that obtains between Set 1 and Set 2 prexes is of particular
interest. The indicative tenses and rst supine (in -ioa) of the active verbs select Set
1 prexes to indicate a subject, and Set 2 prexes to indicate a rst- or second-person
object (98). The simultaneous indication of subject and object is limited to the combina-
tions chi-a- (third-person subject and rst-person-plural object) and mi-a- (third-person
subject and second-person plural object) (99).
44
If any other combination of participants
involving a rst- or second-person object is to be expressed, the object is indicated mor-
phologically by means of a prex, whereas the subject can be expressed by a noun or a
full pronoun. A third-person object is morphologically zero.
43
There is a striking parallel with the Chol on language (see section 4.11), where the same alter-
nation is found in the third-person-plural prex i-/ ci-.
44
It may be possible to analyse these combinations as contractions of chi(e) a- and mi(e) a-,
respectively. One would expect a nal -e to be omitted before a vowel.
98 2 The Chibcha Sphere
(98) Pedro cha-guity
Pedro 1O.SG-beat.PA
Pedro beat me. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 143)
(99) Pedro-z mi-a-guit-ua [guity- to beat]
Pedro-EU
45
2O.PL-3S-beat.PA-IR
Did Pedro beat you (plural)? (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 143)
Stative verbs in -ne behave like the active verbs in that their subject is expressed by
means of Set 1 prexes. By contrast, the irregular verb ha- to say (as in cha-ha-sugue
I say, ma-ha-sugue you say, etc.) takes Set 2 prexes for subject reference. The
participles or relative verbs (including when used as second imperatives) also take
Set 2 prexes that refer to a subject; see (88) and (91). Objects can only be indicated by
means of a free pronoun or noun (100).
(100) Dios gue chie ma-quy-ia
46
God be we LP-make-PA.AG
God is the One who made us. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 143)
Passive verbs take Set 2 prexes for the specication of their subjectpatient; see
(94)(96). True imperatives do not take prexes; an object can only be indicated by
means of a free pronoun (101).
(101) hycha gu [b-gu- to kill]
I kill.IM
Kill me! (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 143)
Nouns can take both sets of prexes. As we have seen in some of the cases mentioned
previously (a-uba, i-chuta), Set 1 prexes are used to indicate a possessor. By contrast,
Set 2 prexes refer to the subject of a predicative construction. They are attached to the
noun or adjective which is used predicatively.
47
(102) cha-muysca cho gue
1S.SG-man good be
I am a good man. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 142)
45
The element -z (Lugo -h) is described as an adornment in the Royal Palace Library grammar
(Lucena Salmoral 1967: 56). It is, in fact, unexplained (cf. Ostler 1994: 213). In some contexts
it appears to express the meaning of also, too, e.g. fa-z a-hu-za he has not come today (fa)
either (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 322).
46
A prex ma- (homophonous with second-person-singular ma-) can be added to participles of
the verb to do with no other semantic effect than elegance (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 144).
47
In the original the prex cha- is written separately.
2.9 The Muisca language 99
The case-marking strategies of Muisca are extensively treated in Ostler (1993). When
expressed by free lexical items, the subject and the object of a verb are not marked for
their respective roles. These are made explicit by word order. Ostler (1993: 8) illustrates
this with the following example.
(103) Pedro Juan a-b-g u
Pedro Juan 3S-T-kill.PA
Pedro killed Juan. (Lugo 1619: 945)
Oblique case is marked by sufxes or postpositions. Three case sufxes -c(a), -n(a),
and -s(a) are of central importance. Ostler (1993: 9) characterises their basic local
meanings as Goal, LocationandPath, respectively. Withthe case sufx-c(a) the emphasis
is on movement. With -n(a) rest in location is meant, but it can also refer to a source, in
particular when the name of a place is mentioned (106).
(104) gua-c a-sy-ne [sy-ne to roam]
mountain-AL 3S-roam-ST
He is out roaming through the mountains. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 301)
(105) ta-s ze-mi-squa [mi- to pass]
eld-PT 1S.SG-pass-IA
I walk through the eld. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 290)
(106) chunsa-n fac
48
a-iane [ian- to ee]
Tunja-L outward 3S-leave.PA
He left Tunja. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 227)
Characteristic of the Muisca language is the existence of fused forms of personal
pronouns and case markers. The personal reference markers in these combinations co-
incide with the Set 2 prexes; they are followed by an element -ha- and a case marker.
The third-person forms do not contain -ha- and are based on the deictic element y-. A
further set of fused forms is based on Set 1 prexes followed by an element -hu- and a
case marker. Ostler (1993: 11) identies this -hu- element with the adverb hui inside.
Again the third-person forms are special.
49
An overview of the fused forms is given in table 2.9.
The forms in the three upper rows represent straightforward combinations of person
and case, the forms in the three lower rows indicate physical nearness (with, at,
among). The following examples are discussed in Ostler (1993: 10). In (109) hui-na
has no prex, because it is preceded by a full noun as a possessor (suetiba).
48
In the original text: uac.
49
The existence of these fused combinations of person markers and case markers is reminiscent
of a similar phenomenon in the TupiGuaran languages. Like Muisca, these languages have a
fair amount of idiosyncratic case marking governed by verbs.
100 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Table 2.9 Inventory of Muisca pronoun and case combinations (based on Ostler 1993)
1 pers. sing. 1 pers. plur. 2 pers. sing. 2 pers. plur. 3 pers.
Goal chahac chihac mahac mihac yc
Location chahan chihan mahan mihan yn
Path chahas chihas mahas mihas ys
Goal zuhuc chihuc muhuc mihuc hoc
Location zuhuin(a) chihuin(a) muhuin(a) mihuin(a) ahuin(a), bon
Path zuhus muhus hos
(107) bo-n i-zo-ne
3P.presence-L 1S.SG-be.there-ST
I am at his disposal. (Quesada Pacheco 1991: 50)
(108) zu-hui-n a-na
1P-presence-L 3S-go.PA
He went away from me. (Quesada Pacheco 1991: 80)
(109) suetiba hui-na fac chi-a-b-ta
devil presence-L outside 1O.PL-3S-T-take.PA
He took us out of the power of the devil. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 350)
Ostler (1993: 9) notes that the third-person allative pronoun y-c can be used as a sort
of proclitic complement of the verb, even when it is preceded by the real complement
noun phrase.
(110) gata y-c cu [b-cu-to blow]
re that-AL blow.IM
Blow on the re! (lit. The re, blow on it!) (Uricoechea 1871: 70)
The grammars and vocabularies of the Muisca language contain a wealth of infor-
mation concerning the derived uses of the three basic case markers, which are highly
varied and idiosyncratic. Ostler (1993: 1315) analyses their behaviour in connection
with seventeen representative verbs. Some of the examples he mentions are:
(111) pquapqua i-zy-s -b-za-squa [zye hair]
hat 1P.SG-hair-PT 1S.SG-T-locate-IA
I put a hat on my head. (Quesada Pacheco 1991: 85)
(112) muysca cho-c ze-ga-squa
man good-AL 1S.SG-become-IA
I become a good man. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 269)
2.9 The Muisca language 101
Uricoechea (1871: 6873) offers an extensive list of Muisca verbs and the case com-
plements they govern. The choice of complements and verbs can be highly idiomatic,
as is illustrated in (113)(115).
(113) cha-ha.c a-quib-go [y-c quib-go- to take leave of]
1P-AL 3S-leave-FA.PA
He took leave of me. (Quesada Pacheco 1991: 58)
(114) cha-ha.s a-hiza-n-suca [y-s hiza-n- to be heavy]
1P-PT 3S-heavy-NT-IA
(The load) is heavy on me. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 295)
(115) Dios y e h-u-c a-b-g a [ho-c b-ga- to teach; ie road]
God way 1P-presence-AL 3S-T-cause.to.be.PA
She taught me the way of God. (Lugo 1619: 116)
Muisca has a rich array of postpositions, mostly derived from body-part terms. These
postpositions can be combined with the case markers in order to further specify the
relation they convey. They can also take possessive personal prexes. Examples of
such postpositions are hista chest (on), uba face (before, in front of) and inta
substitute (in place of). The comitativeinstrumental postposition bohoza and those
postpositions referring to a beneciary (-san, uaca) are not normally combined with
other case markers.
The genitive relationship is expressed in different ways with the sole common charac-
teristic that a possessor must precede the head. If the possessor is a full personal pronoun
referring to one of the participants in the speech act, the corresponding possessive prex
is added to the head noun, e.g. muy um-boi [you 2P.SG-cloak] your cloak. When the
possessor is not a participant in the speech act (that is, when it is neither rst, nor second
person), no possessive prex intervenes, but the noun referring to the possessor may
undergo formal changes. One of these changes is the elimination of a nal vowel a, as
we have seen in muysc chimy human esh and in muysc cubun language of man.
Alternatively, it is possible to replace the suppressed a by a high vowel u or y.
(116) ze-pab-u chuta [paba father]
1P-father-G son
my fathers son (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 73)
(117) i-chut-y gui [chuta son]
1P-son-G wife
my sons wife (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 73)
The loss of nal e following a high vowel has also been recorded. It may have to
do with the fact that the e itself was originally added by phonological rule, rather than
102 2 The Chibcha Sphere
being part of the inherited form. Example (120) illustrates the use of a postposition in a
genitive construction.
(118) su cubun [sue Spaniard, bird]
Spaniard.G language
Spanish (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 73, 138)
(119) i ie [ie smoke]
smoke.G road
chimney (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 137)
(120) xi uaca-ua [xie who]
who.G for-IR
for whom? (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 288)
Finally, a sufx -s can be added as a genitive marker. This option has been attested
with the words cha man, male and guecha [wet
y
a] uncle on mothers side.
(121) cha-s gue
man-G house
the mans house (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 73, 137)
Relative clauses in Muisca are mainly constructed by means of participles. Ostler
(1993: 245) observes that Muisca occasionally encodes oblique case relations in a
relative clause. The pronouncase combination y-n in it was used to mark a relativised
element as locative (122), whereas a rarely attested verbal prex u- with it could do
the same for an instrumental relativised element. As far as the latter is concerned, Ostler
draws attention to a formally and semantically similar construction in the Rama language
of Nicaragua (Craig 1991).
(122) gu e -n c

ha-suh-a h-pqua gu
house it-L 1S.SG-be-PA.AG 1P-belonging be
The house in which I live is mine. (Lugo 1619: 1067)
The possibilities of verbal complementation in Muisca are numerous. They consist in
the addition of sufxes or postpositions, some of them similar to the ones operating in
the case system, to specic forms of the verbal paradigm. The element -xin, exemplied
in (123), is added to a participle in order to express a simultaneous event which is real;
the element -san is used in the same way to express a hypothetical event (124); -nan,
afxed to a nite verb, denotes a condition (125). For a full inventory of the possibilities
see Ostler (1993: 278).
2.9 The Muisca language 103
(123) cha-qui-sca-xin
1S.SG-do-PR.AG-SM
when I am doing . . . (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 91)
(124) cha-quy-nga-san
1S.SG-do-F.AG-HY
if I would have to do . . . (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 91)
(125) ze-b-quy-nga-nan
1S.SG-T-do-F-CD
if I have to do . . . (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 90)
A complement of the verb gu- to say, to think, to believe is formed by adding
the allative case marker -c(a) to a nite verb, if it is negative, and to a participle, if it is
positive. The former possibility was illustrated in (59) (m-hu-za-c ze-guque I thought
you had not come); an example of the latter is (126).
(126) Pedro huca-c ze-guque
Pedro come.PA.AG-AL 1S.SG-say.PA
I thought Pedro had come. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 257)
2.9.4 Lexicon
An interesting feature of the more basic verbs of the Muisca lexicon is the fact that
some of them appear to be semantically underspecied. Uricoechea (1871: 73) observes
that the transitive verb zebtascua (b-ta-) does not mean anything by itself. Only in
combination with a locative adverb or complement does it acquire a meaning, e.g. hui
b-ta- translated as Spanish meter to put inside or encarcelar to lock up in gaol.
Uricoechea gives many examples of such combinations, which suggest that the verb
means something like to act upon an object with force so as to affect its location in space
(to throw). However, it is certainly difcult to t in all the idiomatic uses Uricoechea
mentions, such as Doctrina y-s b-ta I failed to attend religious training. Clearly, some
sort of force or violence is implied, because to place, to put is preferably translated
by b-za-, a verb with an equally wide spectrum of idiomatic possibilities. The verb
b-ga-, another case of low semantic specication, can best be translated as to provide
someone or something with a state or characteristic (compare French rendre). But
again, it is not easy to relate this broad interpretation to the meaning of the expression
ho-c b-ga- to teach, illustrated in (115). The existence of such idioms, which seem
reminiscent of slang expressions in present-day European languages, is typical for the
Muisca language. There is a remarkable contrast with Andean languages further south,
such as Aymara, Mapuche and Quechua, where this sort of idiomatic expressions are
practically non-existent.
104 2 The Chibcha Sphere
At the same time, intransitive verbs of motion and position, and transitive verbs of
location may differ lexically according to the number of actors involved or the shape of
the theme. For instance, the intransitive verb gu- indicates to be in motion (of several
people), as in:
(127) fac chi-gu-squa
outside 1S.PL-be.in.motion-IA
We go outside. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 316)
(128) hui chi-gu-squa
inside 1S.PL-be.in.motion-IA
We go inside. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 258)
The same verb can be used in connection with mass actors, such as water:
(129) fac a-gu-squa
outside 3S-be.in.motion-IA
It ows out (of water). (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 317)
If there is only one actor the verb mi- is preferred, as in:
(130) hui ze-mi-squa
inside 1S.SG-be.in.motion-IA
I go inside, I enter. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 258)
(131) sua-z guan a-mi-squa
sun-EU hanging 3S-be.in.motion-IA
The sun goes up. (lit. The sun goes hanging.)
(Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 317)
As we saw before, the transitive verb for to put, to bring in a position is b-za-.
However, when the object is plural pquy- is preferred.
(132) guan -b-za-squa
hanging 1S.SG-T-put (singular object)-IA
I hang (one). (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 214)
(133) guan z- -pquy-squa
hanging 1S.SG-T-put (plural object)-IA
I hang (several). (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 214)
The examples (127)(133) also nicely illustrate the use of spatial adverbs in Muisca.
The usual expressions for to sit and to lie only differ by means of the case sufx of
2.9 The Muisca language 105
their shared complement, hicha earth. The number of people sitting or lying is relevant
for the choice of the verb.
(134) hicha-n i-zo-ne
earth-L 1S.SG-be (one person)-ST
I sit. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 196)
(135) hicha-n chi-bizi-ne
earth-L 1S.PL-be (several persons)-ST
We sit. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 196)
(136) hicha-s i-zo-ne
earth-PT 1S.SG-be (one person)-ST
I lie (down). (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 171)
Transitive verbs of eating differ according to what is eaten. The following possibilities
are mentioned in the vocabularies (e.g. Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 21516): b-so- to eat
(any sort of food, in particular leaves and herbs); b-gy- to eat (bread, potatoes, roots);
b-ca- to eat (maize, meat, cheese, fruit, biscuits, candies); b-gamy- to eat (honey, lard,
salt, sauce); b-iohoty- to drink, to eat (gruel), b-gyia- to chew, to eat (sugar-cane).
The Muisca sources contain ample evidence of loan words from Spanish, such as n
wine (Spanish vino) and raga dagger (Spanish daga). Verbs are incorporated in their
innitive form in -r, followed by the verb b-quy- to do.
(137) castigar ma-n-quy-nga [Spanish castigar to punish]
punish 2S.SG-PS-do-F
You will be punished. (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 217)
The demonstratives in Muisca appear to be based on a straightforward system en-
coding three degrees of distance sis(y) this, ys(y) that, as(y) that (over there). The
corresponding local adverbs (implying rest) are sinaca here, ynaca there and anaca
over there. For deictic manner adverbs we nd sihic and (h)ysquy thus, which may
reect a similar distinction. In addition, there are directional adverbs, si(e) xi(e) in
this direction, ysi in that direction and asi in that direction (over there). However, an
adverb that appears to be semantically opposite to si(e) is ai, which means away from
the speaker or forward, e.g. in ai b-ta- to throw (something) away against si b-ta-
to throw (something) over here.
Interrogative pronouns are heterogeneous in form: xie sie who, ipqua what,
epqua-n where (rest), epqua-c where (goal), - how many, ca how many (of time
units), how long ago, fes bes which, when, hac how. All must be followed by
an interrogative marker -o/-ua when used interrogatively.
106 2 The Chibcha Sphere
The Muisca numerals reect a vigesimal system. The ten rst units are ata one,
boza two, mica three, muyhyca four, hyzca ve, ta(a)
50
six, cuhupqua seven,
suhuza eight, aca nine, ubchihica ten. The list presented here has been compiled
on the basis of Gonz alez de P erez (1987) and Quesada Pacheco (1991) in an endeavour
to overcome the gaps and orthographic inconsistencies found in all these sources with
respect to numerals. The numbers from ten to nineteen are formed on the basis of the
root quihicha foot followed by the respective unit, e.g. quihicha ata eleven. The word
for twenty is gue-ta, based on a root gue [we]; forty is gue-boza, sixty is gue-mica, etc.
Lugo mentions two series of ordinal numbers. Units of time can combine with numerals
in order to refer to past units; e.g. zocam year, zocam-bo-na two years ago, zoca-
mi-na three years ago. For days the sufx -na sufces: mi-na day before yesterday,
muyhyca-na the day before the day before yesterday, etc. According to the vocabulary
of the National Library grammar it is possible to count back using separate expressions
until twenty days before the moment of speaking.
Kinship terms in Muisca involve distinctions of gender of the referent (e.g. brother
versus sister), gender of the person from whose viewpoint the relationship is consid-
ered (e.g. sibling of man versus sibling of woman), and relative age (e.g. elder versus
younger sibling). There is no distinction between son and daughter, both being called
chuta. Fathers brother and mothers sister are called father (paba) and mother (guaia),
respectively, but there are separate terms for mothers brother (gue-cha, lit. house-man)
and fathers sister (paba-fucha, lit. father-woman).
2.9.5 A Muisca text
Virtually all Muisca texts known to us belong to the Roman Catholic religious domain.
They can be found as appendices to all three grammars that have been preserved. An
exception to the primacy of religious liturgy are two sonnets that accompany Lugos
grammar, extolling his talents as a specialist of the Muisca language. These sonnets
have been analysed and translated by Ostler (1995). A part of the remaining texts have
been published and analysed in Ostler (1999).
As an illustration of Muisca text we will reproduce and analyse the Lords Prayer as
given in the catechismaccompanying the National Library grammar (Gonz alez de P erez
1987: 342; also in Ostler 1999).
50
The vocabulary of the National Library grammar provides an indication that the pronun-
ciation of the word for six indeed involved a sequence of two like vowels, as it writes
quihichata a ([kihit
y
ataa]) for sixteen (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 240). Lugo has only ta
for six.
2.9 The Muisca language 107
1. chi-paba guate-quyca-n zon-a
1P.PL-father high-country-L be.there-PR.AG
Our Father who art in Heaven,
The past and present participles of zo(n)- to be there (of one person) are both zon-a
(Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 107, 109). The part following chi-paba is a relative clause
with a nominalised verb (zon-a).
2. um-hyca a-chie chi-gu-squa
2P.SG-name 3P-glory 1P.PL-say-IA
Hallowed be thy name.
The expression a-chie chi-gu-squa, literally, we say its glory, is given as a translation
of Spanish reverenciar to hallow. So the phrase reads: We hallow thy name.
3. um-quyca chi-muys huca
2P.SG-country 1P.PL-towards come.PA.AG
Thy Kingdom come.
The postposition -muysa (here shortened to -muys) indicates motion towards a person,
indicated by means of a possessive prex. The form huca is a past participle of hu- to
come, used as a hortative with a third-person subject. Literally, the text reads: May thy
country come towards us.
4. um-pquyquy cielo-na quy-n-uca guehesca sinca-nsie a-quy-n-ynga
2P.SG-will heaven-L do-NT-PR.AG like here-out.of 3S-do-NT-F
Thy will be done on earth as it is in heaven.
The verb is quy-n- to happen, to be done, to be (as in sua-z a-quy-n-suca it is
sunny), the non-transitive pendant of b-quy- to do. The present participle quy-n-uca is
used in a relative clause. The word guehesca occurs twice in the prayer with the meaning
as, like. The closest form attested in the grammars and vocabularies appears to be
guesca the size of, as in mue m-guesca your size (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 321).
The word for here (non-motion) is sinaca; it appears as sinca in the present version.
The ending -n-sie -n-xie indicates movement away from a place towards the speaker
(cf. Ostler 1993: 13); Lugo (1619: 119) mentions the expression xinaca nxi from
here.
108 2 The Chibcha Sphere
5. sua-s puynuca chi-hu-cu ma-ny-sca chi-fun ba chi-hu-cu n-u
day-PT every 1P.PL-presence-AL 2S.SG-give-PR.AG 1P.PL-bread
today 1P.PL-presence-AL give-IM
Give us this day our daily bread.
The phrase sua-s puynuca (with sua day in the perlative case) is a xed expression
daily. The verb forms ma-ny-sca (present participle) and n-u (imperative singular) are
both derived from the transitive verb m-ny- to give. The form chi-hu-cu is a variant of
chi-hu-c to us. The word ba today is usually written fa.
6. nga chi-chubia a-apqua um-u-zi-nga
and 1P.PL-debt 3S-be.enough 2S.SG-say-NE-F
And forgive us our trespasses.
The root apqua enough is preceded by a third-person subject marker a-, possibly
separated from it by a boundary-marking glottal stop. Originally, a- in apqua is a prex
itself, considering the fact that pqua- occurs as a verb root with a similar meaning to
reach, to be enough. The form um-u-zi-nga is derived from gu- to say, which has
imperative and participle forms uz-u, uz-a without an initial g. However, considering
that the corresponding third-person form is a-gu-zi-nga, the reason for the loss of initial
g appears to be the shape of the second-person prex (u)m- in this case. At the same
time, the presence of a vowel u in the prex um- shows that a consonant has been deleted
immediately after the prex. Otherwise, a form *m-u-zi-nga would be expected. The
expression a-apqua (ze-)gu-squa-za means to forgive (literally not to say it matters).
7. chie chi-huihi-n a-chubia gue a-apqua chi-gu-squa-za guehesca
we 1P.PL-power 3P-debt be 3S-reach.to 1P.PL-say-IA-NE like
As we forgive those who trespass against us.
The form hui-hi-n, equivalent to hui-na, is found with meanings such as in the power
of, or referring to the creditor of a debt (Ostler 1993: 11). The expression a-chubia gue
can be translated as he who has a debt.
8. pecado-ca chi-bena-n-zi-nga nzhona a-chie um-ta-zi-nga
sin-AL1S.PL-roll-NT-NE-F so.that 3P-light 2S.SG-throw-NE-F
And lead us not into temptation.
The intransitive verb bena-n- is translated as to roll, to fall froma state, to fall into
the mud; its transitive counterpart is m-ena- to wrap. Initial b in verb roots is lost after
the transitive b-/m- prex, which itself then appears as m-. The form nzhona because,
so that is normally written nzona. The word a-chie has been interpreted in different
ways. Ostler (1999: 57) reads it as chie rst-person plural object, an interpretation that
2.10 Tunebo (Uw Cuwa) 109
ts the context well. This option is furthermore supported by an alternative version of
the Lords Prayer, which reads chie u um-ta-zi-nga do not let go of us (from u b-ta-
to let go of). However, chie we is not normally found with a prexed element a-.
By contrast, the combination a-chie (with the third-person possessive prex) occurs
frequentlyinexpressions referringtolight, clearness, honour andblessing (see, for
instance, a-chie gu- to revere, to honour in line 2 of the Prayer; a-chie gue (he/she is)
blessed; and a-chie-c b-chiby- to look at it in the light). Apossible interpretation could
then be do not cast away the light (or his blessing), so that we may not roll into sin.
Perhaps, a-chie b-ta- to cast (away) its light can be interpreted as an expression to
show the (wrong) way, to (mis)lead, because the semantically underspecied verb
b-ta- is predominantly used in xed expressions (see section 2.9.4). The negative future
(um-ta-zi-nga) has the value of a negative imperative.
9. nga hataca chi-san um-pquan-ynga-co.
and always 1P.PL-behalf 2S-keep.watch-F-EM
But deliver us from evil.
The literal translation is: And please be sure to always keep watch on our behalf. The
element -co is translated in the National Library grammar as take care that you . . .,
do not forget to . . .; Spanish: mirad que . . . (Gonz alez de P erez 1987: 160).
2.10 Tunebo (Uw Cuwa)
The Chibchan people formerly known as Tunebo now prefer to use their own ethnic
denomination Uwa or U

wa (people); their language is called Uw Cuwa (peoples

tongue). Uw Cuwa is the closest living relative of Muisca and other extinct languages
of the highlands of Boyac a and Cundinamarca. But even though Uw Cuwa is in relative
terms the closest living relative of Muisca, it is not in absolute terms closely related to
it. Its sound system is very different from that of Muisca and much less complex.
The present-day Uwa are established mainly on the northern slopes of the Sierra
Nevada del Cocuy, a high mountain massif situated in the northernmost section of the
department of Boyac a, which borders on Venezuela. The dialects spoken in this area
are known as Cobara and Tegra and together have the largest number of speakers. A
second group of Uwa is located further west in the departments of Santander and Norte
de Santander near Agua Blanca, and a third one in the tropical lowlands of Arauca
and Casanare near a place called Barro Negro. The dialect differences are said to be
important. Some Uwa are established in Venezuela. In most sources the estimations
of the number of Uw Cuwa speakers oscillate between 1,800 and 3,600. Arango and
S anchez (1998) calculate the number of ethnic Uwa in Colombia at approximately
7,000.
110 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Table 2.10 Uw Cuwa (Tunebo) consonant inventory (from Headland 1997)
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Labio-velar Glottal
Voiceless stops t k k
w

Voiced stop b
Fricatives s s h
Nasals m n
Vibrant r
Oral semi-vowels w y
Nasal semi-vowel w
Uricoechea (1871) published a list of words in what he calls the Snsiga language,
which was spoken near the town of Chita in Boyac a. The exemplied language was
Tunebo (Uw Cuwa) beyond any doubt. Chita is situated south of the Sierra Nevada
del Cocuy massif. If Uricoecheas information is representative, it may mean that the
Uwa once occupied a larger part of the Andean highlands and that they may have had a
highland origin themselves. As agriculturalists, the Uwa take advantage of the different
climatological altitude levels of the mountain slopes. They give a high importance to
purication rituals, which make contact with non-Uwa (who are considered impure)
difcult. Until the 1980s the Uwa opposed the introduction of writing and schooling
(Headland 1997: 6). At present (2001) one of their main concerns is the increased
activity of oil prospectors in their traditional territory.
Among the early work on Uw Cuwa, Rochereau (1926, 1927) is of particular im-
portance. More recent studies by Headland (1977, 1997) are based on the Cubara and
Tegra dialects. The consonant inventory of Uw Cuwa, according to Headland (1997),
is represented in table 2.10.
Not only is the consonant systemof UwCuwa limited in size, the nasal consonants do
not occur in initial position. This may be the reason for the great frequency of b and r in
initial position. The glottal stop can only occur after the rst vowel in a word. Consonant
clusters are limited to syllable boundaries. Nouns normally end in a vowel a, which can
be suppressed in specic syntactic environments.
Uw Cuwa has ve vowels: a, e, i, o, u. The location of stress is contrastive. Headland
(1997: 10) explicitly states that several additional contrasts can play a role in the rst
syllable of a word. They include glottal closure, aspiration and vowel length. There is also
mention of a high tone, which does not necessarily coincide with the stress. Mel endez
Lozano (2000b: 704) gives examples of minimal pairs contrasted by an ascending and
a descending tone, such as r uka mans nephew by sisters side versus r` uka clay pot
(r uca versus r uuca in the transcription of Headland 1997: 168). He adds that the vowel
with descending tone is phonetically long and that the contrast may be one of vowel
2.10 Tunebo (Uw Cuwa) 111
length, rather than of tone. The status of tone in Uw Cuwa clearly requires additional
research.
As other Chibchanlanguages, UwCuwa is predominantlyverb-nal. The language has
no morphological personal reference markers at all (cf. Ostler 2000: 184). The personal
pronouns, asa I, isa we; baa you (sing.), ba: you (pl.), are used as subject,
object and possessor without any further specication, a situation that is reminiscent of
Cuna and the Chocoan languages. Oblique case is indicated by means of sufxes and
postpositions. The goal of a motion verb, such as bi- to go, remains unmarked. In
transitive sentences the actor is marked by an ergative sufx -at:
(138) b onit-at eb y a-ka-ro
mouse-E maize eat-PN-DV
The mouse is eating the maize. (Headland 1997: 41)
The genitive marker -ay can be used to form possessive pronouns that are not in a
dependent position.
(139) ir eya is- ay-ro
food that we-G-DV
That food is ours. (Headland 1997: 20)
Non-interrogative verb forms normally take a declarative marker -ro (138) for specic
events or -k
w
ano for general statements. The marker -ro is also added to nouns and
adjectives in predicative constructions to replace the copula (139). If the sentence is
interrogative, an interrogative marker (-ka or -ki for present, -ya or -yi for past) takes
the place of the declarative marker.
51
A negation marker -ti- precedes the declarative
marker when required.
Tense formation in Uw Cuwa is subject to a complex set of morphophonemic rules
(cf. Headland 1997: 279). Number, which is not normally indicated, is sometimes
reected by root-internal alternations (140). In other cases number of object and subject
are encoded lexically (141).
(140) yen-h ak-ro yin-h ak-ro
lift.SG-PA-DV lift.PL-PA-DV
He/she rose up. They rose up. (Headland 1997: 26)
(141) k
w
ik- esu-
cut (one) cut (several) (Headland 1997: 27)
The numeral system of Uw Cuwa shares several of the complexities of the Muisca
numerals, which is evidence of the cultural environment that once united both peoples.
51
The endings in -i can be used for greater friendliness (Headland 1997: 523).
112 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Uw Cuwa distinguishes cardinal numbers, ordinal numbers and special expressions for
counting days. Single units are counted in relation to a decimal unit that follows, not
to the preceding one. These decimal units are called kes(a) foot (compare Muisca
quihicha, which has the same meaning). Aliteral translation of (142) would be two tens
and one to the third foot.
(142) uk asi buk ay baw oy kes ubisti
52
ten two third foot one
twenty-one (Headland 1997: 21)
2.11 Yukpa and Magdalena valley Cariban
The Yukpa (or Yuco), are speakers of a complex of closely related Cariban dialects. They
inhabit the Sierra de Perij a, west of Lake Maracaibo, on both sides of the Colombian
Venezuelan border. The Yukpa are the northern neighbours of the Bar and were formerly
also known as the Motilones mansos tame Motilones. The number of Colombian Yukpa
has been calculated at 1,500 (Robayo Moreno 2000), and is matched with an equal
number in Venezuela (Jaramillo G omez 1987b). Arango and S anchez (1998) give a
gure of about 3,500 for Colombia alone, presumably all speakers of the language.
Robayo Moreno (2000) distinguishes two dialect groups in Colombia, Iroka and
Sokorpa, corresponding to the two principal protected areas (resguardos) that were set
apart for the Yukpa inthat country. The data presentedshowsignicant phonetic variation
even within each of these areas. The Venezuelan varieties of Yukpa have been classied
into four groups by Durbin and Seijas (1975). These are, from north to south, Japreria,
MacoitaRionegrino, PaririWasamaShaparu and Irapa, leaving a fth dialect, Viakshi,
unclassied.
On the basis of mutual intelligibility Durbin (1985) concludes that the Yukpa group
consists of two languages, namely, Japreria and a dialect continuum comprising all the
other Yukpa varieties (Yukpa). He states that the closest relatives of the Yukpa group
are extinct languages once spoken along or near the Venezuelan coast, such as Chayma,
Cumanagoto and Tamanaco. The Yukpa, in turn, are the closest known linguistic relatives
of the Op onCarare group of the Magdalena river valley (department of Santander,
Colombia).
Durbin and Seijas (1975) reconstruct the consonant inventory of the Yukpa proto-
language, which is represented in table 2.11 below. They emphasise the fact that not all
52
The cardinal pendant of baw oy third is baya three. Stress is not consistently indicated in
the examples of the source. Here it has been derived from the entries in the dictionary and
the assumption that the rules according to which stress is written are the same as in Spanish
orthography.
2.11 Yukpa and Magdalena valley Cariban 113
Table 2.11 Proto-Yukpa consonants (after Durbin and Seijas 1975)
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Obstruents p t c k
Fricatives s s h
Nasals m n
Vibrant r
Glides w y
distinctions occur in all of the present-day dialects (especially the s/ s contrast and the
glottal stop) and indicate the Shaparu dialect as the most conservative.
Some of the Colombian dialects have a retroex affricate [ c
.
], which corresponds to
[r] or [] elsewhere. In general, the Colombian dialects appear to have innovative sound
oppositions not found in Venezuela. Consonant clusters, presumably due to previous
vowel loss, are frequent in these dialects.
(143) Iroka: wo c
.
epa woman (Robayo Moreno 2000: 712)
Sokorpa: woepa woman (Robayo Moreno 2000: 713)
(144) Iroka d
z
u s
.
c
.
u skin (Robayo Moreno 2000: 712)
Irapa suru skin (Durbin and Seijas 1975: 74)
Durban and Seijas reconstruct six vowels, a, e, i, , o, u, which can be either oral,
or nasal. The examples suggest that the functionality of the nasal contrast is limited.
In Japreria the vowel has a value which is different from those in the other dialects.
Japreria is high central [], whereas in the other dialects it is high back unrounded [].
Historically, there is no correspondence between the two sounds.
Although it is plausible to assume, given the close lexical similarity, that the Yukpa
language complex may be similar to the Cariban languages further east, very little
has been published so far about its morphology and syntax. The available information is
lexical and phonological. Durbin and Seijas (1975: 75) note that the relational-possessive
sufx (-r, -n, etc.), which is found in other Cariban languages, such as Galibi (cf. Hoff
1968), has been reduced to glottal stop or zero. Only the Shaparu dialect has retained a
consonant for that sufx.
(145) Japreria, Irapa -p ana- ear-RL someones ear
Macoita, Rionegrino, -p ana-
Wasama, Pariri
Shaparu -p ana-t
When body parts are referred to outside the context of a person to which they belong,
a prex y()- is added to the root as in (Iroka) y-p ana [d
z
pa:na] ear (Robayo Moreno
114 2 The Chibcha Sphere
2000). Constenla Uma na (1991: 60) distils several other typological considerations from
the scanty data. Yukpa is an SVO language, in which genitives and demonstratives
precede the head noun, whereas numerals and adjectives follow the head. Leaving aside
the genitive word order, this is the same pattern as the one found in the Chibchan
languages.
The survival well into the twentieth century of indigenous groups in the Op on and
Carare river areas in the Colombian department of Santander constitutes unequivocal
proof of the advance of Cariban-speaking peoples along the Magdalena valley. Separate
word lists for Op on and Carare were published by von Lengerke (1878), and further
(undifferentiated) Op onCarare material was collectedin1944byPineda andFornaguera
(1958). The latter source is also presented in Landaburu (1998). It includes an account
of a deadly feud between the Op on and the Carare, which brought both groups to the
verge of extinction in 1914. Durbin and Seijas (1973a) report that there must have been
at least ve speakers in 1944, one of whom was in his twenties.
Durbin and Seijas (1973a) noted considerable differences between the Op on and
Carare lists of von Lengerke, on the one hand, and the Op onCarare lists of Pineda and
Fornaguera, on the other. The latter seems to represent a divergent dialect with respect
to the other two. An interesting feature of this dialect is the widespread occurrence of
a sufx -id/-in/-in
y
, which may be historically identical to the relational-possessive
sufx of other Cariban languages, e.g. in pot a-id mouth (Macoita Yukpa p ota-)
and in pan a-in
y
ear (Macoita Yukpa p ana-). In several respects Op onCarare is
more conservative than Yukpa. It conserves the Cariban root *tuna in tun a-in
y
water,
where Yukpa varieties have k una(-), and the r in yor-id tooth, where Yukpa has
yi(-), y or d
z
; cf. also Pineda Giraldos comparative word list in Landaburu (1998:
5315).
The existence of a Cariban speaking group in an Inter-Andean setting, such as the
Magdalena valley, opens the possibility of a wider distribution of Cariban peoples in
the area. For several nations of great historical importance, namely, the Colima, the
Muzo, the Panche, the Pant agora and the Pijao, a Cariban linguistic afliation has often
been proposed. All these peoples have long been extinct, except for the Pijao of the
department of Tolima. In 1943 Pijao word lists were collected in the municipality of
Ortega by Alicia and Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff, as well as by Roberto Pineda Giraldo
and Milcades Chaves (Durbin and Seijas 1973b). The Pijao language is nowconsidered
extinct as well.
Durbin and Seijas (1973b) suggest that all these languages should be left unclassi-
ed, because the extremely limited data do not provide enough evidence for a Cariban
afliation. This is certainly true of Panche, for which there are almost no data. The main
reason to assume a Cariban afliation for Panche is the existence of a large number of
place names in -aima, -oima and -ima, which are highly suggestive of Cariban toponymy
2.12 Arawakan languages of the Caribbean coast 115
in Venezuela and the Guyanas.
53
The Panche terms acaima important personageand
colima cruel assassin, mentioned by Durbin and Seijas (1973b: 51), showthat this end-
ing was also used for human beings. Similar features can be found in the MuzoColima
and Pijao domains.
54
The Colima, Muzo and Pijao word lists contain a few items of
basic vocabulary that point at a Cariban connection (cf. Constenla Uma na 1991: 623).
It appears possible to detect a common sound innovation in the three languages, when
some of these lexical items are comparedtotheir counterparts inother Caribanlanguages,
such as Galibi (Hoff 1968).
(146) Pijao: t ana Galibi: tu:na water
Pijao: t ape Colima, Muzo: tapa Galibi: to:pu stone
The Cariban elements found in Colima, Muzo and Pijao do not suggest a specic
relationship with Op onCarare and Yukpa. They may reect an older Cariban invasion
of the Magdalena valley, or they may represent conservative traits that have not been
preserved in the northern languages. For instance, the Pijao word for moon n una
is found in many Cariban languages, but not in Op onCarare and Yukpa, where it is
kan o-n
y
and k unu, respectively (Durbin and Seijas 1973b: 49).
2.12 Arawakan languages of the Caribbean coast
Two closely related Arawakan languages are located in the area separating the northern
Andes from the Caribbean coast, Guajiro and Paraujano. With more than 300,000
speakers Guajiro or Wayuunaiki (language of the Wayuu people) may very well be
the fastest growing indigenous language of the area covered by this book. Its original
homeland is the Guajira peninsula, shared by Colombia and Venezuela. The Guajiro
language can be subdivided into two main dialects, a northern peninsular dialect called
arribero or winpumin towards the waters and a southern inland dialect called abajero
or wopumin towards the roads (P erez van Leenden 2000).
A large part of the Guajira peninsula belongs to Colombia and, consequently, a ma-
jority of the Guajiro people used to reside in that country. However, this situation has
been reversed in the past decades. A vigorous colonisation process is taking place in
the Venezuelan state of Zulia towards the shores of Lake Maracaibo and the town of
Maracaibo itself. Alvarez (1994: 10) records the following increase in the statistics of
the Guajiro speakers in Venezuela: 16,793 in 1950; 52,000 in 1982; 179,318 in 1992.
This last gure covers more than 50 per cent of the present-day indigenous population
53
The ending -im

is used as an augmentative in several Cariban languages of the Guyanas, e.g.

in Trio (Eithne Carlin, personal communication).
54
Personal names, which occur abundantly in the historical sources, are rarely exploited in linguis-
tic reconstruction. The Muzo area, for instance, is characterised by a great incidence of personal
names in -p, e.g. Boquip, Quinancep (Rodrguez Baquero 1995).
116 2 The Chibcha Sphere
in Venezuela. The Colombian Guajiro have been calculated at 144,000 (Arango and
S anchez 1998). The spectacular growth in the number of Venezuelan Guajiro is dif-
cult to explain by natural increase alone. Immigration from Colombia and statistical
underexposure in the past may provide an explanation.
By contrast, Paraujano or A n un is on the verge of extinction. The Paraujano (beach
people, fromGuajiro palauhe fromby the beach) inhabit the coast and islands between
Maracaibo and the Guajira peninsula. The last speakers of the language live in villages
of pile-dwellings located in the Lagoon of Sinamaica, north of Maracaibo.
55
In the 1980s
only a few aged people continued to speak the language (Patte 1986). Alvarez (1994)
estimates the number of Paraujano speakers at less than a dozen.
56
As a consequence of the Caribbean background of Guajiro and Paraujano, they do
not share many typological features with the languages of the Andean and Chibchan
spheres. Together with Lokono, the Arawakan language of the Guyanas, and the extinct
Arawakan languages of the Caribbean islands, Guajiro and Paraujano constitute a north-
ern, Caribbean branch of the Arawakan language family (Payne 1991a), referred to by
Payne as Ta-Arawak on the account of the shape of the rst-person prex, which is ta-
(or da-) in these languages. This feature separates Guajiro and Paraujano from eastern
Colombian Arawakan languages, such as Achagua and Piapoco, which use the more
widespread Arawakan marker nu- for that purpose.
In relation to Lokono and the Arawakan languages of the Lesser Antilles (St Vincent,
Dominica), Guajiro is phonologically innovative. At least one innovation, the devel-
opment of *k to glottal stop in intervocalic position, has affected borrowings from
Spanish, e.g. pa:a cow (from Spanish vaca). Some of the rst Amerindian words
borrowed by the Spaniards after their occupation of the Caribbean islands, as well as
terms recorded in Hispaniola by the sixteenth-century chronicler Fern andez de Oviedo,
have a shape that could be derived directly from Guajiro (cf. Taylor 1978: 123). It sug-
gests that Guajiro must have been closely related to Tano, the extinct native language
55
It is to settlements like those of the Paraujano that the country owes its name of Venezuela
(Little Venice).
56
Durbin and Seijas (1973a), also Durbin (1985: 349), mention a third Arawakan language in
the northern Colombian Andes, Hacaritama, allegedly a close relative of Guajiro. Hacari-
tama was the name of the sixteenth-century inhabitants of the province of Oca na in the
department of Norte de Santander (online information 2001 Rese na hist orica de Oca na
http://www.cocota.com/histcult/resea.htm). A word list collected near the town of Hacar (La
Palma) was published by Justiniano P aez in 1936. Rivet and Armellada (1950) elaborate on the
context in which this list was collected: in 1912 a settlement of agricultural workers was at-
tacked and all but wiped out by (Bar?) Indians. Consequently, the police detained three Guajiro,
who were travelling through the area. They probably provided the data for P aezs Hacaritama
list, which is clearly Guajiro. The real afliation of the Hacaritama language, if it ever existed,
remains undetermined.
2.12 Arawakan languages of the Caribbean coast 117
Table 2.12 Guajiro consonant inventory (Alvarez 1994;
Mansen and Captain 2000)
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Stops p t k
Affricate c
Fricatives s s h
Nasals m n
Flap l []
Trill r [rr]
Glides w y
of Hispaniola, even when compared to other documented Arawakan languages of the
Caribbean.
(147) Spanish aj < **a s Guajiro ha s hot pepper
cf. Lokono ha ci (< **h at
h
i)
(148) Spanish aje < ** a se Guajiro h ai si sweet potato
cf. Lokono hali ci (< **h alit
h
i)
The existing linguistic literature on the Guajiro language is substantial. We shall only
mention a few studies, such as Celed on (1878), Holmer (1949), Hildebrandt (1963),
Olza and Jusay u (1978), Jusay u and Olza (1981, 1988), Goulet (1981), Alvarez (1985,
1993, 1994, 1996), Mansen and Captain (2000), and Mosonyi and Mosonyi (2000).
For Paraujano see Patte (1978, 1981, 1989). The Guajiro language is taught at the
universities of Riohacha (Colombia) and Zulia (Maracaibo, Venezuela). There have
been several standardisation efforts, and the language benets from an ofcial status
in the state of Zulia, Venezuela. The following short overview of characteristics of the
Guajiro language is based mainly on Alvarez (1994).
The sound systemof Guajiro is relatively limited and straightforward. The consonants
are shown in table 2.12.
In our presentation of Guajiro we follow the habit of writing l and r for two vibrants
that are characteristic of the language. The sound symbolised by l has been described as a
combination of a slightly retracted Spanish r with a lateral sound. It is, in the terminology
of Ladefoged (1975), a ap, rather than a tap. In order to produce this sound, the tip of
the tongue is at rst folded backwards and then projected against the upper alveolars
before reaching a rest position (cf. Alvarez 1994: 612). The sound written r is a trill,
comparable to Spanish rr and the corresponding sound of Bar, Damana and Chocoan.
The alternation between l, r and t plays an important role in Guajiro morphophonemics.
This morphophonemic alternation extends to loan words, where l is replaced by t in
118 2 The Chibcha Sphere
syllable-nal position, e.g. p:tpra, Spanish p olvora gunpowder (Taylor 1978: 125);
katsu:na, Spanish calz on trousers.
Guajiro has six vowels, which can either be short or long: a, e, i, o, u, . The is a
high central vowel. Vowel length is contrastive. Guajiro has a predictable pitch accent.
Vowel length and accent are not interrelated. Word-nal vowels, for instance, whether
long or short, can but need not be accented. The accent rules are described in Alvarez
(1994: 1337). If the rst syllable is heavy (that is, if it ends in a long vowel, a diph-
thong or a consonant), it is accented. If it is light (that is, if it ends in a short vowel),
the second syllable is accented. If the rst syllable ends in a glottal stop, that sylla-
ble is not counted for the assignment of the accent. In that case the second syllable is
accented when it is heavy. If it is light, the accent moves to a third syllable when avail-
able. Alvarez considers initial CV - sequences to be extrametrical syllables (cf. Hayes
1982).
(149) atpana: rabbit
ay alaha: to buy
ayal aha: to cry (Alvarez 1994: 15)
Apparent exceptions, such as eir aka: to threaten and eikk ahawa: to transport
may be re-analysed as regular e-ir aka-: and e-ik aha-wa:, respectively (Alvarez 1994:
323). Such an analysis is justied by the morphological structure of the forms in
question. They contain the zero person prex a- (e-/o-) followed by a root with an initial
glottal stop (-V: and -wa: are allomorphs of the innitive ending). A comparison with
the related forms ni-ir ak-in he threatensand ni-ik aha:-in he transports (ni- 3rd
person masculine; -in present) reveals the existence of a glottal stop in the underlying
root.
The word order of the Guajiro language is verb-initial with a preference for VSO
order. Adjectives and the possessor in a genitive construction follow the noun they
modify. In a comparison of word order in several northern Arawakan languages, Wise
(1991) observes that Guajiro is the only language that has verb-initial word order.
In an environment, such as Colombia, where almost all the indigenous languages
are verb-nal, this is quite remarkable. In Guajiro, non-verbal elements that occur in
sentence-initial position, including interrogatives and adverbs, normally function as
predicates (there is no copula). Such predicative elements can be followed by a rel-
ative or a subordinate clause in a sort of cleft construction (150). The tense and as-
pect markers and gender-number markers (see below) of the subordinate verb are then
transferred to the predicate (151).
57
An example with a fronted interrogative pronoun
is (152).
57
The same holds for Paraujano (Patte, cited in Alvarez 1994: 105).
2.12 Arawakan languages of the Caribbean coast 119
(150) u:holu ta-s-e:-ka
chicha 1S.SG-drink-DE-DF
It is chicha I want to drink. (Alvarez 1994: 97)
(151) tay-e:- ci o-una-ka maikou-min
I-F-S.MS ZP-go-DF Maicao-AL
I am the one who will go to Maicao. (Alvarez 1994: 96)
(152) hara-l-e:-r p-a:pira-ka ya:
which-FE-F-O.FE 2S.SG-warn-DF Q
Whom (feminine) are you going to warn? (Alvarez 1994: 103)
One of the most common ways to indicate negation is by means of the negative verb
nnoho-lu-.
58
It is followed by a verb with the subordinative ending -in; tense, aspect and
gender-number markers are added to the negative verb (153).
(153) nnoho-l-e:- ci ta-sa-k-in kami:r
not.be-MS-F-O.MS 1S.SG-greet-TS-SU Camilo
I shall not greet Camilo. (Alvarez 1994: 98)
From a morphological point of view, Guajiro is a complex language, even by Andean
standards. The morphological devices are prexation, sufxation and root reduplication.
The sufxes may number more than a hundred all together. The prexes are limited
both in number and in function. Most of them are personal reference markers, which
can either refer to the subject of a verb, or to the possessor of a noun. One prex
indicates non-specied personal reference (zero person). Two other prexes, ka- and
ma-, indicate possession (having) and non-possession (not having), respectively. All
prexes consist of a consonant and a short vowel (zero person consists of a vowel alone).
The vowels are variable and can be either non-high (basically a) or high (basically ).
Both are subject to different types of fusion (with an adjacent vowel) or harmony (with a
non-adjacent root vowel). An intervening consonant can also inuence the choice of the
prex vowel, depending on whether it is coronal (alveolar and palatal) or not (Alvarez
1990, 1994: 3959). The rules of fusion and harmony are quite opaque.
Guajiro personal prexes and pronouns encode person, number and gender, as
represented in table 2.13.
Two types of possession, alienable and inalienable, are distinguished. Nouns can
be marked for inalienable possession by the addition of a personal-reference prex
(154). If the possession is alienable a special relational form of the noun must be used.
Relational forms normally contain one of a set of special sufxes (155). The existence
of such relational sufxes is frequent in the Amazonian region, in Central America and
58
The initial n in nnoho-lu- represents a syllabic nasal necessary to account for the fact that the
rst (and not the second) o in this form is accented [

nn ohou . . . ].
120 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Table 2.13 Personal prexes and pronouns in Guajiro (based on
Jusay u and Olza 1988; Alvarez 1994; Mansen and
Captain 2000)
Prexes Pronouns
Singular Plural Singular Plural
1 pers. ta- wa- taya waya
2 pers. p - h - pia hia
3 pers. masc. n - na- nia naya
3 pers. fem. h - s -* hia sia*
zero pers. a-
* The s - and sia forms of the 3 pers. fem. are characteristic of the abajero
dialect.
in Mesoamerica. In the Andean region it is limited to a few languages (Atacame no,
Mochica). For a detailed treatment of relational forms in Guajiro see Alvarez (1996).
(154) ta-ye:
1P.SG-tongue
my tongue (Alvarez 1994: 87)
(155) ta-kulu:t-se [kulu:lucloth]
1P.SG-cloth-RL
my cloth (Alvarez 1994: 67)
In a genitive construction, in which the possessor follows the possessed, the latter is
referred to by a noun with a possessive prex (156).
(156) n- si kami:ru
3P.SG.MS-father Camilo
Camilos father (Alvarez 1996: 31)
In Guajiro the subject and object roles remain unmarked. There is a set of relational
stems that function as oblique case markers. They can take possessive personal-reference
prexes, forming a possessive phrase with their complement (157).
(157) a-tunku- si
59
kami:r hu-luu t si-ka-l
ZP-sleep-S.MS Camilo 3P.FE-inside the.FE hammock.DF.FE
Camilo sleeps in the hammock. (Alvarez 1994: 125)
59
To sleep is -tunka- (innitive a-tunka-:); the vowel change (a > u) is triggered by the high
vowel in the sufx. Mosonyi (1993: 176) notes an unrounded vowel in at unk ushi tay a [a-tunk- si
taya].
2.12 Arawakan languages of the Caribbean coast 121
Alternatively, a relational stem can take a zero person prex and cluster syntactically
with the verb. The logical complement of the relational stem is then raised to argument
position (either subject or object), and the relational stem takes gender-number marking
(see below) in agreement with the raised complement. For instance, in (158) t si-ka-l
the hammock can be seen as the direct object of -tunka a-luu to use something to
sleep in.
(158) ta-tunka a-luu-lu t si-ka-l
1S-sleep ZP-inside-O.FE the.FE hammock.DF.FE
I sleep in the hammock. (Alvarez 1994: 163)
Finally, the relational stems can be afxed to nouns (159).
(159) pi-pia-luu [pi: ci house; relational form: -pia]
2S.SG-house-inside
in your house (Alvarez 1994: 63)
One of the most remarkable features of Guajiro is its gendernumber system, which
comprises three categories, masculine singular, feminine singular and plural. The fem-
inine singular is in reality the least marked category and does not exclusively refer to
female beings. A more appropriate qualication may be non-masculine non-plural.
These three categories are encoded morphologically by means of a set of markers that
emerge in various agreement positions in the sentence, as well as lexically. Demon-
stratives, personal pronouns (third person only), nouns marked for deniteness, verbal
subject prexes and possessive prexes (third person only), the (sufxed) object of a
transitive verb in a non-present tense, and the (sufxed) subject of a non-transitive verb
must be specied for gendernumber. Some of these uses are illustrated in (160)(163);
see also (157).
(160) t mayaht-ka-l
60
[mayah l young lady]
the.FE young.lady-DF-FE
the young lady (Alvarez 1994: 129)
(161) ta-sa-k-e:- ci pia
1S.SG-greet-F-O.MS you
I shall greet you (man). (Alvarez 1994: 100)
(162) ha si ci-s tare:sa
be.angry-S.FE Teresa
Teresa is angry. (Alvarez 1994: 93)
60
In Mansen and Captains description (2000) of the Colombian abajero dialect this ending is
described as -ka-t.
122 2 The Chibcha Sphere
(163) kou=kou-t- si: tepi ci-ka-na na-la-irua
silent-TS-S.PL child-DF-PL DC.PL-DT-PL
Those children are silent. (Alvarez 1994: 81)
Examples (157) and (160) furthermore exemplify the use of prenominal denite
articles: t (feminine), ci (masculine) and na (plural). When following a noun, they are
interpreted as proximate demonstratives: this, these (Jusay u and Olza 1988). Other
demonstrative pronouns are derived by the afxation of one of the elements -la/-ra, -sa
and -(y)a, which express an ascending scale of remoteness, e.g. na-la those in (163)
exemplies the use of -la/-ra with the lowest degree of remoteness. Example (163),
furthermore, contains a plural marker -irua, which functions independently from the
gendernumber system.
Another remarkable feature of the Guajiro language is the existence of two competing
verbal conjugation types. The rst type involves the use of personal reference prexes,
which identify the subject. If the verb is transitive, an object can be specied by means
of gendernumber sufxes under certain restrictions. This type of conjugation has been
called prexal (Hildebrandt 1963) or synthetic (Alvarez 1994). In the second conjugation
type, the subject of the verb is expressed by means of a free pronoun, located after the
verb in accordance with the word-order rules of the language. The verb may carry
gendernumber sufxes, but these refer to the subject (not to the object) of the verb.
This type of conjugation has been characterised as analytic. Guajiro makes a formal
distinction between active and stative verbs. Stative verbs cannot take any personal
reference prexes. As a result they can only be used in the analytic conjugation. Active
verbs that are used in the analytic conjugation must ll their prex position with a
zero person marker. The difference between the two conjugation types is illustrated in
(164) and (165) with an active transitive verb (to buy). The rst example illustrates the
analytic type, whereas the second exemplies the synthetic type.
(164) a-yala-h-e:- ci pia ci ka:ula-ka-i
ZP-buy-TS-F-S.MS you the.MS goat-DF-MS
You will buy the he-goat. (Alvarez 1994: 115)
(165) p-yala-h-e:- ci ci ka:ula-ka-i
2S.SG-buy-TS-F-O.MS the.MS goat-DF-MS
You will buy the he-goat. (Alvarez 1994: 115)
The division of labour between the synthetic and analytic conjugations is based on
the syntactic environment in which the verb occurs. In subordinate clauses active verbs
are conjugated synthetically, whereas stative verbs are in the analytic construction. In
main clauses, however, a more elusive situation obtains. The synthetic conjugation is
limited to transitive verbs with a denite object, whereas the analytic conjugation can be
used under any circumstances. It means that transitive verbs without a denite object,
2.12 Arawakan languages of the Caribbean coast 123
along with all intransitive and stative verbs, are conjugated analytically. When a verb is
transitive and its object is denite, the two conjugation types are in competition.
The numerous morphological devices of Guajiro include the formation of a passive
(sufx -na/-n). Interestingly, Guajiro exhibits a proliferation of pseudo-passive con-
structions, in which not the patient but some oblique complement is raised to the subject
position. The nature of its function is made explicit by the presence of a relational stem
with a zero person prex. Example (166) illustrates the use of such a pseudo-passive
construction, in which an original comitative complement plays the subject role. The
construction is part of a relative clause. The comitative function is indicated by a re-
lational stem with zero person prex a-ma: with. The agent is introduced by another
relational stem: -tuma by.
(166) t-er-in t mahayl a-yonna-h-na-ka-l a-ma:
nu-tuma kami:r
1S.SG-see-PR the.FE young.lady ZP-dance-TS-PS-DF-FE
ZP-with 3P.SG-by Camilo
I saw the girl that has been danced with by Camilo. (Alvarez 1994: 127)
Several types of root reduplication occur in the Guajiro language. Their functions
and shape are reminiscent of those of the reduplication types found in Quechua (see
chapter 3) and in Mapuche (see chapter 5). Alvarez (1994: 7586) describes one type
of reduplication in detail. A large group of stative verbs consisting of a root followed by
a thematic sufx -ta- refer to bodily positions, attitudes, etc. Plurality of subject can be
expressed by the root in reduplicated form, followed by a thematic sufx -l - or any of
its allomorphs (-lu-, -r -). The allomorph -lu- is required after rounded back vowels.
(167) waya-ta- to be stretched, to be spread out
waya=waya-l- to be stretched (several), to be spread out (several)
(168) kou-ta- to be silent
kou=kou-lu- to be silent (several)
The Guajiro language contains a number of interesting neologisms. The word for
horse, a very important animal in Guajiro society, is ama. This word originally had
the meaning of tapir, which is now called lanta (from Spanish danta). The word for
aeroplane is presented and analysed in (169).
(169) ka-tna-s-ka-l
OS-arm-FE-DF-FE
she who has arms (Alvarez 1994: 129)
Guajiro has a fully developed decimal system. The unit numbers are: wane one,
piama two, apnin three, pien ci four, hara(l)i ve, aipirua six, akarai si
124 2 The Chibcha Sphere
seven, meki:sal eight, meki:e:tasal nine,
61
polo: ten (Celed on 1878; Jusay u
and Olza 1988). In multiples of ten hiki:, rather than polo:, is used. The multiplier
precedes hiki:, as in pien ci hiki: forty. When added to tens, units receive the allative
marker -min and followpolo: or hiki:. Numerals may take gender afxes. They precede
the noun they modify.
2.13 TimoteCuica
At the time of the arrival of the Spaniards, the area of the present-day Venezuelan high
mountain states of M erida and Trujillo was inhabited by relatively highly developed
agriculturalists, who were speakers of the TimoteCuica language family. They produced
a diversity of cultivated plants, such as maize, potatoes and cotton on agricultural terraces
situated on the high Andean slopes. The chronicler Juan de Castellanos (1589) described
some of the customs and religious practices of these people in his Elegas de Varones
Ilustres de Indias (Part II: Elega III) in an account of the conquest of the Trujillo
area. The area was rst penetrated by Spaniards in 1548, and the main city M erida was
founded in 1558 (Wagner 1967). According to tradition, the Cuica people of the Trujillo
region received the newcomers peacefully, in contrast with the more warlike Timote,
who inhabited the area of M erida.
There is no certainty about the question whether Timote and Cuica were different
languages or dialects of one language. In view of the geographic situation some local
variation could be expected. Cuica was spoken in the Andes from Humocaro in the
state of Lara to Jaj o at the TrujilloM erida state border. In the southeast it included the
area of Bocon o and Niquitao, and in the northwest it included the area west of Valera
(Betijoque, Escuque), not far from Lake Maracaibo. The Timote language occupied the
central valley of the Motat an and Chama rivers from the town of Timotes to the area
of La Grita in T achira state. In the northwest Timote place names can be found on the
slopes descending towards Lake Maracaibo (Mucujepe, Torondoy). South of M erida,
the Timote area included the area of Mucutuy and Mucuchach.
After the Spanish occupation, the remaining Indian population was concentrated in
a number of special villages. Their descendants have survived until today, but their
languages were gradually lost until they became extinct at some moment in the rst half
of the twentieth century. Most of the information on the Timote and Cuica languages
was gathered by local scholars, such as Tulio Febr es Cordero, Amlcar Fonseca and
Jos e Ignacio Lares at the beginning of the twentieth century. It was brought together
and discussed in an insightful article by Rivet (1927). Jahn (1927) provides ample
anthropological data on the area, including more word lists. Some of Jahns vocabulary
and sentences correspond quite closely to Fonsecas Cuica examples, reproduced in Rivet
61
Mosonyi and Mosonyi (2000) have akarat si seven, mek:isat eight, mekietsat nine.
2.13 TimoteCuica 125
(1927). Jahn (1927: 326), however, identies his own data as Timote, insisting that Cuica
and Timote were in fact one language.
Although the Timote and Cuica languages are considered extinct, information dated
1977 (from Merrill Seely) that has appeared in recent editions of the Ethnologue (e.g.
Grimes 1996) refers to a language allegedly spoken in the locality of Mut us above
Pueblo Llano in the state of Barinas. Pueblo Llano is a high mountain town, situated in
the state of M erida (not Barinas), off the M eridaBarinas road. The matter calls for urgent
action because an indigenous language preserved in that area would almost certainly be
a variety of Timote, originally the dominant speech in the region. The word Mut us is
reminiscent of the prexed root Mucu, a characteristic element of Timote toponymy (e.g.
Mucuches, Mucubaj, Mucurub a, Mucuj un, etc.). It may have been a word for people,
community or village, and it is so frequent that a well-known Venezuelan scholar,
Julio C. Salas, saw it as a suitable replacement for the name Timote (Rivet 1927: 140).
Even though the Timote and Cuica materials are very limited and mainly lexical in
nature, a thorough analysis of what is available and a comparison with other languages
of the area could be rewarding. At rst sight, there is no similarity whatsoever with the
surrounding Arawakan, Cariban and Chibchan languages. Rivet attempted to compare
Timote and Cuica vocabulary items with P aez and a series of highly divergent languages
of the Chibchan family. Some interesting lexical similarities emerge, but no overall
picture. Rivet (1927: 148) himself emphasises that TimoteCuica must be considered to
be an independent family. Rivet also traced some of the morphological characteristics
of Timote and Cuica. A striking feature of these languages is the existence of a set of
prexes that seem to convey gender and number distinctions. These prexes appear to
function in an agreement system. Consider the following examples from Mucuch and
Mirrip u Timote.
(170) mi-sn un mi-ndok
CL-woman CL-old
old woman (Rivet 1927: 144)
The prex mi- is interpreted by Rivet as a generic or collective prex. The form
mi-sn un can be compared to cu-sn u woman. The latter form contains a prex cu-,
which may have an individualising function since it is opposed to ti- plural.
(171) cu-sep
CL-Spaniard
a Spaniard (Rivet 1927: 145)
(172) ti-sep
PL-Spaniard
the Spaniards (Rivet 1927: 144)
126 2 The Chibcha Sphere
According to Rivet, the Cuica prexes kas- and kus- (less frequently ka- and ku-) are
used for masculine and feminine human beings, respectively. Jahn (1927: 403) interprets
the prex kus-/ku- as a rst-person possessive prex my, and ka- as a second-person
possessive prex. This interpretation is problematic, considering that an I and ih you
(see below) can also function as possessive markers. A possible solution could be that
the use of ka(s)- and ku(s)- as possessive markers may have been limited to (human)
relatives. The Cuica data appear to contain evidence both for a gender, and a possessive
interpretation.
(173) kas-taita kus-man
MS/2P-father FE/1P-mother
the father (or your father) the mother (or my mother)
(Rivet 1927: 145)
(174) ka- sik ku- sik
MS/2P-sibling FE/1P-sibling
brother (or your sibling) sister (or my sibling) (Rivet 1927: 145)
Double marking or repetition of (the same) prexes is not unusual, as can be seen in
(175).
(175) kus-ku- sik
FE/1P-FE/1P-sibling
the sister (or my sister) (Rivet 1927: 145)
An extremely frequent nominal prex in Cuica is kiu-. It also occurs as ki-, in par-
ticular before k or h followed by a rounded vowel, and as kiuk-. It may be related to a
demonstrative kiu in Timote. Interestingly, kiu(k)- is sometimes found with borrowed
roots (Rivet 1927: 1445, 147).
(176) kiu-pa road
ki-hutn, kiu-hutn dog
kiu-misa table [Spanish mesa]
kiuk-mis cat [old Spanish miche]
Sufxes are less frequent than prexes. Rivet found a diminutive sufx -is and an
augmentative - c in Cuica.
(177) k cu-is
bird-DI
small bird (Rivet 1927: 146)
2.13 TimoteCuica 127
(178) kiak- c
Indian-AU
tall Indian (Rivet 1927: 147)
Rivet identied the personal pronouns an and ih for rst and second person, respec-
tively. These elements can precede a noun in order to identify its possessor. Example
(179) is from Mucuch Timote, (180)(182) are from Cuica.
(179) an koip u
I hat
my hat (Rivet 1927: 146)
(180) an kamo heu euntz
I ve be child
I have got ve children. (Rivet 1927: 146)
(181) ih kiu-tsaos
you CL-corncob
your corncobs
62
(Rivet 1927: 146)
(182) ma-p e ti-t-kinak ih eunts heup
63
how.many-IR PL-PL-son you child be
How many children do you have? (Rivet 1927: 146)
Verbal morphology is poorly represented in the data. It appears to be rudimentary.
One of the few clear cases is an imperative prex ma-. The element ok in (184) has
been interpreted as a third-person pronoun (Jahn 1927: 403). It may also have had an
aspectual function. Example (183) is from Mucuch Timote, (184) from Cuica.
(183) ma-fam sumpi u
IM-bring water
Bring water! (Rivet 1927: 146)
(184) ku- sik ok na kfok
FE/1P-sibling he/she sweep house
My sister sweeps the house. (Rivet 1927: 145)
Word order in Cuica and Timote appears to be SVO, as could be seen in (184) and in
the example (185) from Mucuch Timote.
62
The translation of this example is plural, even though corncobs has more expectedly also been
recorded as ti-tsaos.
63
A difference in use between heu and heup (there is) could not be derived from the examples.
128 2 The Chibcha Sphere
(185) mi-n-gu e tikas e tis-kainak
64
[ku e hawk; Spanish gallina hen]
CL-EU(?)-hawk seize PL-hen
The hawk seized the hens. (Rivet 1927: 144)
Oblique case relations are indicated by means of prepositions, some of which are also
used adverbially. The use of (u)du in (186) and in (187) illustrates this. Example (187)
is from Cuica; (186) may be Cuica as well (see above the remark on Jahns data).
(186) an ni s du k(u)- sund ok
I live with FE/1P-wife
I live with my wife. (Jahn 1927: 408)
(187) ti-k soi teuk udu
PL-youngster go together
The boys go together. (Rivet 1927: 144)
Adjectives can either follow or precede the noun they modify; the former option
appears to be the more usual one, as the following Cuica examples show.
(188) kiu-hutn toi
CL-dog fat
the fat dog
65
(Rivet 1927: 147)
(189) nisisi ku-neu ksoy
beautiful FE-girl youngster
a beautiful girl (Rivet 1927: 148)
The materials are quite explicit for as far as numerals are concerned. The system is
decimal. From six on, the number names are morphologically composed: one kar;
two xemxen; three sut sut hisxut (Timote), suent (Cuica); four pit (Timote),
pit (Cuica); ve kab okabok (Timote), kam o(Cuica); six kasumkaks unkaps un
(Timote), katseunt (Cuica); seven mai-xemmai-x en (Timote), ma-en (Cuica); eight
mai-xut mai-sxut (Timote), mabi- suent (Cuica); nine mai-pit (Timote), mabi-pita
(Cuica); ten tabs. Multipliers precede the tens; units follow the tens, e.g. hisxut tabs
thirty, tabs hisxut thirteen. Numerals precede the nouns they modify.
From a phonological point of view the languages are remarkable for their word-
initial consonant clusters, e.g. in (Cuica) trindu ower, (Cuica) k cu bird, (Cuica)
stots blood, (Timote) klef rainy season. This phenomenon is more conspicuous in
Cuica than in Timote. Loan words from Spanish, often heavily transformed, are found
in both languages; e.g. Timote ti-fuix cu-fu es green peas (Spanish arveja), Cuica kiu-
trik u kiu-trik wheat (Spanish trigo). An interesting word which suggests a borrowing
64
The prex tis- is a variant of ti- plural (possibly a double marker).
65
Fat puppies, called mucuches, are a speciality of the region.
2.14 Jirajaran 129
relation with Quechua is Cuica fotuto a musical instrument (compare Quechua pututu
shell-trumpet). The German conquistador Niklaus Federmann also reported the use of
a shell-trumpet called botuto during his voyage to the interior of Coro in 1530 (L opez
1985: 62). It was used as a war signal among the Jirajaran Ayam an.
2.14 Jirajaran
The Jirajaran language family is represented by several peoples who lived in a moun-
tainous region in western Venezuela now covered by the states of Lara and Falc on and
surrounding areas. Separated fromthe Caribbean coast only by the peaceful (Arawakan)
Caqueto, the Jirajarans suffered the full impact of predatory European colonisation dur-
ing the rst half of the sixteenth century. Best known among the Jirajaran groups were
the Jirajara (referred to as Xidehara in Federmanns account), the Ayam an (or Ayom an),
reputed for their small size, and the Gay on. In spite of the violent events to which they
fell victim during the sixteenth century, the Jirajarans, who were known for their brav-
ery, managed to survive until the twentieth century. Some data of Jirajara, Ayam an and
Gay on were collected during the rst decades of the twentieth century, mainly by Oramas
(1916) and Jahn (1927). The town of Siquisique, in the north of Lara, is the centre of the
area where the last Jirajara data were collected. The last Ayam an speakers were found in
1910 in San Miguel de los Ayamanes, a small village near Aguada Grande, also in the
north of Lara. The last Gay on speakers lived near Bobare, north of Barquisimeto, but
a larger community of Spanish-speaking Gay on, el Cerrito, was located near Quibor,
south of that city, at the beginning of the twentieth century. Jahn (1927) contains word
lists of the three languages.
Constenla Uma na (1991) presents some of the typological characteristics of the
Jirajaran languages. Unlike TimoteCuica, the Jirajaran languages use case sufxes
or postpositions, as in (190) from Jirajara.
(190) an-g ui fru-ye
1S-go Siquisique-AL
I go to Siquisique. (Oramas, in Constenla Uma na 1991: 58)
The interpretation of an- as a rst-person marker is tentative. Other instances of
rst-person subject and possessor contain a prex a-, e.g. a-papu s an my arm (Jahn
1927: 380). If the interpretation of an- as a rst-person marker is correct, it would be
homophonous with the rst-person pronoun in Cuica. The free pronouns for rst and
second person are oh and moh, respectively (Jahn 1927: 385).
According to Constenla Uma nas observations, the word order is VO in transitive
clauses and SV in intransitive clauses, which seems to indicate a general order SVO.
Genitives and numerals precede a head noun, whereas adjectives follow it. In genitive
constructions the head noun receives a possessive prex, as in (191) from Ayam an.
130 2 The Chibcha Sphere
(191) spa si u ye-m un
bow 3P-string
bow-string (Jahn 192: 382)
Typologically, the Jirajaran languages seem to be closest to the Chibchan languages.
However, the data are far too limited to say anything substantial about their genetic and
typological characteristics.
66
Some lexical similarities with TimoteCuica can be noted,
e.g. Ayaman sp, Timote ti-s ep rewood; Ayam an -kng(e), Timote k eun to sleep;
Ayam an - nam to eat, Timote nam to eat (meat).
2.15 P aez (Nasa Yuwe)
Here we will use the imposed name P aez for the ethnic group (the alternative would
be Nasa), and the native name Nasa Yuwe for the language. While the rst efforts to
write a catechism in Nasa Yuwe date from 1630, the rst major vocabulary collected
for the language dates from the middle of the eighteenth century (cf. Uricoechea 1871).
The autodenomination Nasa Yuwe (people mouth) for the language follows a familiar
pattern (compare runa simi for Quechua; cf. chapter 3); while originally the word nasa
may have meant animate being it now refers to P aez Indian (Nieves Oviedo 1991a:
107). While many sources give a gure of 38,000 P aez, Nieves Oviedo (1991a: 108) cites
a gure from 1989 of 94,670 members of the group, and Pach on (1987) cites a gure
of 80,000. Pach on indicates that the P aez population is under strong pressure both from
exceptionally high infant mortality and from military conicts. Despite strong pressure
from the colonial period onwards to move into organised villages, the P aez have always
preferred to live dispersed among the areas of cultivation. They occupy an ecologically
very diverse territory, ranging in altitude from 500 to 3,000 metres.
There are a number of Nasa Yuwe dialects, which are described separately in Nieves
Oviedo (1991e). Most of these are very similar, but the Paniquit a dialect is sufciently
different that some authors have classied it as a separate language. The Swadesh list
of basic vocabulary included in Nieves Oviedo (1991e) shows, however, that a large
majority of the core lexical items of the Paniquit a dialect are sufciently similar to those
of the other dialects (particularly, it seems, to those of the Toribo variety, but this needs
to be studied more systematically) to classify Paniquit a as a slightly divergent dialect of
Nasa Yuwe. From the phoneme inventories presented in Nieves Oviedo (1991b, c, d) it
appears that the Paniquit a dialect together with the Caldono dialect has preserved the
full range of Nasa Yuwe phonemes, unlike the Munchique and Toribo dialects, so that
it may be a conservative variety.
66
Jahn (1927: 274) and Acosta Saignes (1953) mention a possible connection between Jirajaran
and the Betoi language family, formerly spoken in the Colombian lowlands, east of the Andes.
One of the Betoi subgroups is called Jirara and the (probably mistaken) identication may be
based on a confusion of the two names.
2.15 P aez (Nasa Yuwe) 131
Table 2.14 Caldono P aez obstruents (following Nieves Oviedo 1991c)
Labial stop Alveolar stop Alveolar affricate Velar stop
Plain p t c k
Aspirated p
h
t
h
c
h
k
h
Palatalised p
y
t
y
c
y
k
y
Palatalised aspirated p
yh
t
yh
c
yh
k
yh
Prenasalised
m
b
n
d
n
dz

g
Prenasalised palatalised
m
b
y n
d
y n
dz
y
g
y
The colonial period was characterised by erce armed resistance against Spanish
colonisation, but in the eighteenth century Catholic missionaries paved the way for
permanent submission of the P aez to Spanish domination. From1910 to 1920 there were
rebellions involving both the P aez and the Guambiano. Since the nineteenth century the
P aez have started to learn Spanish, and now many are fully bilingual, particularly in the
Caldono region (Nieves Oviedo 1991e: 1). In Pach on (1987) it is claimed that 74 per cent
of the around 80,000 P aez are bilingual in Nasa Yuwe and Spanish, and 26 per cent are
monolingual Nasa Yuwe speakers. However, the native language is under strong political
and demographic pressure. At the same time it is very much alive and is supported by
strong native organisations such as the CRIC (Consejo Regional Indgena del Cauca),
founded in 1972. The future of Nasa Yuwe is linked to the currently highly uncertain
future of rural Colombia.
The Swadesh list (cf. Nieves Oviedo 1991e) shows some Spanish borrowings, such
as rupa cloth (<ropa) and
n
deka grease (<manteca). There are also some Quechua
borrowings, such as alku dog (< Ecuadorian Quechua al
y
ku), atal
y
chicken (see
section 4.15), and possibly mis
y
cat (< Ecuadorian Quechua misi, ultimately from
Spanish miche), as well as tata father and mama mother, which alternate with Nasa
Yuwe terms.
The phoneme system of Nasa Yuwe is characterised by a highly regular but extensive
series of consonants and vowels (Nieves Oviedo 1991c: 131). In the occlusive consonants
there are labials, alveolar stops, alveolar affricates and velars, which can be [aspirated],
[ palatalised] and [ prenasalised] (table 2.14). Labiovelars [k
w
] and other labialised
consonants occur but are not usually counted as phonemes in the inventories.
The feature of palatalisation also plays a role in the continuants (table 2.15).
The vowel system likewise is complex but highly regular. It contains a four vowel
series, which can be plain, nasal, long, glottalised and aspirated (table 2.16).
There is dialect variation in the distribution of these consonantal and vocalic features,
e.g. ic
(h)
nose in MunchiqueTigres is pronounced as c
(h)
in Toribo and in Caldono.
Nasa Yuwe syllable structure is relatively simple: two prevocalic consonants are al-
lowed, followed by a vowel and one or two (only the Toribo variety) consonants (Jung
132 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Table 2.15 Caldono P aez continuants (following Nieves Oviedo 1991c)
Labial Alveolar Glottal
Plain fricatives s h
Palatalised fricatives: voiceless
y
s
y
h
y
Palatalised fricative: voiced
y
Nasals m n
Palatalised nasal n
y
Lateral l
Palatalised lateral l
y
Glides w y
Table 2.16 Caldono P aez vowels (following Nieves Oviedo 1991b)
Oral Nasal
High Mid High High Mid High
front front Low back front front Low back
Plain i e a u e a u
Long i: e: a: u: : e: a: u:
Glottalised i

Aspirated i
h
e
h
a
h
u
h

h
e
h
a
h
u
h
1989: 37; Nieves Oviedo 1991c; Yule Yatacu e 1991b). However, even in the Toribo
variety, single morphemes can only end in one consonant. Biconsonantal clusters result
fromthe addition of the rst-person sufx -t
h
or the third-person sufx -k (Nieves Oviedo
1991c: 129):
(192) a. ik
h
-t
h
I killed it. VCC
t
h
e

g-t
h
I watched it. CVCC
t
w
ak-t
h
I cut it. CCVCC
b. a
m
b-k He threw it. VCC
tu
n
d-k He tied it. CVCC
In other varieties than Toribo an epenthetic vowel -u is placed after the biconsonantal
sequence: a
m
b-ku he threw it and pa
n
d-t
h
u I swept.
Many roots are monosyllabic, such as e: blood and kpi

s
y
thunder, but bi- and
trisyllabic roots such as cme
h
me buttery and k
w
enesa lightning occur as well. Rojas
Curieux (1991a: 20) also gives examples of quadrisyllabic roots, but it needs to be seen
whether these are not compound forms. Stress may be contrastive, but is not systemati-
cally indicated in the sources.
2.15 P aez (Nasa Yuwe) 133
There are a number of general phonological realisation processes: (a) in word-nal
positionstops are aspirated (neutralising the opposition between plain and aspirated stops
in that position); (b) in word-initial position prenasalisation is weakened or disappears
altogether; (c) there is free variation between [u] and [o]. In addition, in specic dialects
we nd all kinds of phonological variation, the most interesting of which concerns
depalatalisation before i in Toribo. Bilabial palatal fricatives are optionally labialised
in this variety before i:
(193)
y
ic >ic
w
ic guinea-pig
From Yule Yatacu es (1991a) and Nieves Oviedos (1991a) account a clear picture of
verbal and nominal morphology arises. It can be deduced that there are a few prexes
(marking causative and reexive), a set of verbal vowel sufxes marking aspect, and a
set of enclitic tense, mood, negation, person and number markers:
(194) a
h
-ya

p-me-ku-t
h
cook-IC-NE-RM-1S.SG.DV
I was not going to cook. (Yule Yatacu e 1991a: 174)
(195) k-de
h
-e-k
CA-sleep-IA-3S.SG.EV.DV
He made him sleep. (Yule Yatacu e 1991a: 186)
(196) k-mem-u-t
h
CA-sing-IA-1S.SG.DV
I made him sing. (Yule Yatacu e 1991a: 187)
In addition, there is a proclitic preverb marking joint action. When this preverb occurs
it carries the tense and person marking:
(197) i
h
- -k
n
de
h
do.with-AO-3S.SG.EV.DV sleep
He slept together (with X). (Yule Yatacu e 1991a: 186)
(198) i
h
-ku-t
h
k-mem-u
do.with-RM-1S.SG.DV CA-sing-IA
I made him sing together (with X). (Yule Yatacu e 1991a: 187)
Jung remarks that in addition to verbal negation there is nominal negation, marked
with yu
h
pa:
(199)
y
u
y
a-c-me: yu
h
pa
money appear-PR-NE not
There really is no money. (Jung 1989: 305)
134 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Rojas Curieux provides some intriguing examples in which person markers occur on
the object noun rather than on the verb:
(200) t
h
uw-a

s uy- -t
h
a

w
hedgehog-AC.SG see-AO-1S.PL.DV
We saw the hedgehog. (Rojas Curieux 1991a: 35)
(201) t
h
uw-c
y
a-

s-t
h
a

w uy
hedgehog-PL.S-AC.SG-1S.PL.DV see
We saw the hedgehog. (Rojas Curieux 1991a: 35)
The relatively free clitic character of the person markers in Nasa Yuwe is conrmed
by Nieves Oviedos (1991a: 12933) analysis of nominal predication. She shows that
the above contrast between (200) and (201) should be analysed in terms of focus, on the
basis of the following examples:
(202) mis
y
-a

karlos-a

s wa

k
y
-ku-k
cat-TO Carlos-AC.SG bite-RM-3S.SG.EV.DV
The cat bit Carlos. (Nieves Oviedo 1991a: 129)
(203) mis
y
-ku-k karlos-a

s wa

k
y
cat-RM-3S.SG.EV.DV Carlos-AC.SG bite
It was the cat that bit Carlos. (Nieves Oviedo 1991a: 129)
(204) mis
y
-a

karlos-ku-k wa

k
y
cat-TO Carlos-RM-3S.SG.EV.DV bite
It was Carlos that the cat bit. (Nieves Oviedo 1991a: 129)
When there is no particular focus on any of the participants in the sentence, the
tense, person and mood markers are attached to the verb. Otherwise, however, they are
attached to the focused constituent. In one of Nieves Oviedos analyses (1991a: 1323),
the focused constituent constitutes the true predicate of the sentence in all cases.
Person marking is closely linked both to a gender distinction (for the rst and second
persons), the active/stative distinction(for the thirdperson) andtoepistemic modality(for
all persons). Rojas Curieux(1991a) gives the following minimal pair for the active/stative
distinction:
(205) wala- -a

be.tall-AO-3S.SG.ST.DV
He is tall. (Rojas Curieux 1991a: 40)
(206) wala- -k
be.tall-AO-3S.SG.EV.DV
He grew. (Rojas Curieux 1991a: 40)
2.15 P aez (Nasa Yuwe) 135
Table 2.17 Person markers in Nasa Yuwe (based on Rojas Curieux
1991a, b; Nieves Oviedo 1991a; Jung 2000)
Direct Inferential Interrogative/
Pronoun knowledge knowledge no knowledge
1 sing. masc. a
n
d
y
-t
h
(u) -nha -tka

1 sing. fem. u

k
w
e -t
h
(u) -nha -tka

2 sing. masc. i
n
d
y
-

g(u) -

ga -

ga

2 sing. fem. i

k
w
e -i

k
w
e -k
w
e -k
w
e

3 sing. stative t
y
a -a

( -ha

) -na -na

3 sing. active t
y
a -k(u) -ka -ka

1 plur. k
w
e

s
y
-t
h
a

w -nha

w -tk
h
a

w
2 plur. i

k
w
es
y
-i

k
w
e -k
w
e -k
w
e

3 plur. stative t
y
awe

s
y
-ta

-t
y
na -t
y
na

3 plur. active t
y
awe

s
y
-t
y
(i) -t
y
na -t
y
na

Depending on the stativity of the predicate, -a

or -k(u) is chosen. Most verbs will

take one of the two markers, while there is a subset of predicates like wala- be tall/grow
that can take either.
Jung (1989) shows that with nominal predicates, the use of a copula marks a possibly
temporary state:
(207)
n
d
y
i

h-a

wala ka
n
dz
y
-a

road-TO very bad-3S.SG.ST.DV
The road is very bad. (Jung 1989: 75)
(208)
n
d
y
i

h-a

wala ka
n
dz
y
us-a

road-TO very bad be-3S.SG.ST.DV
The road is very bad at the moment. (Jung 1989: 75)
Table 2.17 contains the full array of the person markers.
The category Inferential knowledge corresponds to knowledge that the speaker has
no direct access to, to supposed or inferred events, while the category Interrogative/no
knowledge corresponds to knowledge that the speaker has to discover, most often by
asking a question. In the paradigm in table 2.17 the vowel u generally corresponds with
Direct knowledge, the vowel a with Inferential knowledge, and the vowel a

with
Interrogative/no knowledge. Further analysis will have to reveal whether or not the
exceptions to this imply that we can separate the categories of person and epistemic
morphosyntactically. (The short forms in table 2.17 are used after a vowel, -ha

after a
glottalised vowel. Note that the endings corresponding to second person feminine and
plural are identical.)
136 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Turningbrieytowordorder, Rojas Curieux(1991a) notes that all determiners precede
the noun except the adjective. Personal pronouns preceding the noun indicate pronominal
possession. While adjectives follow the noun, qualifying adverbs tend to precede the
verb.
(209) t
y
a a
n
d
y
he
n
dz alku k
h
uc
y
that I two dog black
those two black dogs of mine (Rojas Curieux 1991a: 25)
Often there is an SOV order, in which the object is marked -(a)

s singular object
or -t
y
i plural object. Ordinarily the subject is not marked, although it can be marked
comitative and topic, in examples such as the following:
(210) n
y
ak
h
-t
h
e
h
-yak
h
-a

tata-

s
y
it
y
- -t
h
a

w
brother-older-C-TO father-AC.SG wake.up-AO-1S.PL.DV
My brother and I woke my father up. (Rojas Curieux 1991a: 26)
Nonetheless, as Rojas Curieux (1991a: 27) notes, clausal order is rather free and the
object can follow the verb as well. The object marker can be attached both to direct
objects and to indirect objects, as well as to the causee in causative constructions, as
shown by the following contrast:
(211) nasa yuwe-a

s piya-na us-t
h
u
nasa yuwe-AC.SG learn-N be-1S.SG.DV
I am learning Nasa Yuwe. (Jung 1989: 74)
(212) hwan-a

u

kwe-

s nasa yuwe-

s ka:-piya-

h-na us-a

Juan-TO I.FE-AC.SG nasa yuwe-AC.SG CA-learn-T-AG
be-3S.SG.ST.DV
Juan is teaching me Nasa Yuwe. (Jung 1989: 74)
In addition to the comitative case and object markers, there are a number of other case
markers as well, mostly relating to a complex locative system (Jung 1989: 18895):
(213) -h: on behalf of, for (benefactive)
-hu away from
-ka upward to
-k
h
e downward to
-na towards
-su through, among
-te neutral,towards
-uy across, in front of
2.15 P aez (Nasa Yuwe) 137
There is a set of question words morphologically related to indenite and negative
universal quantiers (Jung 1989: 306):
(214) bakac
y
bakac
y
-pa bakac
y
yu
h
pa when/ever/never
k
h
k
h
-pa k
h
yu
h
pa what/something/nothing
kim kim-pa kim yu
h
pa who/someone/no one
ma: ma:-pa ma: yu
h
pa which/anyone/no one
m-te: m-te:-pa m-te: yu
h
pa where/somewhere/nowhere
The existence of an indenite marker -pa suggests that the nominal negator yu
h
pa
is itself morphologically complex. Notice that m-te: is also morphologically complex,
containing the locative marker -te:. Through reduplication of the question word the
referent may be extended: k
h
=k
h
-pa many things, m-te:=m-te:-pa everywhere.
Subordination is achieved primarily through verb nominalisation. In embedded
clauses the verb is in nal position and no topic is allowed (Jung 1989: 238). Nom-
inalised clauses can occur in the same main clause positions as noun phrases. Innitive
complements are marked with -ya

and generally precede the main verb, which is some-

times best analysed as a modal or aspectual auxiliary. Notice there is no case marking
in these complements:
(215) yat-te ka:-piya-

h-ya

tak
h
-e-

-t
y
house-L CA-learn-T-IF begin-IA-CU-3S.PL.EV.DV
They begin teaching them in the house. (Jung 1989: 242)
In addition to a nominaliser for expected events -wa

h, and a participle marker for

realised events -n
y
i, there is an unspecied nominaliser -sa that has the remarkable
feature that it can be both subject- (216) and object-oriented (217). With nouns (218), it
indicates the person with a certain property:
(216) ka:-piya-

h-sa
CA-learn-T-N
teacher (Jung 1989: 247)
(217) ka:-piya-

h-n
y
i-sa
CA-learn-T-SN-N
what has been taught (Jung 1989: 247)
(218) nasa-sa
P aez-N
someone who is a P aez (Jung 1989: 247)
This marker can be used to form relative clauses.
138 2 The Chibcha Sphere
(219) ka:-piya-

h-ya

pa

h-sa-t
y
t
y
a: ka:-piya-

h-n
y
i-t
y
h
y
pa

ka-c-me:-tk
h
a

w
CA-learn-T-IF come-N-AC.PL that CA-learn-T-SN-AC.PL
accept-PR-NE-1S.PL.IR
We dont accept the teachings of those who have come to teach us.
67
(Jung 1989: 248)
For samples of analysed and translated text in P aez see Nieves Oviedo (1991e) and
Jung (2000).
2.16 Andaqu and the languages of the Upper Magdalena valley
Froma historical point of view, the Andaqu people are famous for the merciless guerrilla
war whichtheywere able tosustainagainst the Spanishcolonial administrationfor almost
250 years. In literature they have often been presented as identical to the inhabitants of the
Upper Magdalena valley region at the time of the conquest (see, for instance, Rivet 1924).
In that perspective, they would have superseded the people responsible for building the
sculptures and monuments at the archaeological site of San Agustn in the proximity of
the Magdalena headwaters. A careful study of the rich historical documentation relating
to the Upper Magdalena region carried out by the historian Juan Friede (1953) has
brought to light a more complex reality.
68
At the time of the conquest the Upper Magdalena region was inhabited by several
ethnic groups with a more or less egalitarian social structure. Best known among these
groups were the Timan a and the Yalc on.
69
In times of danger they would unite with
neighbouring peoples, such as the Guanaca and the P aez. The Spaniards, who were
initially well received, experienced this during the great uprising which led to the death
of the conquistadores A nasco and Ampudia in 1543. Unfortunately, the extraordinary
bravery of the Upper Magdalena Indians was matched by poor military strategy (massive
noisy attacks in closed formation, always during daytime; inefcient weapons), so that
the Spaniards soon subjugated them. They founded the towns of Timan a and La Plata
and divided the Indians according to the encomienda system.
70
Forced to defend them-
selves against aggressive neighbours, such as the Pijao, the impoverished encomenderos
67
By using an interrogative form in a non-interrogative context an individual speaker can take
distance from a habit characteristic for the group to which he or she belongs (Jung 1989:
1234).
68
An important part of Friedes conclusions are based on the visita (inspection) of Timan a,
conducted by the Spanish colonial authorities in 1628.
69
It is not likely that these groups were direct descendants of the sculptor people of San Agustn.
Most authors emphasise the differences in religion, burial habits and social organisation.
70
Encomienda: trust estate granted to colonists by the Spanish kings.
2.16 Andaqu and the Upper Magdalena valley 139
repeatedly moved and relocated the local Indians which they were supposed to protect,
ruthlesslyexploitingtheir workforce andusingthemas scouts or porters. This process led
to the virtual disappearance of the local tribes during the second half of the seventeenth
century. In their misery and despair, many Indians ed the Upper Magdalena region
and found a hiding place on the eastern Andean slopes and in the adjacent Amazonian
lowlands.
The attacks by the Andaqu Indians began at the beginning of the seventeenth century.
(One of their rst exploits was the destruction of the town of Simancas on the Upper
Caquet a about 1600.) The habitat of the Andaqu Indians included a huge jungle area,
bordered by the Caquet a river in the south and west, its tributary the Cagu an in the
east, and the Upper Magdalena highlands in the north. During the seventeenth century
they frequently raided the Upper Magdalena region with its dwindling population, in
particular, the area of San Agustn and the valley of the Suaza, an eastern tributary of the
Magdalena. Soon the entire population of the Suaza river valley had to be removed, as
it was too exposed to the attacks of the Andaqu. In the eighteenth century the Andaqu
turned their attention to the missionary settlements on the Caquet a river. Many of them
were destroyed and abandoned. During the nineteenth century the Andaqu slipped into
oblivion. Today, only some place names, such as Bel en de los Andaques on the Pescado
river (near Florencia), remind us of their existence. There are no known speakers of the
language left.
The identity of the Andaqu Indians is problematic. They may have had an Amazonian
origin, a conclusion which is favoured by their extraordinary adaptation to the jungle
habitat. In contrast to the sixteenth century-Upper Magdalena Indians, their ghting
techniques were excellent. Perfect knowledge of the tropical jungle environment, am-
bushes, night attacks, efcient weapons and the use of intelligence guaranteed their
success as guerrilla ghters. Military expeditions that were launched against them in-
variably turned into disaster. Most striking of the Andaqu is their total rejection, if not
contempt, of everything Spanish, including the religion and its representatives, and their
hatred of Indians willing to live under Spanish rule. Their doggedness suggests that they
might have been descendants of refugees from the highlands, who would have had good
reasons for being so intransigent. Even during the worst periods of the Andaqu war,
they were probably not numerous (possibly less than a thousand).
The original languages of the Upper Magdalena region have long become extinct.
Through an analysis of the information on language use supplied by the colonial docu-
ments, Friede (1953) concludes that in 1628, apart from Quechua and Spanish, at least
two Amazonian and four local languages were spoken in the Upper Magdalena area.
One local language originated from the valley of the La Plata river, one from the area
of Pitalito and San Agustn (the upper reaches of the Magdalena), one from the area of
Timan a and one from the upper Suaza valley. All that is known of these languages are
140 2 The Chibcha Sphere
family names and place names mentioned in the colonial documents relating to the area
(Friede 1952).
For the Andaqu language there are two sources. An anonymous list of some twenty
pages of words and expressions, sent to Madrid by Mutis, was published in the Catalogue
of the Royal Library in 1928. Asecond word list was collected by the priest Manuel Mara
Albis in 1854 (Albis 18601). Given the size and the nature of the material, a systematic
study of it should make it possible to reconstruct some aspects of the language. An
article by Rivet (1924) is based on Albiss list and is mainly geared at demonstrating a
Chibchan afliation for Andaqu. This is not convincing, but if the alleged P aez cognates
alone are considered, some interesting parallels emerge.
Possible shared cultural terms are the words for cotton (Andaqu guahuahi; P aez
wewe; cf. Rivet 1924) and sweet potato (Andaqu kag a; P aez ka

ka ka

ga potato; cf.
Jung 2000: 142). Among body-part terms we may mention the words for ear (Andaqu
chunguah e; P aez t
h
uwa; cf. Rivet 1924) and tongue (Andaqu shona e; P aez t
h
une; cf.
Rivet 1924). Compare also the verbs to sit (Andaqu caya-, coaya-; P aez kat
y
, kac
y
to
sit) and to sleep (Andaqu bonda-, da-; P aez
n
de
h
).
The general aspect of Andaqu words is verydifferent fromwhat is foundinP aez. Long
words, mainly consisting of open syllables, predominate. The only frequent syllable-nal
consonant is -n. The Madrid word list includes a few unusual symbol combinations, the
value of which can only be guessed. Most conspicuous is fsrr, e.g. in fsrragua a type
of liana and fsrrixa agave bre. Morphologically, the language combines prexation
and sufxation. Person of subject can be indicated by means of prexes, e.g. ka- second
person as in:
(220) ninga ca-mimi
I 2S-love
Do you like me? (Anonymous 1928: 181)
Modal categories, nominalisation and possibly some parts of personal reference are
indicated by means of sufxes. The second-person imperative marker is -z a.
(221) fsrrajono-z a
lie.down-2S.IM
Lie down! (Anonymous 1928: 185)
Nouns and adjectives frequently contain a lexical sufx with an unidentied function,
e.g. -hi or -(h) e (cf. guahua-hi, chungua-h e and shona- e above). Case is indicated by
means of sufxes, as in cogo house, cogo-ra (go) home.
The numeral system is weakly developed. This would speak in favour of an Amazo-
nian origin considering that Andean languages generally have fully developed decimal
systems. Friede, cited by Taylor (1999), attributes a mixed origin to the Andaqu, which
2.17 Barbacoan languages 141
he assumes to have consisted of elements of Cof an, Pijao and Tucanoan peoples. The lex-
ical similarities with P aez suggest that the original languages of the Upper Magdalena,
which were neighbours of P aez and may have been related to it, should not be rejected
as a possible component.
2.17 Barbacoan languages
The Barbacoan languages occupy a relatively large, fragmented area in southern Colom-
bia and the Ecuadorian coastal provinces. There are ve living languages, Cayapa,
Colorado, Cuaiquer, Guambiano and Totor o, although the last one is moribund. The
three rst languages are now more often referred to by their native names, which are
Cha

palaachi, Tsaki and Awa Pit, respectively. Cha

palaachi is spoken by some 4,000

Chachi or Cayapa Indians in the province of Esmeraldas (Ecuador), near the Cayapas
river (Vittadello 1988). The Tsachila or Colorado, who speak Tsaki, number about
2,000. They inhabit the area of Santo Domingo de los Colorados and Quevedo in the
western part of the Pichincha province (Ecuador).
The Cuaiquer or Awa are established in the department of Nari no (Colombia) on
the upper Telemb river and in the area of Altaquer and Ricaurte, between T uquerres
and Tumaco. Several decades ago a substantial number of Awa migrated to Ecuador,
where they mainly reside in the western part of the province of Carchi. In Colombia
the number of Awa has been calculated at approximately 13,000 (Arango and S anchez
1998), in Ecuador at 1,600. The Awa are known for practising secrecy with respect to
their language and cultural identity. Curnow and Liddicoat (1998) estimate that only a
limited percentage of the Awa continue to speak the language, but reliable gures are
not obtainable.
Guambiano and Totor o are spoken in an area to the east and northeast of Popay an in
the department of Cauca (Colombia). Together with the extinct Coconuco they are also
known as the Coconucan languages. There are 20,000 Guambiano (Arango and S anchez
1998), who live mainly in the resguardos of Guamba and Quisg o, near the market town
of Silvia. The language is well preserved in Guamba, but less so in Quisg o. Due to the
growth of their population, many Guambiano now live in areas outside their original
resguardos, also in the neighbouring department of Huila. Totor o is a resguardo to
the south of Silvia, on the Popay anLa Plata road. Only four out of 3,600 indigenous
Totore nos are said to still know the language, but there has been a strong wish to recover
the original cultural identity (Pab on Triana 1995a). Guambiano, Totor o and Coconuco
(originally spoken in Coconuco and Purac e) are very closely related, and are probably
better treated as dialects of one language.
The afnity of the Coconucan languages and the other Barbacoan languages was rst
recognised by Brinton (1891). This observation soon became obscured when Beuchat
and Rivet (1910b) reclassied the Coconucan languages with neighbouring P aez and
142 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Paniquita, treating them together as a subgroup of Chibchan. The remaining Barba-
coan languages, in turn, were classied as yet another subgroup of Chibchan. Curnow
(1998) sees as one of the possible causes of this confusion the circulation of a word
list of the so-called Moguex language, which in reality represented a mix of P aez and
Guambiano expressions. The resulting confusion affected all subsequent classicatory
efforts, including those of Loukotka (1968), Greenberg (1987) and Kaufman (1990),
until Constenla Uma na (1991) drew attention to the obvious lexical similarities that
link Guambiano with the other Barbacoan languages. In earlier work Constenla Uma na
(1981) had already rejected the Chibchan connection and the alleged close relationship
between Coconucan and P aez. Curnowand Liddicoat (1998) have elaborated lexical and
phonological, as well as some morphosyntactic correspondences between the Barbacoan
languages, substantiating Constenlas ndings in a convincing way. Constenla Uma na
(1991), as well as Curnow and Liddicoat (1998), propose a division of the Barbacoan
languages in two subfamilies: a northern group comprising Awa Pit and the Coconucan
languages, and a southern group consisting of Cha

palaachi and Tsaki. The languages

of the southern group are very closely related. The northern group is somewhat less
close. One of the phonological differences between the two groups is that the northern
group has retained word-nal obstruents, where the southern group has lost them.
The confusion surrounding the linguistic afnity of the Guambiano has occasionally
lead to treating them as a sort of historical mystery people (cf. V asquez de Ruz 1988:
316). However, in view of their linguistic connections to the west and southwest, it
is likely that they may have been a remnant of the people, represented by the Pubenza
federation, which dominated the Popay an area at the arrival of the Spaniards. The neigh-
bouring Guanaca people of the colonial period have also been suggested as possible
relatives of the Guambiano. Further south, the Pasto Indians, still a numerous group in
the area between the town of Pasto and the Ecuadorian border, almost certainly spoke
a Barbacoan language, although they are Spanish speakers now. The Cara language
spoken in the northern Ecuadorian Andes before the introduction of Quechua may also
have belonged to the Barbacoan family, but the evidence so far is not conclusive (see
chapter 3, section 3.9.1).
In terms of overall description of the Barbacoan languages much remains to be done.
For Awa Pit there is a reference grammar in dissertation form (Curnow 1997) and
descriptive studies by Calvache Due nas (1989, 2000) and Obando Ord o nez (1992).
Several studies of a limited scope discuss aspects of Guambiano phonology and grammar
(Branks and Branks 1973; Long 1985; V asquez de Ruz 1988, 1994, 2000; Trivi no
Garz on 1994). Studies on Tsaki (Moore 1966) and Cha

palaachi (Lindskoog and Brend

1962; Lindskoog and Lindskoog 1964; Vittadello 1988) contain rst approaches to the
grammar of these languages. Moore (1962) and Curnow and Liddicoat (1998) address
the issue of phonological and lexical reconstruction.
2.17 Barbacoan languages 143
Table 2.18 Guambiano consonant inventory (based on
V asquez de Ruz 2000)
Labial Alveolar Palatal Retroex Velar
Stops p t k
Affricates c c c
.
Fricatives s s s
.
Nasals m n n
y
Laterals l l
y
Vibrant r
Glides w y
A characteristic of the Barbacoan vowel systems is the lack of a contrast between o
and u; such a contrast is only found in Tsaki. Guambiano distinguishes ve vowels: a,
e, i, , u. The is described as either a high (Branks and Branks; Long), or a mid (V asquez
de Ruz) central vowel. Tsaki distinguishes ve vowels, a, e, i, o, u, and Cha

palaachi
four: a, e, i, u. Furthermore, Cha

palaachi has a length contrast. Nasalised vowels occur

phonetically in Tsaki, but they may reect the presence of a syllable-nal nasal, rather
than an inherent feature of the vowel itself.
The inventory of vowels in Awa Pit is controversial. Calvache Due nas (2000) dis-
tinguishes ve vowels, a, e, i, , u, with a functionally marginal nasality contrast and a
non-distinctive voice contrast. Curnow (1997: 3845) distinguishes four voiced vowel
phonemes, a, i, , u, while interpreting the sound [e] as an allophone of a, i and . He
also distinguishes three voiceless high vowels,

i,

u, and demonstrates the contrastive

character of the voice opposition by means of minimal pairs such as t

u shoulder bag
and tu to be in a place. Vocalic nasality, restricted to vowels and diphthongs occurring
in word-nal position, is attributed to the presence of a velar nasal phoneme . Curnow,
furthermore, explains that Awa Pit has sequences of like vowels (e.g. in paas two, pii
river), and that other vowel sequences do not necessarily merge into a diphthong, for
instance, in au [a( )u] we (but saw [t
s
aw] eld).
The consonant inventories of Guambiano, Awa Pit, Tsaki and Cha

palaachi are
represented in the tables 2.182.21.
Long (1985) distinguishes three additional consonant phonemes in Guambiano: k
w
,
z, and . The sound combination k
w
is interpreted as kuV by V asquez de Ruz; z may
be an allophone of c. The case of seems to reect a real difference of observation,
however. It occurs in interrogative expressions such as mak u do you eat?. V asquez de
Ruz (1988) has nal zero in these cases. Guambiano stops and affricates can be subject
to voicing and fricativisation depending on their position in a word form.
144 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Table 2.19 Awa Pit (Cuaiquer) consonant inventory
(based on Curnow 1997)
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar
Stops p t k
Voiceless fricatives s s
Voiced fricatives z z
Lateral fricative l

Lateral approximant l
Nasals m n
Glides w y
Table 2.20 Tsaki (Colorado) consonant inventory (based on
Moore 1966)
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Voiceless stops p t k
Voiced stops b d
Affricates c
Fricatives s h
Nasals m n
Laterals l
Vibrants r
Glides w y
As we have seen, the velar nasal in the Awa Pit consonant inventory (Curnow 1997)
compensates for the absence of a nasality contrast in the vowels. A palatal nasal [n
y
]
occurs but is analysed as a nasal+glide sequence ny. The phoneme l

varies between
[h], [x] and [ l

], either within or between dialects. Several dialects only have [h] [x],
instead of the lateral fricative, hence the sounds in question have also been categorised
as a velar or glottal fricative (e.g. in Calvache Due nas 2000). Awa Pit has affricates ([t
s
],
[ c]), which can be analysed as allophones of s and s (Curnow1997: 2932). When found
intervocalically, they are to be interpreted as ambisyllabic sequences (ts, t s); Calvache
Due nas prefers to treat them as separate phonemes. Geminated stops also occur in
Awa Pit. Stops that are not geminated are subject to a set of allophonic rules, such as
voicing between a voiced consonant and a voiced vowel, and voicing combined with
fricativisation between vowels. Word-internal intervocalic /t/ is realised as [r].
In Tsaki the phonemes c and s have palatal allophones [ c] and [ s] before high vowels.
The vibrant r is sometimes pronounced [dr] in word-initial position. The consonants b
and d are preglottalised in word-internal position. Frequently, voiceless consonants are
2.17 Barbacoan languages 145
Table 2.21 Cha

palaachi (Cayapa) consonant inventory (based on

Lindskoog and Lindskoog 1964; Vittadello 1988)
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Voiceless stops p t t
y
k
Voiced stops b d d
y
g
Affricates c c
Voiceless fricatives f s s x
Voiced fricative
Nasals m n n
y

Laterals l l
y
Glides w y
preaspirated in word-internal position. If the phonological context should not automat-
ically account for all the cases of preaspiration, it may be necessary to add additional
series of preaspirated stops and fricatives to the inventory. The status of the glottal stop
is uncertain. A characteristic feature of Tsaki is that stress is phonemic, e.g. in mer ano
to hear and m erano to wait (Moore 1966: 96).
From a general typological point of view, the Barbacoan languages belong to the cen-
tral Andean sphere, rather than to the Chibchan domain (cf. Constenla Uma na 1991). The
inuence of Quechua in the area must have been a relatively recent phenomenon, which
may go back approximately to AD 1400 (cf. chapter 3). Therefore, the Central Andean
characteristics of Barbacoan may be attributed either to an earlier period of interaction
or to genetic connections. Curnow and Liddicoat (1998: 387) observe the following
similarities in the grammatical typology of the Barbacoan languages. All the Barbacoan
languages are verb-nal (SOV). Modiers (adjectives, adverbs) precede their heads.
71
The main morphological device is sufxation. Prexes occur in Cha

palaachi and in
Tsaki, but to a limited extent. The Barbacoan languages are case-marking languages of
the nominativeaccusative type. Nominative is zero, but accusative case is marked with
a sufx (although all languages reserve this for human or denite objects). In most cases,
the accusative markers have locative functions as well. Curnowand Liddicoat emphasise
the lack of cognacy between the accusative markers in the Barbacoan languages, which
suggests a relatively recent development. All these characteristics are reminiscent of the
situation in Quechua and in Aymaran. The locativeaccusative marker -ta of Awa Pit is
even formally similar to the corresponding case sufx in Quechua, e.g. Awa Pit pastu-ta
[pastura], Quechua pastu-ta to Pasto. The genitive case marker of Awa Pit coincides
with conservative Quechua dialects in two of its allomorphs (-pa, -p), e.g. in santos-pa
71
Calvache Due nas (2000: 108) holds that Awa Pit has nounadjective order. In Guambiano both
orders are possible, although the adjectivenoun order is the preferred one (Long 1985: 19).
146 2 The Chibcha Sphere
ku zu Santoss pig, a-p my, mine, our(s) (Curnow 1997: 1245); cf. section 3.2 on
Quechua. To this list we could add the prominent position of switch-reference and the
richly developed nominalisation strategies of the southern Barbacoan languages.
On the other hand, it should be observed that the Barbacoan languages also share
typological phenomena with the Chibchan languages. An example is the existence of
declarative and interrogative markers and their intimate coalescence with verbal ection.
Constructions involving auxiliary verbs and nominalisation are also well represented in
Guambiano, Tsaki and Awa Pit.
A typological element that is characteristic for the Barbacoan family in particular is
the way speech act participants are encoded. All the languages make a basic distinction
between speaker and non-speaker. The verbal inection reects this distinction, rather
than the usual division into rst, second and third person. Number distinctions are
often reserved for rst person. In Guambiano verbal inection encodes three person and
number categories: speaker singular, speaker plural and non-speaker. In (222), (223)
and (224) three forms of the auxiliary verb to be are illustrated. The forms ku-r and
k-er (with endings -r and -er) refer to a rst person singular and plural, respectively.
For second and third person only one option is available, namely k -n (with ending -n).
Example (225) illustrates the use of the ending -n with a second-person subject, but with
a different auxiliary verb, wa- to sit.
72
(222) na-p e empresa-yu k
w
al
y
-p-ik ku-r
73
I-TO factory-L work-N-AJ.SG be-SR.SG
I am working in the factory. (V asquez de Ruiz 1988: 120)
(223) na-m mis ak k-er
I-PL people be-SR.PL
We are Guambianos. (Trivi no Garz on1994: 609)
(224) un y au-wan m a-p-ik k-n
child meat-AC eat-N-AJ.SG be-NS
The child is eating the meat. (V asquez de Ruiz 1988: 69)
(225) n
y
i pur a k
w
ac- p wa-n
you maize husk-N sit-NS
You are (sit) husking maize. (V asquez de Ruiz 2000: 159)
In Tsaki, Cha

palaachi and Awa Pit the distinction between speaker and non-
speaker is equally important. Furthermore, there is the additional complication that a
72
According to V asquez de Ruz (1988), the pronoun n
y
i can also be interpreted as third person,
when the subject is located at a short distance of the addressee. It refers to a close non-speaker,
rather than to the addressee in particular.
73
Note that p is a voiced fricative [] intervocalically and a voiceless fricative [] in word-nal
position.
2.17 Barbacoan languages 147
second-person subject has to be classied with the speaker category in an interrog-
ative context. In Tsaki the speaker sufx -yo-/-yu- is used in rst-person subject
declarative forms (226) and in second-person subject interrogative forms (227); second-
person declarative and third person are indicated by a zero form (228). Additionally,
there is a special sufx -i- for rst-person subject interrogative (Dickinson 1999, 2000;
Curnow MS).
(226) an o i-yo- e
banana
74
eat-SR-DV
I ate. (Moore 1966: 100)
(227) an o i-y u-n
75
banana eat-SR-IR
Did you eat? (Moore 1966: 100)
(228) an o -wiya- -e
banana eat-almost-NS-DV
He almost ate. (Moore 1966: 100)
In Cha

palaachi we nd the same opposition in ruku-yu I am a man, are you a

man?, ruku-de:-yu we are men, as opposed to ruku-e you are a man, he is a man,
ruku-de:-e you/they are men (Lindskoog and Lindskoog 1964: 123). The sufx -de:-
is a plural marker.
Personal reference in the strict sense is not indicated morphologically in any of the
Barbacoan languages. Free pronouns are used instead. In addition to the basic pronouns
that refer to subject, there may be special pronouns to be used in the object role, as
well as possessive pronouns. Possessive pronouns may have different shapes depending
on whether they are used attributively or independently (and as predicates). In all the
Barbacoan languages the pronominal systemdistinguishes rst, second and third person,
as well as number. Awa Pit has distinct pronouninventories for subject, object/beneciary
and possessor. The sufxes that characterise the object pronouns appear to have only that
function. Although the subject and object pronouns are marked for number (singular
or plural), this is not he case of the possessive adjectives. A plural possessor is either
indicated by means of the corresponding singular form, or by the plural nominative.
74
In Tsaki and Cha

palaachi the word for banana (Tsaki an o, Cha

palaachi panda) coincides

with the word for food in general. The concept to eat without a specied object is translated
as an o i- and panda -, respectively. Compare the use of Mandarin Chinese f ` an rice as an
unspecied object in ch f ` an to eat.
75
Note that syllable-nal n in Tsaki normally serves to indicate nasality in the preceding vowel
[iy

u]. This observation and the notation of a glottal stop in the declarative sufx -e are based
on Moore (1961, 1962).
148 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Table 2.22 Awa Pit pronouns (based on Curnow 1997: 86, 94)
Nominative Accusative Possessive
1 pers. sing. na na-wa a-p
1 pers. plur. au au-mza
2 pers. sing. nu nu-wa u-p
2 pers. plur. u u-mza
3 pers. sing. us us-a payn
y
a
3 pers. plur. uspa uspa-tuza
Table 2.23 Cha

palaachi pronouns (based on Lindskoog and

Lindskoog 1964)
Personal Adjectival Independent
pronouns possessive pronouns possessive pronouns
1 sing. i in in- ci
1 plur. la-la la-la- la:- ci
2 sing. n
y
u n
y
u- n
y
u- ci
2 plur. n
y
u-l
y
a n
y
u-l
y
a- n
y
u-i- ci
3 sing. ya ya- ya- ci
3 plur. ya-la ya-la- ya-i- ci
The following examples illustrate the use of some of these forms. The endings -w and
-y refer to speaker (subject) and non-speaker, respectively.
(229) ap yal au yal
1.G house we house
my house, our house our house (Curnow 1997: 124)
(230) uspa uz-puta-y
they sit-S.PL.NS-NS
They are sitting. (Curnow 1997: 185)
(231) nu-ne na-wa pak-pyan-tu-y
you-TO I-AC cure-know-IA-NS
You are curing me. (Calvache Due nas 2000: 111)
(232) na-na uspa-tuza tt kyan-na-ta-w
I-TO they-PL.AC cut throw-PL.O-PA-SR.S
I stabbed them. (Curnow 1997: 183)
The difference between adjectival and independent possessive pronouns is found in
Cha

palaachi, as shown in table 2.23. The genitive markers - and - ci, which can be
2.17 Barbacoan languages 149
recognised in the pronominal forms, are also used to indicate a genitive relation between
nouns.
(233) ku ca- panda
dog-G food
the dogs food (Lindskoog and Lindskoog 1964: 122)
(234) ku ca- ci
dog-G
the dogs, belonging to the dog (Lindskoog and Lindskoog 1964: 122)
Tsaki is exceptional in that it encodes a gender distinction in the rst-person pronoun.
The pronoun la I is used by men, whereas women use ci
h
k e. For childrens use there is
yet another form: ce. Each of these elements forms its possessive counterpart by adding
the genitive marker - ci. For the plural (we) there appears to be no distinction because
Moore (1966) recorded a single form, ci
h
ke-l a, for both men and women.
Both Cha

palaachi and Tsaki have an extensive verbal morphology. They both have
a rich variety of sufxes that indicate different types of verbal subordination. Many of
these subordination types allow for a further distinction between subordinate verbs that
have the same subject as the verb to which they are subordinate and those that do not
have the same subject. Since personal reference is not normally visible in a subordinate
verb, the alternation of same subjects and different subjects must help the listener to
keep track of the role of the actors in a succession of events. The situation in Tsaki, for
instance, is reminiscent of the use of switch-reference in Ecuadorian Highland Quechua
(see chapter 3). Since the latter is not typical for Quechua as a whole, the inuence of a
South Barbacoan substratum may be suspected. Consider the following examples from
Tsaki.
(235) h a-namin-nan pin kir a-yo-e
come-SM.SS-AD
76
snake see-SR-DV
While I was coming, I saw a snake. (Moore 1966: 102)
(236) h a-nasa-nan pin kir a-yo-e
come-SM.DS-AD snake see-SR-DV
I saw a snake, while it was coming. (Moore 1966: 102)
(237) w alpa i-
h
c un k a-yo-e
hen eat-F.SS catch-SR-DV
I caught the hen in order to eat it. (Moore 1966: 101)
(238) an o i-
h
s a war e- -na-e
food eat-F.DS cry-NS-PR-DV
He is crying so that someone else might eat. (Moore 1966: 101)
76
The element -nan [n a] is translated as also (tambi en).
150 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Tsaki is the only Barbacoan language in which an unambiguous systemof grammat-
ical classiers has been recorded. They refer to shape and are used both with numerals
and with adjectives. When used with adjectives they are followed by a sufx -n (that is,
vowel nasalisation). The classier -de, which refers to long objects, illustrates the use
of classiers in (239) and (240).
(239) palu-d e an o
two-CL banana
two bananas (Moore 1966: 99)
(240) n a-de-n an o
child-CL-AJ banana
small banana (Moore 1966: 99)
As we anticipated, Guambiano has an elaborate system of auxiliary verbs. These
auxiliary verbs are inected for person and number, whereas the (nominalised) verbs
they accompany can carry different types of aspectual distinctions. Guambiano has a
series of auxiliary verbs that refer to bodily positions; one of them, wa- to sit, was
illustrated in example (225). Other positional auxiliaries are pa s
.
a- to stand, cu- to
lie, meka- to hang (241). These verbs can also be used as existential verbs to be
somewhere (Spanish estar), as in (242).
(241) y e-wan yan a-m-ik pa s
.
a-n
potato-AC sell-F-N stand-NS
I will sell the potatoes. (lit. It stands to sell the potatoes.)
(Trivi no Garz on 1994: 614)
(242) ul-p e k aw-yu cu-n
snake-TO grass-L lie-NS
The snake is in the grass. (Long 1985: 28)
Awa Pit, Cha

palaachi and Tsaki often use the verb stem to do (*ki-) with nouns,
adjectives and Spanish loan roots in order to create newverbs (cf. Curnowand Liddicoat
1998: 403). An example from Cha

palaachi is (243).
(243) ibi ke-nu
spittle do-IF
to spit (Lindskoog and Lindskoog 1964: 80)
Among the morphological characteristics of the southern Barbacoan languages we
may mention a morphological passive in Cha

palaachi, the existence of an extensive set

of nominalisations (comparable to Quechua) and the use of verbal prexes. Tsaki has
the following nominalisations: agentive in -min, innitive in -no, stative participle in -ka
and instrumental in -nun.
2.18 Kams a 151
(244) m usika ke-n un
music make-IS.N
something to make music with (Moore 1966: 103)
Verbal prexes have different functions. Cha

palaachi has two prexes de-, one with

the meaning to nish doing something and one with the meaning plural subject. The
prex ma(n)- repetition has an equivalent in Tsaki, where it is man- (compare man
one).
(245) an o man-i- - e
food RP-eat-NS-DV
I ate again. (Moore 1966: 104)
A very interesting prex is Tsaki pe-, which indicates help or joint action (246).
(246) pe-ayud ai-de [Spanish ayudar to help]
AS-help-IM.NS
Help! (Moore 1996: 104)
(247) pe-h- cina-yo-e
AS-go-F-SR-DV
I will go with you/him. (Moore 1996: 104)
2.18 Kams a
The language called Kams a (Kamn c
.
a) or Sibundoy has often been identied with the
language of an ethnic group known historically by the Quechua name of Quillacinga
(moon-nose). For the time being, Kams a is best treated as a linguistic isolate, as former
associations with the Chibchan family have proved unsubstantial. The Quillacinga were
a highland people, settled in the area northeast of the town of Pasto. The present-day
Kams a, who according to Arango and S anchez (1998) number approximately 4,000
people, inhabit the valley of Sibundoy between Pasto and Mocoa at the upper reaches
of the Putumayo river. They share the area with their more numerous neighbours, the
Quechua speaking Inga (cf. chapter 3), who may be (Quechuanised) descendants of
the Quillacinga. The Indians of the area are known for their persistent struggle against
monopolistic missionary activity during most of the twentieth century. The history of
oppressive domination by the Capuchin mission among the Kams a and the Inga is told
by Bonilla (1972).
The Kams a language with its extraordinarily complex morphology has only been
described to a limited extent, most of the published work available so far being phono-
logical or on special topics, such as the structure of discourse (Howard 1977a, b). A
text collection with a phonological introduction has been published by Mongu S anchez
152 2 The Chibcha Sphere
Table 2.24 Kams a consonant phonemes (based on Howard 1979)
Labial Alveolar Palatal Retroex Velar
Voiceless stops p t k
Voiced stops b d [
n
d] g [

g]
Voiceless affricates c c c
.
Voiceless fricatives () s s s
.
x
Nasals m n n
y
Laterals l l
y
Vibrant r [ r]
Glides w y [d
z
]
(1981). An encouraging aspect of Kams a studies is the active participation of members
of the Kams a community itself (Juajibioy Chindoy 1962; Juajibioy Chindoy and Wheeler
1973; Jamioy Muchavisoy 1992, 1995). Mel endez Lozano (2000c) provides a short ty-
pological sketch of the language, partly based on unpublished sources. Regrettably, we
have not been able to locate a dictionary of the language.
According to Howard (1979), Kams a distinguishes six vowels (a, e, i, , o, u). The
is a high central vowel. An inventory of the consonant phonemes is represented in
table 2.24.
The inventory in table 2.24 calls for some observations. The special realisations of r
and y (given between square brackets) occur, respectively, in word-initial position (e.g. in
r ala[ r ala] money, fromSpanishreal ) andafter n(e.g. inbomnyi [bomnd
z
i] eye). The
Kams a language has been particularly receptive to borrowing fromSpanish, a fact which
has profoundly inuenced the sound system as it is today. The sound [] (alternatively
[]) may be treated as a preconsonantal allophone of either p or b if borrowings from
Spanish are not counted (e.g. in skon uta [skon uta skon uta] nine). In borrowings
it replaces Spanish f (e.g. in lako-x ema slim, from Spanish aco slim and -xema
old), a fact which justies its status as a separate phoneme. In native words the voiced
stops d and g are found after nasals (e.g. in
n
d on
y
e no, ce

g a black). They have

additional fricative allophones ([], [ ]) that occur in other environments, but only
in loan words, e.g. the root-initial d in xa-dema
n
d a-na
77
to demand, from Spanish
demandar. From the viewpoint of the native sound system, the clusters
n
d and

g may
very well be treated as unit phonemes, due to their frequent occurrence in word-initial
position. In some well-established loan words, such as
n
de olp suddenly, from Spanish
de golpe (Mongu S anchez 1981), a nasal element that was not even there originally has
been introduced.
77
The frame x(a)- . . . -na is characteristic for innitives in Kams a.
2.18 Kams a 153
Table 2.25 Kams a personal reference markers
(after Mel endez Lozano 2000c)
1 pers. sing. c(i)-, s()-, i-
1 and 3 pers. dual bo-, b-, bn-
1 pers. plur. exclusive c(i)-, s()-
1 pers. plur. inclusive and 3 pers. plur. mo-, m()-
2 pers. sing. ko-, k()-
2 pers. dual s
.
o-, s
.
-, s
.
n-
2 pers. plur. s
.
mo-, s
.
m()-
A characteristic feature of the Kams a language are its consonant clusters. Up to three
consonants (rarely even four) can be found in medial and initial position, e.g. in sknen a
wooden plate, xcbe c
.
ana to carry a child,

go sn a green (Howard 1979: 89). The
place of the accent is contrastive. It can be either on the last or on the penultimate vowel
of a word.
Typologically, Kams a differs fromany other language in the area by its abundant use of
prexes. Nevertheless, prexation is not the only morphological device of the language.
Case and number with nouns, as well as several verbal categories, are indicated by means
of sufxes. A set of eighteen classiers based on shape (e.g. -b e for round objects, - c
.
e
for oval objects, -xa for rigid cylindrical objects, -xa for exible cylindrical objects, - s
.
a
for hairy and/or composed elements, -ye for liquids) can be sufxed to demonstrative
pronouns, numerals and adjectives (cf. Mel endez Lozano 2000c: 136). They also occur
as sufxes with nouns; e.g. in or- s
.
a ower, fromSpanish or, and in eskardon a- c
.
e an
insect (Howard 1979: 88), presumably from a local Spanish word escardona (compare
escardar to weed).
Howard (1977a) distinguishes eight distinct slots of afxes that can precede the verbal
root in narrative discourse. The functions of the prexes occurring in these slots belong to
the domain of narrative type (historical versus legendary event), evidentiality (presence
and/or participation of the speaker in the event), personal reference, movement, tense
and aspect. Mood (imperative, contrary-to-fact, potential), negation and interrogation
are also expressed by means of prexes. Mel endez Lozano (2000c) lists nine modal
prexes (including negative and evidential) and ten aspectual prexes. He reports the
personal reference markers used for identication of the subject (based on Juajibioy
Chindoy and Wheeler 1973), as indicated in table 2.25.
His enumeration does not contain any markers referring to a third person singular.
The non-singular third-person markers coincide with non-singular rst-person markers.
Howard (1977a: 7) gives o- for third-person-singular subject. However, many third-
person-singular subject forms occurring in her examples seem to lack this prex,
154 2 The Chibcha Sphere
suggesting that a third-person-singular subject marker can be zero as well. A num-
ber of examples presented by Howard (1977a) contain unambiguous evidence of the
fact that person-of-object is encoded in the verb form. Combinations of third-person
markers are illustrated in (248) and (249). Note that the number of the subject marker
is determined by the total number of participants.
(248) i-mo-xawiy ana
3O.SG-3S.PL-say
They said to him. (Howard 1977a: 58)
(249) i-bo-xawiy ana
3O.SG-3S.D-say
He said to him. (Howard 1977a: 59)
A rst-person-singular object is characterised by the presence of a prex s
.
-, as in
(250) and (251).
(250) s
.
-mo- c-c-ob a
1O.SG-3S.PL-F-PR-kill
78
They are going to kill me. (Howard 1977a: 58)
(251) s
.
-ko- c-at-oben a-ye
1O.SG-2S.SG-F-UF-have.power-CN
You will not be able (to move) me. (Howard 1977a: 59)
In addition, the sequence k-bo- indicates rst-person subject combined with second-
person object.
(252) k-bo- c-c-ob a
2O.SG-1S.D-F-PR-kill
I shall kill you (Howard 1977a: 58)
Nominal case is represented by some twenty-two different sufxes or postpositions
(Mel endez Lozano2000). Subject and object remain unmarked. Possessive constructions
are formed by means of the genitive marker -be. The genitive expression precedes its
head.
(253) a c
.
-be bc-tait a
I-G big-father
my grandfather (Mongu S anchez 1981: 29)
78
The identication of the afxes in the examples remains provisional, considering the lack of
an overall grammatical study. The prex c(a)- intention (Mel endez Lozano 2000) is here
glossed as F future; the prex -at- is glossed as unfullled in Howard (1977b: 276), -ye as a
continuative (cf. Howard 1977a: 9). The interpretation of -c- as progressive is also tentative.
2.19 Esmeralde no 155
Kams a has a copula verb to be, as illustrated in (254). Number is indicated both on
the subject and on the nominal predicate.
(254) kem s
.
s
.
o-

g m-
n
dm n obon -

g
this infant-PL 3S-be fat-PL
These little children are fat. (Mongu S anchez in Mel endez Lozano 2000c)
Nouns are marked for number. There are distinct sufxes for singular, dual and plural.
These are singular -(n)a or -(n) a, dual -(a)ta, and plural -()

ga.
79
Some nouns do not
take a singulative sufx (Juajibioy Chindoy and Wheeler 1973, in Mel endez Lozano
2000c). The distinction is also reected in the free personal pronouns, e.g. in a c
.
(e) I,
b
n
d ata we (dual), s
n
d ata we (dual inclusive), b

ga we (plural).
2.19 Esmeralde no
Esmeralde no or Atacame, a language of the Ecuadorian coastal region survived until
the second half of the nineteenth century. Together with Cha

palaachi (see section 2.17

Barbacoan), it is the only language of the Ecuadorian coast of which we have some
knowledge. All other languages, including the language of the island of Pun a, have
disappeared long ago without leaving any documentation of importance. In the nine-
teenth century the Esmeralde no language was spoken in the western part of Esmeraldas
province on the lower course of the Esmeraldas river valley (called Chinto in Esmer-
alde no). The possibility that it may have been a remnant of a language of wider extension
in the Ecuadorian Pacic region cannot be excluded.
W. B. Stevenson, the Britishsecretarytothe president of the Audiencia inQuito, visited
the area at the beginning of the nineteenth century (Stevenson 1825). He reports that
the language was in use in the coastal port of Esmeraldas, a town with a predominantly
negroid population. According to local tradition, a shipload of African slaves had landed
in the area after a shipwreck, killed the native men and settled with the women. Thanks to
these women, the language was preserved. Stevenson also observes that the inhabitants
of the neighbouring town of Atacames spoke Spanish. For a more historical account
of AfricanAmerindian relations in the Ecuadorian Pacic area, which date back to
the sixteenth century, see Phelan (1967). The zambos (of mixed Indianblack origin) of
Esmeraldas managed to maintain a factual independence throughout the colonial period.
The only data on the Esmeralde no language were collected by J. M. Pallares in 1877.
They were published in Wolf (1892), and subsequently reproduced and discussed in
Seler (1902: 4964) and in Jij on y Caama no (1941: 424539). Constenla Uma na (1991:
857) notes a number of typological particularities. Object and subject tend to follow
the verb; the genitive follows its head; adjectives can occur both before and after the
79
The ending -

g is obviously a variant of -

ga.
156 2 The Chibcha Sphere
noun they modify. He observes that these syntactic features are unusual for the region
and suggestive of contact with Mesoamerica. A similar inuence has been proposed by
archaeologists with regard to the local pre-Columbian culture of La Tolita (Willey 1971:
295; cf. Constenla Uma na 1991: 87).
According to the available data, the Esmeralde no vowel systemconsisted of ve vow-
els (a, e, i, o, u). However, Jij on y Caama no draws attention to the great amount of
vocalic variation, which may point at the existence of a three-vowel system (a, i, u),
rather than a ve-vowel system. He suggests that the language may have had nasal
vowels and reports that there was a special vowel sound, written ` a` a or a a, which
was limited to the ending of the past participle (e.g. in yat a ale nished). The ac-
cent is often indicated with a diacritic (by Seler in particular), suggesting that stress was
contrastive.
The consonant inventory comprised voiceless and voiced stops (p, t, k; b, d, g); a
voiceless affricate (ch); voiceless and voiced fricatives (f, s, sh, j, h; v); nasals (m, n);
vibrants (r, rr); laterals (l, ll); and glides (w, y). The interpretation of these symbols
remains uncertain. It is doubtful if the symbol v represented a separate sound, because it
frequently alternates with b. Acontrast between h and j is also unlikely, as they appear to
be in complementary distribution. The symbol h is found (very seldom) in word-initial
position, whereas j mainly appears inside a word. Internal clusters of two consonants
(including geminates) are frequent, often as a result of vowel suppression. The palatal
lateral ll [l
y
] is often found in syllable-nal positions (as in Quechua), e.g. in allki pain.
Jij on y Caama nos morphological analysis of the Esmeralde no language has to be used
with great care because of methodological deciencies. (Many forms are overanalysed.)
He has, nonetheless, managed to expose a number of interesting facts concerning this
little known language and its relations to neighbouring languages.
The Esmeralde no language uses both prexes and sufxes. Personal reference and
case are indicated by means of sufxes. The sufxes -s(a) and -va refer to rst and
second person, respectively. They indicate a possessor with nouns, and either a subject
or an object with verbs. In some verb forms subject and object markers can occur in
combination. When -sa indicates nominal possession a preceding vowel is normally lost
(except with monosyllabic roots); the same may occur with long verb bases (e.g. bases
of more than two syllables). The sufx -sa can be stressed, but this does not seem to be
always the case. A sufx referring to a third-person possessor is -e or - e (Seler 1902:
61; Jij on y Caama no 1941: 450).
(255) mil-s a [mil-e (someones) heart/stomach]
heart/stomach-1P
my heart, my stomach (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 539)
2.19 Esmeralde no 157
(256) mul-va [mula eye, face]
eye-2P
your eye (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 450)
(257) ene-s a
eat-1S
I eat. (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 509)
(258) peli-va
row-2S
You are rowing. (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 524)
(259) pisko-v a-s
sell-2S-1O
Sell it to me! (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 524)
The form in (259) appears to have an imperative interpretation. Regular imperatives
are indicated with special endings, e.g. -ma for second person singular and -aja for rst
person plural.
(260) kuli-ma
rise-2S.SG.IM
Stand up! (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 509)
(261) naka atarai-ti-aja [Spanish atarraya casting-net]
let.us.go net-V-1P.PL.IM
Let us go and throw out the nets! (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 502)
Jij on y Caama no observes that many verb forms are apparently used impersonally
as they do not contain any indication of personal reference at all. He also notes the
absence of free personal pronouns. This may be due, of course, to the decient nature of
the material. A very frequent sufx, which occurs both with verbs and with adjectives,
is -le. Its function may be to indicate a state or situation.
80
(262) akolinshe-le
be.indebted-ST
I am indebted. (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 502)
(263) uba-le
die-ST
He/she died, dead (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 505)
80
Instead of akulinshe-le (akolinshe-le) one also nds akulinshe-le-ne I am indebted. It is used
with both rst- and with third-person subjects; Seler (1902: 61) suggests that -len e indicated
present tense.
158 2 The Chibcha Sphere
(264) uvve kar o-le
water red-ST
red-coloured water (Seler 1902: 55; Jij on y Caama no 1941: 510)
Some adjectives obligatorily contain the sufx -le. This is the case, in particular, of
a group of adjectives that have the canonical shape vi-/bi- . . . -le, as in vi-k o-le dirty,
vi-sh u-le cold, vi-se-le good, bi-ga-le bad.
Negation is indicated by means of a prex ba-; the frame bal- . . . -ka indicates negative
possession, as in (265):
(265) bal-di-ka
NE-hand-OW
one-handed (lit. having no hand,
with a hand missing) (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 428)
Esmeralde no nouns frequently contain classifying prexes which refer to shape. Par-
ticularly common are the prexes mu- indivisible bulky object, ra- protruding ele-
ment, ta- long object, and vi(l)- skin, wrapping. These elements are either used
to reinforce basic semantic concepts, or to distinguish between related concepts. Words
referring to protruding body parts are normally preceded by ra-, e.g. ra-rapo hair,
ra-rap-s a my hair, ra-ak-s a (Seler: re-ac-s a) my ear, ra-an-s a my tongue, ra-au-s a
my nose (Seler: re-au-s a). Acontrastive use of the classifying prexes can be observed
in the following pairs (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 4356).
(266) ra-tuna vil-tuna
protruding.element-mouth.area wrapping-mouth.area
81
beard lips
(267) di-sa ta-di-sa (Seler: ta-d-ssa)
hand-1P long.object-hand-1P
my hand my arm
(268) ta-kel-s a mu-kil-sa
long.object-bone-1P bulky.object-bone-1P
my back my bone
Case relations are indicated in a heterogeneous way. Both case sufxes and preposi-
tional elements are used; in (269) and (270) the sufx -ra refers to location (in), but tun
81
The attested word for my mouth is vil-to-s a (Seler 1902: 54).
2.19 Esmeralde no 159
is translated as in front of. The prepositional status of tun is related to the possessed
possessor order noted above. (The case marker -ra is similar to the postvocalic allomorph
of directional -ta in Awa Pit, cf. section 2.17.)
(269) ama t ushe quam-ra
there be house-L
He is there in the house. (Seler 1902: 61)
(270) tun kian-sa
front house-1P
in front of my house (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 517)
Cases of noun incorporation have been attested:
(271) nuts-tate-aja
carry-pole-1S.PL.IM
Let us carry poles! (Jij on y Caama no 1941: 481)
The genetic relations of the Esmeralde no language have been the object of some spec-
ulation. Seler (1902) suggested a relationship with the Yaruro linguistic isolate of the
Venezuelan lowlands, emphasising that the evidence was insufcient. This suggestion
was followed by Loukotka (1968), who brought both languages together in a Paleo
Chibchan branch within his Chibchan family. In 1941 Jij on y Caama no had already
compared Selers evidence and found no more than two good lexical look-alikes, uwi
water and taha foot (Yaruro ta), as well as a number of vaguely resembling lexical
pairs. Although Jij on y Caama no was seldom reluctant to accept highly controversial
proposals of cognation, he found the evidence too weak in this case. Instead, he com-
pared Esmeralde no words with their equivalents in Chibchan languages and a series of
Colombian and Ecuadorian languages which he thought related to Chibchan. A short
inspection of the proposed shared lexicon shows that the resemblances are convincing
only for so far as Cha

palaachi and Tsaki, the two Barbacoan neighbours of Esmer-

alde no, are concerned. The similarities with these languages, particularly with Tsaki,
are astonishing and indicate that intensive borrowing must have occurred. (A genetic
origin for these similarities is less likely because Esmeralde no is otherwise very different
from Barbacoan.) The shared lexicon mainly consists of plant and animal names, but it
also includes some basic lexicon (hand, rewood). In (272) a number of shared or
possibly related items in Esmeralde no and Tsaki are presented; the items in (273) are
found in the three languages.
160 2 The Chibcha Sphere
(272) Esmeralde no Tsaki
amane am an, amana now
bule bol gourd
di t ede hand [cf. Tsaki ned e foot]
duka du hill, mountain
kinke knki tick
matra m atara iguana
nata n a
h
ta shad (a sh: Sp. s abalo)
para p ara wild boar
pep-le pe
h
p e fan (for re)
vara b aro a bird of prey (Sp. gallinazo)
ware w alan macaw
(273) Esmeralde no Tsaki Cha

palaachi
chula ciwla cil
y
a pineapple
d o to tu earth
kuve kuw a kuwa cotton
muripe mol o mulu bean (Sp. frijol)
ta-p ake pa
h
k pahki bamboo species
(Sp. guadua)
piama pin pin
y
e snake
sheve s abe sabe rubber [cf. Spanish jebe]
walpa w alpa wal
y
apa chicken [Quechua wal
y
pa]
The word for bamboo ta-p ake is remarkable because it contains the classifying
prex for long objects in addition to a shared root. If the Esmeralde no word for tree
t a(k)te is analysed in the same way, its second element may be compared to te, which
means rewood in both Tsaki and Cha

palaachi. Conversely, the Esmeralde no word

for rewood chite can be compared to Tsaki cid e and Cha

palaachi ci wood, tree;

in addition, it contains an element te, which may be the same as the one found in
t a(k)te. Apart from the inevitable wal
y
pa, Quechua loans were almost non-existent in
Esmeralde no.
82
Of particular interest is the word sheve rubber, which is found as jebe
in modern Andean Spanish. The evidence seems to indicate that this very common word
was borrowed from an Ecuadorian coastal language, be it Esmeralde no or not.
The past linguistic contacts of Esmeralde no deserve more attention than they have
received so far, particularly, in the light of processes of creolisation. Given the historical
background, the possibility of African inuences should be taken into consideration.
82
Interestingly, all Quechua dialects north of Ca nar (as well as Awa Pit) have reexes of atal
y
pa
(< *atawal
y
pa) for chicken. The fact that the languages of the Ecuadorian Pacic area have
reexes of wal
y
pa suggests a different Quechua loan source.
2.20 The eastern Colombian lowlands 161
Finally, a few interesting lexical coincidences can still be mentioned, namely, the words
for re mu (cf. Culli mu) and to die uba (cf. Kams a -oba-na). Rivet (1942) mentions
a small number of lexical similarities with Yurumangu.
2.20 Overview of the languages of the eastern Colombian lowlands
In the northwest of South America, as well as further south, the contrast between the
Andean cordilleras and highlands and the eastern lowlands with their tropical climate
is no less than dramatic. Roughly speaking, this is reected in the distribution of ethnic
groups and languages as migrations tended to be conned to either one of the two regions.
In the eastern lowlands of Colombia, watered by the Amazon and Orinoco rivers and their
numerous tributaries, natural borders play a less important role than in the Andes, so that
long distance migrations were not unusual. As a result, many lowland languages belong
to families of considerable extension, and some individual languages are separated from
their closest relatives by a distance of thousands of kilometres. A striking example is
provided by a group of Cariban speakers which inhabited the department of Caquet a in
southeastern Colombia (now in Amazonas and Guaviare). The closest living relatives
of their language, called Carijona (also Guaque, Hianacoto or Umaua, possibly clan
names; cf. Durbin and Seijas 1973c), are the languages of the Trio and the Akuriyo in the
border region of Brazil and Surinam(Meira 2000). Nevertheless, it would be a mistake to
viewthe division between the Andes and the eastern lowlands as impermeable. It is likely
that groups of Andean origin were forced into the pre-Andean foothills and lowlands on
several occasions, and, vice versa, the occupation of Andean river valleys, such as the
Magdalena valley, by Amazonian peoples has been attested beyond reasonable doubt.
In the preceding sections we have discussed several lowland languages which appear
to have an Andean origin, namely, Uw Cuwa (section 2.10), Kams a (section 2.18), and
possibly Andaqu (section 2.16). One small family and an isolate, which are located
near the Andes without substantial eastward extensions, are further candidates for such
a background. Additional research is needed in order to establish their possible genetic
connections. The Betoi family (cf. Constenla Uma na 1991; Zamponi 1996) consisted of
several closely related languages or dialects (Airico, Betoi, Ele, Jirara, Lolaca, Situfa,
etc.), located in the Colombian departments of Arauca and Casanare and in the Venezue-
lan state of Apure. There is a small group of Spanish-speaking survivors. The Cof an
or A

i-ngae language is spoken by a strong ethnic group inhabiting a border area in the
western part of the Colombian department of Putumayo and the Ecuadorian province
of Sucumbos (Borman 1976; Constenla Uma na 1991). The Cof an number well over a
thousand, but their language still lacks a grammatical description.
A further linguistic isolate, located in the Sierra de la Macarena in the department of
Meta, is Tinigua (cf. Tobar Ortiz 2000). It is the last surviving language of a small family,
which further comprised Pamigua and Majigua. The language had long been considered
162 2 The Chibcha Sphere
lost until two aged speakers were discovered about 1990. According to tradition, the
Tinigua migrated into their present territory from the Yar river in the department of
Caquet a, where they were neighbours of the Huitotoan peoples until the beginning of
the twentieth century.
The Guahiboan language family is mainly conned to the savannah-like area known
as the Colombian llanos with extensions into neighbouring Venezuela. With more than
20,000 people the Guahibo or Sikuani are the largest native group in eastern Colom-
bia. Their territory covers most of the department of Vichada and parts of the depart-
ments of Arauca, Casanare, Guaina and Meta. Some 5,000 Sikuani live in Venezuela
(Ardila 2000). The Guahiboan family further includes three smaller languages: Cuiba,
Guayabero and Hitn u or Macaguane. Guayabero is the most divergent language with
respect to the other three; it is spoken along the Guaviare river in the departments of
Meta and Guaviare. Sikuani and Cuiba form a dialect continuum (Queixal os 1993). The
Guahiboan family has been strongly inuenced by neighbouring Arawakan languages.
However, a genetic relationship, as assumed by Loukotka (1968), is unlikely.
The Arawakan languages once had an important presence in eastern Colombia. The
Achagua people inhabited the Meta region in the Colombian llanos. A grammar and
vocabulary of the Achagua language was published during the colonial period (Neira
and Ribero 1762). Today a group of a few hundred speakers survive along the Meta
river, mainly between Puerto L opez and Puerto Gait an (department of Meta). Achagua
is closely related to Piapoco (c. 4,000 speakers). The Piapoco live near the banks of
the Guaviare and Meta rivers and in the area between these two rivers (departments of
Meta and Vichada). The extinct Maipure language of Vichada, known from colonial
documents, for a time gave its name to (part of) the Arawakan family (Payne 1993).
More Arawakan languages are found in the Amazonian southeastern part of Colombia.
The most important one from a numerical point of view is Curripaco in the department
of Guaina (7,000 speakers). In neighbouring Brazil this language is known as Baniva
do I cana. A related but distinct language is Baniva del Guaina (G omez-Imbert 2000;
Landaburu 2000b). It is closely related to the Yavitero language in Venezuela, which
has recently become extinct. Mosonyi (2000) notes specic lexical similarities between
BanivaYavitero and the Guajiro language (see section 2.12). The Cabiyar and Tariana
languages in the department of Vaup es (the latter mainly in Brazil) are surrounded by
Tucanoan languages and are subject to language shift. Yucuna is spoken in Amazonas
on the lower Caquet a. Finally, the language of the Resgaro, who were all but extermi-
nated during the rubber boom, was still spoken in the 1970s by individuals in a mixed
community of Bora and Huitoto in the PeruvianColombian border area (Allin 1976).
Two languages of the Saliban family, Piaroa and S aliba, are spoken in the northern
llanos of Colombia. They are clearly, though not closely related. The Piaroa, who live
in a border area in the department of Vichada, are much more numerous in Venezuela
2.20 The eastern Colombian lowlands 163
(c. 10,000). The S aliba colonised the valley of the Meta river during colonial times. Their
language acted as a general mediumof communication in the Jesuit missions of the Meta,
Orinoco and Vichada valleys during the seventeenth century (Triana y Antorveza 1987:
1723). A linguistic isolate of the Venezuelan llanos with occasional extensions into
Colombia is Yaruro or Pum e. Two other isolates from that area, Guamo and Otomaco,
have long been extinct.
The language family known as Mak uPuinave is found in the Amazonian southeast
(Guaina, Guaviare and Vaup es). The Puinave language, which has several thousand
speakers (mostly in Guaina), is mainly known from word lists (cf. Landaburu 1998).
The name Mak u is applied to a number of small tribes, some of which continue to
live in isolation. The Nukak of Guaviare are such a group. The speakers of Kakua and
Hupda (or Yuhupde) can be found in the Vaup es region, in an area mainly occupied by
Tucanoan peoples. The Kakua act as servants to several Tucanoan groups (Mel endez
Lozano 2000d). Martins and Martins (1999) consider Kakua and Nukak to be variants of
the same language. The HupdaYuhupde language extends into adjacent areas of Brazil.
The Mak uan languages are tonal. They have a system of contours of nasal consonants
which can be pre- and postoralised. This is reminiscent of the Ge languages in Brazil
(e.g. Kaingang) and the Harakmbut language in Peru, although there seem to be no
lexical correspondences.
The Tucanoan languages are spoken in a large discontinuous section of the Amazonian
region, extending from the foothills of the Andes well into Brazil. Traditionally, two
subfamilies are distinguished: Western Tucanoan and Eastern Tucanoan. Among the
Western Tucanoan languages Siona acquired the status of a lengua general during the
colonial period. It was used as a missionary language for the missions of the Putumayo
river (Triana and Antorveza 1987: 1712). Today only a few hundred speakers remain,
mainly on the Putumayo, where it forms the border between Colombia, Ecuador and
Peru. In addition to Siona, Wheeler (2000) lists the languages Angutero (or Pioje),
KoreguajeTama, Makaguaje, Orej on, Secoya (Ecuadorian and Peruvian varieties) and
Tetete as Western Tucanoan. All these languages are very closely related, and some
differ at the dialect rather than at language level. The Koreguaje and Tama together form
a somewhat divergent group and are difcult to separate linguistically. They occupy
areas on the Orteguaza and Cagu an rivers adjacent to the Upper Magdalena highlands
(see section 2.16), where many of them were transferred as workers during the colonial
period. Koreguaje is considered to be a tonal language (Rodrguez Gonz alez 2000).
The Eastern Tucanoan languages occupy a major portion of the department of Vaup es
and a small part of Amazonas. More groups are found in northwestern Brazil. A
unique feature of this area is that its population is almost entirely indigenous. Eastern
Tucanoan peoples are exogamic and marry outside their own ethnolinguistic group.
There has been extensive work on the Vaup es region with respect to language contact and
164 2 The Chibcha Sphere
multilingualism (Sorensen 1967, 1985; Jackson 1983; Aikhenvald 1999). In view of the
large number of tribal groups and names, there is some confusion regarding the ex-
act inventory of languages. Ardila (1993) and G omez-Imbert (2000) distinguish fteen
Eastern Tucanoan languages in Colombia: Bar a (or North Barasana), Barasana (or
Taiwano), Carapana, Cubeo, Desano, Guanano, Macuna, Piratapuyo, Pisamira, Siri-
ano, Tanimuca (or Letuama), Tatuyo, Tucano, Tuyuca and Yurut. With more than 6,000
speakers each (Arango and S anchez 1998), Cubeo and Tucano are the largest Tucanoan
languages; Pisamira has only a few dozen speakers. The Eastern Tucanoan languages
are typical Amazonian languages. They have contrastive tone, suprasegmental nasality
and elaborate nominal classier systems.
The Boran and the Huitotoan languages are spoken mainly in the Colombian depart-
ment of Amazonas, between the Caquet a and Putumayo rivers, and in adjacent parts of
Peru. They are now generally considered related (Aschmann 1993). A linguistic isolate
found in the same area is Andoque (on the Aduchi river near Araracuara on the Caquet a).
This region is the area most hit by the excesses of rubber exploitation at the beginning
of the twentieth century. It led the Andoque people to near extinction and decimated
the Bora and the Huitoto. The Boran group comprises the languages Bora, Mira na and
Muinane (Pati no Rosselli 2000). The Bora, the most numerous group, are mainly settled
in Peru. The Huitotoan group consists of the languages Huitoto, Nonuya and Ocaina (the
latter mainly in Peru). In Bora tonal contrast is exploited for the expression of grammat-
ical distinctions. Huitoto has several dialects (Mnka, Murui, Npode). All indigenous
languages of the area have rich systems of nominal classiers.
The Leticia triangle, a part of Colombian territory situated between the Putumayo and
the Amazon rivers, has speakers of Cocama, Ticuna and Yagua, three languages which
have their main population of users in the neighbouring countries (Brazil and Peru).
A virtually undocumented linguistic isolate is Yur (on the Pur e river in the Brazilian
Colombian border area of Amazonas). The language has long been considered extinct,
but there have been recent reports of speakers (Arango and S anchez 1998; Pati no Rosselli
2000).
The richest source of information on Colombian lowland languages is again Gonz alez
and Rodrguez (2000). In addition, there are grammatical studies of several individual
languages: Achagua (Mel endez Lozano 1989, 1998; Wilson 1992), Andoque (Land-
aburu 1979), Barasano (Jones and Jones 1991), Bora (Thiesen and Weber forthcom-
ing), Guayabero (Tobar Ortiz 1989), Sikuani (Queixal os 1985, 1998, 2000), Tanimuca
Retuar a (Strom1992), Tariana (Aikhenvald 2003), Tatuyo (G omez-Imbert 1982), Ticuna
(Montes Rodrguez 1995) and Yagua (Payne and Payne 1990).
3
The Inca Sphere
The term Inca Sphere is used to cover the area that falls within the limits of
Tahuantinsuyo, the Empire of the Four Quarters, at the moment of its greatest ex-
tension under the Inca ruler Huayna Capac (c. 1520). It roughly coincides with the
sphere of predominance of the Middle Andean civilisation before its destruction at the
hands of Spanish conquerors in 15324. Speaking in modern terms, and from north
to south, the Inca Sphere includes the Andean and Pacic regions of Ecuador, Peru,
Bolivia, northern Chile and northern Argentina. (The languages of the Pacic region
of northern Ecuador were discussed in chapter 2, whereas information on the Quechua
variety spoken in Colombia is found in the present chapter.)
As we have indicated in the introductory chapter, the Middle Andean civilisation did
not attain its greatest radiation until shortly before the European invasion. During the
Middle Formative (800400 BC) the predominance of Chavn de Hu antar as a centre
of cultural inuence remained conned to portions of what is now central and northern
Peru (Lumbreras 1974: 5793). The period between 100 BC and AD 600 was marked
by political disintegration, whereas the artistic production reached its highest peak in
the history of the area with the development of the regional cultures of Paracas, Nazca
and Mochica. After the decline of these local cultures, the inuence of Pachacamac,
situated just south of Lima at the mouth of the Lurn river, and Tiahuanaco on
the Bolivian altiplano became strongly felt throughout the area. The site of Huari
(AD 7001100), situated near Ayacucho in the mountains of central Peru, is thought
to have been the capital of an empire based on military conquest (Isbell and Schreiber
1978), an interpretation which is not universally accepted, however (Shady Sols 1988).
This imperial phase was followed by a further period of political disintegration, again
characterised by local cultural developments. Among them were the Chancay culture,
located in the lower valley of the Chancay river, north of Lima, and the Chim u king-
dom, a continuation of the earlier Mochica society with its capital at Chanch an near
present-day Trujillo.
The eventual unication of the entire Middle Andean area was achieved by the Inca
lords of Cuzco. Their conquests began in the early fteenth century and continued until
166 3 The Inca Sphere
C O L O M B I A
PASTO
ESMERALDEO
CARA
Quito
QUIJO
PANZALEO
PURUH
CAAR
PALTA
CHIRINO
MANTA
HUANCA-
VILCA
PUN
TALLN
SECHURA
OLMOS
Cajamarca
CULLI
MOCHICA
Trujillo
QUINGNAM
Malacato
Rabona, Bolona, Xiroa
Tabancale
Patagn
Scata
Bagua
Copalln
HIBITO
CHOLN
PANATAGUA
Lima
JAQARU
P E R U
Cuzco
CHIPAYA
ARGENTI NA
TONOCOT
Tucumn
LULE
ATACAMEO
HUMAHUACA
Potos
B O L I V I A
P
A
R
A
G
U
A
Y
URUGUAY
C
H
A
N
G
O
A
Y
M
A
R
A
U
R
U
C
O
L
I
P
U
Q
U
I N
A
C
H
I
L
E
D
I
A
G
U
I
T
A
A
Y
M
A
R
A
N
Q
U
E
C
H
U
A
I
I
Q
U
E
C
H
U
A
I
VENEZUELA
PANAMA
SURINAME
G
U
Y
A
N
A
C
A
M
P
A
C
E
S
C
H
O
N
O
CANELO
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Explanation of language names
indicated by numbers
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
C
H
A
C
H
A
M
a
ra
n

n
R
.
B R A Z I L
Map 3 The Inca Sphere: approximate distribution of indigenous languages in the sixteenth
century
3 The Inca Sphere 167
before the arrival of the Spanish invaders in 1532. Ecuador was one of the last areas
to be conquered. The Incas practised a policy of forced migration. Recently conquered
nations from the connes of the empire were replaced by loyal subjects from other
areas. The populations so established were called mitmaq in Quechua (in a Hispanicised
form mitimaes). Opinions differ over the importance which is attached to the effect of
the mitimaes upon the development of the native languages. Populations of outlying
areas, such as the Ca nar of the Ecuadorian inter-Andean valley (modern Azuay and
Ca nar) and the Chacha of the Chachapoyas region in the northeastern highlands of Peru,
were taken to the area surrounding Cuzco (Brundage 1967). So far, there have been no
reports of traces of their original languages that might have been preserved in Cuzco
Quechua.
Before he died in the town of Cajamarca, the Inca ruler Huayna Capac divided the
empire between his two sons. The northern part, with Quito as its capital, was given to
Atahuallpa, the son of an Ecuadorian mother of the Puruh a nation. Huascar, the ofcial
heir, received Cuzco and the south. The civil war that soon broke out between the two
brothers was to become a stroke of luck for the conqueror Francisco Pizarro, a native
of Trujillo in Extremadura, Spain. After a successful surprise attack, he imprisoned
Atahuallpa in Cajamarca and had himtried and executed on a dubious charge of treason.
In the meantime, from his prison, Atahuallpa himself had ordered the assassination
of his rival Huascar. The power vacuum that emerged from these events permitted the
Spaniards to gain control of the Incas subjects and territory in less than two years. It
meant the end of Andean civilisation as a separate entity and the beginning of profound
transformations, not least in the linguistic domain.
After Spanish power had become consolidated, the former Inca domain was ruled by
a viceroy, who kept his residence in Lima. The Indian population suffered a demographic
decline of dramatic proportions, which continued throughout most of the colonial period.
Three of the principal Andean languages, Quechua, Aymara and Puquina, acquired the
status of general languages (lenguas generales) to be used in the administration and for
religious purposes. Quechua, already an ofcial language during the nal period of Inca
administration, was by far the most important one, followed by Aymara. Puquina and a
score of other local languages gradually fell into disuse. The use of the great Andean
languages for purposes of religion and administration of justice was encouraged until
their interdiction by the Bourbon rulers in 1770 (Rivarola 1990: 108). Notwithstanding
a short revival of the Quechua language during the early times of independence at the
beginning of the nineteenth century, the prestige of the Andean languages declined
dramatically, and they gradually became conned to rural areas. However, in spite of
their low social appreciation, both Quechua and Aymara have preserved a substantial
number of speakers until today.
168 3 The Inca Sphere
3.1 The languages and their distribution
The present-day linguistic situation in the central Andes is dominated by the presence of
two native language families, Quechuan and Aymaran. As to genetic depth and the nature
of internal differentiation, they are comparable to the Romance or Slavic languages in
Europe. Historically and also numerically, Quechuan is by far the most important of
the two with an estimated number of speakers ranging between 8.5 million (Cerr on-
Palomino 1987a) and 10 million (Itier 1997). The number of Aymaran speakers has
been estimated between 2 and 3 million speakers (Briggs 1992).
1
In Andean everyday speech, the Quechuan family (locally called Quichua in Ecuador
and Argentina) is referred to as a language. Its numerous local varieties are traditionally
called dialects, although they may differ considerably. Speakers of different Quechua
dialects often have a difcult time understanding each other. If the dialects are not closely
related, there may be no mutual comprehension at all. Quechua speakers are strongly
aware of dialect differences which permit local groups to identify themselves as natives
of a particular village or area to the extent that quechua is often interpreted as a generic
term for any linguistic variety used by Indians, rather than as a language name (hence
expressions such as la quechua aymara referring to Aymara or varieties of Quechua
inuenced by Aymara). It will be shown that at least some of the linguistic diversity
within the Quechuan family is not recent and probably dates back to the beginning of
our era. Therefore, many linguists now prefer to speak of Quechuan languages, rather
than of Quechua dialects. The question remains: how many Quechuan languages are
there?
Even though Quechua is being pushed back by Spanish in many areas, some of
its major varieties, such as Ancash Quechua, Ayacucho Quechua, Bolivian Quechua,
Cuzco Quechua and Ecuadorian Quechua, are quite viable. In the Andean countries
Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru, Quechua is the main native language. Bilingual educa-
tion programmes and ofcial recognition, albeit half-hearted, have enhanced linguistic
awareness and provided a certain stimulus for the preservation of the language.
The area in which varieties of Quechua are spoken nowadays is not continuous and
has a protracted shape extending along the Andean cordilleras from the departments of
Caquet a, Nari no and Putumayo in southern Colombia to the province of Santiago del
Estero in the lowlands of northern Argentina. It also includes parts of the Ecuadorian and
Peruvian lowlands to the east of the Andes. In the Quechua-speaking areas of Argentina,
Bolivia, Colombia and Ecuador, the introduction of Quechua occurred at the cost of
local native languages. At several points, however, the Quechua linguistic domain is
1
Recent census data indicate that 8,000,000 is a more realistic gure for the number of Quechua
speakers (Chirinos Rivera 1998, 2001). For the number of Aymara speakers 2,000,000 is probably
close to reality.
3.1 The languages and their distribution 169
La Paz
Santiago
del Estero
ARGENTINA
PARAGUAY
C
H
I
L
E
Arequipa
COLOMBIA
Quito
ECUADOR
Cajamarca
Chiclayo
P E R U
Lima
Huancayo
Cuzco
Antofagasta
Santa Cruz
de la Sierra
BOLIVIA
B R A Z I L
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
9
10
11
Mara

n
R
.
Awa Pit
Cha'palaachi
Tsafiki
Mochica()
Pacaraos Quechua
Jaqaru and Cauqui
Callahuaya
Uchumataqu
Chipaya
Atacameo()
Quechua dialects of
Catamarca and La Rioja()
AYMARA
QUECHUA I
QUECHUA II
Aymara and Quechua II:
overlapping area
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
Explanation of
language names
indicated by numbers
8
Map 4 The Inca Sphere: approximate distribution of indigenous languages in the mid twentieth
century
170 3 The Inca Sphere
intersected by areas where other languages are predominant. One of these intermediate
areas, where Aymara is the main language, lies to the east and south of Lake Titicaca in
Bolivia and Peru. Another such area is situated in the northern Peruvian Andes (in the
departments of Amazonas, Cajamarca, La Libertad and Piura; in the province of Pallasca,
department of Ancash) and in the adjacent Andean region of Ecuador (province of Loja).
In this extensive area Quechua is present only locally, the predominant language now
being Spanish. It does not mean, however, that the area is less Indian than those where
Quechua is predominant.
2
The native languages of northern Peru, nowall extinct, showed
themselves resistant to the process of Quechuanisation. Instead, they directly gave way
to Spanish somewhere between the eighteenth and the twentieth centuries. The outlines
of their original distribution can be recovered through a study of the local toponymy (cf.
Adelaar 1999). In other areas, such as the highlands of Ecuador, northwestern Argentina
and much of Bolivia, Quechua did replace the local languages.
Aymaran, the second native language family in importance of the Inca Sphere region,
has been the subject of much terminological confusion. It has been known by two
different names, Jaqi and Aru. The term Jaqi, to be pronounced [h aqe], was introduced
by Hardman (see, for instance, Hardman 1978b). It has the meaning of man, human
being in the languages belonging to the family, and most US authors prefer it. The other
name, Aru, is from Torero (1970). It is the predominant term for language or speech
in the Aymaran languages and is used in Peru and in several European countries.
3
Our
choice of the term Aymaran family is inspired by the earlier tradition and by Cerr on-
Palomino (1993), who also points at a discrepancy in the terminology connected with
the two linguistic groupings. The internal differentiation of Quechuan is by no means
less important than that of Aymaran. Yet, Aymaran has been treated as a family (with
languages), whereas Quechuan is seen as a language (with dialects).
4
The Aymaran family has two living branches of unequal size. The southern branch
accounts for a large majority of the Aymaran speakers. It consists of the Aymara language
itself, which is distributed over three countries (Bolivia, Chile and Peru). The Aymara
linguistic area is situated along the shores of Lake Titicaca, except for its western end.
Away from the lake, the main extensions of Aymara are towards the south, southeast
2
The nineteenth-century geographer and naturalist Antonio Raimondi (cited in Alvarez-Brun
1970) used the absence of Quechua in the province of Pallasca, in contradistinction to its presence
in other Ancashino provinces further south, as a criterion for the non-Indian character and higher
level of culture of that area. This argument is still often heard in northern Peru.
3
Hardman (1978a, b) rejects the term Aru because it is often used for referring to the sound of
animals in the Aymara language.
4
We shall not followthe habit of referring to Jaqaru and Cauqui as Central Aimara or Tupino (Tupe)
Aimara, and to Aymara itself as Southern Aimara or Collavino Aimara (cf. Cerr on-Palomino
1995a: 104). To us, Aymara is a language within the Aymaran family. It does not include the
other varieties.
3.1 The languages and their distribution 171
and southwest. They include some areas which come close to the Pacic coast, in the
departments of Moquegua and Tacna in southern Peru, and in the region of Tarapac a in
northern Chile. In Bolivia, parts of the departments of Cochabamba, Oruro and Potos
are Aymara-speaking.
The northern branch of the Aymaran family is mainly conned to a number of villages
belonging to the municipality (distrito) of Tupe, situated in the province of Yauyos
(department of Lima, Peru). It comprises two linguistic varieties, Jaqaru and Cauqui.
Jaqaru is spoken by some 725 speakers in the villages of Tupe, Aiza and Colca, and in the
coastal localities to which Tupinos have migrated (Pozzi-Escot 1998).
5
Cauqui speakers
are found in the villages of Cachuy, Chavn and Canch an. Their number is estimated at
11 (in 1998). Cauqui is nearly undocumented.
Traditionally, the termCauqui has beenusedtorefer tothe northernbranchof Aymaran
in its totality (kawki means which place? in Aymaran). Locally, however, the use of the
term Cauqui as a name for the language appears to be restricted to the Cachuy variety
(Hardman 1966, 1983a). There have been conicting reports on whether or not Cauqui
constitutes a separate language. A comparison of the Cauqui and Jaqaru versions of
a quatrilingual text elaborated by Belleza, Ferrell and Huayhua (1992) suggests that
the differences do not exceed the level of mutual intelligibility. Therefore, Cauqui is
sometimes referred to as Jaqaru of Cachuy (e.g. in Belleza Castro 1995).
Historical sources, toponymy and loan words bear witness to the original extension of
the Aymaran languages. Their pre-Inca expansion must have been nearly as impressive
as that of Quechua during the colonial period. There is evidence of Aymaran presence
in most of what is now southern and central Peru and in all of the Bolivian highlands.
A document of 1600 for the instruction of Catholic priests, which was published by
Bouysse-Cassagne (1975), shows the predominant position of Aymara in Alto Per u
Upper Peru, as Andean Bolivia was then called.
Once the Aymaran languages occupied strongholds in what is now southern Peru and
Bolivia, they began to inuence the surrounding languages. Loan words in the Tacanan
languages of the Bolivian lowland forest region (Girard 1971; Fabre 1995) and in the
Mapuche language of Argentina and Chile showspecic Aymara inuence. The centre of
radiation for such inuence was clearly the Bolivian altiplano. The lending language was
Aymara, not (Proto-)Aymaran, which identies the process of borrowing as relatively
recent.
Numerically, the other native languages of the central Andean region are not nearly
as important as those belonging to the Quechuan and Aymaran families, and most of
them are extinct. In Ecuador, three languages of the Barbacoan family remain in use
5
Hardman (1983a) gives a number of 2,000 speakers for Jaqaru, including some 300 outside the
community.
172 3 The Inca Sphere
on the western side of the Pacic Andean range. There are hardly any data on the other
languages once spoken in that area, except for the extinct Esmeralde no or Atacame
language (see section 2.19).
The southern sector of the eastern slopes of the Ecuadorian Andes is inhabited by the
Jivaroan Shuar. The Shuar linguistic area is concentrated in the provinces of Zamora-
Chinchipe and Morona-Pastaza. Historically, Jivaroan-speaking groups may have inhab-
ited the province of Loja in the southernmost part of the inter-Andean valley (Gnerre
1975). Further north, the eastern slopes and rainforest are inhabited by speakers of
Quechua, which has replaced earlier local languages (languages of the Zaparoan family,
among others).
The original native languages of the Ecuadorian inter-Andean valley are all extinct.
Theyare alsovirtuallyundocumented, except for numerous place names anda fewlexical
items mentioned in Spanish colonial sources. Some more lexical items and possible
substratum elements can be found in the modern dialects which together constitute
Ecuadorian Highland Quechua. For the pre-Quechuan languages of highland Ecuador
Barbacoan and Mochica afnities have been proposed (except for Palta and Malacato,
which are usually assigned to the Jivaroan language family). The language of the Cara
in the northern section of the inter-Andean valley has been associated with Barbacoan,
those of the Ca nar and the Puruh a in its central part to Mochica. It is doubtful if the
scanty information on these languages will ever permit us to conrmany such proposals.
Much interpretation of the available linguistic data (mostly toponymy) is due to the work
of Jij on y Caama no (19405) and Paz y Mi no (193661).
The coast and mountains of northern Peru exhibited a mosaic of languages, which are
now all extinct or probably so. What remains is Quechua in those areas where it became
rmly rooted (near the town of Cajamarca and further north near Bambamarca; in a few
villages in the provinces of Chachapoyas and Luya in the department of Amazonas; and
in the area of Ca naris and Incahuasi in the interior highlands of the province of Ferre nafe,
department of Lambayeque). There is evidence that Quechua never became widespread
in the region. Early Spanish chroniclers, such as Garcilaso de la Vega (1609: Book 7,
chapter 3) conrm this (cf. Torero 1986).
The languages of northern Peru are somewhat better documented than those of the
Ecuadorian highlands. Best known is the Mochica language (also called Muchic or
Yunga) of the coastal region near Chiclayo. Mochica became extinct around the middle
of the twentieth century, although some individuals are said to remember words and
sentences. Arather substantial amount of premodern grammatical and lexical descriptive
material onthe Mochica language awaits updatingandreinterpretationina contemporary
framework (see section 3.4).
For the Culli language, formerly spoken in the extensive highland area between the
coastal town of Trujillo and the Mara n on river, and for the Sechura and Tall an languages
3.1 The languages and their distribution 173
of coastal Piura, short word lists are available (cf. Torero 1986; Adelaar 1988). Several
other extinct languages have been identied in the department of Cajamarca, mainly on
the basis of local toponymy (Torero 1989, 1993a). Although the nal disappearance of
these languages may have been relatively recent, most of them are not even known by
name, nor are they mentioned in any known historical documents.
A particularly complicated linguistic situation was once found along the tropical
banks of the Mara n on near Ja en and Bagua, as is shown in an anonymous document of
1570 entitled Relaci on de la tierra de Ja en (Rivet 1934; Torero 1993a). The presence
of the river and the moderate elevation of the Andes at this point constituted favourable
conditions for trade, which apparently had attracted populations from different parts
of the Amazon basin (including the Carib-speaking Patag on). The incursions of the
Jivaroan Aguaruna may have eliminated most of the small ethnic groups once living in
this region, who disappeared without leaving a trace.
The original language situation of the Andean highlands situated to the east of the
Mara n on is not clear. The people of the Chachapoyas region in the department of
Amazonas probably had a separate language, usually referred to as Chacha (Taylor
1990a). It may have extended as far south as Bolvar (formerly Cajamarquilla) in the de-
partment of La Libertad. Still further south, in the province of Pataz (La Libertad), there
is the possibility of the former presence of Hibito and Chol on speakers. The province
of Pataz harbours at least one Quechua-speaking community, La Maca na in the district
of Urpay (Vink 1982).
Along the coast of Peru, from the Trujillo region downward, at least one other non-
Quechuan language was spoken. Rivet (1949) called it Quingnam on the basis of a
mention by the Augustinian friar Calancha (1638). The view that Quingnam was a
separate language (and not a dialect of Mochica, for instance) long remained open to
doubt. It has lately received newsupport (Torero 1986). Judging fromthe absence of any
reference to Quingnam in the vocabularies included in Bishop Martnez Compa n ons
pictographic encyclopaedia of the region (Martnez Compa n on 1985 [178290]), it
appears that this language had already become lost from memory towards the end of
the eighteenth century. It may have extended as far south as Lima, where it would have
competed with the local Quechua and possibly with Aymaran.
Until the twentieth century, the highlands of central Peru have been the undisputed
domainof Quechua. It includes the Andeanparts of the departments of Ancash, Hu anuco,
Pasco and Junn. In the north of Ancash the boundary separating the province of Pallasca
from the rest of the department marks the division between the former Culli (now
Spanish-speaking) linguistic area and the area of Ancash Quechua.
The high mountain valleys of the department of Lima, which carry their waters to
the Pacic Ocean, have also been predominantly Quechua. Here, however, the inu-
ence of Aymaran languages is visible as well, both through borrowing and as a result
174 3 The Inca Sphere
of substratum. The northern branch of the Aymaran family is situated entirely in this
area, in the province of Yauyos. There have been reports dating from the beginning of
the twentieth century of Aymaran-speaking communities as far north as Canta in the
valley of Chill on (Hardman 1966). Sixteenth-century sources (Santo Tom as 1560a, b)
indicate that Quechua was the predominant language of the coastal plain of Lima, but
some Aymaran toponymy is suggestive of a more complex language situation. This ob-
servation also holds to a higher degree for the area of Huarochir and San Dami an de
Checas further inland. This area was the home of an early colonial manuscript written in
Quechua, attributed to the environment of the idolatry ghter Francisco de Avila (see sec-
tion 3.2.11). It depicts a situation in which both a local formof Quechua and an Aymaran
language seemto have coexisted. Cult terms, such as auquisna and chaycasna,
6
referring
to the celebrations dedicated to Pariacaca and Chaupi namca, the two main deities of the
Huarochir region, and the names of mythical heroes, such as Collquiri and Tutayquiri,
are either Aymaran, or have Aymaran endings. It suggests that an Aymaran language
was used for hieratic purposes. At present, Spanish is the dominant language in the area
of Huarochir. The Hispanicising inuence that radiates from the Lima agglomeration
is cornering the native languages in remote areas of the department of that name, such
as Cajatambo, Checras and Yauyos.
The southern Andes of Peru, also known as the trapecio andino (Andean trapezium),
are widely recognised as the most authentically Indian region of Peru. Its Quechua-
speaking area covers the Andean parts of the departments of Apurimac, Arequipa,
Ayacucho, Cuzco, Huancavelica and (very marginally) Ica. The greater part of the Puno
department and the province of S anchez Cerro in Moquegua are also Quechua-speaking.
Aymara is found in Puno (provinces of Huancan e, Chucuito and Juli), Moquegua
(province of Mariscal Nieto) and in the department of Tacna (province of Tarata).
Historical sources and toponymy point toward the presence of Aymaran languages
in most of the area of southern Peru that is now Quechua-speaking. In the Relaciones
geogr acas de Indias of 1586 (Jim enez de la Espada 1965) these languages are referred
to as hahuasimi (Quechua hawa simi outer languages). The name suggests that this
category included languages of different afliations. However, lexical clues provided by
the same source have permitted the identication of at least some of these languages as
members of the Aymaran family (Torero 1970).
In his description of the customs of different populations living in the former Inca em-
pire, the chronicler Guaman Poma de Ayala (1615) indicates that an Aymaran language
was spoken not only in the region situated to the southeast of Cuzco (in the Collasuyo
administrative quarter), but also southwest of the Inca capital (in the Cuntisuyo adminis-
trative quarter). Among other areas, he may have referred to Collaguas, which coincides
6
Probably from Aymaran *awki-s(a)-na of our father and * c
.
ayka-s(a)-na of our mother.
3.1 The languages and their distribution 175
with the higher reaches of the Colca river basin in the department of Arequipa, once
a stronghold of the Aymara nation, but entirely Quechuanised today. For a critical as-
sessment of the sources from which our knowledge of the colonial language situation in
southern Peru was derived, as well as the way they have been interpreted, see Mannheim
(1991: 437, 24950).
In the southernmost part of the Peruvian Andes and on the coast there is again evidence
of languages that were neither Quechuan nor Aymaran. Historically, the most widespread
of these languages was Puquina. The classication of the Puquina language as a general
language during the early colonial period is somewhat surprising in view of its rapid
extinction and the relatively poor state of its documentation. Concentrations of Puquina
toponymy are found in the area between the town of Arequipa and the PeruvianChilean
border, along the western and northern shores of Lake Titicaca and on some of its islands
(Taquile, Amantan). The peninsula of Capachica and the neighbouring village of Coata
at the western extremity of the lake were among the last strongholds of Puquina. The
so-called Coli language of the Moquegua region (Julien 1979) may have been a dialect
of Puquina or a language related to it. Puquina contains quite a fewQuechua borrowings,
but it does not share the extreme lexical and typological coincidence of the Quechuan and
Aymaran families. Its pronominal system is suggestive of a genetic connection with the
Arawakan language family of the Amazonian lowlands. Some of the Puquina lexicon, or
rather, that of one of its dialects (cf. Torero 1987), survives in the Callahuaya language,
a professional language used by traditional healers of the area of Charazani in Bolivia.
Alongside Puquina, there is the UruChipaya or Uruquilla language family (Torero
1987, 1992). Following de Cr equi-Montfort and Rivet (19257), several authors
(Kingsley Noble 1965; Greenberg 1987) have failed to distinguish between the Uru
Chipaya family and Puquina (see section 1.7). This misunderstanding is partly due to
the fact that one of the UruChipaya-speaking groups, the Chipaya, have been known
to refer to themselves as Puquina or Buquina (Olson 1964; Wachtel 1990: 6078).
However, there is unequivocal evidence that two separate families exist, for which we
shall maintain the usual denominations Puquina and UruChipaya. The UruChipaya-
speaking people stood apart, culturally and economically, from the sedentary Aymara
population that surrounded them. They used to make a living off the lakes by shing,
hunting and processing totora-reed. The social and religious characteristics of the Uru
Chipaya people were those of outsiders with respect to Andean society, although the
Chipaya adopted the agriculture-based way of life of their Aymara neighbours. So far,
three UruChipaya languages have been identied: Chipaya, spoken in an altiplano
village near the Chilean border in the department of La Paz, Bolivia; Uru of Iruitu,
spoken in a Bolivian community near the place where the Desaguadero river reaches the
southern shore of Lake Titicaca; and Uru of Chimu, formerly spoken in a lake-shore
township near Ichu, east of Puno (Peru).
176 3 The Inca Sphere
The Andean region of Bolivia is divided between Quechua and Aymara-speaking
areas. The distribution of the two languages exhibits a complicated pattern because the
linguistic boundary is not clear-cut everywhere (Hos okawa 1980; Alb o 1995). Aymara
is the predominant language in most of the departments of La Paz and Oruro. The area
of La Paz situated north of Lake Titicaca is shared by Quechua and Aymara speakers. A
similar situation prevails in the protruding northern sector of the department of Potos
(norte de Potos). There are also Aymara-speaking communities in the department of
Cochabamba. Quechua has an even wider distribution in Bolivia than Aymara. It is
spoken in most of Cochabamba, Potos and Sucre, and in substantial areas of La Paz.
The region of Tarija in the south has become Hispanicised.
Virtually nothing is known about the languages that may have been spoken in the
Bolivian highlands before Aymara and Quechua became the main languages there. The
names of local ethnic groups, such as the Lpez and the Chicha, were preserved, but
they have not been associated with any particular non-Quechuan or non-Aymaran lan-
guage. The reason for our ignorance is that the Bolivian highlands probably became
Aymaranised several centuries before the expansion of the Incas began. In some lo-
cations, there were pockets of Puquina and Uruquilla (UruChipaya) speakers outside
their traditional habitat. They may have been the result of mitimaes-like migrations.
However, the presence around 1600 of alleged Uruquilla speakers in the remote Lpez
region in the western part of the department of Potos (Bouysse-Cassagne 1975) points
towards the survival of a local language which may or may not have been UruChipaya.
Both Ibarra Grasso (1958) and Loukotka (1968) mention the existence of Atacame no
(Kunza) speakers in the southwestern corner of Bolivia, a claim that has not so far been
corroborated. A former extension of the Atacame no language into the area of Lpez
nds some support in the local toponymy.
In northern Chile, parts of the coastal strip in the regions of Antofagasta and Tarapac a
were inhabited by the Chango people, who lived fromthe sea and, according to tradition,
entertained a social relationship with the Uru on the altiplano (Wachtel 1990). Some
words recorded by Bresson in 1875 from Chango established near the town of Paposo
could easily be identied as pertaining to the Araucanian language of central and south-
ern Chile (dAns 1977). Nothing is known about the original language of the Chango,
who reportedly became extinct as a result of a tidal wave. It is possible that the Chango
adopted the Araucanian language in their contacts with Chilean shermen further
south.
The Chilean province of Antofagasta belonged to Bolivia until the Nitrate War of
the 1870s. In its higher Andean parts, Quechua coexisted with the local Atacame no
language, equally known as Kunza or Lican Antai. Atacame no was already mori-
bund at the end of the nineteenth century. The language is almost certainly extinct
now, but its memory is kept alive by the local descendants of its speakers. The
3.1 The languages and their distribution 177
Atacame no lexicon is relatively well documented, but a grammatical description of
the language is sadly lacking. The extent to which Quechua is spoken in the region
in question has not been fully investigated. There have also been rumours of Quechua
speakers in the ChileanArgentinian border region much further south (province of
Atacama).
Like most of the Bolivian highlands, northwestern Argentina adopted the Quechua
language. It survives in two distinct non-contiguous areas: the lowland province of
Santiago del Estero and the western, cordilleran part of the provinces of Jujuy and
(probably) Salta. According to de Granda (1993), the autochtonous population of Jujuy
and Salta became fully Hispanicised. He attributes the presence of Quechua speakers in
that area to secondary migrations from Bolivia. Santiague no Quechua is now the most
thriving Quechua dialect in Argentina. Its survival is an interesting case, because the
province of Santiago del Estero never seems to have been dominated by the Incas. It
appears that Spanish colonial presence in the Santiago region was initially represented
by Quechua-speaking Indians originally fromdifferent parts of the former empire (Bravo
1993). For a while, Quechua was used throughout the northwest of Argentina, in the
present-day provinces of Catamarca, Jujuy, La Rioja, Salta, Santiago del Estero and
Tucum an, where it partly replaced the local languages Kak an and Tonocot e. In Catamarca
and La Rioja, a Quechua dialect (locally called Quichua) survived at least until the rst
decades of the twentieth century (Nardi 1962), and may still be spoken locally. In central
Argentina, Quechua inuence extended as far south as C ordoba during the colonial
period.
The presence of the pre-Quechuan languages of northwestern Argentina is more
clearly delineated than that of Bolivia. Aymara speakers are mentioned by most authors
dealing with the language situation in the departments of Jujuy and Salta (e.g. Klein
1985: 706). However, since no exact locations are indicated, one may ask the ques-
tion whether the alleged Aymara speakers are indigenous to the area. In the Andean
region of northwestern Argentina, Diaguita (Kak an) was probably the non-Quechuan
language with the widest extension. The Diaguita linguistic area, which included parts
of Catamarca, La Rioja, Salta, Santiago del Estero and Tucum an also extended into
northern Chile, lling the intermediate area between the oases of the Atacama desert
and the Araucanian domain. Nevertheless, Spanish explorers found considerable lin-
guistic variety on their journey southward through northern Chile. They also report that,
as soon as the area of present-day Santiago in central Chile was reached, the natives all
spoke one language: Araucanian.
The Diaguita language did not cover all of what is now northwestern Argentina.
The inuence of Atacame no extended onto the high plain (puna) of western Jujuy and
Salta. The valley of Humahuaca in the centre of Jujuy province probably had its own
language. In the provinces of Tucum an and Santiago del Estero the Diaguita shared the
178 3 The Inca Sphere
area with the Tonocot e, who were under pressure from the nomadic Lule. As it appears,
Lule was remotely related to the Vilela language of the Bermejo river basin further
east, now remembered by only a handful of speakers in the province of Chaco (Lozano
1977). The native population of Santiago del Estero was referred to as the Jur, an ethnic
group whose linguistic afliation has not been determined. Probably, it was a cover
term for both the Lule and the Tonocot e, as the distinction between these groups was
gradually lost in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The phonological substratum
that can be discerned in Santiague no Quechua may be attributed to the Diaguita (Nardi
1979), but it is also reminiscent of the Guaicuruan languages and Vilela for its uvular
obstruents.
A section about the distribution of the languages of the central Andes cannot be con-
cluded without mentioning the one language that is difcult to locate on a conventional
language map. The Inca rulers and the members of their extended family are said to
have used a private or secret language (lengua particular) to which the subjects of their
empire had no access. Its existence is mentioned by Garcilaso de la Vega (1609) and
Cobo (1653), among others. Cerr on-Palomino (1998) analyses a number of lexical items
reported by Garcilaso to belong to this language. They are mainly personal names, titles
and place names, for which Garcilaso could nd no ready explanation within his native
Quechua. In one case Garcilaso de la Vega (Book 2, chapter 11) offers a translation when
he says that Cuzco (qusqu), the name of the Inca capital, meant navel of the earth in the
secret Inca language (although this explanation is not generally accepted). In connec-
tion with most of Garcilasos examples Cerr on-Palomino concludes that a Quechua or
Aymara etymology remains the most likely option. Cobos contribution to the problem
(Book 12, chapter 3) is signicant because he transmits the words of a direct descendant
of the Inca family, who reports that the secret language of the Inca was spoken by the
Indians of Pacaritambo, the mythical place of origin of the Inca clan west of Cuzco
(cf. Cerr on-Palomino 1998: 41718).
There have been many efforts to connect the language of the Incas with Quechua, or
with Aymara, or with Puquina, in spite of the fact that all three languages were widely
used in the empire, and none of them seemed t to act as a secret language. Of course,
the secret language may have been a divergent dialect of one of these languages. The
publication of a complete version of the chronicle of Juan de Betanzos (1551 [1987])
has provided new fuel to the discussion. It contains the text (with a translation) of an
Inca song commemorating a victory of the Incas over the Sora people in the southern
part of the present-day department of Ayacucho. This very short and cryptic text has
been interpreted as Puquina by Szemi nski (1990), as Aymaran by Torero (1994a), and
as Aymaran with Puquina elements by Cerr on-Palomino (1998). The latter author refers
to a statement by the chronicler Mur ua (1613) that the secret language of the Incas was
neither Quechua nor Aymara.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 179
3.2 The Quechuan language family
In the late 1520s, when reconnoitring the coast of Ecuador and northern Peru, Francisco
Pizarro and his men set foot in the Inca city of T umbez. The Spaniards, whom the
Indians called Viracochas (wiraqu ca) after one of their principal gods, were pleased
to nd a relatively easy language that could serve as a means of communication almost
everywhere in the new land they had decided to penetrate. Betanzos, who was one of the
rst Spaniards towrite about the events accompanyingthe destructionof the Inca dynasty,
reports that local natives, mostly Tall an Indians, were trained in Spanish during those
rst years in order to serve as interpreters for the newly discovered language (Betanzos
1987: 269). Most notorious among them, a certain Felipillo, became instrumental in the
process and subsequent execution of the Inca Atahuallpa, reportedly because he had
taken an interest in one of the emperors wives and feared the consequences of that
relationship (Hemming 1973: 82, 558; Betanzos 1987: 2845).
At rst, the language of the Inca administration was referred to as the General
Language of the Inca (la lengua general del Inga). The Santo Tom as grammar of 1560
(see section 3.2.4) is said to contain the rst mention of the name Quechua in print
(Cerr on-Palomino 1987a: 32). There are no indications that the term was already in use
before the Spanish invasion, but neither is there any reason to assume that Santo Tom as
would have been the inventor of it. Actually, he wrote Quichua, a spelling that may have
reected the pronunciation used in the Lima region.
The name Quechua was possibly derived froma native termreferring to the temperate
altitude zone roughly situated between 2,500 and 3,500 metres and to its inhabitants
(*qi c
.
wa, modern Cuzco Quechua q
h
iswa).
7
The initial consonant q of this word, a
uvular stop or fricative, triggers the lowering of the adjacent high vowel i to a mid [e].
Hence Quechua instead of Quichua. At present, the name of the language is no longer
associated with the climatic term(if ever it was). In most Quechua dialects the language is
referred to as ki cwa, whereas Spanish speakers say either Quechua [k e cuwa], in Peru and
Bolivia, or Quichua [k cuwa], in Ecuador and Argentina. Another term for the Quechua
language which seems to have emerged during the colonial epoch is runa simi language
of man/people (with as dialectal variants nuna simi in central Peru and runa simi in
Ecuador). Further discussion of the origin of the names for the Quechua language can
be found in Cerr on-Palomino (1987a: 317) and in Mannheim (1991: 69).
Modern denominations meant to designate specic Quechua dialects are Huanca for
the dialects of the HuancayoJauja area in the department of Junn in central Peru, Inga
7
There is an alternative explanation. The chronicler Cieza de Le on (1553: Part I, chapter 90)
informs us about an ethnic group called the Quichua, who were established in the present-day
department of Apurimac. Garcilaso de la Vega (1609: Book III, chapters 11 and 12) refers to
them as Quechua and situates them in the northeastern part of Apurimac. Neighbours of the
Quichua/Quechua were the Aimara, who probably gave their name to the Aymara language.
180 3 The Inca Sphere
or Ingano for the dialect of Caquet a and Nari no in Colombia, and Cuzco for the dialect
of Santiago del Estero in Argentina
8
. In Ecuador we also nd inga simi Inca language
and yanga simi useless language. Most other dialects are referred to in the linguistic
literature by means of a geographic epithet, such as the name of a town, a province or a
country (Cuzco Quechua, Ancash Quechua, Bolivian Quechua, etc.). In the present-day
Andean society it is a common practice to refer to speakers of the different Quechua
dialects as if they were all speakers of the same language.
The picture of the complex Quechua dialect situation that emerged from system-
atic eld research conducted in the course of the twentieth century was primarily a
static one. The dialects were identied with agrarian regions, provinces or even single
communities. They were linked to a clear and specic geographic context. However
authentic such a geographic constellation may have seemed, it was itself the product
of poorly documented demographic developments, migrations, language shift, failed
attempts at linguistic unication and centrifugal tendencies intended to reinforce local
identity. Little is known about the antiquity of the events that led to the existence of
the modern Quechua dialects. Reconstructed chronologies of phonological changes are
mostly relative, seldom absolute. Only a relatively well-documented dialect, such as
Cuzco Quechua, can be followed in its historical development over the last 450 years
(see Mannheim 1991).
3.2.1 The Quechua homeland
For a long time linguists and historians were misled in their search for the original
homelandof Quechua. Until the 1960s, it was usual toassociate the spreadof the Quechua
language with the military expansion of the Incas. The Quechua homeland was thought
to have been situated in the immediate neighbourhood of the Inca capital Cuzco, a view
reected in the work of Mason (1950), Rowe (1950b), McQuown (1955) and Loukotka
(1968). McQuown lists the names of scores of undocumented languages (mostly names
of towns or traditional administrative divisions) intended to ll the alleged vacuum of
what was to become the Quechua linguistic domain. The language map accompanying
Loukotkas classication of the languages of South America (Loukotka 1968) shows
the Quechua homeland as a small patch of land extending westward from Cuzco. The
remainder of the Quechua-speaking areas, considered to be a linguistic terra incognita,
are indicated in white.
The above view was motivated, in particular, by statements of early colonial chroni-
clers emphasising the situation of prevailing multilingualism in the former Inca empire.
Garcilaso de la Vega (1609: Book 7, chapter 3) explicitly refers to Quechua as the
court language of Cuzco, which at the time of the Inca rulers was used as a general
8
The speakers of Santiago del Estero (Santiague no) Quechua are called cuzqueros.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 181
language from Quito to the kingdoms of Chile and Tucum an. According to Garcilaso,
the Incas imposed it on their subjects, who originally spoke a multitude of languages
(each province has its own language different from the others). The impressions of
the Spanish and indigenous chroniclers, who were witnesses of Inca society before it
became radically reorganised as a result of colonial rule, are not to be dismissed lightly.
The issue is how to interpret their statements. The alleged multilingualism can bear on
the coexistence of several languages, but also on the dialectal fragmentation within a
language. In the case of the former Inca empire it seems to point at the internal frag-
mentation of Quechuan and Aymaran, alongside the existence of several unrelated local
languages.
Even during the colonial period there was a certain awareness of the dialectal dif-
ferences within the Quechua linguistic domain. Some of it is already reected in Santo
Tom ass grammar and dictionary of 1560 (see section 3.2.4). In 1571 Pedro Pizarro
(1986: 75) wrote that the language spoken by the Xauxas and Guancas (the modern
Huanca dialects of Jauja and Huancayo) differed from standard general Quechua as
does the language of the Portuguese from that of the Castilians (cf. Torero 1974: 144).
In 1700 Juan de Figueredo published a vocabulary of what he called the Chinchaisuyo
language, a sort of collective term for the Quechua dialects of central and northern
Peru. The name Chinchaisuyo referred to the northern administrative quarter of the Inca
empire.
The importance of the central and northern Peruvian Quechua dialects for the recon-
struction of the linguistic past of the central Andes became apparent after the publication
of an article by Ferrario (1956). Soon, the Quechua dialect situation became a major topic
of interest for linguists concerned with that language. Two pioneering studies (Parker
1963; Torero 1964) provided a classication of the principal varieties of Quechua on
the basis of genetic principles. What emerged was a two-fold division of the Quechua
dialect complex, reecting a case of genetic branching of much greater antiquity than
the Inca expansion. Central Peru, particularly the valleys carrying the headwaters of the
Andean rivers on the Pacic side of the continental divide in the present-day department
of Lima, turned out to exhibit the greatest dialectal complexity. On this basis, Torero
(1970: 248) identied the coast and sierra of central Peru as the homeland of Proto-
Quechua. Initially, he dated the rst split and expansion of Quechuan some time before
AD 880 on lexico-statistic grounds. In Torero (1984: 3823), however, he considered
an earlier period for the rst expansion of Quechuan, during the rst half of the rst
millennium, as more realistic.
The traditional indigenista ideology advocated by the Cuzco Language Academy
(Academia de la lengua quechua) considers the Cuzco variety of Quechua as the pure
and legitimate heir of the Inca language (quechua legtimo). In that perspective, the other
Quechua dialects are thought to be degenerate or mixed with Spanish, a viewthat has
182 3 The Inca Sphere
its roots in the colonial period. Since Cuzco was the home of many descendants of the
Inca nobility, it acted as a stronghold of Inca tradition opposed to the growing cultural
inuence emanating from Lima, the Ciudad de los Reyes City of the Magi, the seat
of the Spanish viceroy. Not surprisingly, Cuzco Quechua gradually became a symbol
of Andean identity, as the Quechua standard language or lengua general (see section
3.2.2) fell into disuse. The alleged superiority of Cuzco Quechua is one of the factors
that seriously hampered the identication of the Quechua homeland.
Alternative hypotheses for an original Quechua homeland in the eastern forest areas
were proposed by Lathrap (1970: 1769) and by Stark (1985a). Neither one of these
proposals has the potential of explaining the complex dialect situation that exists in the
Quechua-speaking regions of the Peruvian Andes. For a more detailed discussion see
Hartmann (1979: 2879) and Cerr on-Palomino (1987a: 33641).
3.2.2 Historical overview of the colonial period
The language of the Inca administration at the arrival of the Spaniards was a variety
of Quechua. Little is known about the exact nature of the Inca language and its degree
of unication. One of its characteristics appears to have been the voicing of stops after
nasals. This is attested by the shape of some of the earliest loan words which found their
way from Quechua into Spanish, e.g. c ondor condor, tambo halting-place, inn,
Inga Inca and huaranga a thousand men (administrative unit). Voicing of this sort
is now mainly found in Colombia, in Ecuador and in the northern Peruvian Quechua
dialects of Cajamarca, Chachapoyas (Amazonas), Ferre nafe (Lambayeque) and Lamas
(San Martn). Voicing of stops after nasals was also a feature of the Quechua spoken
in the sixteenth century on the central coast of Peru near Lima (cf. Cerr on-Palomino
1990). The latter may have been fully or nearly identical to the Inca general language.
Shortly after the Spanish authority in Peru became rmly established, a debate arose
about whether the indigenous languages constituted acceptable tools for evangelisation.
Although the Indian population had diminished severely as a result of civil war and
epidemics, the Spaniards in Peru, still no more than a handful, were overwhelmingly
outnumbered. There was no question of using Spanish in contacts with the Indians, a
language which only very few of them could understand. Catholic priests and members
of religious congregations in the newly conquered territories, many of whom knew
Quechua well, spoke strongly in favour of using Quechua in the propagation of the
Catholic faith. Their pleadings convinced the Spanish king Philip II (cf. Rivarola 1990:
134).
An important landmark in the history of Quechua was the Third Lima Council (Tercer
Concilio Limense) of 1583, where it was decided to translate the religious texts referred
to as Doctrina christiana y catecismo para instrucci on de los indios (Christian doctrine
and catechism for the instruction of the Indians) into Quechua and Aymara (Ricardo
3.2 The Quechuan language family 183
1584). A committee in charge of the translation selected the Quechua orthography and
vocabulary to be used. It created a new standardised form of Quechua, in which certain
phonetic complications of the southern Peruvian dialects were disregarded in order to
gain a wider acceptance (Mannheim 1991: 142). As a result, the difference between the
velar and uvular stops was ignored, a procedure which is in line with the loss of that
distinction in the Ecuadorian branch of Quechua and in some of the northern Peruvian
dialects. The resulting standard language appears to have been in use well into the
seventeenth century (Itier 1991).
Gradually, however, the use of this Quechua lengua general as a countrywide vehicle
of communication became obsolete. Cuzco Quechua emerged as the most successful
local variety. It is exemplied by a substantial dramatic literature (see section 3.2.11).
The Quechua renaissance was supported mainly by the descendants of the Inca nobility,
established in the Cuzco region, and by the local clergy. It received a fatal blow at the
end of the colonial period, in 178081, when Jos e Gabriel Tupac Amaru, an alleged
descendant of the Inca dynasty, and other Indian leaders rose against the Spaniards. The
suppression of the rebellion and the execution of its leaders was followed by an active
policy directed against the position of Quechua and other Indian languages fromthe side
of the colonial rulers (Mannheim 1991: 746).
The abolition of Quechua ofcial use at the end of the eighteenth century was the
result partly of efforts to suppress upcoming nationalist sentiments, and partly of the
centralist ideology favoured by the Bourbon administration in Madrid. Its representatives
were reluctant to maintain traditional privileges and customs. National independence of
the Andean republics soon followed, but it was brought about by a military campaign
headed by two non-Indian leaders, Sim on Bolvar and Jos e de San Martn (although the
latter had partly Indian roots). The Indian population, having lost the initiative and its
leadership thirty years earlier, played practically no part in the independence movement
and showed itself unable to take advantage of it. Whatever protection the Indians and their
culture may have received from the Spanish colonial system, most of it was lost once the
Andean nations were independent. The role of Quechua as a means of communication
fell back to local purposes, its prestige lower than it had ever been before.
In their national aspirations, the independent Andean states followed the European
model. Spanish became the sole ofcial language and a cornerstone of national identity
and cohesion. In many areas Quechua began to give way to Spanish. There was no room
any longer for either linguistic or cultural diversity. However, a reappraisal of native
values was to be achieved gradually during the twentieth century (see section 3.2.12).
3.2.3 Dialect situation
As a result of descriptive work carried out since the late 1960s, dialectal diversity
within the Quechua linguistic domain is particularly well documented. It is a eld of great
184 3 The Inca Sphere
LORETO
UCAYALI
PASCO
San Pedro de Cajas
Tarma
Jauja
Concepcin
APURIMAC
J U N N
MADRE DE DIOS
Apolo
Coata
Cuenca
Saraguro
Lamas
SAN MARTN
Caaris
IMBABURA
Quito
COTOPAXI
Salasaca
CHIMBORAZO
CAAR
LAMBAYEQUE
LA LIBERTAD
Pallasca
ANCASH
Cajatambo
Paccho
Pacaraos
Laraos
Yauyos C
U
Z
C
O
P UNO
AREQUI PA
M
O
Q
U
E
G
U
A
TACNA
A
Y
A
C
U
C
H
O
I CA
A
M
A
Z
O
N
A
S
C
A
J
A
M
A
R
C
A
Piura
HUNUCO
LIMA
H
U
A
N
C
A
V
E
L
I
C
A
COLOMBIA
E C U A D O R
P E R U
B R A Z I L
CHI LE
B
O
L
I
V
I
A
Tumbez
Chiclayo
Cajamarca
Trujillo
Chachapoyas
Moyobamba
Pucallpa
Huaraz
Lima
Cuzco
Pto. Maldonado
Arequipa
Tacna
Puno
Moquegua
Abancay
Ayacucho
Ica
Huancavelica
Huancayo
C
hongos Bajo
Cerro de Pasco
Hunuco
Iquitos
PIURA
TUMBEZ
Ayacucho
Cuzco
Collao (Puno)
Northern Bolivian (Apolo)
Quechua IIC:
Ecuadorian Quechua
(Highlands and Oriente)
Chachapoyas
San Martn (Lamas)
Quechua IIB:
Huaylas-Conchucos
Alto Pativilca
Alto Maran
Alto Huallaga
Yaru
Jauja-Huanca
Huangscar-Topar
Quechua I:
Quechua IIA:
Ferreafe (Caaris)
Cajamarca
Lincha
Map 5 Approximate distribution of Quechua dialects in Peru and adjacent areas
3.2 The Quechuan language family 185
theoretical interest, due to the complex character of the phonological and morphological
facts and the often subtle formal and semantic shifts that separate the numerous dialects.
Dialect differences appear to function as markers of local or regional identity.
From a genetic and classicatory point of view, the Quechua dialects must be divided
into two main branches. One of them has been termed Quechua B (in Parker 1963),
Quechua I (in Torero 1964), or Central Quechua (Mannheim 1985a, Landerman 1994).
It occupies a compact and continuous area in the central Peruvian highlands, including
the Andean parts of the departments of Ancash, Hu anuco, Junn and Pasco (with the
exception of the province of Pallasca in northern Ancash), some of the Andean parts of
the department of Lima and a few districts in the departments of Huancavelica, Ica and
La Libertad.
Quechua B or I constitutes a heavily fragmented dialect complex with a number of
clear common features. A more rened subdivision into ve subgroups is proposed in
Torero (1974). These subgroups are the following:
a. HuaylasConchucos consists of the Quechua-speaking areas of Ancash,
except for the province of Bolognesi in the south; it also includes the
provinces of Mara n on and Huamales in the north of the department of
Hu anuco and a small Quechua-speaking pocket near Urpay in the depart-
ment of La Libertad.
b. Alto PativilcaAlto Mara n onAlto Huallaga includes the remainder of the
Quechua-speaking area of the department of Hu anuco; the province of
Bolognesi in Ancash; and a part of the province of Cajatambo, as well
as the district of Ambar (province of Huaura), both in the department of
Lima.
c. Yaru includes the Andean sector of the department of Pasco; the northern
sector of the Quechua-speaking area in the department of Junn (provinces
of Junn, Yauli and Tarma); parts of the provinces of Cajatambo, Huaura
and Oy on in the department of Lima; the districts Alis and Tomas in the
province of Yauyos, also in the department of Lima.
d. JaujaHuanca includes the remainder of the Quechua-speaking area of
Junn; and the district of Cacra in the province of Yauyos (Lima).
e. Huang ascarTopar a includes the districts of Huang ascar, Chocos and
Az angaro in the province of Yauyos (Lima); the district Chavn de Topar a
in the province of Chincha (Ica); the districts of Tantar a, Aurahu a and
Arma in the province of Castrovirreyna (Huancavelica).
The second branch, Quechua Aor II, has a much wider extension and comprises all the
remaining varieties of Quechua located both to the north and to the south of the central
Peruvian dialect area. It also includes the Quechua dialects spoken in the Amazonian
lowlands to the east of the Andean cordilleras and, most probably, the Quechua dialect(s)
186 3 The Inca Sphere
once spoken on the central Peruvian coast between Huaura and Ca nete. The different
general languages all belonged to this group.
Speaking in general terms, the twofold classications originally proposed by Parker
and Torero are almost identical. However, Toreros classication includes a further
subdivision of Quechua II into the three subgroups Quechua IIA, Quechua IIB and
Quechua IIC.
9
Although very closely related, both Quechua IIB and Quechua IIC ex-
hibit distinct characteristics that make it possible to decide whether a particular dialect
is to be included or not in either subgroup. The case of Quechua IIA is more problem-
atic. It was meant to include two dialect areas in northern Peru in the departments of
Cajamarca (provinces of Cajamarca and Bambamarca) and Lambayeque (mainly in the
districts of Ca naris and Incahuasi in the cordilleran sector of the province of Ferre nafe),
as well as a number of village dialects in the department of Lima in central Peru. These
are the dialects of Laraos, Lincha, Made an and Vi nac in the province of Yauyos, the
southeasternmost part of the department of Lima, and, further north, the dialect spoken
in the community of Pacaraos in the higher reaches of the Chancay river valley (province
of Huaral).
The dialects that were assigned to Quechua IIA occupy an intermediate position
between Quechua I and the rest of Quechua II. Taylor (1979a) gives it the status of a
separate division, calling it Quechua III. The difculty with the classicatory status of
Quechua IIA is that it does not constitute a unity. The northern dialects of Cajamarca
and Ferre nafe share characteristics of both Quechua IIB and Quechua I. The dialects of
Yauyos hold a similar position between Quechua IIC and Quechua I. Pacaraos has so
much in common with the Quechua I dialects, by which it is partly surrounded, that some
authors prefer to associate it with Quechua I (Parker 1969d: 1912). Alternatively, it
could be considered as a separate branch of the Quechuan family on a par with Quechua I
and II. The resemblances between Pacaraos Quechua and Quechua II, which motivated
its initial classication as a Quechua IIA dialect, should be attributed to morphological
and lexical conservatismrather than to its alleged membership of that group (cf. Adelaar
1984).
Quechua IIB includes the dialects of the Ecuadorian highlands and oriente (the east-
ern lowlands); the Colombian Quechua dialect usually called Inga or Ingano (Caquet a,
Nari no, Putumayo); the dialects spoken in the Peruvian department of Loreto in the
Amazonian lowlands (which are, in fact, extensions of the varieties spoken in the
Amazonian region of Ecuador); the Lamista dialect spoken in the area of Lamas (depart-
ment of San Martn, Peru); and that of Chachapoyas and Luya (department of Amazonas,
9
Henceforth, we shall refer to the dialect branches of the Quechua family by means of the termi-
nology of Toreros classication (Quechua I, II), because it allows for a further subdivision of the
Quechua II branch.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 187
Peru). Some extinct varieties are alsoassignable toQuechua IIB: boththe coastal dialect
described by Santo Tom as in 1560 and the variety of Quechua used in the aforementioned
manuscript from Huarochir (of 1608) have lexical and morphological characteristics
that are strongly suggestive of a Quechua IIB afliation. Ecuadorian and Colombian
Quechua have undergone a profound transformation affecting much of the complex
morphology inherited from Proto-Quechua, which has been preserved in the more con-
servative dialects of Peru and Bolivia. Most conspicuous for this process are the loss
of the personal reference markers indicating possession with substantives and of those
specifying the patient in verbs. The relatively recent character of the morphological
transformation that took place in the EcuadorianColumbian branch of Quechua IIB
can be deduced from the fact that not all varieties belonging to it were affected in an
equally radical way. An example of such conservatism is the dialect spoken along the
Pastaza river in the department of Loreto in Peru (Landerman 1973).
Quechua IIC presently includes all the dialects situated to the southeast of a linguistic
boundary which coincides with the administrative division between the departments of
Junn and Huancavelica in central Peru. It comprises the best-known and most pres-
tigious dialects outside Ecuador, which are used by substantial numbers of speakers:
Ayacucho Quechua, Cuzco Quechua and Bolivian Quechua. The Argentinian dialect
of Santiago del Estero and the extinct variety of Catamarca and La Rioja in the same
country also belong to the Quechua IIC branch. Ayacucho Quechua covers the Andean
parts of the departments of Ayacucho and Huancavelica, as well as the western and
northwestern sections of Apurimac (provinces of Andahuaylas and Chincheros) and
Arequipa (provinces of Caravel, Condesuyos and La Uni on). Cuzco Quechua includes
the Andean regions of the departments of Cuzco, as well as parts of Apurimac (provinces
of Abancay, Antabamba, Cotabambas, Grau and Aymaraes), Arequipa (provinces of
Arequipa, Castilla, Caylloma and Condesuyos), Moquegua (province of S anchez Cerro)
and Puno (provinces of Az angaro, Carabaya, Huancan e, Lampa, Melgar, Puno, Sandia,
San Antonio de Putina and San Rom an).
10
The traditional division between Ayacucho Quechua and Cuzco Quechua has to do
with the existence of glottalised (ejective) and aspirated consonants, which do occur
in the latter but not in the former. However, the Cuzco Quechua dialect area is far
from homogeneous. The dialectal variants of Arequipa and Puno exhibit cases of lexical
and morphological borrowing from Aymara not found in the Cuzco variant. The central
Apurimac variant of Cuzco Quechua (provinces of Abancay, Antabamba and Aymaraes)
maintains several phonological and lexical features connecting it to Ayacucho Quechua
(Landerman 1994; Chirinos Rivera 1998).
10
The data concerning the distribution by provinces of Ayacucho and Cuzco Quechua in Apurimac,
Arequipa and Puno are mainly from Chirinos Rivera (1998), who also recognises a further
division between Cuzco and Collavino (Puno) Quechua.
188 3 The Inca Sphere
Bolivian Quechua is spoken in the Bolivian highlands (departments of Cochabamba,
Sucre and Potos, parts of Oruro and most of La Paz north of Lake Titicaca), and in ad-
jacent areas of Argentina (provinces of Jujuy and Salta). Together with Cuzco Quechua,
it is often referred to as a single CuzcoBolivian dialect because both varieties share the
contrast of plain, glottalised and aspirated stops and affricates. From a morphological
point of view, however, Bolivian Quechua is very different from Cuzco Quechua. It has
been reported that the Quechua spoken on the northern Andean slopes in the department
of La Paz is phonologically more conservative than both Cuzco Quechua and the rest of
Bolivian Quechua (Stark 1985b). Hence, a distinction is made between a northern and
a southern Bolivian variant.
Larran Barros (1991) mentions the presence of Quechua speakers in the Chilean
province of Antofagasta, in the Atacama desert oases of Ayquina, Cupo, Toconce and
Turi. There are no specic data on this dialect, but it is likely to be an extension of the
Bolivian variety of Quechua.
The Quechua-speaking area of Santiago del Estero in Argentina is not contiguous with
Bolivian Quechua. It is mainly concentrated in the hot lowlands bordering the banks of
the Salado river. The verbal morphology of Santiague no Quechua shares a number of
very specic innovations with Bolivian Quechua. Phonologically, however, Santiague no
Quechua is rather different from Bolivian Quechua. Unlike the latter, it lacks glottalised
and aspirated consonants. It is reminiscent of the northern Peruvian dialects because it
preserves a remnant of the s s distinction, which otherwise is not found in Quechua IIC
(see section 3.2.5). The characteristics of Santiague no Quechua were almost certainly
derived from different dialectal sources (cf. Adelaar 1995b).
The Quechua dialects are best viewed as a dialect chain in the denition provided
by Kaufman (1990). However, the opposition between the two main groups Quechua
I and Quechua II is more fundamental. It seems to reect an initial split at the level
of Proto-Quechua. The distinction between the two groups primarily rests on lexi-
cal and morphological facts. Phonological diversity is rampant in both groups, and
much of it can only be interpreted as a result of developments posterior to the initial
split.
Althoughthe lexical differences betweenQuechua I andQuechua II are quite real, their
distribution seldomreects a clear-cut division between the two groups. For instance, the
Quechua II verb root for to go ri- corresponds to Quechua I aywa-. However, Quechua
I Huanca, which borders on Quechua IIC Ayacucho, has li-, a reex of *ri-. It may be
the result of dialect interference, but it can also be explained by assuming an innovative
substitution of aywa- for *ri- that would have occurred in Quechua I without reaching
the outlying Huanca area.
11
11
The verb aywa- is reminiscent of Aymara aywi- to go (several).
3.2 The Quechuan language family 189
Morphological arguments come the closest to providing unequivocal criteria for as-
signing a dialect to either one of the two subgroups. Morphological criteria tend to occur
in bundles, although there is never a full coincidence. Best known among them is the
shape of the rst-person marker for subject and possessor. It is -y (nominal and verbal)
or -ni (exclusively verbal) in most of Quechua II; e.g. waska-y my rope, wata-y-man
I could tie (it), wata-ni I tie (it). In Quechua I, it is marked both on verbs and on
nouns by the lengthening of the preceding vowel (symbolised as -:); e.g. waska-: my
rope, wata-:-man I could tie (it), wata-: I tie (it). The dialect of Pacaraos (cf. section
3.2.9) has its own distinctive rst-person marker -y. It consists of a segment -y that
attracts stress to the preceding vowel when it occurs in word-nal position. Landerman
(1978) reports that some transitional Quechua IIA dialects, such as Lincha, combine the
markers -y (for nouns) and -ni (for verbs).
12
Some further morphological criteria that can contribute to distinguishing between
Quechua I (QI) and Quechua II (QII) are:
a. The shape of the marker referring to identical subjects in the switch-
reference system (cf. section 3.2.6) is -r (or its reex) in Quechua I. It is
- spa (or its reex) in Quechua II. Huallaga Quechua (QI) has both forms,
-r being used alone and - spa with optional personal reference markers
(Weber 1989). Pacaraos Quechua (cf. section 3.2.9) has - spa, although its
morphology follows Quechua I in most other respects.
b. The shape of the locative case marker is -pi (or its reex) in most of
Quechua II. It is - c
.
aw
13
(or its reex) in Quechua I and in Pacaraos
Quechua. The element c
.
aw is obviously related to the root * c
.
awpi mid-
dle, centre, of which reexes are found in both dialect branches. It is
also found in Quechua II pun caw (< *pun c
.
aw) day (cf. QI Huanca pun
day, QI northern Junn hukpun the other day).
c. The shape of the ablative case marker is -manta (or its reex) in most of
Quechua II. In Quechua I, we either nd -pita, or reexes of *-piq(ta).
Pacaraos Quechua has both -piq and -piqta in free variation.
d. The shape of the rst-person patient marker in verbs is -wa- in most of
Quechua II. It is -ma(:)- in Quechua I and in some Quechua IIA dialects
(Ferre nafe, Pacaraos).
e. In most Quechua II dialects, the verbal and nominal personal reference
markers, which are used for subject, object and possessor, are pluralised
12
There are several conicting hypotheses concerning the reconstruction of the Proto-Quechua
rst-person marker (Torero 1964; Proulx 1969; Landerman 1978; Cerr on-Palomino 1979; Taylor
1979a; Adelaar 1984).
13
The symbol c
.
refers to a voiceless retroex affricate; its non-retroex alveo-palatal counterpart
is indicated as c (see section 3.2.5).
190 3 The Inca Sphere
externally, by means of sufxes that must follow these markers. Quechua I
and Pacaraos lack a morphological means to indicate plurality of possessor
with substantives. Plurality of subject in verbs (or, occasionally, plurality
of object) is indicated internally, by means of sufxes that have their lo-
cus between the verb root and the personal reference markers. In several
dialects the choice of plural markers depends on their co-occurrence with
aspect markers. Some combinations of aspect and plural are indicated by
fused (portmanteau) markers.
f. Quechua I dialects and Pacaraos Quechua have productive verbal deriva-
tional sufxes that mark the direction of a movement, viz. -rku- upward
movement and -rpu- downward movement. A fossilised -rqu- (or its
reex) is found both in Quechua I and Quechua II dialects with a recon-
structed meaning outward movement (e.g. in QI yarqu- to leave, QI/II
hurqu- to take out). Likewise, the meaning of *-yku- has been recon-
structed as inward movement. Reexes of *-rqu- and *-yku- are found
throughout the Quechua dialects, but with modied meanings.
g. Many Quechua dialects distinguish two past tenses. Whereas one refers to
any event in the past, the other has the connotation of surprise or previous
lack of knowledge on the part of the speaker. It is marked by reexes of
*-n
y
aq in Quechua I and in Pacaraos, and by reexes of *- sqa in most of
Quechua II (see further section 3.2.6).
h. The one important phonological distinction that separates Quechua I (and
Pacaraos) from Quechua II is the treatment of a sequence of low vowels
separated by a palatal glide, viz. *-aya-. It has been retained in most of
Quechua II, whereas in the former dialects it became -a:-. As a result, a
phonemic length distinction exists in the Quechua I dialects which has ac-
quired further applications, including cases of long high vowels (-i:-, -u:-).
It has been assumed that Proto-Quechua had embryonic vowel quantity
in lexical roots, such as pu:ka- to blow, and in the rst-person marker
(Torero 1964). However, if it is true as seems to be the case that the QI
rst-person marker (-a:, -i:, -u:) originated from stressed word-nal *- ay,
*-y, *- uy (as in present-day Pacaraos Quechua), this would further reduce
the number of long vowels to be reconstructed for Proto-Quechua (Adelaar
1984).
14
The existence of distinctive vowel length is now the most salient
characteristic of Quechua I as opposed to Quechua IIB and Quechua IIC,
where it does not occur.
14
It should be emphasised that the reconstruction proposed here is by no means generally
accepted.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 191
Although the validity of the initial subdivision of the Quechuan family into two main
branches has been questioned on phonological grounds (Mannheim 1991: 176), it will
be clear from the above that the morphological and lexical evidence favouring such
a division is abundant. Nevertheless, it may not be possible to accommodate all the
existing Quechua dialects into either one of the two branches.
3.2.4 Quechua studies
Quechua is amongthe Amerindianlanguages that have receivedmajor scholarlyattention
from the beginning of Spanish rule in Peru until the present century (see also chapter 1).
In the context of the present work we can do no more than highlight some of the most
important writings on Quechua. For a survey of the older literature on Quechua one can
consult Rivet and de Cr equi-Montforts extensive Bibliographie des langues aymar a et
ki cua (19516).
Spanish clerical grammarians established the tradition of Quechua studies. However
impressive their pioneering work may have been from the start, its value has greatly
increased nowthat modern eld data on Quechua have become available. Language is the
one element in Andean culture that has remained relatively stable. The confrontation of
sixteenth- and seventeenth-century grammars and dictionaries with phonologically and
semantically more accurate modern material permits a much more precise interpretation
than hitherto possible.
The Dominican Domingo de Santo Tom as was among the leading gures of the
rst decades of the Spanish administration. He often sided with the Indians in cases
of mistreatment and oppression by European colonists, and provided Las Casas with
material for his famous polemics (Duviols 1971: 88). Santo Tom ass grammar and
lexicon of the general language of Peru (1560a, b) provide a description of Quechua older
than that of many European languages. From a dialect-geographic point of view, Santo
Tom as draws from heterogeneous sources. He describes an archaic Quechua, probably
identical to the extinct coastal dialect or to the language of the Inca administration,
larded with elements taken from central Peruvian dialects. The rst Quechua study to
appear after Santo Tom as is an anonymous work published by Antonio Ricardo in 1586.
It is best known through a modern edition of Aguilar P aez (1970).
Alandmarkinthe Spanishgrammar traditioninrelationtoQuechua is DiegoGonz alez
Holguns Gram atica y arte nueva de la lengua general de todo el Per u llamada lengua
qquichua o lengua del Inca (NewGrammar of the General Language of all of Peru, called
the Qquichua Language or Language of the Inca) of 1607, followed by an extensive
dictionary (1608) by the same author. Both works describe the ancestor of present-day
Cuzco Quechua, thus reecting a shift in the centre of gravity of what was left of Inca
society to the ancient Inca capital. Together with Bertonios grammar and dictionary
of the Aymara language (cf. section 3.3), Gonz alez Holguns study of the Quechua
192 3 The Inca Sphere
language has stood as a model for much later work on Quechua and the other Andean
languages.
During the eighteenth century the colonial grammar tradition in relation to Quechua
became less prominent, although there are some notable exceptions dealing with
Ecuadorian (e.g. Velasco 1787).
After the Andean republics became independent, many studies of the Inca language
came from the outside. Important nineteenth-century contributions to the study of
Quechua were made by a Swiss, von Tschudi (1853), and, above all, by the German
Middendorf (1890a, b, c, 1891a). Middendorf s Die einheimischen Sprachen Perus (The
Indigenous Languages of Peru) contains a dictionary and grammar of Cuzco Quechua,
an edition of the play Ollantay and a collection of poetry. Luis Cordero, one of Ecuadors
former presidents, published a QuichuaSpanish dictionary in 1892.
Among the Quechua studies of the rst half of the twentieth century gures an interest-
ing collection of animal fables in the dialect of Tarma (Vienrich 1906). Markham(1911:
2304) published a Quechua myth in translation, a fragment of the now well-known
Huarochir document guarded in the Spanish National Library in Madrid. A series of
texts in different Peruvian dialects by Farf an (194751) and an elaborate dictionary of
Cuzco Quechua (Lira 1941) also deserve a mention.
In the initial phase of the dialectological tradition which developed in the 1960s,
Parkers work, published in a preliminary form (Parker 196971), comprises a great
deal of reconstruction of both the A and B branches of Quechua and, above all, a useful
Proto-Quechua lexicon (Parker 1969c). Torero published several studies linking the
results of his dialectological ndings to Andean ethnohistory (1968, 1970, 1974, 1984).
Dialectological studies of a regional dimension were carried out by Nardi (1962) for
Argentina, by Cerr on-Palomino (1977a) for the Huanca area, by Taylor (1984) for the
Yauyos region, and by Carpenter (1982) and Stark (1985a) for Ecuador.
Other dialectological work concerns particular morphemes or morphological cate-
gories, exemplied by a series of articles focusing on the personal reference system
(Taylor 1979a; Cerr on-Palomino 1987c; Weber 1987b: 5175). The grammatical char-
acteristics of the language of the Huarochir manuscript constitute another fruitful area
of interest (e.g. Dedenbach 1994). For work dealing with syntactic issues in particu-
lar dialects, see, for instance, W olck (1972) for Ayacucho Quechua, Muysken (1977)
for Ecuadorian Quechua, Weber (1983) for Hu anuco Quechua, Hermon (1985) for
Ecuadorian and Ancash Quechua, Lefebvre and Muysken (1988) for Cuzco Quechua,
and Van de Kerke (1996) for Bolivian Quechua. Examples of work dealing with phono-
logical issues are Cerr on-Palomino (1973a, b, 1977b, 1989a), Escribens Trisano (1977),
Sols and Esquivel (1979) and Weber and Landerman (1985). It goes without saying that
the above enumeration is by no means complete.
The Quechua linguistic family is particularly rich in overall descriptions, the earliest
modern one being Parkers grammar of the Ayacucho dialect. It appeared rst in Spanish
3.2 The Quechuan language family 193
(Parker 1965), then in English with a hitherto unsurpassed dictionary supplement (Parker
1969a). Almost contemporaneous with the former is a concise grammatical description
of the Quechua I dialect of Llata in the province of Huamales in the northern part of
the department of Hu anuco (Sol a 1967). The basis for a description of Ancash Quechua
(QI) was laid by Swisshelm of the Benedictine congregation at Huaraz (Swisshelm
1971, 1972, 1974). Partial descriptions of Amazonas Quechua (QIIB), as spoken in
the community of Olto (Chachapoyas), and of the dialect of the Pastaza river, which is
located in Peru but belongs to the Ecuadorian branch of Quechua IIB, were provided by
Taylor (1975, 1994) and by Landerman (1973), respectively.
For Bolivian Quechua, the earliest generation of modern descriptive work includes
Lastras study of Cochabamba Quechua (1968). For Colombia, we could add Levinsohns
description of Inga (1976), written in a rather technical tagmemic framework. The
Argentinian Santiago del Estero dialect has been treated in a traditional way by Bravo
(1956).
Of particular importance to Quechua studies is the year 1976, it being the date of pub-
lication of a series of six grammars and dictionaries commissioned by the Peruvian gov-
ernment (Cerr on-Palomino 1976a, b; Coombs, Coombs and Weber 1976; Cusihuaman
1976a, b; Park, Weber and Cenepo 1976; Parker 1976; Parker and Ch avez 1976; Quesada
Castillo 1976a, b; Soto Ruiz 1976a, b). These accessible and easily available works deal
with six dialect varieties selected to become regional standards after the ofcialisation of
Quechua in 1975: AncashHuaylas (QI), AyacuchoChanca (QIIC), CajamarcaCa naris
(QIIA), CuzcoCollao (QIIC), JunnHuanca (QI) and San Martn (QIIB). These de-
scriptions were designed to serve a normative purpose, and several of them have a
polylectal character. Although the initiative is praiseworthy, one should add that some
of the descriptions show the signs of a hasty completion. For highly interesting dialects
such as Cajamarca, Cuzco and Huanca, they represent a half-way resting-place, rather
than a terminus. A comparative study of Quechua morphology (W olck 1987) was based
on the data provided by these six descriptions.
Grammatical descriptions of Peruvian dialects posterior to the 1976 series of Peruvian
reference grammars are Adelaar (1977) for the dialects of Tarma and San Pedro de
Cajas (QI Yaru) and Weber (1989) for Hu anuco (QI Alto PativilcaAlto Mara n onAlto
Huallaga). One may add Taylor (1982a, b, 1994) on Ferre nafe Quechua (QIIA) and
Adelaar (1982, 1986a) on Pacaraos Quechua. For Bolivia and Ecuador, descriptive work
includes a grammar of Bolivian Quechua by Herrero and S anchez de Lozada (1978) and
a reference grammar of the Ecuadorian Imbabura dialect (Cole 1982).
One of the most widely used QuechuaSpanish dictionaries is Lara (1971). Although
it does not contain an explicit indication of the geographic provenance of the items
included, it is based mainly on Bolivian and Cuzco Quechua. It is remarkably useful
when reading and translating Quechua texts. A very extensive dictionary (Weber et al.
1998) deals with the lexicon of Hu anuco Quechua.
194 3 The Inca Sphere
State-of-the-art books are scarce in the eld of Quechua studies. One book intended to
serve that purpose is B uttner (1983). It contains a good survey of older work on Quechua.
Cerr on-Palominos Ling ustica quechua (1987a) is the reection of years of academic
teaching experience in almost every aspect of Quechua studies. It is particularly useful
for its insightful and equitable treatment of the existing literature. See also Cerr on-
Palominos extensive survey of Quechua studies in Revista Andina (Cerr on-Palomino
1985). Books dealing with historical developments surrounding the Quechua language
are Torero (1974) and Mannheim(1991). The latter work describes the fate of the Cuzco
dialect in colonial and republican times.
The 1980s brought a growing interest in the social factors that can contribute to the
survival of the Quechua language. Policies of standardisation, whether successful or not,
and several ambitious projects in bilingual education have given a renewed impulse to
Quechua studies. An example of a study dealing with the Puno experimental project for
bilingual education and its effects upon language maintenance by Quechua speakers is
Hornberger (1988).
At the time of our writing, there are no journals specically dedicated to Quechua
studies, as there are none dealing with Andean languages in general. The journal Papers
in Andean Linguistics (19725) has remained a short-lived experiment. Articles on
Quechua have appeared, inter alia, in Allpanchis (Cuzco), Amerindia (Paris), Bulletin
de lInstitut Fran cais dEtudes Andines (Lima, Paris), Indiana (Berlin), International
Journal of American Linguistics (Chicago), Latin American Indian Literatures Journal
(Pennsylvania), Lexis (Lima) and Revista Andina (Cuzco). The absence of specialised
journals is somewhat compensated by the frequent appearance of compilation works on
Quechua and on the central Andean languages in general (e.g. Cerr on-Palomino 1982;
L opez 1988; Cerr on-Palomino and Sols 1990; Cole, Hermon and Martn 1994).
For an introductory survey of texts and literary production in Quechua see
section 3.2.11.
3.2.5 Phonology
15
For an evenly balanced treatment of Quechua phonology, it is best to take the recon-
structed phoneme inventory of Proto-Quechua as a starting-point. Roughly speaking,
15
In our discussion of Quechua language data the following orthographic conventions are used.
Mid vowels are written i, i:, u, u: when adjacent to a uvular consonant. The symbol q represents
any uvular consonant, although its realisation may vary according to the dialect exemplied. The
possibilities that obtain are a voiceless or voiced stop, and a voiceless or voiced fricative. There is
no phonemic contrast between (plain) uvulars, except in Cuzco Quechua, where a voiceless stop
and fricative are contrastive between vowels, as in waqay to cry versus wax
.
ay (<*waqyay to
call). The symbol n is used both for alveolar and for velar nasal allophones. The former occur
before vowels, the latter in word-nal position and before resonants. Before other consonants,
articulatory assimilation is the rule. Phonemic contrast between alveolar and velar nasals (as in
Chachapoyas and in northern Junn/Tarma) is peripheral or exceptional.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 195
the phonological characteristics of the modern dialects can be derived from the Proto-
Quechua system by assuming regular sound change. A notorious exception is the exis-
tence of a contrast between plain, glottalised and aspirated stops and affricates in Cuzco
and Bolivian Quechua, and of a similar contrast between plain and aspirated stops in
highland Ecuadorian Quechua.
Orr and Longacre (1968) assumed that the three-way distinction between plain, glot-
talised and aspirated consonants had been inherited froman alleged Proto-Quechumaran
through the intermediate stage of Proto-Quechua. Within the Quechuan family, how-
ever, this distinction is limited to the subset of the QIIC dialects adjacent to the Aymara
linguistic area. Lexical correspondences are frequently inconsistent with respect to glot-
talisation and aspiration between dialects and even internally, within the same dialect
(e.g. Cuzco Quechua riku- to see but rik
h
u-ri-to appear, both fromthe same root riku-,
against Arequipa Quechua rik
h
u-, rik
h
uri-). Likewise, it has been shown that the corre-
spondences between Ecuadorian aspirated stops, on the one hand, and CuzcoBolivian
glottalised and aspirated stops on the other, are not systematic (Torero 1984). As a result,
the presence of glottalised and aspirated stops and affricates in CuzcoBolivian is often
seen as the effect of language contact between these dialects and Aymara, which has the
same contrasts. The expansion of glottalisation and aspiration into the native Quechua
lexicon was partly explained by a mechanism of iconicity elaborated in Mannheim and
Neweld (1982); see also Mannheim (1991: 177207). Ecuadorian aspiration has been
interpreted as a case of Cuzco adstratum, dating fromthe short period of Inca occupation,
possibly in combination with a putative legacy of the areas pre-Quechuan languages.
There is no clear evidence that glottalised and aspirated stops and affricates belonged to
the Proto-Quechua phoneme inventory.
Reconstructions of the Proto-Quechua sound systemare given in Torero (1964) and in
Parker (1969b). The differences between the two reconstructions reside in the treatment
of liquids, vibrants and long vowels. Parker reconstructs the consonants *l and * r,
whereas Torero does not. On the other hand, Torero reconstructs vowel length, whereas
Parker only posits short vowels. As it appears now, *l and vowel length were marginally
present in Proto-Quechua; * r was an allophone of *r, which later developed into a
distinctive phoneme. It is interesting to observe that the palatal lateral *l
y
is a frequent
speech sound, whereas its plain alveolar counterpart l remains marginal in most dialects.
Proto-Quechua has a three-vowel system, consisting of an unrounded front vowel
i, a rounded back vowel u and a low central vowel a. If a length distinction did exist
at all, it must have been marginal. The phonetic realisation of the vowels i and u was
variable. When adjacent to the uvular consonant q, they were pronounced as mid vowels
[e], [o]. They were high vowels [i], [u] elsewhere. Given the situation in the modern
dialects, it is likely that this allophonic lowering also occurred before clusters consisting
of a resonant (l
y
, n, r) and q, e.g. Cuzco Quechua sunqu [sqo] heart; pirqa [prqa]
wall.
196 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.1 Proto-Quechua consonants
Labial Alveolar Palatal Retroex Velar Uvular
Voiceless Stops p t k q
Affricates c c
.
Fricatives s s h
Voiced Nasals m n n
y
Laterals (l) l
y
Vibrants r (r)
Glides w y
Table 3.2 Proto-Quechua vowels
Back Central Front
Short Long Short Long Short Long
High u (u:) i (i:)
Low a (a:)
The Proto-Quechua vowels and their rather wide range of allophonic realisations
have been preserved in a majority of the present-day dialects. At the same time, close
contacts with the dominant Spanish language led to the introduction of mid vowels
(e, o) in cases where the phonological environment does not predict it. For present-
day bilingual speakers, Quechua has a ve-vowel system.
16
Although it is true that in
Quechua borrowings from Spanish the mid vowels are replaced by high vowels in root-
nal position (e.g. nasi-, na:si- to be born from Spanish nace he/she is born; platu,
pla:tu plate from Spanish plato), they are often maintained elsewhere, as in mesa,
me:sa table from Spanish mesa.
Dialects in which the uvular stop lost its uvular character almost without exception
have annulled the allophonic lowering rule. It illustrates the synchronic dynamism that
characterises the relation between the use of mid vowels and the presence of a uvular
consonant. The velar and uvular stops *k and *q have merged into k in all Quechua IIB,
e.g. Proto-Quechua *qul
y
qi [ql
y
qe] money, Ecuadorian (Chimborazo) Quechua kul
y
ki
[kul
y
ki]. In QI Huanca the uvular became a velar fricative or a glottal stop, locally evolv-
ing into vowel length or zero, and the high vowel was then restored, e.g. Proto-Quechua
16
In literature and everyday imitation Quechua speakers are often represented as substituting high
vowels for mid vowels in their pronunciation of Spanish words (sin
y
u r for se nor Sir, etc.). In
reality, most speakers of Quechua have learned to master the distinction between high vowels
and mid vowels, except in word-nal position.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 197
*suqta [sqta] six, Jauja [suxta], Huancayo [suta su:ta]. In dialects that do not have
uvulars, the mid vowels are almost exclusively conned to borrowed lexicon.
Long vowels (a:, i:, u:) are found in Quechua I and in Pacaraos Quechua. When
part of a lexical root, long vowels are most often the product of relatively transparent
sound changes if not of borrowing or onomatopoeic formations.
17
The role of vowel
length in the verbal conjugation and, to a lesser extent, in nominal possessive marking
is considerably more complex. It can have a clear morphemic value, as in the case of
the rst-person marker (e.g. Tarma Quechua wayi house, wayi-: my house), or it can
fulll less tangible functions emerging at morpheme boundaries. For instance, in Tarma
Quechua ismikta:- ci- to cause to stumble vowel length is triggered by the trisyllabic
structure of the root ismikta-; compare wata- ci- to cause to tie from wata- to tie,
where this is not the case.
Long mid vowels (e:, o:) occur in most dialects that have vowel length. They often
occur in loans, where they reect the stressed vowel of a Spanish model, e.g. Tarma
Quechua ke:da- to stay, to become fromSpanish queda he/she stays. In the Callej on
de Huaylas (Ancash) long mid vowels often occur as reexes of the diphthongs ay and
aw, as in we: co(:) from*way cawa tyrant-ycatcher (Agriornis montana). Some of the
Hu anuco dialects exhibit optional lowering of long high vowels in word-nal position
(e.g. ni: ne: I say; miku: miko: I eat); cf. Sol a (1967), Toliver (1987) and Weber
(1989).
In linguistic work related to Quechua the diphthongs aw, ay, uy, iwand iy are virtually
always analysed as consisting of a vocalic peak and a consonantal coda. Hence the
frequent observation in literature that the language has no vowel sequences. It is the
statement of a convention, rather than of a fact, because the theoretical argumentation
necessary to motivate this choice is seldom provided.
18
In virtually all modern literature on Quechua, sequences consisting of two full vowels
are analysed as if separated by a glide consonant, e.g. Quechua IIC suwa thief, tiyay
to sit; QI San Pedro de Cajas (northern Junn) rawu snow, wayi house. Similarly, as
in the case of the diphthongs, the possibility of analysing such sequences as containing
an automatic (non-phonemic) transition has not been duly explored.
19
Vowel sequences
do occur, however, in the Argentinian dialect of Santiago del Estero, which suffered the
loss of intervocalic *w and, therefore, contains sequences of like vowels. The vowels in
such sequences are articulated separately or as a long vowel with a descending tone, for
instance, in (*tawa >) taa [t aa], [t a:] four (Kirtchuk 1987).
17
Weber and Landerman (1985) have proposed an analysis of the Quechua long vowels as se-
quences of /V/ + /h/, an interpretation which can be defended from a strictly synchronic
perspective.
18
Howkins (1973) is one of the few examples of an interpretation in terms of vowel sequences.
19
An exception is found in one of Cerr on-Palominos earliest works (Cerr on-Palomino 1967).
198 3 The Inca Sphere
Vowel uctuation between i and a is widely attested in the present-day Quechua dia-
lects, most frequently in root-nal position. Examples are Pacaraos wawi, other Quechua
wawa (womans) child; Tarma pani, Cuzco pana (mans) sister. In other cases, such as
warmi woman alongside warma child, youngster in Ayacucho and Cuzco Quechua,
the choice of the vowel is contrastive, and no uctuation occurs. Fluctuation between a
and u (Quechua I kanan against Cuzco Quechua kunan now) is less frequent.
Vowel loss occurs occasionally, e.g. in Cajamarca wan ci- to kill from *wan
y
u- ci-
to kill, to cause to die. Several sorts of phonetic reduction, including vowel loss,
drastically transformed the phonological appearance of QIIB Chachapoyas Quechua
(Taylor 1975, 1994). It appears to be connected with a shift from penultimate to ini-
tial word stress, which has occurred in some of the other northern Peruvian dialects
as well.
Among the consonants, the series of stops and affricates, *p, *t, * c, * c
.
, *k, *q have
been affected by a number of shared or partially shared changes that can be characterised
as voicing, fricativisation and the introduction of a contrast between plain, glottalised
and aspirated stops (sometimes referred to as laryngealisation). In addition, the affricates
and the uvular stop *q suffered further modications.
Voicing is widely found in the northern Quechua dialects, that is, in Ecuador and in
northern Peru (both in Quechua IIB, and in the Cajamarca and Ferre nafe dialects of the
QIIA subbranch). It affected, in particular, stops and affricates following a nasal, as in
the following forms from Cajamarca.
(1) *an ca > and
z
a very
(2) *punku > pungu door
The sixteenth-century lengua general of the Inca administration and the presumed
coastal dialect described by Santo Tom as (1560a, b) knew voicing as well (cf. sec-
tion 3.2.2). Among the Quechua varieties assignable to the Quechua IIB subdivision,
only the language of the early seventeenth-century Huarochir document shows no traces
of voicing.
Some central Peruvian Quechua I dialects (Tarma in the province of Tarma, Junn;
Paccho in the province of Huaura, Lima) exhibit voicing of the grave stops *k and *p.
The conditions under which this change took place are most peculiar. As can be seen in
the following examples from Tarma, it affected prevocalic non-initial consonants unless
they were preceded by a nasal.
(3) *l
y
u cka- > lu cga- to slip
(4) *u c
.
pa > u c
.
ba ash
(5) *apa- > aba- to carry
(6) *manka > manka pan
3.2 The Quechuan language family 199
In some Tarma Quechua sufxes, stops became voiced after a nasal as well, e.g.
-guna nominal plural (< *-kuna), as in wayi-n-guna his/her/their houses. The same
occurred with the initial consonant of the verb to be ga- (< *ka-).
Geographically, the Tarma and Paccho dialects are far apart. Leaving aside their
behaviour in relation to voicing, they coincide with neighbouring varieties, not with
each other. The simultaneous occurrence of a sound change under such highly specic
conditions in two totally different places cannot easily be explained.
As we saw before, laryngealisation (glottalisation and aspiration) of stops and af-
fricates does not seem to be the product of regular sound change. These sounds are
generally considered exotic elements in Quechua, although they do occur as well in
Quechua roots not borrowed from an Aymaran language. Laryngealised stops and af-
fricates are found in a subgroup of the Quechua IICdialect subdivision, which comprises
Cuzco Quechua and the Bolivian varieties. Their presence can have a sound-symbolic
meaning. As a rule, no more than a single laryngealised stop or affricate can occur in
a Quechua word. If it does, it must be the rst prevocalic stop or affricate in the root.
20
Quechua sufxes do not normally contain laryngealised stops or affricates.
21
In the Ecuadorian central highlands, aspirated stops (not affricates) occur along with
plain stops. In the northern highlands (province of Imbabura) the reexes of aspirated
*p and *k are fricative f and x, respectively:
(7) *paki- to break > (Pichincha) p
h
aki-
> (Imbabura) faki-
(8) *qipa afterwards > (Pichincha) k
h
ipa
> (Imbabura) xipa
Fricativisation (consonant lenition or weakening) is prominent in the dialects of the
Cuzco region and in Bolivia. This change has affected stops and affricates in syllable-
nal position. Its output varies both geographically and dialect-internally on the basis
of the phonological environment; examples (9) and (10) are from Cuzco Quechua.
(9) *aptay > hax
w
tay to carry with a handle
(10) *upyay > uxyay uxay to drink
22
20
Colonial sources, such as Gonz alez Holgun (1608), suggest that this has not always been the
case, e.g. tantta bread (presumably [tanta]), instead of modern tanta.
21
An exception would be the progressive aspect sufx - c
h
a- in Grau, Apurimac (Torero 1964); cf.
Ayacucho - cka-, Cuzco -sya-, - sa-. In the subdialects of Puno and Arequipa, sufxes borrowed
from Aymara preserve the glottalised and/or aspirated stops of the donor language, e.g. in tiy-
t
h
api- ci- to cause to live together, from Quechua tiya- ci- to cause to reside and the Aymara
sufx -t
h
api- together.
22
The palatal glide is optionally lost in Cuzco Quechua after a velar or a uvular fricative.
200 3 The Inca Sphere
Mannheim (1991: 556) observes a correlation between syllable-nal weakening, on
one hand, and the introduction of glottalisation and aspiration in syllable-initial positions
on the other. Nevertheless, Stark (1985b) reports that the northern Bolivian Quechua
variety of Apolo (province of Franz Tamayo, La Paz, Bolivia) was not affected by
syllable-nal fricativisation, although it has glottalised and aspirated stops. Landerman
(1994) makes the same observation for eastern Apurimac.
In Cuzco Quechua, syllable nal *p loses its labial character in sufxes. Its reex is
a uvular fricative, which can no longer be distinguished from the homophonous reex
of *q:
(11) *muna-pti-n > muna-qti-n [munax
.
ti] if he/she wants it
(12) *runa-p > runa-q [runax
.
] of a man
The different orthographies currently in use for Cuzco Quechua and the Bolivian
dialects do not systematically reect the newly formed fricative distinctions that obtain
in syllable-nal and intervocalic positions.
In Ecuadorian Quechua consonant lenition only affects the (merged) velar and uvular
stops:
(13) *pusaq > pusax eight
(14) *pa c
.
ak > pa cax hundred
The Proto-Quechua distinction between the affricates c and c
.
has been preserved
unmodied in the southern half and in the extreme north of the Quechua I territory
(all of Junn, province of Pasco in Pasco, province of Yauyos in Lima, and province of
Sihuas in Ancash), in the Quechua IIA dialects of Ferre nafe, Cajamarca and Yauyos,
and in Quechua IIB Amazonas. Of the remaining dialects, several, such as Ayacucho
and Hu anuco Quechua, have lost the distinction.
(15) * c
.
aki > caki foot
* caki > caki dry
In Cuzco and Bolivian Quechua, the old distinction between the two affricates is
reected by the presence of glottalisation in one of the members of the minimal pair just
exemplied.
(16) * c
.
aki > caki foot
* caki > caki dry
However, there is no question of a regular change, as can be seen in example (17)
where * c is reected without glottalisation.
(17) * caka > caka bridge
3.2 The Quechuan language family 201
In Puno Quechua the old distinction between retroex * c
.
and alveopalatal * c is partly
preserved in the fricative reexes of these sounds that occur in syllable-nal position
(Cerr on-Palomino 1986: 4078).
(18) *a cka > a sk
h
a many
(19) *wi c
.
qay > wisqay to close
In part of the Quechua I dialects (and in Pacaraos), there has been a tendency to
enlarge the difference between the two affricates (which, admittedly, is not always
easy to perceive). In much of the northwestern part of the Quechua I area (Ancash,
northern and western Hu anuco, provinces of Cajatambo, Huaral, Huaura and Oy on
in Lima, province of Daniel Carri on in Pasco), the alveopalatal affricate became an
alveolar affricate (c) or fricative (s), e.g. Callej on de Huaylas caki, Pacaraos saki
dry.
Subsequently, in most of Ancash, western Hu anuco and in Cajatambo the retroex af-
fricate was advanced to the articulatory position of the former alveopalatal, e.g. Callej on
de Huaylas caki foot. In dialects where the affricates did not undergo the full sequence
of fronting shifts, the resulting gap was lled up by the introduction of an alveopalatal
affricate ( c) from other sources. As a result, the dialects of Yanahuanca (Daniel Carri on,
Pasco) and Picoy (Huaura, Lima) distinguish three affricate positions: c
.
, c and c (Escobar
1967, Creider 1967).
An opposite development can be observed in the province of Concepci on in the
department of Junn. In that subdialect of QI Huanca, the alveopalatal affricate c has
become a retroex (e.g. * caka > c
.
aka bridge), thus creating the space for a further
change of *l
y
to c (see below). For an extensive treatment of this phenomenon see
Cerr on-Palomino (1973a, 1989a).
Of all consonants in the stopaffricate series, the uvular stop *q has proven the least
stable. It may be the case that Quechua expanded into areas where this sound had not
been in use previously (for a discussion of this issue see Cerr on-Palomino 1990). QIIA
Cajamarca and QI Callej on de Huaylas are among the few dialects that have preserved
the uvular stop unmodied. In the Quechua IIB dialects *q merged with *k into present-
day k [k]. In Cuzco Quechua and in the Bolivian and Argentinian dialects, it was affected
by syllable-nal fricativisation (see above). In Bolivia, the plain (non-glottalised, non-
aspirated) uvular became a fricative in other positions as well.
The reex of *q is also a uvular fricative in Ayacucho Quechua, in Pacaraos Quechua
and in the Quechua I dialects of northern Junn. In the area of Tarma and Jauja its uvular
character became less prominent, leading eventually to a merger with the glottal fricative
*h. In the northeastern sector of Quechua I (Hu anuco), the modern realisation of *q is
usually a voiced stop (often written as g).
202 3 The Inca Sphere
The loss of intervocalic *q was reported for Pachitea Quechua in Hu anuco by Toliver
(1987). However, as we have seen before, the most drastic transformation of the ancient
uvular stop can be observed in the Huanca dialects of Huancayo and Concepci on in
southern Junn. There, the uvular stop at rst became a glottal stop. In some local
varieties it then turned into vowel length (internally and when syllable-nal) or zero (in
most other environments). In the village of Chongos Bajo the effect of the glottal stop is
preserved after a nasal n by the fact that the latter is represented by its velar allophone
in the combination n [ ]; in this case, the presence of the glottal stop itself is
redundant.
(20) *sinqa > sina [sia sia] nose
In the town of Chupaca, the loss of the glottal stop was total in this case. It also
triggered the loss of the preceding nasal, the combination being replaced by a glide
(Cerr on-Palomino 1989a: 723).
(21) *sinqa > siya nose
Several verbal sufxes with an internal *q (particularly, - sqa past participle,
-rqa- past tense, and -rqu- originally outward movement, now several other mean-
ings) show a tendency to lose the q element in a large number of dialects. One nds
either synchronic variation (Ayacucho -r(q)u-, -r(q)a-, Ecuador -r(k)a-), complete loss
(Tarma -ru-, -ra-, - sa), or obligatory presence of q (Ancash, Pacaraos, Puno -rqu-, -rqa-,
- sqa/-sqa). It may mean that the variation is traceable to the proto-language. A simi-
lar case with an internal *k is -yku- (originally inward movement, now several other
meanings), which alternates with -yu- (or even -y-) in many dialects.
The two sibilants * s and *s have remained distinct in all Quechua dialects except
in most of the Quechua IIC branch and in the Colombian Ingano dialect, where the
two sounds have merged into s. The realisation of * s is alveopalatal [ s] throughout the
dialects maintaining the distinction, except in Quechua I Huanca where it is a retroex
or apical [ s
.
]. Additionally, the Huanca dialects have [ s] before i and in a limited number
of proper names (e.g. santi, Spanish Santiago St James). Quechua IIC Santiago del
Estero is different from the other Quechua IIC dialects in that it retains the distinction
between an alveodental and an alveopalatal fricative after i before a consonant (cf. de
Reuse 1986), as in (22):
(22) a. *i skay > i skay two
b. *ismuy > ismuy to rot
The fate of the alveodental *s has been much more varied than that of its alveopalatal
counterpart. In Pacaraos and in most of the Quechua I dialects (e.g. Ancash, northern
3.2 The Quechuan language family 203
Junn) *s became a glottal fricative (h) word-initially; in syllable-nal position *s was
retained everywhere.
(23) *sara > hara maize
Word-medially, after a nasal consonant, *s became h in northeastern Ancash, and zero
in Callej on de Huaylas and Tarma/northern Junn, but it was retained in several other
Quechua I dialects (e.g. in Huanca).
(24) *kumsay > kumhay, kunhay to push
kumay
The Quechua I dialect of Jauja (Junn) retains s in lexical items where all other
Quechua dialects have h or a reex of *h.
(25) sana upper part
(compare Cuzco hanaq)
(26) sampiy to cure
(compare Cuzco hampiy)
The unique cases of s-retentioninJauja have beenattributedtohypercorrection(Parker
1971: 5960; cf. Cerr on-Palomino 1989a: 28). It should be observed, however, that
several lexical items with initial h, such as hatun big, are never found with s instead
of h, not even in Jauja.
The changes affecting *s allow for several exceptions. Initial s was preserved in
a number of words with negative connotations (siki buttocks, sakwa- to have sex-
ual intercourse, supi- to break wind, supay devil, evil spirit, suwa thief) and,
rather persistently, in a few additional lexical items not belonging to the taboo sphere
(sapi root, sinqa nose). This phenomenon may be related to a mechanism of sound-
symbolism still productive in Tarma (northern Junn) Quechua. It involves the frica-
tives s, s, and h in lexical sets characterised by the presence of a pejorative member
with s, a hypochoristic member with s, and a neutral member with h (Adelaar 1977:
2902).
Some lexical items are notorious for exhibiting irregular reexes of the sibi-
lants. The numeral one and the verb to come appear as huk (or its reex) and
hamu-, respectively, in most of the Quechua IICdialects, which otherwise preserve initial
s. However, a sibilant appears in Ecuadorian Quechua ( sux, samu-) and in the Argentinian
Santiago del Estero dialect (sux, but amu-). In Quechua I, we nd huk and samu- for
these items. Asimilar confusion surrounds the words for name (QI northern Junn huti;
QI Huancayo, s
.
uti; QI Jauja, QIIC suti; QIIB suti); and young lady (QI northern Junn,
eastern Ancash hipa s; QI Callej on de Huaylas, QIIB San Martn sipa s; QIIC sipas).
204 3 The Inca Sphere
The palatal resonants *l
y
and *n
y
have been subject to depalatalisation (to l and n,
respectively) in a number of Quechua I dialects. Surprisingly, the two changes do not
always coincide. Ancash Quechua, for instance, maintains palatal l
y
but has changed *n
y
to n, whereas the opposite obtains in Pacaraos Quechua. Other dialects, such as Tarma
Quechua, have undergone both depalatalisations. As in the case of the sibilants, there
appears to be a close relationship between the historical process of depalatalisation and
the rise of sound-symbolic mechanisms. In Tarma Quechua, the palatal resonants are
now used as the hypochoristic counterparts of the non-palatals; an interesting example
is (27):
(27) *l
y
an
y
u > l
y
anu thin
> l
y
an
y
u very thin
If the sound changes were automatic, both consonants should have been de-
palatalised. In this case, however, one depalatalisation sufces to open the possibility
of a hypochoristic back-formation (l
y
an
y
u very thin). Whether or not *l
y
remained
unmodied for this reason remains a matter of speculation, but the example certainly
illustrates the fact that depalatalisation is far from being a change without exceptions.
Furthermore, the impact of depalatalisation must not be overestimated, because minimal
pairs involving a palatal and a non-palatal nasal were rare in Proto-Quechua, whereas
non-palatal *l was conned to just a few lexical items, if it occurred at all.
In the Argentinian Santiago del Estero dialect the palatal lateral *l
y
has become
a voiced alveopalatal fricative [ z]. The same has occurred in many Ecuadorian and
northern Peruvian dialects, where either the fricative or an affricate [d
z
] is found. Both
in Argentina and in Ecuador these changes illustrate an incipient sprachbund as they
seem related to parallel developments in the local Spanish.
(28) *l
y
aki sorrow > (Imbabura) zaki
> (Cajamarca) d
z
aki
(29) *al
y
qu dog > (Cotopaxi) a sku
> (Cajamarca) ad
z
qu
A rather unusual development of *l
y
is attested near Concepci on in the depart-
ment of Junn. There the palatal lateral became a voiceless alveopalatal affricate c
(Cerr on-Palomino 1989a: 423, 601). Asimilar development was observed in Salasaca,
in Ecuador (see section 3.2.8).
(30) *qil
y
ay money > (Concepci on) i cay
(Huancayo) il
y
ay
All Quechua dialects have an alveodental ap r. In addition, most dialects have a
slightly affricated retroex vibrant r, which is regularly used to represent the Spanish
3.2 The Quechuan language family 205
rolled r or rr in loan words. This sound may also function as a distributional variant
of the ap r in native words. This is the case in Ayacucho Quechua word-nally (e.g.
in yawar [yawar] blood), and in San Pedro de Cajas (northern Junn) Quechua word-
initially, e.g. in rumi [ rumi] stone. Bolivian Quechua, like several varieties of Bolivian
Spanish, has a voiced alveodental fricative [z] in word-initial position, instead of the
retroex, e.g. in rumi [zumi] stone. The distribution of r in Ayacucho Quechua has led
to a marginal phonemic opposition between r and r in cases like arpas (Spanish arpa)
harp and yawa r-pa of the blood (Parker 1969a). The dialect of Pacaraos exhibits the
unusual case of a phonemic opposition between a ap r and a trilled rr in word-initial
position (see section 3.2.9).
The most radical change affecting the vibrants is the lateralisation found in Quechua I
Huanca (Concepci on, Huancayo and Jauja) and in some of the neighbouring Yauyos
dialects (Cacra, Hongos).
(31) *rimay to speak > (Chongos Bajo) limay
(32) *qunqur knee > (Chongos Bajo) un?ul
All Huanca dialects have acquired new r-like sounds, e.g. in yawa r blood. They are
probably due to borrowing from one of the neighbouring non-lateralising dialects, such
as Ayacucho. The *r > l change may have had a wider distribution in early colonial
times.
23
The nasal consonants *n and *m have been preserved without major modications in
the modern Quechua dialects, except for Cuzco Quechua and Bolivian Quechua where
they are no longer distinguished in syllable-nal position. Traditionally, all nasal allo-
phones in syllable-nal position that are not pronounced [m] are assigned to a phoneme
/n/ and are written n regardless of the differences in pronunciation. Before a word bound-
ary, before glottal stop (in the Huanca dialects), before resonants, and, in some dialects,
before fricatives as well, a velar allophone [] occurs. Elsewhere, the articulation point
of a syllable-nal nasal is assimilated to that of the following consonant. The treatment
of [m] before a labial stop is not uniform. Some authors write m, e.g. campa piece of
grass-cover, wasi-m-pa of his house. Others write m within a root and n at morpheme
boundaries; still others write n in both cases. In most dialects, the labial character of mis
lost before a labial resonant (m, w), e.g. Ayacucho Quechua qam [x
.
am] you, but qan-
man [x
.
ama] to you. The dialects of the Tarma region (northern Junn) have developed
23
The name of Lima, the Peruvian capital, is a case in point. It was derived from the expression
*rimaq the one who speaks, an oracle. The name of the river Rimac, which ows through the
city, reects the pronunciation of a more conservative dialect. Although the old town of Lima
was situated on the coastal plain, its name may have become known in the pronunciation of the
Jauja dialect, where it would have been approximately [limax].
206 3 The Inca Sphere
a marginal distinction between alveodental [n] and velar [] before the glides y and w,
e.g. [wanyay] to use guano (Andean Spanish guanear), [wayay] to strike a blow.
Proto-Quechua and most modern dialects exhibit a straightforward syllable-structure
of the CV(C) type, with the sole exception that word-initial syllables are (C)V(C). Long
vowels are structurally equivalent to a VC sequence. Quechua has few constraints on
the occurrence of consonant clusters at syllable boundaries. This situation is particularly
evident in the conservative central Peruvian Quechua I dialects, where over a hundred
combinations are permitted. As a result of consonant lenition in syllable-nal position,
the number of combinations has been reduced substantially in Cuzco Quechua and in
Bolivian Quechua.
Word-nal consonant clusters and medial clusters of more than two consonants are not
allowed. Aconnective element -ni- serves the purpose of avoiding impossible consonant
sequences in nominal morphology (see the discussion of the possessive markers in
section 3.2.6 for an example). Its use, however, is not entirely restricted to nouns, and it
appears to have played a role within the history of the verbal personal reference system
as well. The connective -ni- is also used after long vowels, as in the following example
from Chup an in northern Junn, where it separates recurrent instances of the rst-person
subject marker -

: in a verb form:
(33) tarpu-pa:ku-:-n-:
sow-PL-1S-EU-1S
We (exclusive) sow.
In most Quechua dialects stress is assigned to the penultimate vowel of each polysyl-
labic word form and thus provides an easy phonology-based criterion for word delimita-
tion. Exceptionally, in interjections and emphatic expressions, stress can be word-nal,
e.g. in alal aw how cold!. In Tarma and the dialect of northern Junn word-nal stress
can occur as a result of the elision of a nal syllable.
(34) aywa-mu-ra-ygi aywa-mu-r a-y
go-H-PA-2S
You came.
In the Quechua I dialects stress is maintained in word-nal position when the long
vowel morpheme referring to rst-person subject or possessor is immediately followed
by a word boundary. (Length oppositions not connected with the rst-person morpheme
are normally neutralised in word-nal position, in which case stress is regularly assigned
to the penultimate syllable.) Example (35) illustrates the use of a rst-person marker in
Huanca; cf. also (33).
(35) w asi house
was-: my house
3.2 The Quechuan language family 207
In Pacaraos Quechua (see section 3.2.9) stress is phonemic. It may lie either on the
penultimate or on the nal syllable. Word-nal stress in Pacaraos is either due to the
elision of a nal syllable, for instance, in ak s u-k, from ak s u-kta (potato-AC), or to a
word-nal occurrence of the rst-person marker -y. Otherwise, penultimate stress is
predominant.
More complex, non-penultimate stress patterns, involving word-initial stress and
stress dependent on syllable structure, are found in QI Ancash and in QI Cajatambo
(cf. Torero 1964: 461; Parker 1976). The northern Peruvian dialects QIIA Ferre nafe
(Escribens 1977) and QIIB Amazonas (Taylor 1975; Chaparro 1985) also have deviant
stress patterns, as had the sixteenth-century coastal dialect described by Santo Tom as.
For the dialect of Huaraz (department of Ancash) the following stress pattern is de-
scribed (Torero 1964). Syllables can be either long (CVC, CV:) or short (CV). If a word
contains a long syllable which is not word-nal, the latter is stressed. If there are several
non-nal long syllables, either the last one, or the one which has a long vowel can be
stressed, or stress can be distributed over several long syllables. If there are no non-nal
long syllables, the rst syllable is stressed or the nal syllable when it contains a long
vowel.
24
3.2.6 Grammar
Quechua is essentially agglutinative. Its morphological structure is almost entirely based
on the use of sufxes and is extremely regular. Vocalic alternations, including length
and quality alternations, occur to a limited extent in part of the dialects. There are no
prexes
25
and compounds are exceptional.
Syntactic constructions in Quechua are basically head-nal (except for relative clauses
which may follow their antecedents). Constituent order in main clauses is basically free,
but there is a certain preference for the order subjectobjectverb, which is required
in dependent clauses. Possessive relations are indicated both on the head and on the
dependent nominal. Case relations are marked by special sufxes which are attached at
the end of the noun phrase. Quechua is a nominativeaccusative language. Nominative
case is not marked.
Equations and other constructions involving a nominal predicate contain the copula
verb ka- to be, which in other contexts has the meaning to exist. In most dialects,
the third-person copula ka-n he/she/it is is left out so long as it is not needed for
24
Whether or not an Ancash-type accentuation pattern reects that of Proto-Quechua is a matter
of debate. Against this view, advocated by Torero (1964), we may argue that the essentially
penultimate stress of Pacaraos Quechua provides a plausible explanation for the development
of the rst-person markers in both branches of the Quechua linguistic family, hence it is likely
to have been inherited from Proto-Quechua.
25
Ecuadorian Quechua has an element ila- step-, which could be interpreted as a prex.
208 3 The Inca Sphere
carrying other sufxes. There is no straightforward passive, nor is there an overt distinc-
tion between transitive and intransitive verbs. Special verbal endings, nominalisation,
case marking and the so-called independent or sentential sufxes (see below) take the
place of conjunctions, which are virtually non-existent in the language, unless they are
borrowed from Spanish. However, some deictic expressions may function as sentence
organisers in conditional and correlative constructions. They are also used to indicate the
relation between sentences in a discourse, e.g. cay-qa (that-TO) but; cay-mi (that-AF)
therefore, so.
Adjectives are similar to nouns in their syntactic behaviour. It is not always easy to
distinguish between the two categories. In an example such as (Ayacucho Quechua) rumi
wasi stone house, rumi can be interpreted either as a noun stone, or as an adjective
made of stone. The main criterion for establishing the difference is that a noun can func-
tion by itself as the subject in a sentence, whereas real adjectives can only act as subjects
when followed by an element that indicates their status as an independent item; an ele-
ment frequently so used is ka-q (the one) that is, e.g. in hatun ka-q the (a) big one.
The original morphological complexity of Quechua has been preserved remarkably
well in most of the dialects (including dialects which are on the verge of extinction,
such as Pacaraos Quechua). As an exception to this, the Ecuadorian and Colombian
dialects (including the Ecuadorian and northern Peruvian jungle dialects) exhibit a rather
simplied morphology. For instance, the possessive markers on nouns are no longer used
there. Compare (36) from Ecuador to (37) from Ayacucho, Cuzco or Huancayo.
(36) kam-pax wasi
you-G house
your house
(37) wasi-ki
house-2P
your house
From a formal point of view, most Quechua sufxes are easy to identify. There exist
a few portmanteau sufxes occurring at the end of a verb form, which refer to specic
combinations of tense, mood and person. Personal reference marking in verbs involves
two speech-act participants, the subject and a direct or indirect object. The object par-
ticipant must be human. Some combinations of subject and object reference in verbs
involve the use of sufxes that have different meanings from those which they convey
when considered independently from those combinations.
Apart from the somewhat complex cases just mentioned, each instance of a sufx
corresponds to a particular meaning. However, the exact semantic nature of the verbal
derivational sufxes and their pragmatics are often difcult to determine. Some sufxes
have different meanings depending on the contexts in which they occur. Combinations
3.2 The Quechuan language family 209
of sufxes may convey special meanings even in cases where the sufxes involved are
not contiguous. Some sufx meanings are clear and straightforward, but others are quite
subtle and can be mastered by a non-native speaker only with difculty. The use of the
verbal derivational sufxes exhibits a remarkable variety throughout the dialects. This
circumstance constitutes an obstacle for communication among Quechua speakers of
distinct areas and is one of the main reasons why the different Quechuan varieties are
usually treated as linguistic entities in their own right. The morphological transparency
which emanates from most descriptions of Quechua is no more than a matter of ap-
pearance. Short grammatical labels or one-line characterisations of the meaning of a
sufx generally hide a complex reality. The order in which sufxes occur in a verb
form is essentially xed, although more than one option may be available in some
parts of the sufx inventory. Descriptive studies differ in the extent to which they suc-
ceed in capturing the rules that govern sufx order in Quechua. For an admirably thor-
ough analysis of the different order options in a Quechua dialect (Ayacucho) see Parker
(1969a).
Morphology plays a very dominant role in Quechua. Several functions which in other
languages are assigned to intonation, to word order or to lexical expressions (function
words) are indicated by means of morphological markers in Quechua. There exists a
special set of afxes that can be attached to verbal, as well as to nominal expressions.
They also occur with expressions which are neither verbal nor nominal. In the litera-
ture the members of this set are referred to as independent sufxes, sentential sufxes,
class-free sufxes or enclitics. Independent sufxes cannot occur in every position in
the sentence. With a few exceptions, subordinate clauses and noun phrases with a hi-
erarchically organised inner structure function in their totality as bases of attachment
for the independent sufxes. The combination of a nominal predicate and the copula
verb ka- to be can contain no more than a single locus for the attachment of in-
dependent sufxes. In such constructions independent sufxes are normally attached
to the nominal predicate even though the latter precedes the copula, as is very often
the case.
The functions of the independent sufxes include data source, polar question marking
(- cu)
26
, topic or contrast (-qa), notions such as still or rst (-raq), already (-n
y
a),
even, too (-pas, -pis, -si) and on the other hand, as you know well (-taq). In com-
bination with interrogative expressions (wh-words), the independent sufxes acquire
special meanings. Negation is indicated by the combination of an independent sufx
following the negated element and a lexical expression (mana in statements, ama in
26
The shape of the sufxes listed here is a reconstructed form, which may emerge differently in
some dialects. Henceforth, this will be the case whenever there is no reference to a particular
dialect.
210 3 The Inca Sphere
exhortations) that occurs before it. In most dialects the independent sufx used in nega-
tions (- cu) is identical to that which marks a polar question; in Tarma, for instance, we
nd:
(38) ali- cu
good-IR
Is it good?
(39) mana-m ali- cu
not-AF good-NE
It is not good.
In Huanca the independent sufx marking a polar question has a special form, different
from the one used in negations (40).
(40) tanta-kta- cun apa-mu-nki
bread-AC-IR carry-H-2S
Will you bring bread? (Cerr on-Palomino 1976a: 2323)
(41) mana-m tanta-kta- cu
no-AF bread-AC-NE
No, not bread. (Cerr on-Palomino 1976a: 2323)
A similar situation obtains in Ancash Quechua where the interrogative sufx is -ku,
as opposed to -cu (< *- cu) in negative expressions (Parker 1976: 1489).
The independent sufxes that indicate data source are usually referred to in the lit-
erature as evidentials or validators. The data source system is primarily based on a
three-way distinction. The validity of the source from which the information was drawn,
either through personal witness, hearsay, or conjecture is consistently marked in most
declarative sentences. The contrast is illustrated in (42) in examples from northern
Junn/Tarma.
(42) mana-m ali- cu mana- s ali- cu mana- c
.
ali- cu
not-AF good-IR not-HS good-IR not-DU good-IR
It is not good (I know). It is not good (I heard). It is not good
(I guess).
In most Quechua dialects the validators have syllabic, as well as non-syllabic allo-
morphs. The syllabic allomorphs (-mi; - si, -si; - c
.
i, - ci, - ca
27
) occur after a consonant, a
diphthong, or a long vowel; the non-syllabic allomorphs (-m; - s, -s; - c
.
, - c) occur after a
short vowel.
27
The forms with nal i occur in the Quechua I dialects except in Huanca. The a variant occurs in
the other dialects.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 211
Table 3.3 The Quechua four-person
system
Speaker Addressee
1 +
2 +
3
4 + +
Validators tend to select the rst available unit of attachment in a sentence. However,
the presence of another independent sufx, such as the topic marker -qa or the additive
marker -pas, -pis, -si
28
(too, even), causes a validator to move to the next available
unit. It is also possible to mark out a particular constituent of the sentence as the answer to
a question by attaching a validator to it. For that purpose, the validator can move further
to the right. This combination of facts may lead to the impression that the conguration
of a topic marker and a validator represents some sort of a topiccomment structure. This
impression is invalidated by examples such as the following sentence (from Ayacucho),
in which there is no topic marker; the validator remains attached to the rst constituent,
in this case, the topic:
(43) kay-mi qiqa
this-AF chalk
This is a (piece of) chalk.
Nominal morphology comprises devices for case, number and personal reference
marking. Personal reference markers identify the possessor of a noun in relations of
genuine possession or in any other relation between two nominal entities envisaged as
such. A four-term personal reference system, similar to that which obtains in Aymara
(Hardman et al. 1988: 18; cf. also section 3.3.4), is found in the conservative central
Peruvian Quechua I dialects. It can be described in terms of the presence (or absence) of
a speaker and an addressee, the two main participants in the speech act (see table 3.3).
The fourth person refers to a group of people including both the speaker and the
addressee. In practice, it takes the place of a rst-person-plural inclusive as it is found in
other native American languages. By contrast, Quechua I rst-person markers may refer
either to the speaker, or to a group of people including the speaker but not the addressee.
In most Quechua I dialects, the rst-person-plural exclusive possessor with nouns is not
morphologically distinct fromthe rst-person-singular possessor. The distinction can be
28
The afx -si is found in a number of Quechua I dialects, along with one or both of the other
forms which occur throughout the main branches of the Quechua family.
212 3 The Inca Sphere
made explicit by adding a lexical expression of the possessor, as in (44) and (45) from
northern Junn:
(44) wayi-:
house-1P
my/our (exclusive) house
(45) nuqa:-kuna-pa wayi-:
I-PL-G house-1P
our (exclusive) house
In verbs the difference between a rst-person-plural exclusive and a rst-person sin-
gular is indicated by means of a verbal plural marker (see below).
The proto-forms underlying the Quechua second, third and fourth nominal person
markers are -(y)ki, -n and -n cik, respectively. They or their reexes are found in all
present-day dialects, except those that no longer mark personal reference on nouns. By
contrast, the rst-person ending is variable (see section 3.2.3). Consonant-nal stems
are followed by the connective element -ni- in order to permit the attachment of personal
reference markers, as in (46) from Ayacucho or northern Junn.
(46) mikuy-ni-ki
food-EU-2P
your food
In virtually all Quechua dialects noun plurality can be indicated by means of the
plurality marker -kuna. Although the marking of plurality is not an obligatory procedure
in Quechua, the sufx -kuna can be used with any noun referring to a set of individualised
items. There is no distinction between count and non-count nouns.
(47) mikuy-kuna
food-PL
foodstuffs, sorts of food, livestock
Along with the straightforward process of noun referent pluralisation here described,
most Quechua II dialects have developed (or maintained) a system of number marking
that is accessory to personal reference marking. The afxes in question pluralise a
possessor, a verbal subject, or a verbal object. Both types of plurality (noun referent
plurality and personal reference plurality) are kept apart consistently.
The southern Quechua IIC branch exhibits the most elaborate system of personal
reference number marking. There are separate endings for second-person plurality
(- cik, - cis
29
) and for non-second-person plurality (rst- and third-person -ku). These
29
The endings in -s (- cis and -n cis) are found in Quechua IIC, except Ayacucho. They may either
co-occur with reexes of - cik and -n cik, or be the only option as is the case in Cuzco Quechua.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 213
sufxes do not take the place of the regular person markers but follow them.
30
Two
plural markers may occur in a sequence, but combinations of -ku and -kuna are avoided.
Consider (48), (49), (50) from Ayacucho:
(48) wasi-ki- cik-kuna
house-2P-PL.2-PL
your (plural) houses
(49) wasi-y-ku
house-1P-PL.1/3
our (exclusive) house(s)
(50) wasi-y-kuna
house-1P-PL
my houses, our (exclusive) houses
In the northern Quechua II dialects (Cajamarca, Amazonas) personal reference num-
ber is marked differently. Reexes of *-l
y
apa all and *-sapa each are found instead
of -ku and - cik. In Ecuadorian Highland Quechua the marker -kuna corresponds to both
-ku and -kuna of the southern Quechua II dialects.
Case marking plays an important role in Quechua nominal morphology. Case is
marked on the nal word of a noun phrase or a relative clause when preceded by its an-
tecedent. Only the subject, a nominal predicate and some adverbial expressions (mostly
referring to time) occur without a case marker. Furthermore, the accusative case marker
is optionally absent in the context of a nominalised verb. Case markers are limited in
number, more specic spatial relations being paraphrased by means of body-part nouns
or special positional nouns.
Most case-marking sufxes vary in shape across the dialects, albeit not all in an
equally radical way. The accusative case marker indicates a direct object, an indirect
object or a deliberately selected geographic goal. Its shape is -ta, but some dialects
(Huanca, Pacaraos, colonial Cuzco Quechua) provide evidence of an allomorph -kta
after (short) vowels, which undoubtedly goes back to Proto-Quechua. In a similar way,
the genitive case marker is -pa in most dialects but is subject to allomorphic variation in
some conservative dialects (Huanca, Cuzco). Huanca -p and Cuzco Quechua -q, as well
30
The fourth-person ending -n cik (-n cis) could be interpreted as a compound ending due to its
partial similarity with the pluraliser - cik (- cis). From a synchronic point of view, such an in-
terpretation is defendable for Quechua IIC (and for some Quechua IIB dialects). Historically,
however, -n cik goes back to Proto-Quechua, whereas there is no evidence of such antiquity
for the pluraliser - cik, which does not occur in Quechua I. It seems plausible to assume that
both endings took their origin from the lexical element * cika size, albeit at different times
(cf. Cerr on-Palomino 1987a: 205).
214 3 The Inca Sphere
as Bolivian Quechua -qpa, occur after (short) vowels and reect an original postvocalic
allomorph *-p. In the Quechua IIB branch -pa is sometimes replaced by reexes of
the benefactive case marker -paq. In Ecuador *-pa and *-paq have merged as -pax
(<*-paq). Inaddition, the benefactive marker -paqremains inuse invirtuallyall dialects,
including those exhibiting the -pa/-paq alternation. Both the accusative (in Quechua II)
and the genitive case markers (in Quechua I) are used for indicating adverbial use of
adjectives.
The genitive case marker occurs on the dependent (possessor) member of a possessive
construction, whereas the (possessed) head is marked for third person. Only when the
possessor is a pronoun can the head be marked for rst, second or fourth (inclusive)
person under a condition of agreement. It follows that in a full possessive construc-
tion the members are obligatorily double-marked; cf. the examples (51) and (52) from
Ayacucho.
(51) runa-pa wasi-n
man-G house-3P
a persons house
(52) qam-pa wasi-ki
you-G house-2P
your house
Spatial case marking is limited to a general indication of the direction of a motion or
the absence of it. The locative case marker indicates location in rest regardless of the
nature of the position with respect to the case-marked object. The shape of the locative
marker is not dialectally uniform. It is -pi in most of Quechua II and - c
.
aw (or its reex)
in Quechua I (cf. section 3.2.3). Some dialects, in the area of Yauyos (department of
Lima) use -pa, rather than either -pi or - c
.
aw for locative. This practice could be due to
language contact, judging from the fact that in Aymara the genitive and locative case
markers coincide as well (cf. section 3.3.6).
Two case markers can be used to indicate motion towards a goal. It is one of the
functions of the accusative marker -(k)ta and the principal function of the allative
marker -man. The functional demarcation between the two markers does not always
coincide in the dialects. For -(k)ta to be used the subject must be human or humanised,
the action must be deliberate and the goal must have a xed position. Non-human subjects
and moving or non-local goals require the use of -man. The examples (53) and (54), also
from Ayacucho, illustrate this.
(53) yaku-man ri-ni
water-AL go-1S
I go for water (wherever I can nd it).
3.2 The Quechuan language family 215
(54) kay n
y
an-qa ayaku cu-man ri-n
this road-TO Ayacucho-AL go-3S
This road goes to Ayacucho.
The directional use of the two case markers just discussed is extended metaphorically
to the function of indirect-object marking. In the southern Quechua II dialects there is
a tendency to use -man for indirect objects and -(k)ta for direct objects, whereas the
central Peruvian Quechua I dialects use -(k)ta for both purposes.
Aspecial directional case marker -kamaconveys the meaninguntil bothina temporal
and in a spatial sense. This marker is related to the verb kama- to t, to animate (a
religious concept).
The concept of separation (ablative) is indicated by means of a case marker which is
variable in shape. Most Quechua II dialects have -manta (or reexes of it). The Quechua I
dialects use (reexes of) -pita, -piq and -piqta (cf. section 3.2.3).
There can hardly be any doubt that the element ta in -manta, -pita and -piqta is histo-
rically related to the accusative marker -(k)ta, whereas man, pi (possibly also piq) can
be traced to the allative and locative case markers, respectively. From a synchronic point
of view, the inner structure of the ablative case marker is no longer relevant. Along
with its main function of referring to separation, it can convey other meanings such as
a topic of conversation or reection (about), or it can mark the second member in a
comparison.
There is no special case marker for the concept of motion through a space (perlative).
For this purpose the genitive is used in some Quechua I dialects, and a combination -n-ta
in southern Peruvian Quechua II, as in Ayacucho:
(55) urqu-n-ta ri-n
mountain-3P-AC go-3S
It goes through the mountains.
Another case marker which plays a central role in Quechua grammar is -wan. It
refers to the instrumental or comitative case (with), but has the additional function of
coordinating two noun phrases (and). The coordinating function of -wan is compatible
with other case markers. Interestingly, the instrumental and coordinative functions of
-wan cannot be separated easily. Of two noun phrases in a coordinative construction only
one must be marked with -wan, whereas the other need not be expressed lexically, as in
the following example from Tarma:
(56) punu- ci-ma-ra-ygi xuk wamra-ta-wan
sleep-CA-1O-PA-2S another girl-AC-IS
You made me sleep with another girl. (lit. You made me and
another girl sleep.)
216 3 The Inca Sphere
The instrumental case marker is frequently used to identify the causee in causative
constructions, in particular when the causative verb has a transitive base, as in (57) from
Ayacucho:
(57) parqu- ci-ni cakra-ta pedru-wan
irrigate-CA-1S eld-AC Peter-IS
I have the eld irrigated by Peter. (Soto Ruiz 1979: 340)
There are a small number of other case markers, not found in every dialect of Quechua.
A frequent marker is -rayku for the sake of. Likeness is expressed by means of a case
marker -naw (-nuy, -nu:) in Quechua I. In Quechua II the notion of like is expressed
by means of the adverb (or postposition) hina. Another widespread marker is -pura
among.
As a consequence of their limited number, most Quechua case markers are multi-
functional. For each grammatical case a list of uses is required. Sequences of case
markers occur to a limited degree. Most often they involve either the genitive marker
(e.g. Ayacucho bisinti-pa-ta to Vincents, Parker 1969a: 44), or the instrumental marker
-wan in its coordinative and comitative functions. In addition, the case markers -kama
and -naw can also be found in combinations. In combination with specic categories
of nominalisation, the case markers show a tendency towards acquiring specialised
functions (see below).
Nominal sufxation is not limited to case, number and personal reference. Some
Quechua IIC dialects, such as Ayacucho, have diminutive and, occasionally, augmenta-
tive afxes (Parker 1969a: 60):
(58) wasi- ca
house-DI
little house
(59) wasi-su
31
house-AU
big house
Virtually all Quechua dialects have nominal derivational sufxes referring to own-
ership in a very broad sense. A very common sufx is -yuq (-ni-yuq after consonants,
diphthongs and long vowels), to be translated as owner of, having, or belonging to
a place, a community:
31
The sufx -su is said to be derived from the ending -azo in the local Spanish (e.g. perrazo a
huge dog). If this is true, it is probably the sole morphological element borrowed from Spanish
into Ayacucho Quechua. It has not been reported in other dialects.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 217
(60) wasi-yuq
house-OS
house owner, someone who has a house
Other frequent sufxes are -sapa owner of many, owner of something big and
-nti(n) including, with . . . and all. In some of the central Peruvian dialects (Hu anuco,
Pacaraos) a sufx -nnaq or -:naq conveys the meaning without, owner of none. It
was also found in colonial Cuzco Quechua, and it may, therefore, be reconstructed for
the common proto-language. Example (61) is from Pacaraos.
(61) wawi-:naq
child-LA
childless, having no children
Deniteness is not a general morphological category in the Quechua languages. How-
ever, the Huanca dialects have developed an afxed denite article, comparable to those
found in Rumanian or Swedish. The sufxal character of this marker of deniteness
makes it unlikely that its existence could be explained through the contact with Span-
ish. Formally, the Huanca denite marker has been derived from *ka-q, the agentive
nominalised form of the verb ka- to be. In the Chongos Bajo subdialect of Huanca its
reexes are -ka: between consonants, -ka in word-nal position and vowel length (-:)
after non-nal short vowels, e.g.:
(62) wamla-kuna-ka
girl-PL-DF
the girls
Acharacteristic feature of many Andean languages is the existence of a sufx referring
to limitation, which marks a noun as trivial, limited in number or size, or close in
distance to the speaker. The Quechua sufx which has this function, -l
y
a (-la, -la:-), may
originally have been an independent sufx. It became part of the nominal morphology
and, in Quechua I, also part of the verbal morphology. There are rather complex rules
determining the location of -l
y
a in relation to case, number and personal reference
markers in nouns. Whatever the status of this sufx, its semantic interpretation is stable.
In Andean Spanish it is characteristically reected by the expressions no m as or nada
m as no(thing) more.
As in many other native American languages, the verb constitutes the richest part of
the morphology in Quechua. Verbal morphology is contained within a general frame-
work of formal restrictions, which are the following. All verb roots end in a vowel.
32
They
32
In dialects that distinguish vowel length root-nal low vowels can be long underlyingly. In verbs
showing this characteristic length surfaces whenever the phonological context permits it, e.g.
(Tarma) c
.
a:- sun we shall reach, but c
.
a-nki you (shall) reach.
218 3 The Inca Sphere
do not occur by themselves but must be followed by at least one sufx that qualies
the verb as a syntactically usable unit. Sufxes that can full this function are per-
sonal reference (subject) markers, whether or not in combination with tense and mood
markers.
A verbal root may be followed either by one, or by a string of afx extensions, which
all share the formal peculiarity of ending in a vowel. Like roots, these extensions cannot
occur word-nally but must be followed by one of the endings required to assure the
syntactic use of the verb form.
33
These root-extending afxes are commonly referred to
as derivational or modal sufxes in the literature on Quechua. Although they are subject
to shared formal restrictions (most of them are either CV or CCV), they represent a
wide array of functions and meanings ranging from changes in syntactic valence and
argument structure to subtle semantic and pragmatic shifts. As a rule, there is a one-to-
one relation between formand function, but certain combinations of sufxes can acquire
new and idiosyncratic meanings. Combinations of a verbal root and a derivational sufx
may become lexicalised as idiomatic units.
Tense, mood and personal reference markers occupy the nal block in a Quechua verb
form. Full verb forms must contain one of the sufxes in question or a combination of
several. For the Quechua IIB and IIC dialects the number markers are to be added to the
above list, as they operate in close connection with the personal reference markers. The
place of tense and mood markers can also be occupied by nominalising and subordinating
(switch-reference) afxes.
In Quechua verbs personal reference is built on the same distinctions as for their
nominal counterparts. It consists of a four-termsystembased on the inclusion of speaker
and addressee. However, an additional dimension is brought in through the fact that not
only the subject, but also a (human) object can be identied for person. Third-person
objects remain unexpressed, as in (63) and (64) from Ayacucho:
(63) miku-nki- cu
eat-(3O-)2S-IR
Do (did) you eat?, or Do (did) you eat it?
(64) riku-n-ku
see-(3O-)3S-PL
They see (him/her/them/it).
First-, second- and fourth-person objects that are expressed in the verb form can
have either an indirect or a direct-object function depending on the semantics of the
verb base. There are four endings involving subject reference only and an additional
33
The single exception may be the serial verb yal
y
i- to exceed in Ecuadorian Quechua, which
occurs uninected in comparative constructions.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 219
Table 3.4 Subject conjugation in Ayacucho Quechua
Present Future Imperative
1 pers. subject wata-ni wata-saq
2 pers. subject wata-nki wata-nki wata-y
3 pers. subject wata-n wata-nqa wata- cun
4 pers. subject wata-n cik wata-sun wata-sun
ve combinations that involve object marking as well. These combinations were called
transiciones (transitions) by the Spanish colonial grammarians, a term still used in
many of todays traditional-style grammars.
34
The subject endings are relatively stable
throughout the paradigms referring to tense and mood. The imperative mood and the
future tense both have special portmanteau endings. The Ayacucho Quechua subject
paradigms of the verb wata- to tie in table 3.4 illustrate this.
Non-future, non-imperative subject endings resemble the nominal possessive endings.
However, in Quechua IIC dialects, such as Ayacucho, rst- and second-person subject
endings differ from the possessive endings in all tenses of the indicative mood.
(65) wata-r(q)a-ni uma-y
tie-PA-1S head-1P
I tied. my head
(66) wata-r(q)a-nki uma-yki
tie-PA-2S head-2P
You tied. your head
In Quechua I there is no such difference between the rst-person endings, and in many
of these dialects the second-person subject ending coincides with the possessive ending
in the past tenses. The examples (67) and (68) from northern Junn illustrate this point:
(67) wata-r a-: um a-:
tie-PA-1S head-1P
I tied. my head
(68) wata-r a-y(ki) um a-y(ki)
tie-PA-2S head-2P
You tied. your head
34
According to our information, the termtransiciones appeared for the rst time in the anonymous
grammar published by Antonio Ricardo in 1586. Starting from Gonz alez Holgun (1607), the
transitions are subject to a numbering system, which is still in use here and there. This numbering
system fails to distinguish between the combinations 3S-10 and 3S-40.
220 3 The Inca Sphere
Of the ve endings that conjointly refer to a subject and an object (1S-2O, 2S-1O,
3S-1O, 3S-2O, 3S-4O) four consist of potentially discontinuous sequences of sufxes,
the intervening element being either a tense marker, a nominaliser or a subordinator.
The second component of these combined endings is always identical to one of the
subject endings, although it need not convey the latters usual meaning. The shape
of this second component varies in accordance with the tense, mood or nominalisation
paradigmin which it occurs. The initial component in the combination remains the same
in all paradigms, leaving aside predictable morphophonemic variation if any. When the
initial component is -ma(:)- (in Quechua I, Pacaraos and Ferre nafe) or -wa- (in most
of Quechua II), its function as a rst-person object marker is transparent whenever the
subject is second or third person. (The examples (69)(74) are fromAyacucho Quechua.)
(69) muna-wa-nki
want-1O-2S
You want me.
(70) muna-wa-n
want-1O-3S
He/she wants me.
However, the rst-person object marker -ma(:)-/-wa- can also co-occur with a fourth-
person subject marker, in which case the result is a semantically irregular sequence
referring to a third-person subject acting upon a fourth-person object.
(71) muna-wa-n cik
want-1O-4S
He/she wants us.
The second-person subject ending can co-occur with an internal sufx -su- (Quechua I
- su-). The resulting combination refers to a third-person subject acting upon a second-
person object.
(72) muna-su-nki
want-3S.2O-2S
He/she wants you.
The combinations 2S-1O, 3S-1O, 3S-2O and 3S-4O mentioned above are found both
in Quechua I and in Quechua II dialects. The combination 1S-2O is a rather divergent
case. If it exists at all at the morphological level, it is either indicated by means of the
sufx -q or a reex of it (in Quechua I), or by -yki (in most of Quechua II). For the
future tense there is a special portmanteau ending common to most dialects (*- sqayki >
Ayacucho -s(q)ayki).
3.2 The Quechuan language family 221
(73) muna-yki
want-1S.2O
I want you.
(74) riku-s(q)ayki
see-1S.2O.F
I shall see you.
Several dialects situated at the periphery of the Quechua linguistic area have to a cer-
tain extent regularised the paradigms relating to personal reference marking (Cajamarca,
Ferre nafe, Bolivian Quechua and Santiago del Estero), or lost part or all of it (Ecuador).
As a consequence of this regularising tendency, the sufx -su- became a straightforward
second-person object marker in Ferre nafe (Taylor 1994). The same occurred in Santiago
del Estero (Alderetes 1994), as illustrated in (75)(76).
(75) tapu-su-ni
ask-2O-1S
I ask you.
(76) tapu-su-n-ku
ask-2O-3S-PL
They ask you.
In Quechua I number is indicated by means of derivational sufxes which are inserted
between the root and the personal reference endings (cf. section 3.2.3). In southern
Quechua I dialects there are several pluralisers, whose selection is determined by the
presence of other sufxes, especially aspect sufxes. (The examples (77)(80) are from
Tarma Quechua.)
(77) wata-ba:ku-n
tie-PL-3S
They tie (it). (without aspect marker)
(78) wata-rga-ya-n
tie-PL-PR-3S
They are tying (it). (with progressive aspect)
(79) wata-ra-:ri-n
tie-PF-PL-3S
They have tied (it). (with perfective aspect)
Normally, the internal pluralisers refer to the number of the subject, but incidentally
they can also indicate the number of an object. Pluralisation of object may occur when
both subject and object are explicitly marked in the verb form and the object is not
222 3 The Inca Sphere
third person. Forms with an internal pluraliser and explicit object marking are therefore
ambiguous.
(80) cay-la-ta ni-ba:ku-x lapa-y-ta
that-DL-AC say-PL-1S.2O all-2P-AC
I say that to all of you.
The Quechua IIC dialects use the same strategy for pluralising verbal personal refer-
ence markers as is found in the nominal conjugation. It has the advantage of providing
an easy way of distinguishing between number of subject and number of object. The
pluraliser - cik (- cis) is reserved for second-person subjects and objects, whereas the plu-
raliser -ku is used for rst- and third-person subjects, as well as for rst-person objects.
(The examples (81)(82) are from Ayacucho Quechua.)
(81) muna-su-nki-ku
want-3S.2O-PL.3S
They want you.
(82) muna-su-nki- cik
want-3S.2O-PL.2S
He/she/they want(s) you (plural).
In forms such as (81) and (82) it is not possible to indicate morphologically that both
the subject and the object of the verb are plural. As a rule, the indication of plurality of a
rst or second person is considered more essential than that of a third person. Ambiguity
can be removed by the addition of a noun containing a plural marker.
When plural marking is applied to rst-person endings, the resulting forms refer to
an exclusive rst-person plural. These forms stand in contrast with the fourth-person
category which can only denote an inclusive we. Ecuadorian Quechua, however, lost
the distinction between inclusive and exclusive rst-person plural, as the original inclu-
sive (fourth-person) developed into a general rst-person plural combining both func-
tions. As a result, the modern Ecuadorian personal reference system is based on a
three-way person distinction and a two-way number distinction, as in most European
languages.
The Quechua nite verb permits a three-way mood distinction involving indicative,
optative and imperative. The number of tense distinctions within the indicative mood
can vary according to the dialects, the richest system (of seven tenses) being found in
Ancash Quechua. The optative (also called conditional or potential) has two tenses in all
dialects. There are no tense distinctions in the imperative. Nevertheless, a future-tense
form which is not accompanied by an evidential sufx can be interpreted as a polite
command or recommendation.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 223
Verbs that do not belong to any of the three mood options listed above are either
subordinated or nominalised. Subordinate verb forms are marked for switch-reference
and could well be considered as a fourth mood if it were not for their non-nite character.
All Quechua dialects exhibit a sharp distinction between realised and non-realised
events. The future tense refers to non-realised events, as do the imperative and the present
optative. In the indicative mood, future tense is required for any event that takes place
after the moment of speaking. All dialects have an unmarked or present tense and at
least one past tense.
In the unmarked present tense the subject personal reference endings are added to
the verb stem directly. In the remaining tenses (except for the future), a tense-marking
sufx precedes the subject endings. Additionally, most Quechua dialects have one or
two compound tenses based on a combination of nominalisations and the auxiliary verb
ka- to be.
The most common marker for plain past tense can be reconstructed as *-rqa-. It is
illustrated in the following examples from Ayacucho Quechua, where it contrasts with a
habitual past-tense form. The habitual past tense consists of the agentive nominalisation
form in -q and the verb to be.
(83) miku-r(q)a-ni
eat-PA-1S
I ate (it).
(84) miku-q ka-ni
eat-HB be-1S
I used to eat (it).
In Ayacucho Quechua, as in several other dialects, there are good reasons for consid-
ering the habitual past a separate tense. As the third-person subject form of the verb to
be in its copula function is regularly deleted, the pluralising sufx -ku is added directly
to the nominalised form, thus emphasising the nite verb character of the construction.
When combinations of subject and object markers occur, these are normally distributed
over both components of the construction, as in (86) (Parker 1969a: 49).
(85) riku-q-ku
see-HB-(be.3S-)-PL.3S
They used to see (him/her/it).
(86) riku-su-q ka-nki
see-3S.2O-HB be-2S
He used to see you.
The existence of a special tense category denoting surprise or lack of previous aware-
ness on the side of the speaker (cf. section 3.2.3) has become an areal phenomenon,
224 3 The Inca Sphere
especially since it was borrowed into Andean Spanish. It has been conveniently labelled
sudden discovery tense.
35
With regard to Ayacucho Quechua, it is also referred to as
the narrative past because it often denotes a plain past tense in narratives (ending
-sqa). However, sudden discovery is not necessarily conned to the past. It may refer to
the present, and even to the future, when the unpredictable outcome of an experiment is
involved. Due to its range of meanings, the status of sudden discovery as a tense is some-
what debatable. An English translation for the sudden discovery category is it/he/she
turned out (to be).
Other tenses found in some of the dialects are a recent past (in Ancash Quechua)
and a perfect comparable to the present perfect tense of English (e.g. in Pacaraos, see
section 3.2.9).
The two tenses of the optative refer to the possibility of an event in the near future,
and to an event that has failed to take place in the past, respectively. Formally, they are
alike, except for the fact that the latter is followed by the third-person past-tense form
of the verb to be, kar(q)a, which in this case functions as a lexical past-tense marker.
(The examples (87)(88) are from Ayacucho Quechua.)
(87) maqa-nki-man
hit-2S-PO
You could hit (him/her).
(88) maqa-nki-man ka-r(q)a
hit-2S-PO be-3S.PA
You could have hit him/her (but you didnt).
Subordinate verb forms are morphologically marked as such in Quechua. They nor-
mally refer to events which are either prior to, or simultaneous with the main event in
the sentence. Although the exact nature of the relation between the two verbs (cause,
condition, temporal background) is left undetermined, a further specication can be
obtained through the addition of aspect markers and independent sufxes. The addition
of the independent sufx -pas (-pis, -si) even, also adds a concessive meaning to the
subordinate verb. Aprogressive aspect marker indicates simultaneousness; a negation in
combination with the independent sufx -raq still, rst denotes previousness of the
main event (before . . . ing). In some dialects, borrowed Spanish conjunctions (espe-
cially si if) may precede a subordinate verb form.
36
The exact semantic interpretation
35
The term sudden discovery tense is from Adelaar (1977: 94). In the linguistic literature similar
categories, as in Turkish for instance, have been referred to as the inferential past (Comrie,
personal communication).
36
Subordinate verb forms have often been interpreted as cases of nominalisation. There is a good
argument for not following this line. Although direct objects preceding a nominalised verb form
may occur without the accusative case marker -(k)ta, this is never the case with subordinate verb
forms.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 225
of a subordinate verb is to a high degree dependent on the meaning of the main verb
which it accompanies. The following sentence, taken from a popular legend concerning
the town of Tapo, near Tarma, illustrates this fairly well:
(89) mana ciwaku pla:nu-n ci-ta aspi-pti-n-qa tapu-m limaq ka-n-man ka-ra
not blackbird map-4P-AC erase-DS-3S-TO Tapo-AF Lima be-3S-PO be-3S.PA
If the blackbird had not erased our map, Tapo would have been Lima
(viz. the nations capital).
The main point of interest in relation to subordinate verbs in Quechua is the existence
of an explicit switch-reference mechanism. Most Quechua dialects have a subordination
marker, such as -pti-, which indicates a change of subject. The use of this marker must
be accompanied by an indication of the grammatical person of the subject. This is
understandable because the subjects of the two verbs involved are not the same. In
Ecuadorian Quechua, however, different subject marking is not accompanied by any
personal reference morphology (cf. the case of Tsaki in section 2.17). The verb form
shows that the subjects are different but not to what grammatical person they belong. The
Ecuadorian different subject marker -(x)pi may have been derived from a combination
of the agentive nominalisation in *-q with the locative case marker -pi, rather than from
*-pti- (in spite of the resemblance).
The shape of the same subject marker differs according to the dialects (cf. sec-
tion 3.2.3). The most common markers are -r (-l) in Quechua I and - spa- (-spa) in
Quechua II.
Switch-reference is of utmost importance for the structure of Quechua discourse.
After a rst introduction, the main protagonists in a narrative are not again explicitly
mentioned but are expected to be identied through a correct interpretation of the switch-
reference forms. In order to help this process of interpretation, a subordinate verb which
resumes the content of the previous sentence is often used to introduce a new sentence.
The presence of switch-reference markers permits the hearer to establish whether or not
the subject of the previous sentence is still in focus. Consider the following passage in
a narrative from San Pedro de Cajas (Adelaar 1977: 4089):
(90) cawra-q na:- si caka-ra-ya-n.
then-TO already-HS become.dark-CN-PR-3S.
caka-ru-pti-n- si na: laso: cu-nuy yapay c
.
a-ru-n alqu-q kurba:ta-ku- s.
become.dark-PF-DS-HS already at.eight-CP again arrive-PF-3S
dog-TO necktie-V-SN
At that time, they say, it was already getting dark. When it had
become dark, at about eight oclock, the dog arrived again, wearing
a necktie.
226 3 The Inca Sphere
Additional subordination markers occur in some dialects. The ending - stin (or -stin)
indicates simultaneousness with same subjects. Some Quechua I dialects have a negative
subordinator, -nni or -:ni; cf. also Pacaraos Quechua miku:ni without eating.
Nominalisation has a place at the core of Quechua grammar.
37
Nominalised verbs
in Quechua exhibit the syntactic and morphological characteristics of nouns, while re-
taining a substantial part of the complex verbal morphology as well. Externally, they
can be marked for case (as nouns are), whereas internally they can take case-marked
complements (as verbs do). Personal reference markers are either verbal (when an ob-
ject is involved) or nominal (when a possessive or pseudo-possessive relation to the
event is expressed). With nominalised verbs the subject and possessive markers are for-
mally the same and cannot always be distinguished on the basis of their function and
meaning.
The exibility of the Quechua nominalisation system is enhanced by its faculty to
combine with case afxes and, to a lesser extent, aspect markers. Potentially, each
combination of a nominalisation with a particular case category yields a specic class of
complement clauses. These congurations complement the rather limited possibilities in
terms of semantic specication that are provided by the subordinative (switch-reference)
categories.
Quechua dialects differ in the number of nominalisers they use, but a minimal system
of four nominalisations is found throughout the family. One category of nominalisation
(ending -y) refers to the event in abstracto and, occasionally, to its result or a generic ob-
ject in the widest sense. It has the characteristics of an innitive. Personal reference with
innitives is typically nominal (pseudo-possessive), and there are no tense distinctions,
as in (Ayacucho):
(91) miku-y kawsa-y
eat-IF live-IF
to eat, food to live, agricultural products
The innitive is frequently used with the accusative case marker -(k)ta and an auxiliary
verb. Verbs such as ati(pa)-to be able, muna- to want, ya c
.
a-/ya ca- to know how to
and (the reexes of) qal
y
a.yku- (QI)/qal
y
a.ri- (QII) to begin are frequently used as
auxiliaries, as illustrated by (92)(93) from Tarma:
(92) rima-y-ta xala.yu-ru-n
speak-IF-AC begin-PF-3S
He began to speak.
37
For a detailed study in a generative context see Lefebvre and Muysken (1988).
3.2 The Quechuan language family 227
Although grammatically the innitive functions as the object of the auxiliary verb,
the resulting construction as a whole has several characteristics of a compound verb.
Subject and object markers may be distributed over both components of the con-
struction. For instance, the ventive (hither) marker -mu- may appear on the auxiliary
verb, although from a semantic point of view it belongs to the event denoted by the
innitive.
(93) yarba-y-ta xala.ya-mu-ra
38
descend-IF-AC begin-H-3S.PA
He began to descend. He began to come down.
In Ecuador, the -y innitive was replaced by the instrumental nominalisation in -na
(see below). It has been retained, however, for the exclusive purpose of the auxiliary
construction just outlined.
Forms that result from other nominalisation strategies refer to participants or items
involved in the event denoted by the base verb. They can also refer to a place, time or
means, or to the fact of the event itself. The nominalisation in -q is usually referred
to as the agentive. Agentive forms are subject-centred. They refer to the subject of an
event denoted by the base verb. Tense distinctions are not relevant. The agentive can
be used to construct relative clauses in which the subject is identical to the antecedent.
With verbs of motion it may indicate a goal. Agentive nominalisation also constitutes the
basis of the habitual past tense (see above). (The examples (94)(95) are from Ayacucho
Quechua.)
(94) pukl
y
a-q
play-AG
one who plays, a player
(95) pukl
y
a-q ri-saq
play-AG go-1S.F
I shall go and play.
Forms resulting from instrumental nominalisation in -na are everything but subject-
centred. They refer to events not yet realised. As such, they may either denote a means,
a place, a time in the future, an object to be affected, the necessity of an event, or plainly
the fact that it will occur. Instrumentals are frequently used in relative clauses in which
the subject is not identical to the antecedent. When used by itself, the instrumental
38
Actually, the root to descend is yarbu-. The sentence is a rare example of a case in which a
vowel modication rule (u > a) is copied from an auxiliary verb onto the innitive which it
accompanies. The alternative option in which the innitive retains its original vowel u is more
common (cf. Adelaar 1977: 117).
228 3 The Inca Sphere
nominalisation may refer to an obligation. Examples (96)(99) from Tarma Quechua
illustrate different uses of instrumental (future) nominalisation.
(96) xu-x miku-na-n-guna-ta
give-HB eat-FN-3P-PL-AC
They used to give (them) their victuals. (lit. their things to eat)
(97) mana-m musya-ra- cu yanu-ku-na ga-na-ta
not-AF guess-3S.PA-NE cook-CU-FN be-FN-AC
He did not suspect that there would be a way (means) of cooking them.
(98) cay xi sya-y-xa asta
39
wanu-na-n-gama nuna- c
.
u:-xa ga-n
that be.ill-IF-TO until die-FN-3S-LI man-L-TO be-3S
That illness remains in a man until (the moment) he dies.
(99) aywa-na-:
go-FN-1S
I must go.
One of the most important applications of the instrumental nominalisation is its com-
bination with the benefactive case sufx -paq. This combination refers to a purpose
clause, as in (Ayacucho):
(100) yanapa-wa-na-yki-paq
help-1O-FN-2S-B
. . . so that you might help me
Alongside -na, an archaic form -nqa was preserved in colonial Cuzco Quechua. In
Ecuadorian Quechua, a reex of *-nqa is still used today in the local equivalent of the
-na + -paq construction just described (for an example see section 3.2.8 on Salasaca
Quechua). Interestingly, this construction has become involved in an extension of the
switch-reference system. It is now used for purpose clauses in which the subject is the
same as that of the main clause. The different subject function has been taken over by
the original third-person imperative ending - cun. As we mentioned before, Ecuadorian
subordinate verbs lack personal reference marking. (For a parallel situation in Tsaki,
see section 2.17.)
The applications of the stative nominalisation in - sqa (-sqa, - ska, - sa) are largely
the same as those of its instrumental counterpart, the difference being the fact that
statives refer to events that are realised either previously, or simultaneously with re-
gard to the main event. As a rule, forms resulting from nominalisation in - sqa are not
39
The particle asta (from Spanish hasta until) is often found in combination with the limitative
case marker -gama (-kama in most other dialects), which has essentially the same meaning.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 229
Table 3.5 Valency-changing sufxes in Quechua
- ci- causative, permissive transitiviser (adds a new
agent argument)
-ku- reexive
-na(ku)- reciprocal
-ka(:)- (QI) medio-passive, no control
-na(:)- (QI), -naya- (QII) experiencer (transfers a need or desire to an object)
-pa(:)- (QI), -pa- (QII) applicative transitiviser (adds a new object)
-ra(:)- (QI), -raya- (QII) state or prolonged event
-w si- (QI), -ysi- (QII) accompanied action transitiviser (to help someone
perform an action)
subject-centred. (Nevertheless, subject-centred statives do occur sporadically with in-
transitive bases.) Example (101) from Tarma illustrates the use of a stative participle.
(101) lapa-n waxta- c
.
u xampi-n ci-guna-m kanan-xa xunxa- sa
all-3P slope-L medicinal.plant-4P-PL-AF now-TO forget-SN
On all the slopes our medicinal plants are now forgotten.
Stative participles are frequently found in compound tenses, where they occasionally
acquire an active (subject-centred) meaning. This is the case of the experiential past in
Pacaraos Quechua, illustrated in (102).
(102) rika-pu- sq a-s(u) ka-nki
see-LS-SN-IR be-2S
Have you ever seen it? Did you ever get to see it?
The derivational or modal afxes that operate as extensions of the verb root together
constitute the richest and most complex part of Quechua morphology. As we anticipated,
they make up a very heterogeneous set from a semantic and a functional point of view.
Some can function as valency-changing afxes; see table 3.5.
The following examples illustrate the use of these sufxes. The examples (110a, b),
illustrating the sufx -ysi-, are from the Ayacucho dialect; the others exemplify the
dialect of San Pedro de Cajas in northern Junn.
(103) a. wanu- to die wanu- ci- to kill, to cause to die
b. maqa- to beat maqa- ci- to make (someone) beat
to have (someone) beaten
(104) a. mayla- to wash mayla-ku- to wash oneself
b. wanu- to die wanu- ci-ku- to kill oneself,
to commit suicide
230 3 The Inca Sphere
(105) a. maqa- to beat maqa-naku- to beat each other
b. maqa- ci-naku- to have each other beaten
(106) a. miku- to eat mika-na(:)- to provoke hunger
(impersonal subject)
b. mika-na-y hunger
(107) a. punu- to sleep punu-ka(:)- to fall asleep
b. laqa- to stick laqa-ka(:)- to get stuck to someone
(108) a. ayku- to laugh ayku-pa(:)- to laugh at, to smile at
b. muna- to want muna-pa(:)- to desire, to long for
(109) a. wila- to warn wila-ra(:)- to be in a state of having
been warned
to be in a state of having
announced
b. rirka- to look rirka-ra(:)- to observe, to watch
c. hita- to throw hita-ra(:)- to lie down
(110) a. apa- to carry apa-ysi- to help someone carry
b. puri- to walk puri-ysi- to accompany
Two derivational extensions are closely linked with the personal reference system.
The ventive or cislocative sufx -mu- (hither) either denotes a psychological approach
experienced by the speaker, or any motion directed towards the location of the speaker.
In this function -mu- is obligatory to the extent that it cannot be left out without arousing
the suggestion of a motion away from or neutral with regard to the speakers location.
In narratives the notion of speakers location may acquire a derived interpretation, as
it can represent a location which the speaker has in mind, viz. a place focused in the
narrated event, as in (Ayacucho):
(111) apa-mu-y apa-y
carry-H-2S.IM carry-2S.IM
Bring it (here)! Take it away!
If -mu- is found in a verb which cannot be interpreted as a verb of motion, the
action is supposed to be carried out at an indicated place and to have consequences for
the speaker. The suggestion may be that of a circular effect which emanates from the
speaker; example (112) is from Tarma Quechua:
(112) cay- c
.
u:-mi ulxu ga-y-ta ya c
.
a-ka-mu-nxa
that-L-AF man be-IF-AC know-RF-H-3S.F
(I will send my son to the Army.) There he will learn how to be a man.
The benefactive sufx -pu- is used in many Quechua dialects, in combination with
personal reference markers otherwise referring to object, for the purpose of encoding a
3.2 The Quechuan language family 231
beneciary, as in Ayacucho (113):
(113) cura-pu-sayki
keep-BN-1S.2O.F
I shall keep it for you.
In Cuzco Quechua, -pu- has acquired the additional function of a reversive (back to
original state) or an itive (motion away from the scene). In the latter case, it functions as
the semantic opposite of -mu-.
Aspect systems are more or less well developed in virtually all Quechua dialects. In
Quechua IIC, the progressive aspect marker is reconstructed as *- cka- (possibly from
*- c
.
ka-). It is still found as such in Ayacucho Quechua, as well as (very seldom) in the
seventeenth-century variety of Quechua used in the manuscript of Huarochir (akin to
Quechua IIB). Modern reexes of the progressive aspect marker are Cuzco -sya- or - sa-,
Bolivian Quechua -sa- and Santiago del Estero - ska-. The progressive aspect marker
in Quechua I dialects is either -yka(:)- or its reex -ya(:)-. In Ecuadorian Quechua,
progressive aspect meaning is conveyed by -ku- (also -xu-), originally a marker of the
reexive category.
More complex aspect systems are found in Quechua I, in particular, in the Huanca
dialects and in northern Junn (including Tarma). In these dialects, reexes of the sufx
*-rqu- (-ru-, -(lu)-, -:(lu)-) operate as a perfective
40
counterpart of the progressive
marker -ya(:)-. Both aspect categories are mutually exclusive and stand in opposition
to the unmarked forms which have a habitual or general truth value. In the dialects
of the province of Tarma, aspect marking is mutually exclusive with negation at the
sentence level. In some northern Quechua I dialects (Hu anuco, eastern Ancash) a sufx
-ski- occupies a place in the aspect system comparable to that of *-rqu- in southern
Quechua I.
Directional afxes referring to the semantic categories outward (*-rqu-), inward
(*-yku-), upward (*-rku-) and downward (*-rpu-) can be reconstructed, at least for
Quechua I, on the basis of such word sets as yarqu- to leave, yayku- to enter, yarku-
to climb and yarpu- to descend. The sufxes -rku- and -rpu- are still used productively
to express direction in many varieties of Quechua I. The sufxes -r(q)u- and -y(k)u- are
used in most Quechua dialects but have acquired new functions.
The remaining derivational extensions mainly bring about semantic additions to the
verb root, often resulting in lexicalised verbsufx combinations. Some semantic addi-
tions are straightforward, for instance, that of -(y)ka c
.
a(:)- (QI)/ -(y)ka ca- (QII), which
conveys the meaning up and down, back and forth or hesitatingly. But the semantic
40
The use of the perfective aspect in southern Quechua I is reminiscent of the use of perfective
verbs in Slavic languages such as Russian.
232 3 The Inca Sphere
additions of other verbal extensions are elusive and difcult to dene. The meaning of
-ri- inchoative is a case in point. Additionally, some of the sufxes with straightforward
semantic applications have derived meanings, which belong to the pragmatic level and
are often hard to translate.
The order in which the verbal extension sufxes appear when combined is basi-
cally xed. Some combinations of sufxes, however, are so infrequent that it would
seem rather articial to speak of xed-order classes. Certain valency-changing suf-
xes (particularly, causative - ci- and the reexive and reciprocal markers) tend to dis-
play different order options with corresponding differences in interpretation. In other
cases, the existence of different order options may be of no semantic consequence
(see, for instance, the discussion of Ayacucho Quechua verbal sufx order in Parker
1969a). When the order position of a sufx is xed, as is the case of pluralisers and
aspect markers in Quechua I, for instance, it need not reect the logical semantic
build-up of the verb form as such. In what follows, the Tarma Quechua forms (77)
(79) are expanded with the causative marker - ci-. The ordering of the sufxes is quite
unexpected.
(114) wata- ci-ba:ku-n
tie-CA-PL-3S
They have it tied.
(115) wata-rga-ya:- ci-n
tie-PL-PR-CA-3S
They are having it tied.
(116) wata-ra-:ri- ci-n
tie-PF-PL-CA-3S
They (eventually) had it tied.
In the examples (114)(116) the presence of an aspect marker relocates the pluraliser
to the left of the causative sufx. The exact location of the pluraliser is furthermore
determined by the choice of the aspect marker. It follows the perfective but precedes
the progressive aspect marker, even though the two aspect markers make up a mutually
exclusive set (as we saw before).
An interesting but widely neglected aspect of Quechua morphology is the existence
of several types of root reduplication both in the verbal and in the nominal sphere. In
Tarma Quechua, different types of verbal reduplication refer to simulated action (to
act as if), frustrated intention (to try without success), eagerness (cannot wait to
do something) and resulting condition. Nominal reduplication may denote dispersed
units, distributed qualities, pronoun plurality, every and again resulting condition.
An example of nominal reduplication denoting a resulting condition based on the
3.2 The Quechuan language family 233
adjective rakta thick is:
(117) rakta-y=rakta-y-ta-m xagu-ra-ya-:
thick-IF=thick-IF-AC-AF clothe-ST-PR-1S
I am dressed warmly.
3.2.7 Characteristics of the Quechua lexicon
Most modern Quechua dialects have assimilated relatively large amounts of borrowed
vocabulary from Spanish. At the same time, however, a comparison with early colonial
texts shows a remarkable continuity in the native lexicon. Most lexical items that were in
use in the sixteenth century are still in use today. The loans have enriched the Quechua
lexicon, rather than substituted obsolete native terms. Only in certain culturally sensitive
domains, such as religion, social and political organisation, and kinship terms, has the
original native lexicon become much reduced.
An interesting peculiarity is the rather limited number of native roots in many do-
mains of Quechua vocabulary. Quechua roots can have a wide spectrum of semantic
applications, leaving the impression of a certain lack of semantic differentiation. This is
counterbalanced by the richness of the derivational morphology, which is available for
the expression of all sorts of semantic distinctions in an ad hoc way. Quechua narrators
have no stylistic prejudice against repetitions of same vocabulary items within a given
discourse. This fact may have slowed down the formation of new vocabulary in the
language.
The area in which the aforementioned scarcity of items is most conspicuous is that of
the verbs. Quechua verb roots are not formally categorised for the distinction transitive
intransitive. Several verb roots, such as paki- to break or tikra- to turn, can be used
bothtransitivelyandintransitively. Disambiguation, if necessary, is left tothe derivational
morphology and the syntax.
A typical example of root economy in Quechua is the absence of a basic verb for the
notion to kill. In order to express this notion, there is no alternative but to use the regular
causative derivation of the verb to die, wan
y
u- ci-. That wan
y
u- ci- is still synchronically
a derived base is corroborated by the potential insertion of additional afxes between
the root and the causative marker - ci-. Also from a semantic point of view, wan
y
u- ci-
preserves its original composite structure. It can be interpreted not only as a causative
to kill, but also as a permissive to let die. On the other hand, Quechua has several
non-composite roots denoting specic ways of killing, for instance, (Ayacucho) sipi- to
murder, naka- to butcher.
A remarkable case of low semantic differentiation is the verb of communication
n
y
i- (ni- in most contemporary dialects). Although it is usually associated with the
meaning to say, it covers a wide range of interpretations varying from ways of saying
234 3 The Inca Sphere
(to answer, to ask, to tell) to ways of thinking (to ponder, to intend, to consider
as). The verb n
y
i- is the only Quechua verb that can and must be accompanied by a direct
quotation, which accordingly can refer either to a spoken message, or to the content of
a thought. Its gerund form (QIIC ni-spa, QI ni-r) regularly marks the end of a direct
quotation, regardless of whether the main verb in the sentence is also n
y
i- or some other
verb of communication.
The wide range of semantic interpretations covered by n
y
i- has probably favoured
the introduction (especially with bilingual speakers) of Spanish loan verbs referring to
particular subinterpretations of n
y
i-, e.g. pinsa- to think or kontesta- to answer.
Although the noun inventory of Quechua is less frugal than the verbal lexicon, it was
not free of conspicuous gaps that may have stimulated the introduction of loan words.
An interesting example is the word for animal, Spanish animal, one of the earliest
loans from that language into Quechua. Apparently, Quechua speakers lacked a generic
term referring to any animal, but would use enumerations of specic animals, followed
by ima et cetera, or cover terms referring to all creatures (including men) living in a
particular geographical environment or climatic zone.
In Quechua morphology and syntax, there are mechanisms for the formation of ab-
stract terms, but such terms are not often used. For instance, instead of referring to
heroic deeds in general, Quechua speakers would rather speak of the fact that a partic-
ular person acted heroically on a particular occasion. Institutional terms were also few
in number. Typical concepts such as war or peace are hard to translate into Quechua.
Instead of saying a war breaks out, traditional Quechua speakers would rather say an
enemy has appeared.
Like many verbs, nouns may also cover an unusually wide range of semantic interpre-
tations. A typical example is the word for town (Quechua I marka, Quechua II l
y
aqta).
It refers to any geographically dened community of people, ranging from a tiny hamlet
to a nation. Originally, the term l
y
aqta also referred to the sanctuary that secured the
social cohesion of the community. Curiously, Quechua speakers have not felt the need
to borrow Spanish terms in order to narrow down the meaning of marka/l
y
aqta. A par-
allel case is pa ca, which can mean world, earth, space, time, or circumstances,
depending on the context.
Quechua often makes no formal distinction between a group and its members; the
word ayl
y
u, for instance, refers to a traditional Andean lineage group but also to anyone
of its individual members. In a modern context this same word is frequently interpreted
either as family, or as a relative. Names of places and terms referring to topological
conditions in general are often used to denote people or any other living beings associated
with these places, without the addition of a particular sufx. For instance, the ancient
Colla (qul
y
a) people had their capital at a town called Hatun Colla (hatun qul
y
a) Great
Colla, near modern Juliaca. In Pacaraos the local autonympaqrawis used for the village,
3.2 The Quechuan language family 235
as well as for its inhabitants. In Ayacucho Quechua the termsal
y
qakuna (plural of sal
y
qa
high altitude zone) is used to denote all living creatures that have their habitat in that
area.
In contrast to the general tendency of economy, the Quechua lexicon is remarkably
rich in some particular semantic domains, such as verbs referring to forms of carrying
and holding. In Ayacucho Quechua, the verb roots amu- to hold in the mouth, apta-
to hold or carry a handful, asta- to transport (going back and forth), marqa- to carry
in the arms, mil
y
qa- to hold on the lap, to carry in a skirt, puqtu- to carry with both
hands, qipi- to carry on the back and wantu- to carry among four (as of a litter)
all refer to ways of carrying or holding, in addition to the general terms for to carry,
apa-, and to hold, hapi-. Another richly differentiated area is verbs referring to postures
of the body.
Kinship terminology in Quechua distinguishes gender of owner, rather than gender
of referent. The classic examples are the words for child, son or daughter. These
words differ according to whether the relationship to the father or the mother is referred
to ( curi for fathers child; wawa for mothers child; only Cuzco Quechua and Ecuado-
rian Quechua have separate terms for fathers daughter: ususi and u si, respectively). In
the case of siblings, both the gender of the owner and of the referent are differentiated
(Ayacucho Quechua wawqi brothers brother, turi sisters brother, n
y
an
y
a sisters
sister, pani brothers sister). On the other hand, in the terms for father and mother
only the referent is differentiated for gender. The elaborate, traditional kinship termi-
nology of Quechua became reduced as a result of the introduction of Christianity and
European-style family relations. The once socially and ritually important distinctions
between womans relatives and mans relatives have all but disappeared.
The Quechua numeral system is decimal. The basic numerals do not have a trans-
parent etymology. There are two competing terms for four, which are distributed
geographically; for all the other numerals a single term is available, although the shape
of the term for one is subject to variation. The Quechua numerals (in a reconstructed
form) are huk/suk/ suk one, i skay two, kimsa three, tawa (Quechua II) or c
.
usku
(Quechua I) four, pi cqa ve, suqta six, qan c
.
is seven, pusaq eight, isqun nine,
c
.
unka ten, pa c
.
ak hundred and waranqa thousand. Unit numbers are added to larger
entities by means of the ending -(ni)yuq having, as in c
.
unka i skay-ni-yuq twelve.
Spatial deictic systems in Quechua either consist of two, or of three terms. The
proximate and non-proximate terms kay this and cay that (or their reexes) are found
throughout all dialects. The Quechua IIBdialects lack a third term, that one over there,
which is present in a variable form in the other dialects (Ayacucho, Tarma wak; Ancash
taqay; Bolivian Quechua haqay, etc.). Pacaraos Quechua is exceptional in having a six-
term system, in which differences of altitude play a role (cf. section 3.2.9). Although
spatial deictics can be used anaphorically, their use in relation to time is limited. For
236 3 The Inca Sphere
instance, the proximate spatial deictic kay must be replaced by the root kanan or kunan
(now, present-day) when temporal reference is in order (Cuzco Quechua kunan
pun cay this day, today). Interrogative pronouns vary according to type of refer-
ent (person, thing, place, time, etc.) even when used attributively (e.g. Tarma Quechua
pi: nuna which person?, pi: who?; may marga which town?, may what place?; but
ima what?). Almost all Quechua dialects have complex deictic expressions that full
the function of independent pronouns (e.g. Huanca may- c
.
u kay- c
.
u:-pis everywhere,
literally anywhere and here as well; Tarma ima ayga all kinds of, literally what and
how many). There are interrogative and deictic verbs denoting expressions such as to
do what?, to say what?, to act thus.
Quechua has root names for the basic colours black yana, white yuraq, grey uqi,
red to brown puka and yellow qil
y
u. The words for blue (QIIB San Martn anka s;
QIIC Cochabamba anka s, anqas) and green (QIIC Cuzco, Cochabamba q umir) have
been replaced by Spanish loan terms in many of the dialects.
Compounds in Quechua resemble hierarchically organised noun phrases in that they
are always head-nal. Since such noun phrases may lack internal case marking, it is not
easy to establish criteria applying exclusively to compounds. However, the existence of a
fewrare cases of phonetic adjustment and semantic specialisation constitute unequivocal
evidence that Quechua indeed has compounds, e.g. Tarma Quechua xaraba c
.
a naked
(from xara skin and pa c
.
a belly) and pa camanka earth-oven (from pa ca earth and
manka pot).
Synonyms play an important role in Quechua folk poetry and song texts, due to the
practice of difrasismo, a widespread stylistic device in native American languages. Some
words that are frequently found in poetry have canonical synonymcounterparts, as is the
case of kuya- to love, to pity. It is frequently resumed by means of its near synonym
wayl
y
u-, a verb which is seldomused outside that context. However, native synonyms are
scarce due to the general paucity of Quechua vocabulary items. Therefore, already in the
seventeenth century, synonyms were taken from the ofcial Quechua language to match
dialect forms (Itier 1992). In a modern context, Spanish is the language that provides
synonyms when no Quechua items are available, as is illustrated by the following lines of
a song interpreted by the well-known charango
41
player Jaime Guardia from Ayacucho.
(The verb diqa- [dex
.
a], from Spanish dejar, has the same meaning as the native saqi-
to leave, to abandon.)
(118) kay kuya-q-ni-ki-ta saqi-rpari-spa-yki
kay wayl
y
u-q-ni-ki-ta diqa-rpari-spa-yki
this love-AG-EU-2P-AC leave-LB-SS-2S
. . . leaving behind the one here who loves you (twice)
41
The charango is a musical instrument resembling a small guitar.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 237
Onomatopoeic roots make up an important part of the Quechua lexicon and contribute
greatly to the richness of expression of the language. Unfortunately, onomatopoeic words
are often not considered as real words, a reason why they are not included in most of
the dictionaries. For instance, in northern Junn Quechua (San Pedro de Cajas) we nd:
ha:kal=ha:kal-ya- to pant, parara- the sound of engines, pirpi-l
y
a=pirpi-r moving
like an arrow, puqlulu- the sound of heavy rain, qi c
.
i c
.
i- the sound of static electricity,
qu c
.
u c
.
a- the sound of gnashing teeth, qur=qur-ya- to coo (as pigeons do), and many,
many more.
3.2.8 A sketch of an Ecuadorian Quechua dialect (Salasaca)
Salasaca is a group of comunidades in the province of Tungurahua, central Ecuador, that
together form a clearly dened ethnic group, the Salasacas. This group is recognised as
separate from neighbouring groups, and is often claimed to be a direct descendant of a
community of Bolivian mitimaes in the popular tradition. However, the dialect spoken
in Salasaca, though characteristic, closely resembles that of neighbouring groups in
Tungurahua and the province of Cotopaxi.
The Quechua dialects of Ecuador are morphologically, syntactically and lexically
quite similar. The main differences lie in a number of morphophonological processes
that have affected the afxes in particular. While a southern dialect such as Ca nar is
rather conservative, Salasaca Quechua has undergone most of the processes involved.
We will illustrate different morphosyntactic features of Ecuadorian Quechua, as
well as the phonological characteristics of central dialects such as Salasaca Quechua,
with a presentation and analysis of a folk tale, Mi zi a cku diablomunda The terrible
devil dog.
1. n
y
awba-ga kawsa- ska sux colo kay sixsiwayku n
y
an-bi
rst-TO live-SD.3S one cholo this Sigsihuaico road-L
In earlier days a white man lived on the road to Sigsihuaico.
2. colo-ga awatero ga- ska
cholo-TO water.guard be-SD.3S
This man was a water guard.
3. sux p
h
un za yaku larka t
h
uni- ska-da hapi-rga
one day water ditch cave.in-SN-AC catch-PA.3S
One day the irrigation ditch caved in.
While in sentences 2 and 3 we have verb-nal word order, the regular pattern in most
Quechua varieties, sentence 1 shows a different pattern with the verb following the topic.
Case marking is constituent nal: locative -bi in sentence 1 and accusative -da in 3. We
notice the use of a - ska tense glossed as sudden discovery in sentences 1 and 2, followed
by past-tense -rga in 3. For the third person there is no overt subject agreement in either
238 3 The Inca Sphere
past tense, but there is in the present. Appositive nominal expressions such as sixsiwayku
n
y
an in sentence 1 and yaku larka in sentence 3 are also head-nal. Sentence 2 contains
an example of the copula, ga- in this variety of Quechua (ka- in Peruvian Quechua).
In sentence 3 there is a case of a nominalisation, very frequent in Quechua, with the
resultative nominaliser - ska (homophonous with the tense marker).
4. ci-munda ni- ska
that-AB say-SD.3S
Therefore he said:
5. ima-munda larka-ga t
h
uni-gu-n- za kay sixsiwayku caka-bi-ga
what-AB ditch-TO cave in-PR-3S-DL this Sigsihuaico bridge-L-TO
Why is the ditch at the Sigsihuaico bridge caving in?
We notice in sentence 5 that question words tend to be fronted, and that ele-
ments marked with topic -ga can occur both at the beginning and at the end of the
utterance.
6. cay zu zu tuta capa-ki-ga, a cku-ga rumi siki-bi siri-gu- ska ni-n
that tender night watch-DS-TO, dog-TO stone bottom-L lie-PR-SD.3S
say-3S
That evening while he was keeping watch, there was a dog lying asleep
at the bottom of a stone, they say.
7. yaku-ga t
h
uni- sa gulun munda- ska
water-TO cave.in-SS boink heap.up-SD.3S
Pouring in, the water came down with a bang.
In sentence 6 we have the different subject adverbial subordination marker -ki
(< *-kpi, Peruvian Quechua -pti), and in 7 the same subject marker - sa (<*- spa).
In sentence 6 furthermore, we notice the progressive marker -gu- (< *-ku-, Southern
Peruvian Quechua - cka-).
8. ci-munda colo-ga ni- ska
that-AB cholo-TO say-SD.3S
Then the man said:
9. kay a cku-ga sux mi zi-ku-ma- cari
this dog-TO one terror-DI-EM-DU
This dog must be a devil.
10. awatero-ga upa za-wa ku cu-ya- ska
water.guard-TO quietly-DI near-TF-SD.3S
The guard came closer quietly.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 239
We notice an emphatic marker -ma in sentence 9, possibly from -mi+ari, and a
diminutive -wa in 10, probably fromwawa child. The ablative -munda is often attached
to demonstratives that function as narrative sequencers, throughout the story.
11. ci-munda-ga sumirru-da zux si- ci- ska
that-AB-TO hat-AC leave-CA-SD.3S
Then he took off his hat.
12. sux rosariyo-da kunga-munda zux si- ci- ska a cku-mun cura- ci-nga-bux
one rosary-AC neck-AB leave-CA-SD.3S dog-to put-CA-FN-B
He took a rosary from his neck to put in on the dog.
13. a cku-ku-ga hatari- ska
dog-DI-TO get.up-SD.3S
The dog jumped up.
14. ci-munda-ga colo-da kati- sa puri- ska- za-mi
that-AB-TO cholo-AC follow-SS walk-SD.3S-DL-AF
Then he just walked following the man.
Very widespread is the same subject purposive -nga-bux in sentence 12; its different
subjects pendant is - cun.
15. kayi-ndix tuta a cku-ga swen
y
o-bi sita- ska colo-mun
next.day-IN night dog-TO dream-L throw-SD.3S cholo-AL
The next night the dog appeared to the man in a dream.
16. n
y
uka kunga-munda kay rosariyo-da zux si- ci-ba-y
I neck-AB this rosary-AC leave-CA-CS-IM.2S
Please take this rosary off my neck.
17. ma sna ku cki-da ni-ngi
how.much silver-AC say/want-2S
How much money do you want?
In sentence 16 we notice that possession in Ecuadorian Quechua is not marked with
person markers on the possessed noun, but with a preposed pronoun, marked genitive for
all persons but the rst. The sufx -ba, possibly derived from Peruvian Quechua -pu-wa
benefactive +rst-person object, is used to soften imperatives and to mark deference.
Sentence 17 shows the use of the verb ni- say in the meaning of want, which derives
from its use in a verbal periphrastic construction (I say Ill eat becomes I want to eat;
cf. Muysken 1977).
18. baul ku cki-da ni-ki-bi s ku- sa- za-mi
trunk silver-AC say-DS-AD give-F.1S-DL-AF
Even if you want a trunk of silver, Ill give it to you.
240 3 The Inca Sphere
19. uku hunda-da ni-ki-bi s ma sna-da ni-ki-bi s n
y
uka-ga ku- sa- za-mi
room full-AC say-DS-AD how.much-AC say-DS-AD I-TO
give-F.1S-DL-AF
Even if you want a room full, whatever you want, Ill give you.
20. a cku-ga swen
y
o-bi sina-mi ni- ska
dog-TO dream-L thus-AF say-SD.3S
The dog said in the dream.
The use of the verb ku- give in sentences 18 and 19 without object marking ex-
emplies the much reduced object marking in this variety of Quechua, either com-
pletely gone or reduced to the rst-person object marker -wa. As in many Quechua
varieties, the combination of additive -bi s (Peruvian Quechua -pas/-pis) and the ad-
verbial subordinator yields an indenite or even concessive interpretation (even
though). We see in sentence 19 that question words double as indenite quantiers.
In sentence 19 the adjective (presumably) hunda full follows the noun uku room
(as it does in English, for that matter), but in general attributive adjectives precede
nouns.
21. utun maki ga- sa-mi mana pudi- ska rosariyo-da zux si- ci-nga-bux
stump hand be-SS-AF not can-SD.3S rosary-AC leave-CA-FN-B
Being stump-handed he could not take the rosary off.
22. kayi-ndix p
h
un za awatero-ga a cku-da riku- sa ni- ska
next.day-IN day water.guard-TO dog-AC see-SS say-SD.3S
The next day the water guard, upon seeing the dog, said:
23. a cku, ima- sa n
y
uka-da swen
y
o- ci-ngi
dog what-SS I-AC dream-CA-2S
Dog, with what in mind do you make me dream?
Sentence 21 contains an example of the innovative modal + innitive combinations
in Ecuadorian Quechua, with -nga-bux used on the complement. While grammar books
describe Quechua as having both a negative adverb mana not and a concomitant neg-
ative particle - cu on the verb, the latter is absent in sentence 21. In sentence 23 we
see the ease with which nouns, in this case a Spanish borrowing, are incorporated into
causative verbs with causative - ci-. Notice nally the verbal use of the question word ima
what.
24. bweno rosariyo-da zux si- ci- sa pero n
y
uka-mun ku cki-da ku-ngi
good rosary-AC leave-CA-F.1S but I-to silver-AC give-F.2S
Good, I will take off the rosary but you will give me money.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 241
25. sina ni-ki-ga a cku-ga cay tuta- za-dix ku cki-da pay-bux wasi-bi
cura- ska
thus say-DS-TO dog-TO that night-DL-EM silver-AC he-G house-L
place-SD.3S
When the man had said this, the dog put the money in his house that
very night.
26. kayi-ndix p
h
un za ku cki-da riku- sa awatero-ga rosariyo-da
zux si- ci- ska
next.day-IN day silver-AC see-SS water.guard-TO rosary-AC
leave-CA-SD.3S
The next day the water guard, after seeing the money, took off the
rosary.
Insentences 2426we see, as before, the verycharacteristic alternationof same subject
- sa/different subject -ki marking to indicate the perspective in the story, forever shifting
between the two protagonists. In sentence 24 we see two examples of the only category
of Spanish borrowings which is at all frequent, next to single nouns: bweno good and
pero but, which serve as discourse markers. In sentence 25 there is an example of the
genitive marker -bux (Peruvian Quechua -pa), which has emerged through syncretism
with the benefactive (Peruvian Quechua -paq).
27. ci k
h
ipa a cku-ga akapana tuku- ska
that after dog-TO whirlwind become-SD.3S
After that the dog became a whirlwind.
28. gulun- za ruru- sa kutupagzi-mun ri- ska
bang-DL make-SS Cotopaxi-AL go-SD.3S
With a bang it went to Cotopaxi.
29. ca sna-mi awatero riku tuku- ska
thus-AF water.guard rich become-SD.3S
Thus the water guard became rich.
30. yaku larka-ga na kutin t
h
uni-rga- cu
water ditch-TO not again cave.in-PA.3S-NE
And the water channel did not cave in again.
In sentence 27 there is a postposition, k
h
ipa after. Location-specifying postpositions,
such as rumi siki-bi at the bottom of the stone in sentence 6, are particularly frequent
in Quechua.
This story is typical of many similar tales, juxtaposing Christianity with paganism
(Cotopaxi is one of the sacred mountains, but had been transformed into a gate of hell
in the colonial period) and untamed nature with (agri)culture, and containing the motif
of a poor man making good.
242 3 The Inca Sphere
Above we have limited ourselves to grammatical features. The text also exemplies
many of the phonological characteristics of Salasaca Quechua. These include:
a. voicing of stops after vowels and sonorants across morpheme boundaries,
hence:
papa-ta > papa-da potato-AC
pantiyon-pi > pantiyon-bi cemetery-L
Notice that only afxes are affected productively by this rule, and even among the
afxes we have reciprocal -nuku (< *-naku), not *-nugu or *-nagu (though -nau in
fairly close-by Tena lowland Quechua), next to -rga (<*-rka) past, -nga (<*-nka)
innitive, etc.
b. raising of /a/ to [i] or [u]:
-man > -mun
-manta > -munda
-pak > -pux
-rak > -rix
-pa s > -pi s
-tak > -tix
This rule is obligatory in afxes, but applies optionally in afxed lexemes as well:
kayi-ndix (<*kaya-ntik) next and ruru- sa (<*rura- spa) making.
c. optional, though very frequent, deletion of the nal stop of the afx in
word-nal position:
pay-pak > pay-bu her/his, for her/him
may-man > may-mu where to.
d. consonant cluster simplication in some afxes, yielding -kpi > -ki dif-
ferent subject adverbial subordinator, and - spa > - sa same subject
adverbial coordinator.
e. vowel cluster simplication, yielding mi za-y > mi zi terror and tuku-y >
tuki all, as well as wi cay > i ci above and wira > ira fat.
f. the palatal z is pronounced as a palatal affricate before voiceless stops,
yielding ku zki > ku cki and a zku > a cku.
3.2.9 A sketch of a Peruvian Quechua dialect (Pacaraos)
Pacaraos Quechua is spoken in the village of Pacaraos, a district capital situated near
the upper reaches of the Chancay river at an altitude of more than 3,000 metres (for
further details see Adelaar 1982, 1986a). The Chancay river waters the Pacic slopes of
the Andes. The district of Pacaraos, which comprises several more villages, is part of
the province of Huaral, belonging to the department of Lima.
Pacaraos lies on the border of a Quechua-speaking area (on the cordillera side) and a
Hispanicised area (the lower Chancay valley). The dialect known as Pacaraos Quechua
3.2 The Quechuan language family 243
may be restricted to the village of Pacaraos itself, although not all communities in the
area have been checked for the existence of Quechua speakers and dialect afliation. It
is not unlikely that the Pacaraos dialect speech community originally extended further
down the Chancay valley, possibly as far as the coast.
In the late 1970s most speakers of Pacaraos Quechua were women in their sixties
or older. The dialect may be moribund at the time of writing (1999), although some
villagers, in particular youngsters raised by their grandmothers, are likely to conserve a
passive knowledge of it.
Pacaraos Quechua holds an intermediate position between Quechua I and Quechua II,
but the grammatical similarity with the neighbouring Quechua I dialects is an obvious
fact. Apart from some unique grammatical features to be discussed below, it is the
lexicon of Pacaraos Quechua that holds a number of surprises. Some vocabulary items
(e.g. kunannow) appear tobe typicallyQuechua IIC; others are reminiscent of Aymaran
(e.g. a cara old, uni- to hate, wilka sun), or are unique for Pacaraos (e.g. arapu- to
answer, caqpa clothes, rapqa- both). The six-term deictic system, in which altitude
differences are encoded, has already been mentioned in section 3.2.7.
Phonologically, Pacaraos Quechua presents the particularity of a phonemic stress
distinction involving a choice between nal and penultimate syllables. Final stress is a
characteristic of the rst-person marker -y, as in tarp uy I sow, and of a number of other
sufxes that are subject to elision when in word-nal position. Like Quechua I, Pacaraos
Quechua distinguishes between long and short vowels.
The uvular consonant q is always a fricative in Pacaraos. It is voiceless when ad-
jacent to a voiceless consonant and word-nally. Elsewhere, it is mainly voiced. A
unique feature of Pacaraos Quechua is the occurrence in native words of a vibrant op-
position (trill vs. tap) in prevocalic position, e.g. rraqak girl versus rapqa-n both
of them. The trilled rr sounds very much like the equivalent sound in Castilian
Spanish.
In what follows, some characteristics of the Pacaraos dialect will be exemplied and
discussed by means of a fragment of a myth concerning a drought and subsequent famine.
These events are said to have occurred in pre-Christian times as a result of excessive
heat due to the simultaneous appearance of two suns. The story was told to the author
in 1979 by the late Mrs Lorena C ordova.
1. amru:na-qa . . . mana- s miku-y ka-rqa-s-a: say wata say wilka
yarka-rqa-mu-pti-n
famine-TO . . . not-HS eat-IF be.there-PA.3S-NE-EM that year that sun
rise-PF-H-DS-3S
Famine . . . there was nothing to eat that year, when those two suns
arose.
244 3 The Inca Sphere
Among the lexical elements to be mentioned in particular, wilka sun (see above) is
not found in any other Quechua dialect; amru:na is from Spanish hambruna famine.
The non-proximate deictic say (< * cay) shows the effect of a regular change * c>
s, which Pacaraos shares with a number of QI dialects on the Pacic side of the
Andes.
The verb yarku- rise, climb contains a petried derivational sufx -rku- upwards.
Internal verbal sufxes that end in a rounded back vowel u change this vowel to a
before a small class of other internal verbal sufxes including the ventive -mu- hither,
as in the example given. The intervening sufx -rqu- perfective aspect is affected
as well.
Unique for Pacaraos is the shape of the independent sufx -s-, which in combination
with the adverb mana marks a negative sentence. This sufx appears in its full shape
-su (< *- cu) when the phonological context requires it, that is, when it is not preceded
by a short vowel or followed by -a: (see below). When the allomorph -s occurs in word-
nal position, the vowel preceding it is stressed. Since penultimate stress is the rule in
Pacaraos Quechua, the existence of a short form -s must be interpreted as the result of
the elision of a nal vowel (u). This elision is optional, although the use of the short
formis preferred. The element -a: indicates emphasis and is frequently used in Pacaraos
Quechua.
The reportative independent sufx indicates a second-hand data source and appears in
its long form - si when not preceded by a short vowel or followed by -a:. The alternation
- s/- si is reconstructible for Proto-Quechua and bears no relationship to the alternation
described in the preceding paragraph. When the short allomorph - s occurs in word-nal
position, the preceding vowel is not stressed.
Other afxes found in sentence 1 are the independent sufx -qa, which may delineate
a non-comment phrase, the innitive marker -y, the past-tense marker -rqa-, the switch-
reference marker -pti- different subject and the third-person subject marker -n. As
in several other dialects, the third-person subject marker is zero after the past-tense
marker -rqa-.
2. saki-rqa- s im a-p ayk a-p ha c
.
a-p im a-p wa:k a-p
dry-PA.3S-HS what-AD how.much-AD plant-AD what-AD cow-AD
Everything dried out, the plants, etc., and the cows as well.
Sentence 2 contains several instances of the additive sufx -pa even, too. This
sufx has a short form -p, which is the product of elision, and the distribution of the
two forms is parallel to that of the allomorphs of -su (see above). Ima-p(a) ayka-p(a)
is a composite pronominal expression meaning all kinds of, everything; the second
3.2 The Quechuan language family 245
instance of ima closes an enumeration and has the meaning of et cetera. Wa:ka is a
borrowing from Spanish (vaca).
3. wan
y
u-ku-rqa- s animal-kuna
die-RF-PA.3S-HS animal-PL
The animals died.
The use of the reexive sufx -ku- can be explained in that the animals died for no
reason, without any social benet to their owners. The sufx -kuna indicates nominal
plurality.
4. sawr a-q yanqa kay-naw u cu caq wamra-kun a-p miku-y-piq- si
wan
y
u-rqu-n
then-TO in.vain this-CP little child-PL-AD eat-IF-AB-HS die-PF-3S
Then, in this way, even the little children died in vain for lack of food.
The expression sawr a-q(a) is probably a contraction of *say ura-qa (ura hour,
time, from Spanish hora hour). The independent sufx -qa (non-comment phrase
marker) exhibits the same phonological variation as -pa and -su. The proximate deictic
kay followed by the comparative case marker -naw like behaves like an adverb here
(in this way). The ablative case marker -piq or -piqta is used in an expression with
the innitive of miku- to eat, mikuypiqta without eating, for lack of food (literally,
away from eating).
5. sawr a-q kay-kuna pun
y
u-rka: c
.
a:-raq-su
then-TO this-PL sleep-PL.PR-PA.3S-IR
So were they asleep?
When used without either one of the negative markers mana (in statements) and ama
(in exhortations), the independent sufx -su indicates a polar question. The verbal sufx
-rka: c
.
a:- is a portmanteau morpheme combining the function of a progressive aspect
(marker -yka:-) and a plural (marker -rka:-). As in most Quechua I dialects, a low vowel
located at the end of an internal verbal afx is automatically long in most open syllables.
The ending -raq is an alternative for -rqa (past tense + third-person subject).
6. keba: sin miku-y-piq kay-kuna pun
y
u-ka-nqa
how without eat-IF-AB this-PL sleep-NC-3S.F
How do you expect them to fall asleep without eating?
The expression keba: (fromSpanish qu e va?), here without a question marker, is fol-
lowed by a future-tense form. It introduces a rhetorical question. The derivational sufx
-ka:- in pun
y
ukanqa indicates non-controlled action, pun
y
u-ka:- and pun
y
u- relating to
246 3 The Inca Sphere
each other more or less like to fall asleep and to sleep in English. The sufx -ka:-
appears here as -ka- because of its checked position within a closed syllable. The prepo-
sition sin without, a borrowing from Spanish, may have a disambiguating function,
favouring the interpretation without eating for mikuypiq.
7. mana-m pun
y
u-ka-n-su miku-y-piqt a-q
not-AF sleep-NC-3S-NE eat-IF-AB-TO
They did not fall asleep because they were hungry.
The negative adverb mana is followed by the assertive independent sufx -mi/-m. The
distribution of its allomorphs is the same as that of the reportative - si/- s (see above). The
sufx -qa (-q) is required in a non-comment phrase located after the verb.
8. sawr a-q mana- s pun
y
u-ka-rqu-n
y
aq-su wamra-kun a-q
then-TO not-HS sleep-NC-PF-SD.3S-NE child-PL-TO
So it turned out that they had not fallen asleep, the children.
The portmanteau ending -n
y
aq marks the sudden-discovery tense and a third-person
subject. It is preceded by the perfective aspect marker -rqu-, which indicates immed-
iateness or, in this case, the (lack of) result of a previous development.
9. may- c
.
aw-raq kanala ka-yka-n n
y
i-n- si
where-L-AN corn.toaster be-PR-3S say-3S-HS
Where could the corn toaster be? they would say.
Interrogative expressions such as may c
.
awwhere? (may what place?, - c
.
awlocative
case) can be followed by the independent sufx -raq still for the purpose of indicating
that an answer is not likely to be obtained. The element -yka- represents the progressive
aspect marker -yka:- in a checked position. With the verb ka- to be (there), progressive
aspect indicates a temporary position.
10. kuy- c
.
aw ka-yka-n n
y
a say-naw-pa- s wamra rima-rqu-rqa
that.over.there-L be-PR-3S already that-CP-G-HS child speak-PF-PA.3S
It is over there, a child had said.
The deictic kuy indicates location at a distance within sight of the speaker and the
hearer. It stands in opposition to kay this (near speaker) and say that (near hearer or
anaphoric). The three far distant deictics are c
.
aqay lower level, c
.
uqay same level
and naqay higher level.
The form saynaw such exemplies a special type of use of the comparative case
marker -naw like. Whereas it normally functions as a deictic adjective, saynaw is
3.2 The Quechuan language family 247
adverbialised by means of the genitive case marker -pa. The verb rimarqurqa illustrates
a combination of perfective aspect and past tense.
11. say o:ra- s mama-n wan
y
u-si-raq miku-na-m-paq
that time-HS mother-3P die-CA-PA.3S eat-FN-3S-B
At that moment, its mother killed it in order to eat it.
The borrowed term o:ra (also ura, cf. above, from Spanish hora hour) is used for
time in general. Time expressions need not take a case marker. The form maman contains
a third-person possessive marker -n; number of possessor is not indicated in Pacaraos
Quechua. The derivational sufx -si- (< *- ci-) marks a causative construction. The
combination of -na future nominaliser and -paq benefactive case indicates a goal;
-m is a phonologically conditioned allomorph of the third-person subject marker -n.
12. payla-wan- si yanu-raq say wamr a-k
cooking.pan-IS-HS cook-PA.3S that child-AC
She cooked that child in a large cooking-pan.
The instrument is indicated by means of the case marker -wan. The accusative marker
-kta indicates a direct object. Word-nally, it appears in its form -k, preceded by a short
stressed vowel. The distribution of -kta and -k is similar to that of the allomorphs of the
sufxes -pa, -qa and -su (see above). Additionally, the accusative case marker has an
allomorph -ta after consonants or long vowels.
The example sentences to be treated below constitute a necessary supplement to the
above text fragment in that they contain references to the speech participants.
13. l
y
am a-y ka-pti-n kanta-q ka-y, kunan mana-m kanta-y-su
llama-1P be.there-DS-3S sing-HB be-1S, now not-AF sing-1S-NE
When I had llamas, I used to sing. Now I dont sing any more.
The sufx -y, preceded by a stressed vowel when in word-nal position, refers to the
speaker. It may either indicate a rst-person possessor, or a rst-person subject. The
combination of an agentive nominalisation (sufx -q) and the verb ka- to be indicates
a past habitual.
14. n
y
uq a-q huk-la-m-a: rima-mu-rq a-y, pi:=pi-kt a-p n
y
uq a-q rim a-y,
I-TO one-DL-AF-EM speak-H-PA-1S who=who-AC-AD I-TO speak-1S
may-piqta-m ka-nki, ima-m huti-ki lapa-n-ta-m-a: n
y
uq a-q
tapu-k u-y
what.place-AB-AF be-2S, what-AF name-2P all-3P-AC-AF-EM I-TO
ask-RF-1S
I spoke to you at once. I speak to everybody. I always ask everyone:
Where are you from? What is your name?
248 3 The Inca Sphere
The verb rimamurq ay I spoke to you is an example of the unique way in which
Pacaraos Quechua expresses the combination of a rst-person subject and a second-
person object. Except in the future-tense paradigm, this combination is indicated by
means of what is otherwise the ventive sufx -mu- and the rst-person subject marker -y
(if possible, with previous stress). The combined subjectobject markers consist of
two parts that can be separated by other sufxes, in this case, by the past-tense
marker -rqa.
The sufx -la in hukla at once normally refers to limitation (just, only); huk is
a numeral one. Second-person markers are -nki (for subject) and -yki (for possessor);
the latter appears in a shorter form -ki after roots in i, such as huti name.
The reexive sufx-ku- has a derivedmeaningalways, characteristically intapuk uy
I always ask.
The root lapa- all is compulsorily followed by a possessive personal reference
marker, in this case, the third-person marker -n. In neutral WH-questions, interroga-
tive pronouns or phrases are closed by the assertive validator -mi/-m. The combination
of the additive independent sufx -pa (-p) following an interrogative root such as pi
who (pi: when not directly followed by a sufx) results in an indenite pronoun who-
ever. The reduplication of pi(:) indicates that several people are addressed on separate
occasions.
15. qayan rrahu-kta- c
.
-a: puri-ri-rqa-yki, n
y
awi-k-k surumpi- su.nki
yesterday snow-AC-DU-EM walk-PL-PA-2S, eye-2P-AC give.snow.
blindness-3S.2O
Yesterday you (plural) must have walked through the snow; your
eyes were snow-blind.
The combination - su- . . . -nki indicates a second-person object with a third-person
subject, the verb surumpi- having an impersonal subject. The derivational sufx -ri-
indicates plurality in verbs not marked for aspect. The second-person subject marker
-yki is usedinthe past-tense paradigmof the verbs. The independent sufx - c
.
i/- c
.
indicates
conjecture; the distribution of the two allomorphs is the same as in the case of -mi/-m
and - si/- s.
16. altu- c
.
aw ka-yka-nqa-y-kama-m intrega-rqa-ma:-n
y
aq mam a-y,
high.parts-L be.there-PR-N-1S-LI-AF hand.over-PA-1O-SD.3S
mother-1P,
wa:ka-piq sa-mu-rq a-y kasara-q
cow-AB come-H-PA-1S marry-AG
While I was up in the mountains, my mother had given me away. I came
straight from the cows to get married.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 249
The combination of a rst-person object and a third-person subject is illustrated in
intregarqama:n
y
aq. First-person object is indicated by -ma:- (for the long vowel see
above). The sudden discovery ending -n
y
aq implies a third-person subject, unless it is
accompanied by a conjugated form of the auxiliary verb ka- to be.
The word altu (from the Spanish adjective alto high) has come to mean highlands,
high mountains in Pacaraos Quechua. The nominalising sufx -nqa- combines with
progressive aspect and the case marker -kama until, each in order to indicate simul-
taneousness of a dependent clause and a main clause (while). The ablative marker -piq
is to be translated as from.
The verb samu- to come obligatorily contains the ventive sufx -mu- hither. In
Pacaraos Quechua, the defective root sa- and its ventive supplement can be separated by
other sufxes. The agentive nominalisation in -q can be used as a complement of motion
verbs, as is the case in sentence 16.
The following two sentences illustrate some more characteristic features of Pacaraos
Quechua. Sentence 17contains the sufx -V:naq(-ni:naqafter consonants) for without.
(There is also a verbal ending -V:ni without . . . ing.) The agentive formkariq is used for
a habitual past they used to be. The absence of an auxiliary verb implies a third-person
subject.
17. c
.
ina-:naq-la-m kay- c
.
aw ka-ri-q
female.animal-without-DL-AF this.place-L be.there-PL-HB
They (the rams) used to be here without ewes.
In sentence 18 -sun (< *- cun) indicates a third-person imperative. The deictic c
.
aqay
involves reference to altitude level.
18. c
.
aqay- c
.
aw say wamra-kuna pukla-ri-sun
distant.lower.place-L that child-PL play-PL-3S.IM
Let those children play down over there!
3.2.10 A Cuzco Quechua text fragment
The following text fragment is taken from the autobiographical history in Quechua
of Gregorio Condori Mamani (1977: 59). The recorded autobiographies of Gregorio
and his wife Asunta were translated and annotated by Carmen Escalante and Ricardo
Valderrama. For an English version see Gelles and Martnez (1996). The sample text
is part of a story that was told to Gregorio in prison by a fellow-inmate from Ccamara
(qamara). As the narrator explains, the people fromCcamara had a reputation for daring
exploits and cock-and-bull stories.
250 3 The Inca Sphere
1. mask
h
a- sa-spa-tax
.
-si tari-ru-n hux hunta muti manka-ta hux
.
-ta-tax
.
ci carron-ni-yux
.
-ta.
search-PR-SS-SQ-HS nd-U-3S one full mote pot-AC one-AC-SQ
chicharr on-EU-OS-AC
While searching, he reportedly found a pot full of cooked corn and one
with pork meat.
The words hux and hux
.
one, other are equivalent in Cuzco Quechua. The Spanish
word chicharr on refers to over-roasted diced pork meat, which is considered a delicacy.
The word muti (Spanish mote) refers to cooked grains of corn. The function of the
sufx -ru- (-rqu-) has been described for Cuzco Quechua as indicating a sudden event,
completion of an event, or an action performed with a sense of urgency (Cusihuam an
1976a). It can be combined with the progressive aspect marker - sa-. Therefore, it cannot
be interpreted as a (perfective) aspect marker, as is the case in Pacaraos and southern
Quechua I, where -r(q)u- and the progressive aspect marker are mutually exclusive. The
formhux
.
tatax
.
is used elliptically for hux
.
mankatatax
.
. The independent sufx -tax
.
marks
a sequence of sentences (and . . .), often with the implication of a contrast (on the one
hand . . . , on the other . . .). In the latter case, the use of -tax
.
favours elliptic constructions
as exemplied here.
2. mik
h
u-y-ta-tax
.
-si qal
y
a.yu-n.
eat-IF-AC-EM-HS begin-3S
And he began to eat.
The verb qal
y
ayu- to begin obligatorily contains the sufx -yu- ( -yku-), which
originally referred to inward motion. Other dialects have reexes of qal
y
ari-, but qal
y
a-
never occurs by itself.
3. peru as-ta-wan-si ci carron-ta muna-n.
but a.little-AC-IS-HS chicharr on-AC want-3S
But he wanted more pork meat.
The conjunction peru but is from Spanish pero. The combination aswan (literally
with a little) has the meaning of more. In the role of the object, here in apposition
with ci carronta, an accusative case marker -ta is inserted before -wan in accordance
with the regular afx order found in other contexts.
4. manka-kuna mask
h
a- sa-sqa-m-pi-tax
.
-si tari-ru-n manka-kuna-ta
ci carron hunta-ta.
pot-PL search-PR-SN-3S-L-SQ-HS nd-U-3S pot-PL-AC chicharr on
full-AC
And while he was searching for (more) pots, he found (other) pots full of
pork chops.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 251
The combination of progressive aspect (- sa-), a stative nominaliser (-sqa) and the
locative case marker -pi is used to indicate simultaneousness (while . . .). The form -m-
is the regular allomorph of the third-person marker -n before a labial consonant. The word
mankakuna lacks an accusative case marker, because it is the object of a nominalised
verb. The word hunta full normally follows the product a container is lled with.
5. pero runa-x
.
ninri-n-manta-s ci carron-qa ka-sqa.
but people-G ear-3P-AB-HS chicharr on-TO be-SD.3S
But those pork chops turned out to be peoples ears.
The word for ear rinri is frequently found as ninri in Cuzco Quechua.
6. muti manka-kuna-tax
.
-si runa kiru-n ka-sqa.
mote pot-PL-SQ-HS people tooth-3P be-SD.3S
And the pots with cooked corn turned out to be peoples teeth.
Note the absence of a genitive marker in runa kirun (instead of runax
.
kirun). The
nal -n cannot be interpreted as an afrmative validator (-mi/-n), because the sentence
already contains the hearsay marker -si.
7. qamara mik
h
u-sqa-n manka-kuna-ta nawi-pas salta-x
.
-rax
.
q
h
awa- sa-x
.
ti-n-si, karu-manta-rax
.
uya.ri-ru-n korneta hina l
y
aki
qapa.ri-ka-mu-y-ta.
Ccamara eat-SN-3S pot-PL-AC eye-AD jump-AG-AN look-PR-
DS-3S-HS far-AB-AN hear-U-3S cornet like lament
shout-RF-H-IF-AC
As the (man from) Ccamara was looking at the pots he had been eating
from, with his eyes jumping out of their sockets, he heard sorrowful
cries like (the sound of) a cornet approaching from afar.
The nominalised verb mik
h
usqan functions as a locative-based relative clause (from
which he had been eating). The sentence contains several instances of the independent
sufx -rax
.
still, rst, here glossed as anticompletive (AN). It indicates an obstacle
to be taken before an event referred to in the context can take place: nawipas saltax
.
rax
.
although his eyes would come out rst (before he was able to do so), karumantarax
.
although the sound was coming from quite a distance (still to be bridged). The phrase
nawipas saltax
.
rax
.
is not connected morphologically to the rest of the sentence. Such a
construction, reminiscent of a Latin ablativus absolutus (but without case marking), is
found in several Quechua dialects. The phrase l
y
aki qaparikamuy (literally approaching
shouts of lamentation) mirrors a compound. The reexive sufx -ku- is lowered to -ka-
before the ventive sufx -mu-. For the structure of qapari- and uyari-, see the comments
252 3 The Inca Sphere
on qal
y
ayu- in sentence 2; the element -ri- is otherwise interpreted as an inceptive. The
word hina as, like, so functions as a postposition in this sentence.
8. pasa.x
.
qapa.ri-ka-mu-y wasi serka-pi-n
y
a ka- sa-x
.
ti-n-tax
.
-si,
qamara pita-spa wasi-x
.
moxineti-n-man taparaku hina
tipa-ru-ku-n.
everywhere shout-RF-H-IF house neighbourhood-L-CM be-PR-DS-
3S-SQ-HS Ccamara jump-SS house-G roof.beam-3P-AL moth like
cling-U-RF-3S
And when the approaching shouts were already everywhere near the
house, the (man from) Ccamara jumped into a roof-beam and clung
to it like a moth.
The word pasax
.
everywhere, always, too much is derived from the Spanish verb
pasar to pass. The ending -x
.
can be identied as the agentive nominaliser. The Quechua
word serka, from Spanish cerca near, has the meaning of a substantive (neighbour-
hood), as has Quechua karu distant place, distance (rather than just far).
9. hina-man-tax
.
-si waqa-yu-spa hayku-mu-n hux runa asufri-man
asna- sa-x
.
, haqay nirax
.
c
h
a cu t
h
anta caki maki-n-tax
.
hunta
yawar- ca-sqa l
y
aga-manta.
so-AL-SQ-HS cry-IT-SS enter-H-3S one man sulphur-AL smell-PR-AG
that resembling ragged ragged foot hand-3P-SQ full blood-FA-SN
wound-AB
And there a man came in, crying intensely, smelling of sulphur, ragged
in an awful way, his feet and hands covered in blood from wounds.
The expression hinaman, literally into like, refers to motion into a situation (in
those circumstances, at that moment, there). The sufx -yu- ( -yku-) indicates
intensity, one of its uses according to Cusihuaman (1976a), derived from its original
function as a marker of inward motion (cf. the comments on sentence 2). The phrase
asufriman asna sax
.
is a relative clause which contains a nominalised verb and follows
the antecedent. Note that the complement in to smell of (something) is indicated by
means of the allative case (-man). The phrase haqay nirax
.
, literally resembling (nirax
.
)
that remote one (haqay), is an expression of exaggeration or high degree. The words
c
h
a cu and t
h
anta both have the same meaning in rags. The phrase caki maki feet and
hands behaves like a single noun. The words asufri and l
y
aga are borrowings from
Spanish (azufre, llaga).
10. kondenadu-tax
.
-si ka-sqa.
condenado- SQ-HS be-SD.3S
He turned out to be a damned soul.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 253
The notion of condenado refers to the souls of unburied deceased people, who roam
about terrorising the living. This is a frequent theme of the Andean oral tradition.
11. l
y
aki=l
y
aki-yu-ku-spa-tax
.
-si hux ratu- ca-l
y
a ci carron-ta
mik
h
u-ra-pu-n.
lament=lament-IT-RF-SS-SQ-HS one moment-DI-DL chicharr on-AC
eat-U-RS-3S
Lamenting continuously, he devoured the roasted pork meat in a
moment.
The reduplication in l
y
aki=l
y
akiku- indicates an event which is particularly intense
and continuous as compared to the simple form l
y
akiku- to be sad, to lament. The
reexive sufx -ku- is part of the verb form and cannot be omitted. The intensive sufx
-yu- is inserted in the verb form in order to preserve the preferred afx order -y(k)u-ku-.
Adverbial expressions are often followed by the sufx -l
y
a just, only. The verbal
sufx -pu- indicates either the presence of a beneciary, or restitution to an original
state. The sequence -ra-pu-, consisting of the urgency sufx -r(q)u-, here lowered to -ra-
before -pu-, can be used to indicate violent seizure for the subjects own benet.
12. kiru muti-ta-pas hawas hanka-ta hina tux
.
a- ci-spa-rax
.
-si
mik
h
u-ru-l
y
a-n-tax
.
.
tooth mote-AC-AD bean toasted.food-AC like burst-CA-SS-AN-HS
eat-U-DL-3S-SQ
And he also ate the tooth corn, making it burst like toasted beans.
The word hawas beans represents an early borrowing of Spanish habas. The old
Spanish aspiration (now lost) is preserved in the borrowed form. Types of food prepara-
tion are often expressed by means of compound-like sequences of substantives in which
the head noun species the sort of preparation whereas the modier indicates the prod-
uct that has been cooked (literally, bean toast, rather than toasted beans). The verb
tux
.
a- (< *tuqya-) to burst, to explode refers to the characteristic sound of toasted
beans.
13. n
y
a manka-ta l
y
ax
.
wa- sa-x
.
ti-n-n
y
a-s musk
h
i-ru-n:
already pot-AC lick-PR-DS-3S-CM-HS smell-U-3S
When he was already licking the pots, he at once smelled something.
In Southern Peruvian Quechua II the adverb n
y
a already is obligatorily accompanied
by the homophonous independent sufx -n
y
a (here glossed as completive). Note the
use of the different-subject subordination marker -x
.
ti- in a sentence where only one
254 3 The Inca Sphere
subject is involved. It may be either a mistake, or a sign that the distinction is no longer
actively used by the narrator.
14. ima-tax
.
cay-ri asna-n madeha henti-man?
what-SQ that-TO.IR smell-3S string people-AL
What is it that smells of a string of people here?
The sufx -tax
.
follows WH-phrases when used interrogatively. The independent sufx
-ri indicates the topic in an interrogation. A Spanish expression madeja de gente string
of people appears as madeha hente; its deeper sense remains unexplained. Gelles and
Martnez (1996: 66) translate it as human hair.
3.2.11 Literary production in Quechua
In pre-Spanish times Quechua was not a written language. Chroniclers of Inca history
and other early colonial accounts emphasise the absence of an indigenous writing system.
Knotted threads, called quipus (Quechua k
h
ipu), were used as a mnemotechnic device for
economic and administrative purposes. To this effect, the Incas maintained specialised
ofcials, the quipucamayoc (Quechua k
h
ipukamayuq). Entrusted with the keeping of
the quipus, the quipucamayoc relied on their memory in order to supply the additional
information the quipus could not convey. Contemporary witnesses praise the high per-
fection of quipu writing, which remained in use for local administration well into the
colonial period. However, hard evidence that the quipus could represent real language of
any form is lacking, in spite of claims to the contrary by some colonial authors.
42
A set
of heraldic symbols, which were depicted on Inca tunics known as unku, have also been
interpreted as samples of an indigenous writing system. But again, there is no reliable
evidence that these symbols were related to language in any direct way.
Whatever literary production the Incas had was transmitted orally. Samples of such
literature are foundinthe workof Crist obal de Molina (1574) andGuamanPoma de Ayala
(1615). Inca literary production has been the object of ill-fated attempts to categorise
it in terms of European literary genres, as a means to enhance the prestige of Andean
culture within an indigenista perspective. Most likely, the literary production of Inca
society mainly comprised myths and folk songs, as is still the case today in traditional
Andean society. Theatre performances, accompanied by chorals, have survived in a
traditional context. Best known is the cycle describing the death of Atahuallpa, the Inca
ruler executed by the Spaniards (Lara 1957; Meneses Morales 1987; Husson 2001).
Such performances, although heavily transformed, may have pre-Spanish roots.
42
The discussion about an alleged literary use of the quipus was revived after the discovery in
Italy of a manuscript attributed to Blas Valera, a dissident Jesuit and defender of the Indians
(Animato, Rossi and Miccinelli 1989). The authenticity of this manuscript remains disputed.
3.2 The Quechuan language family 255
For a language of such importance as Quechua, surprisingly little text material has
survived from the colonial epoch. Without any doubt, the longest and most interesting
text belonging to that period is the Huarochir manuscript (Taylor and Acosta 1987;
Salomon and Urioste 1991). This document was written before 1608 by local literate
Indians on behalf of the idolatry ghter (extirpador de idolatras) Francisco de Avila,
who used it as an instrument for the eradication of native cults. De Avila was parish priest
in San Dami an de Checas in the province of Huarochir, in the mountainous interior of
what is today the department of Lima. The Huarochir manuscript contains an overview
of local mythology and interethnic relations, descriptions of rituals and celebrations, as
well as penetrating accounts of the interaction between Christian and native beliefs.
Theatre plays in Quechua became popular in Cuzco towards the end of the seventeenth
century. The themes treated were mostly religious (autos sacramentales, among other
work) and of European inspiration. Although the language was Quechua, the theatri-
cal form (metre, division into acts) was obviously Spanish. Best known among these
theatre plays is the Ollanta(y); for a recent edition see Calvo P erez (1998a). It treats a
romanticised theme of Inca history, the love between Ollantay, an Inca general of humble
descent, and the Inca princess Cusi Coyllur. Indigenista intellectuals and admirers of the
Inca past have long claimed a pre-Columbian origin for the Ollantay. Obviously, such a
claim can only be upheld for the story underlying the play, not for the play itself. For a
detailed account of the colonial Quechua theatre tradition see Mannheim (1991).
After the Quechua language was banned from public use as a reaction to the Tupac
Amaru rebellion of the 1780s, Quechua literary production all but came to a standstill.
For a renewed interest in Quechua literature, we must await local indigenista movements
that came into existence in the early twentieth century. These movements were mostly
headed by mestizos, not by traditional Indians. Among those authors who wrote poetry
in Quechua as an expression of individual experience, we may mention the Cuzco
landowner Alencastre, also known under the pseudonymKilku Waraka, and Jorge Lira,
a Cuzco parish priest. In Ecuador, the landowners Luis Cordero and Juan Le on Mera
wrote Quechua poetry around the turn of the century. The Bolivian scholar Jes us Lara
published several anthologies of Quechua literature of all genres (see, in particular, Lara
1969). For a choice of theatre plays in Quechua dating from the early twentieth century,
authored by Nemesio Z u niga Cazorla, see Itier (1995).
The bulk of twentieth-century Quechua literature, however, is traditional. It consists of
myths, traditional narratives, autobiographical accounts, songs andriddles. Some of these
texts represent blends of Andean traditions and elements imported fromEurope. The last
three decades of the twentieth century have witnessed a huge production of anthologies
and compilations of traditional text in different Quechua dialects. To mention just a few
of them, the autobiography of Gregorio Condori Mamani (1977), an illiterate peasant
from Acopia (Cuzco), was taken down in writing by two anthropologists, Escalante and
256 3 The Inca Sphere
Valderrama (cf. section 3.2.10). It is a story of endless suffering and great endurance,
mixedwithoptimism, whichcontains muchunique cultural andanthropological informa-
tion. Among other valuable text material recorded by the aforementioned anthropologists
is a remarkably authentic account of the violent lives of cattle-hustlers fromCotabambas,
Apurimac (Escalante and Valderrama 1992). Howard-Malverde (1981) contains an ex-
tensive collection of myths and stories from Ca nar (Ecuador). Weber (1987a) presents a
compilation of the popular Juan del Oso (John of the Bear) stories in different dialects.
Songs, in particular the highly popular huaynos, constitute an element of daily life in
the Andes. Song texts are modied and adapted according to changing circumstances
in the social and political environment. One of the largest anthologies of Quechua song
texts is La sangre de los cerros (urqukunapa yawarnin), compiled by Montoya et al.
(1987).
Fewauthors have attempted to write contemporary literary texts in Quechua. Even the
bilingual Peruvian author Jos e Mara Arguedas (191169) wrote his novels in Spanish
and only some poems in Quechua.
3.2.12 Social factors inuencing the future of Quechua
If seen as a unity, Quechua is the most widely spoken Amerindian language today. No
wonder that the issue of its future captures the attention of linguists, language planners
and educators both within the Andean region and elsewhere. In spite of the low social
status of Quechua, many inhabitants of Bolivia, Ecuador and Peru are aware of its
native, non-European origin, as opposed to Spanish, once the language of a foreign
colonising power and now of a foreign-oriented ruling class. In 1975, as a result of
a growing demand for a renewed recognition of national and indigenous values, the
Peruvian military government of Juan Velasco Alvarado issued a decree which put
Quechua on an equal level with Spanish, as the second national language. It was to
remain a symbolic act. The implementation of the decree was largely ineffective, but
it helped to enhance the prestige of Quechua in the eyes of its users. It also generated
a great deal of discussion on how to secure the future of Quechua and its many local
varieties.
Ever since, the situation in Peru has been marked by a tension between planners
and educators favouring the maintenance and standardisation of the local dialects, on
one side, and those looking for a solution in the sphere of linguistic unication, on
the other. As experts in the Quechua dialect situation (e.g. Torero 1974) observed
that many of the Peruvian varieties were mutually unintelligible, the Peruvian gov-
ernment decided to select six regional standards, Ancash, Ayacucho, Cajamarca, Cuzco,
Huanca and Lamas/San Martn, for which documentation projects were commissioned
(cf. section 3.2.4). This choice was rather articial in the sense that much dialect diver-
sity existed within the domain of each of the regional standards, in particular Ancash,
3.2 The Quechuan language family 257
Cajamarca, Cuzco and Huanca.
43
Understandably, the regional standards never became
popular, unless they already enjoyed such a status before (Ayacucho, Cuzco).
Rather than government policy, initiatives in the context of international development
cooperation have been relatively successful in supporting and propagating the Quechua
linguistic heritage during the 1980s and 1990s, in particular, the Proyecto Experimental
de Educaci on Biling ue (Experimental Project for Bilingual Education) with its two bases
in Puno and in Quito and, more recently, PROEIB Andes (Programme for Bilingual
Intercultural Education for the Andean Countries) in Cochabamba.
In Bolivia and in Ecuador, where the dialect differences are less outspoken, the devel-
opment of a local Quechua standard may have better prospects than in Peru. In Ecuador
broadcasting programmes in Quechua and a strong native identity feeling, coupled with
a relatively high degree of organisation, have stimulated linguistic unication. For his-
torical reasons standardisation programmes in Ecuador have been independent from
those carried out in Peru and Bolivia. As a result, orthographic usage in Ecuador for a
long time remained different from that in the other two Andean countries. For instance,
whereas the Quechua velar stop was ofcially written k in Peru and Bolivia, Ecuadorians
followed the Spanish habit of writing qu before the vowels i and e, but c elsewhere.
44
The bilabial continuant, traditionally rendered by means of the combination hu, was
written w in Peru and Bolivia, but not in Ecuador, where it continued to be written hu.
Only since 1998 has the Ecuadorian spelling coincided with the Peruvian and Bolivian
practice (Howard MS).
The issue of how to incorporate conicting interpretations of the vowel system into
a standard Quechua orthography has been the object of heated debate during the 1980s
and 90s, the central point of contention being whether mid vowels in the environment of
a uvular should be written i, u, or e, o, respectively. An argument frequently advanced
in favour of writing ve vowels (a, e, i, o, u) phonetically is that the allophonic vowel
lowering is not entirely predictable; in Cuzco Quechua, for instance, sinqa nose is
normally pronounced with a mid vowel [sqa], whereas the pronunciation in purinqa
he will walk varies due to the presence of a morpheme boundary separating the root
from the ending [purqa

purqa]. Furthermore, in several present-day Quechua
dialects there are non-borrowed items that have acquired a mid vowel in a non-uvular
43
The JunnHuanca standard described in Cerr on-Palomino (1976a, b) presents a synthetic vision
of the Huanca dialects spoken in the Mantaro river valley. Its name suggests that it is also valid for
the Quechua spoken in the northern part of the department of Junn (including the provinces of
Junn, Tarma and Yauli), which differs considerably from the rather innovative Huanca dialects.
As a result, northern Junn is not effectively covered by any of the six regional standards.
44
The Hu anuco Quechua dictionary of Weber et al. (1998), who use c and qu for the velar stop,
constitutes an exception. Weber (personal communication 2000) notes a strong resistance against
the introduction of k for the velar stop at grassroots level in Peru.
258 3 The Inca Sphere
environment (e.g. Ayacucho Quechua opa dumb; Santiago del Estero Quechua sera-
to sew).
In spite of all efforts and good intentions, the development of the Quechua language
in Peru (and to a lesser extent in Bolivia and Ecuador) is far from hopeful. Throughout
most of the twentieth century the number of Quechua speakers in Peru remained stable
in absolute terms, whereas the national population was growing explosively. At the
same time, large parts of the country have undergone a language shift from Quechua to
Spanish, mainly along generation lines. The Quechua speakers wish for social mobility
for their children is often heard as an argument for not transmitting the language to
the next generation. Bilingualism, seen as an ideal by many language planners, often
proved to be a relatively short station between Quechua monolingualism and Spanish
monolingualism.
Most affected by this process of massive language shift were the Quechua I dialects
of the Central Andes of Peru. If in 1940 the percentage of Quechua speakers in the
highland sector of the department of Junn was still calculated at 75 per cent of the total
population (Rowe 1947), it had fallen to less than 10 per cent in 1993 (Pozzi-Escot 1998:
258). Many varieties of great historical interest, such as (most of) the Huanca dialects
and the dialects of Cerro de Pasco and Tarma, are nearing extinction. Quechua speakers
can still be found among the older generation, but there is little, if any transmission to
the young. At the nal stage of the languages existence most speakers tend to be women
of the eldest generation.
Chirinos Rivera (2001) reports on the distribution of languages in Peru at the distrito
(municipality) level on the basis of data borrowed from the 1993 census. It appears that
even in some of the most Hispanicised areas there are conservative communities which
retain a full use of the Quechua language. Examples are the district of Checras in the
province of Huaura (department of Lima) and the area of Andamarca, Santo Domingo de
Acobamba and Pariahuanca, east of Huancayo and Concepci on (department of Junn).
In the 1980s and early 1990s, political instability and economic insecurity brought
profound changes to the Peruvian countryside. As a result, entire communities migrated
to urban areas, the Lima agglomeration in particular, as well as other coastal cities. The
department of Ayacucho became the epicentre of violence during this period and lost
25 per cent of its population, mostly through migration. These events were followed by
a process of back-migration between 1995 and 2000 with possible disruptive effects on
the language situation (Chirinos Rivera 2001: 74). Long considered to be a stronghold
of Quechua conservatism, rural Ayacucho and Huancavelica are also feeling the effect
of language shift to Spanish. From the linguistic perspective, the fate of the Quechua-
speaking masses now inhabiting the suburbs and shantytowns of Lima is not known,
but the neighbourhood of centres of Hispanicisation, such as Lima, has never been
favourable for the maintenance of Quechua (cf. von Gleich 1998). As observed quite
3.3 The Aymaran language family 259
adequately by Cerr on-Palomino (1989b: 27), Quechua (and Aymara) speakers seem
to have taken the project of assimilation begun by the dominating classes and made it
their own.
3.3 The Aymaran language family
The languages of the Aymaran family (Aymara, Jaqaru and Cauqui) have been studied
somewhat less intensively than those of the Quechuan family with its countless geo-
graphic varieties. However, Aymara itself had the good fortune of being the object of
study of the Italian Jesuit Ludovico Bertonio, one of the most gifted grammarians of
the colonial period. Bertonio wrote two grammars (1603a, b) and a dictionary (1612a),
which are still highly relevant today. Another grammatical description from the colonial
period is Torres Rubio (1616).
In contrast to the name Quechua, there is no likely lexical etymology so far for the
name Aymara (also Aimara or Aymar a). The term was almost certainly derived from an
ethnonym, the name of a native group occupying the southern part of the present-day
department of Apurimac (now Quechua-speaking). The name of the province of
Aymaraes (capital Chalhuanca), one of the administrative subdivisions of the depart-
ment of Apurimac, reminds us of this historical background.
It is not clear how the name Aymaraes came to be applied to speakers of the Aymara
language in general, but in 1567 it was an established practice, as can be deduced from
Garci Diez de San Miguels report of his inspection (visita) of the province of Chucuito
(Espinoza Soriano 1964: 14). Garci Diez describes the Aymara of Chucuito, southwest
of Lake Titicaca, as well-to-do cattle-raisers, who were relatively numerous. They shared
the area with the Uro, who were characterised as poor and dependent on shery.
45
Two
other professional groups, the silversmiths and potters, remain undened ethnically. For
more discussion of the history of the denomination Aymara see Cerr on-Palomino (2000:
2741).
Just as Quechua is also known as runa simi (cf. section 3.2), the Aymara language is
sometimes referred to as jaqi
46
aru language of man. This denomination is not to be
confounded with that of its smaller relative the Jaqaru language, although, of course,
the two terms share a common etymology.
45
It is tempting to identify the Uros of the historical sources as UruChipaya speakers (cf.
section 3.6). However, modern evidence shows that an Uro way of life depending on shery and
lake products does not necessarily coincide with a separate ethnic background and linguistic
afliation. Some typical Uros, such as the ones inhabiting the islands of the Bay of Puno, are
in fact Aymara speakers. For a detailed treatment of the problem see Wachtel (1978).
46
In the practical orthography developed for the Aymara language the velar fricative or glottal
spirant is represented as j, whereas the uvular fricative is written x (Martin 1988: 258, 33). One
should be reminded that Aymara j is the same sound as Quechua h.
260 3 The Inca Sphere
P E R U
Canta
Lima
Tupe
Cachuy
Ayacucho
Cuzco
Chalhuanca
CANCHIS
CANAS
Puno COLLAGUAS
Nazca
Arequipa
Moquegua
Tarata
Tacna
Guallatire
Jopoqueri
CARANGAS
CHIPAYA
Salinas de Garci
Mendoza
Potos
Morocomarca
Cochabamba
La Paz
Compi
Conima
Oruro
Juli
Sitajara
(Iru-Itu)
Chucuito
San Pedro
de Buenavista
Carumas
B O L I V I A
C
A
U
Q
U
I
J
A
Q
A
R
U
ARGENTI NA
B R A Z I L
P
A
R
A
G
U
A
Y
C
H
I
L
E
A
Y
M
A
R
A
UCHUMATAQU
Aymaran languages: AYMARA,
CAUQUI, JAQARU
Uru-Chipaya languages: CHIPAYA,
UCHUMATAQU (Iru-Itu)
Areas where a former presence of
Aymaran languages is attested by
substratum, toponymy or historical
records
Map 6 Distribution of Aymaran and UruChipaya languages
Amodern basis for the study of both Aymara and Jaqaru was laid by Hardman and her
team of linguists of the University of Florida. Hardmans grammatical study of Jaqaru
(1966, 1983a) was followed by a collective work on Aymara (Hardman, V asquez and
Yapita 1974, 1988). Additional work includes Ebbing (1965) and Porterie-Guti errez
(1988). For Aymara as well, several language courses (e.g. Herrero, Cotari and Meja
1978; Yapita 1991) and dictionaries have appeared. Examples of the latter are B uttner
and Condori (1984) for Peruvian Aymara; and Cotari, Meja and Carrasco (1978), as well
as de Lucca (1987) for Bolivian Aymara. The only Jaqaru dictionary so far is Belleza
Castro (1995). The parallel structures of the Quechuan and Aymaran languages are
discussed in Cerr on-Palomino (1994a). Recent important publications which appeared
after the completion of this section are Cerr on-Palomino (2000) on the Aymaran family
as a whole and Hardman (2000) on Jaqaru.
3.3.1 Past and present distribution
Some aspects of the distribution of the Aymaran languages have been discussed in
section 3.1. Here we present additional, more specic information.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 261
The original expansion of the Aymaran languages appears to have been comparable
in importance to that of the Quechuan languages, with the difference that it remained
limited to the central and southern parts of the former Inca empire. In northern Peru
and in Ecuador traces of Aymaran presence are sporadic at best. Notwithstanding the
fact that some local groups in Ecuador trace their ancestry back to Aymara-speaking
migrants (mitimaes) brought by the Incas, no substantial inuence of Aymara has been
found in their present-day language. The use of cupika, an Aymara term for red, in the
Cajamarca dialect of Quechua is one of the very few documented cases of presumed
Aymara inuence in northern Peru.
47
Apart fromthe three Aymaran languages that survive today, other Aymaran languages,
or possibly dialects of those mentioned before, were spoken in several localities of the
department of Lima until the present century (Canta, Huant an, Miraores). The lexicon
of the Quechuan dialect of Pacaraos (province of Huaral, Lima; cf. section 3.2.9) is
strongly inuenced by an Aymaran language. The Quechua dialect presumably spoken
in the Lima region, which was described by Santo Tom as in 1560, also contained lexical
items unequivocally derived from an Aymaran language, e.g. hondoma hot bath, from
Aymara hunt(u) uma
48
hot water, a hot drink (cf. Torero 1996). Aymaran toponymy is
found in the area of Lima, and also in the Mantaro valley region (department of Junn),
inhabited by the ethnic group known as the Huanca. The manuscript of Huarochir
(cf. sections 3.1, 3.2.11) contains several direct references to Aymaran-speaking groups
in the highland interior of Lima.
As we have seen before, evidence of the existence of Aymaran-speaking groups
throughout the south of Peru can be found in the Relaciones geogr acas de Indias of the
sixteenth century (Jim enez de la Espada 1965). In these Relaciones a few words belong-
ing to the local hahuasimi languages are mentioned (cf. section 3.1). They clearly betray
an Aymaran origin, e.g. cabra llama (Aymara and Jaqaru qawra qarwa); asqui good
(Aymara aski); cf. Torero (1970), Mannheim (1991). Guaman Poma (1615) specically
refers to some Aymara-speaking areas, such as the highlands surrounding Pampachiri in
the province of Andahuaylas, and parts of the Huanca region. He, furthermore, provides
a number of Aymaran song texts, which have been analysed by Alb o and Layme (1993;
forthcoming) and by Ferrell (1996). The latter author shows that Guaman Pomas Aymara
47
One of the arguments advanced by Middendorf (1891b) in favour of the former presence of
Aymara in northern Peru is the frequent use of place names containing the element wari (as in
Huari, a town and province in Ancash). Wari means vicu na in Aymara. However, wari was also
the name of the central deity in a religious cult situated in the central and northern highlands
of Peru. A relationship with Panoan wari or bari sun has been suggested (Torero 1993b:
224).
48
The shape of this expression suggests contact with Aymara itself, not with one of the Aymaran
languages spoken in the province of Yauyos. These have hun c
.
u, rather than huntu for
hot.
262 3 The Inca Sphere
was a separate linguistic variety, not to be confounded with any of the languages spoken
today. He calls it Aimara ayacuchano (Ayacucho Aymara), considering that Guaman
Poma was a native of the Lucanas region in the south of the department of Ayacucho
(Ferrell 1996: 415).
49
It is not certain to what extent Aymaran languages (or even Aymara) were dominant
in all of southern Peru, but their presence in at least some areas is hardly a matter of
discussion. One such area was the region of Collaguas (see section 3.1). Aymara to-
ponymy can also be found elsewhere in the Arequipa region, for instance, in the name
of some of Arequipas townships, e.g. Umacollo (uma qul
y
u) water-hill, or of neigh-
bouring mountains, e.g. Chachani ( ca cani) mountain of man (or male), Anuccarahui
(anuqarawi) dogs meeting place. Toponyms of unmistakable Aymara origin can also
be found in the area of Cuzco, in particular, to the southeast of that city in the provinces
of Canas and Canchis, e.g. Tungasuca (tunka suka) ten furrows, Checacupi ( ciqa kupi)
left and right, Vilcanota (wil
y
ka-n(a) uta) house at/of the sun.
Aymara substratum is strongly present in the lexicon and the morphology of Quechua
dialects spoken in the departments of Puno and Arequipa. The Aymara inuence is very
specic and includes the use of verbal derivational sufxes with their respective vowel-
suppression rules, albeit in an attenuated form (cf. Adelaar 1987; Chirinos and Maque
1996). This inuence can only be explained by assuming a relatively recent language
shift from Aymara to Quechua after extensive bilingualism. It cannot be attributed to
borrowing alone.
An intertwined situation of Quechuan- and Aymaran-speaking groups can be recon-
structed for large areas of central and southern Peru, mostly areas where today only
Quechua survives (cf. Mannheim 1991). Close contact between Quechua and Aymara
speakers in situations where the use of either language has become linked to a partic-
ular social division or economic activity has been found in the Bolivian department
of La Paz north of Lake Titicaca. In these situations of language overlapping, either
Quechua may hold a higher prestige than Aymara, or the other way round; see Harris
(1974), cited in Briggs (1993: 4). Recent ndings, e.g. near San Pedro de Buenavista,
province of Charcas, Potos, suggest that not all Aymara-speaking communities sur-
rounded by Quechua speakers have been identied so far (cf. Howard-Malverde 1995).
A meticulous account of the distribution of Aymara and Quechua speakers in Bolivia
in the 1990s (including detailed maps) can be found in Alb o (1995). The maps which
are provided distinguish between areas where Aymara has been predominant tradition-
ally, areas of colonisation, areas where Aymara is giving way to either Quechua or
Spanish, etc.
49
Ferrell considers Ayacucho Aymara to be a manifestation of an alleged, more comprehensive
Cuzco Aymara. The reason for this classication remains unclear.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 263
3.3.2 Homeland and expansion
The more than usual intensity of past language contact, as attested by Aymaran and
Quechuan, indicates that the proto-languages of both groups were spoken either in
contiguous areas, or in the same area in a situation of geographic intertwining (cf.
section 3.1). Since the homeland of the Quechuan languages has been assigned to the
coast and sierra of central Peru, the Aymaran homeland could not have been located too
far fromit. And, as the Aymaran expansion, subsequently, went south, not north, it made
sense to look for an Aymaran homeland immediately to the south of that of Quechua.
Following this line of reasoning, Torero (1970) tentatively assigned Proto-Aymaran to
the coastal civilisation of Nazca and the interior Andean region of Ayacucho. At the same
time, he allowed for some overlapping in the province of Yauyos (department of Lima),
where archaic varieties of Aymaran and Quechuan have co-existed until the present day.
The geographic conguration delineated above is not incompatible with the alternative
hypothesis of an original Aymaran homeland further north, in the heart of central Peru
itself. This scenario would imply a partial displacement of the Proto-Aymaran population
by Quechuan speakers somewhere at the beginning of the present era. It is favoured by
the large number of Aymaran place names and borrowings in central Peru and the
intense contact that we must assume to have existed between the two language groups.
The subsequent expansion of Aymaran-speaking peoples, which may have taken place
between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries, could have occurred either on their own
initiative, or under the pressure of Quechua-speaking people coming from the north.
The situation of dominance which the Aymara held in the Bolivian highlands until
1600 has already been mentioned. A comparison of the colonial evidence (Bouysse-
Cassagne 1975) with the present-day distribution of the Andean languages clearly shows
that Aymara must have become superseded by Quechua in large parts of the southern and
eastern highlands of Bolivia during the last four centuries. A similar process took place
in many parts of southern Peru. On their way south the Aymaran languages occupied the
place of other, previously present languages. For instance, in the central-eastern part of
the department of Moquegua (province of Mariscal Nieto, around the communities of
Carumas, Calacoa and Cuchumbaya) and in some areas north of Lake Titicaca Aymara
replaced local varieties of Puquina. However, since the beginning of the colonial period,
no further expansion of importance has been reported. Probably as a result of their
more homogeneous background, the present-day Aymara have developed a strongly
articulated ethnic identity, in contrast with most of the Quechua-speaking peoples that
surround them. The latter largely originated from different ethnic groups that became
Quechuanised.
At the arrival of the Spaniards, most of the Aymara were organised in chieftaincies,
some of which had succeeded in retaining a certain autonomy in spite of their subju-
gation by the Incas (cf. Tschopik 1946). Of particular historical importance was the
264 3 The Inca Sphere
kingdom of the Lupaca, centred around the town of Chucuito, southwest of Lake
Titicaca. It is relatively well known thanks to Garci Diez de San Miguels report of 1567
(see section 3.3.1), which contains valuable data about the organisation of an Aymara
chieftaincy and its colonies in the coastal region. Shortly after the arrival in 1568 of the
rst Jesuits in Peru, a mission of that Order was established at Juli in the Lupaca area.
Through the work of Bertonio, among others, the Lupaca dialect of Aymara became
representative of the language as a whole.
3.3.3 Internal variation in the Aymaran language family
As we have seen in section 3.1, the northern and southern branches of the Aymaran
linguistic family are separated by a considerable geographical distance. This separation
is not only geographical, it is also a matter of demography. The demographic factor makes
the comparison between the Aymara language, on one hand, and its two small northern
relatives Jaqaru and Cauqui, on the other, a rather unbalanced one. As the incipient
dialectological studies progress, new differentiating elements may emerge within the
Aymara domain itself. So far, a moderate amount of internal variation in terms of dialects
has been detected (Briggs 1993).
Jaqaru and Cauqui are characterised by unusually rich obstruent inventories, which
are identical for both varieties. The Aymara obstruent inventory, although relatively
complex, is less elaborate. All three languages distinguish between plain, aspirated and
glottalised obstruents. But, whereas Aymara has ve different articulations (bilabial,
alveolar, velar and uvular stops; palatal affricates), Jaqaru and Cauqui have eight (the
abovementioned ve; alveopalatal stops; alveolar and retroex affricates). Furthermore,
Jaqaru and Cauqui have two sibilants (alveolar and palatal), whereas Aymara has only
one (alveolar). The status of the additional obstruent series in Jaqaru and in Cauqui,
either as cases of conservatism or as innovations, has been a topic of debate. As it stands
now, only the retroex affricate series seems to bear out its conservative nature. The
velar nasal has phonemic status in Jaqaru, in Cauqui, and in a very limited number of
Aymara dialects (see below).
Most observations concur in suggesting that Jaqaru and Cauqui are mutually intelli-
gible to a great extent, and that the extent of the lexical, morphological and phonological
differences existing between them is limited (see section 3.1). Nevertheless, the distinct
nature of the two varieties is highlighted by Hardman (1975, 1978). She points, among
other things, at an innovative process of vowel harmonisation in sufxes that sets Jaqaru
apart from both Cauqui and Aymara. It is illustrated by object-marked verb forms such
as Jaqaru irp-k-utu he takes me along, in contrast with Cauqui irp-k-itu
50
and Aymara
50
The use of an ongoing event marker -k- is required for present tense in the central Peruvian
members of the Aymaran family.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 265
irp-itu (Hardman 1975: 440). Another example of this vowel harmony can be found
in the Jaqaru verbal nominalisation afx -nu su, e.g. in irp-nu su to take along, which
corresponds to Cauqui irp-ni su.
In her dictionary of the Jaqaru language, Belleza Castro (1995: 556) observes that the
alveolar affricate series of Jaqaru is regularly matched by the retroex series in Cauqui,
e.g. Jaqaru haca-, Cauqui ha c
.
a- to cry (cf. Aymara ha ca-); Jaqaru ca:ka, Cauqui
c
.
a:ka bone (cf. Aymara caka, cak
h
a). It does not mean, however, that the alveolar
affricate series is entirely absent from Cauqui (e.g. Jaqaru, Cauqui aciki cold). A
lexical feature of Cauqui is the use of a deictic pronoun uwa that, where both Aymara
and Jaqaru have uka (Belleza Castro 1995: 185). Unfortunately, only incidental data
are available for Cauqui. A substantial vocabulary and a grammatical overview of the
language would be needed in order to appreciate the correspondences. As long as this
condition is not met, any reconstruction of Proto-Aymaran will remain tentative.
Present-day dialectal variation in the Aymara language area has been studied in a
comprehensive manner by Briggs (1976, 1993); for a critical assessment of her work
see Cerr on-Palomino (1995a). In-depth studies of individual Aymara dialects are scarce,
except for the variety spoken in and around the Bolivian governmental residence city
La Paz. The Aymara of the department of La Paz in Bolivia lies at the basis of the most
authoritative and comprehensive studies of that language, such as Hardman et al. (1974,
1988), Herrero et al. (1978) and Yapita (1991). Porterie-Guti errez (1988) deals with
Peruvian varieties (that of Chucuito, in particular), and some work has been published
on the Chilean variety (Clair-Vassiliadis 1976; Poblete and Salas 1997; Salas and Poblete
1997). Dictionaries tend to combine lexical items from different localities, although the
selection is usually limited by national boundaries.
Briggss work contains a wealth of data concerning variation in the Aymara language
at all grammatical levels. On the basis of her ndings, she proposes two classications
of the geographic varieties of Aymara (Briggs 1993: 38898). The rst classication
distinguishes between northern Aymara (roughly coinciding with the varieties of the de-
partment of Puno in Peru and La Paz in Bolivia), southern Aymara (in the departments of
Oruro and Potos, Bolivia, and in northern Chile), and an intermediate group consisting
of the dialects spoken in the Peruvian departments of Moquegua and Tacna on the south-
western Pacic slopes. These dialects are said to have characteristics in common with
both the northern and the southern group, there being particularly important similarities
between the dialect spoken in the interior of Tacna (Tarata) and that of the Carangas area
in western Oruro (Briggs 1993: 401). The second classication proposed establishes a
contrast between a central (supposedly innovative) dialect group in the area surrounding
the city of La Paz and a peripheral dialect group comprising all the outlying areas.
Many cases of variation registered by Briggs seem to concern individual lexical items
and morphemes, rather than to reect regular changes. Some cases, however, do indicate
266 3 The Inca Sphere
systematic developments, such as the voicing of plain stops after nasals and laterals in
Salinas de Garci Mendoza in southern Oruro, for instance, in tunga ten (< tunka),
ambara hand (< ampara), and qal
y
-da- to begin (< qal
y
-ta-); cf. Cerr on-Palomino
(1995a: 122).
As has been anticipated, there is one case of dialect variation that, in particular,
deserves the attention of historical comparative linguists, that is, the development of a
velar nasal in non-automatic environments.
51
At least three Aymara dialect areas, Tarata
(in Tacna, Peru), Carangas (in Oruro, Bolivia) and the Aymara-speaking part of northern
Chile have preserved a rst-person possessive and a rst-person future subject ending
in -a, e.g. uta-a my house, sar-x
.
a-a I shall go (home). They share this feature
with Jaqaru and Cauqui, where the same sufx is used. Both in Tarata Aymara and in
Jaqaru the sound is also found intervocalically in a small number of lexical items (e.g.
Tarata aanu face, cheek; Jaqaru iaca servant). In spite of the limited phonotactic
possibilities of the distinctive velar nasal it only occurs between vowels, of which the
second one may or may not be suppressed there seems to be no reason not to reconstruct
it for Proto-Aymaran.
52
Already in the Lupaca variety described by Bertonio (1603a, b) most velar nasals had
been replaced by a velar fricative h. Other dialects eliminated the velar nasal with its
low phonemic load in different ways. The rst-person possessive and rst-person future
endings *-a were replaced by elements such as -ha, -x
.
a, -n
y
a and/or vowel length, and
exhibit considerable dialectal variation at this time.
Aspirated and glottalised obstruents are widely used in the Aymaran languages. Both
categories are held to represent features inherited from the proto-language. However,
although the presence of aspiration or glottalisation is stable in many lexical items and
afxes, it can be variable in others. Examples are the rst-person non-future subject
marker -t
h
a and its homophone, the ablative case marker -t
h
a. These sufxes have lost
their aspiration in La Paz Aymara, whereas it has been retained in most other Aymara
dialects and in Jaqaru. The loss of aspiration brought about a formal coincidence of these
elements with the second-person non-future subject marker -ta and the nominaliser -ta,
but is, at the same time, responsible for the different morphophonemic behaviour of
51
An automatic environment would be the position before k within a root (e.g. in tunka ten),
where the nasal is velar by assimilation.
52
Cerr on-Palomino (1994a: 111; 1995a: 11417) observes that the velar nasal sound is followed by
a velar fricative in several Aymara dialects (e.g. ahanu face in Guallatire, northern Chile; and a
rst-personfuture marker -hainConima, Huancan e, Peru). He alsopoints at the correspondence
between Aymara manq
h
a [maq
h
a] under, inside and Jaqaru maa below, and concludes
that the nasal velar in Aymaran must take its origin from a preconsonantal allophone of the plain
nasal n. However, in view of such pairs as Jaqaru yaa and Quechua yana companion, and
Jaqaru ya-i si-, Quechua yana-pa- help, we are inclined to opt either for an inherited though
obsolescent distinction, or for a retraction of the alveolar nasal in intervocalic position before a.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 267
the two pairs of sufxes. The aspiration, whether present or not, entails the loss of the
vowel -a in a sufx before certain independent sufxes,
53
such as -wa, e.g. mun-t-wa
{mun(a)-t
h
(a)-wa} I want it, but mun-ta-wa {mun(a)-ta-wa} you want it.
3.3.4 Salient features of the Aymaran language family
The Aymaran language family consists of languages which are structurally very similar
to Quechua. The similarities between the two groups are so obvious and so pervasive
that they can only be explained by a long period of shared history and complex mutual
relations. The structural similarities are not merely supercial. They consist of highly
specic semantic and syntactic parallels that, if not due to common origin, must be the
result of long and intensive bilingual interaction. More than 20 per cent of the lexicon that
can be reconstructed for the proto-languages of both families is either identical, or nearly
so. The reconstructed phoneme inventory of Proto-Aymaran is also partly identical to
that of Proto-Quechuan, although there are differences which deserve close attention.
It is remarkable, under these circumstances, that the languages of the Aymaran family
have managed to preserve two characteristics that set themapart not only fromQuechua,
but also from the other known languages of the Andean region. These characteristics
belong to the domain of phonotactics and morphophonemics. Aymaran roots, both verbal
and nominal, must end in a vowel. In order to meet this condition, borrowed nouns with
a nal consonant in the original language become Aymaranised by the addition of a nal
vowel, regardless of whether the language borrowed from is Quechua, Spanish, or any
other. This process is still productive today, and it has been in existence in the Aymaran
languages for as long as evidence is obtainable by projection into the past.
(119) Proto-Quechua *pa c
.
ak hundred Aymara pataka
Jaqaru pa c
.
aka
54
Proto-Quechua *kuntur condor Aymara kunturi
Jaqaru k untiri
Spanish habas beans Aymara hawasa
Jaqaru h awa sa
The second characteristic concerns the allomorphic shape of roots and sufxes. Like
Quechua, the Aymaran languages are predominantly agglutinative, using sufxes almost
exclusively. Unlike Quechua, however, these sufxes are accompanied by rules leading to
the suppression of a preceding vowel or, under given circumstances, of vowels belonging
to the sufx itself. From a synchronic point of view, the vowel suppression rules are
seldom phonologically motivated. The following examples of derivation of the verb
53
For the notion of independent sufxes see sections 3.2.6 and 3.3.6.
54
The Jaqaru forms are from Belleza Castro (1995).
268 3 The Inca Sphere
apa- to bear, to carry illustrate the different behaviour of Aymara sufxes with an
initial s. The sufx -su- outward motion must be preceded by vowel suppression, the
sufx -si- reexive has no such effect:
(120) ap-su- to take out
apa-si- to take ones share, to take for oneself
The corresponding sufxes in Jaqaru are - su- and -i si-, respectively. Both sufxes
trigger vowel suppression.
(121) ap- su- to take out
ap-i si- to take ones share, to take for oneself
It would be tempting to seek an explanation for the different behaviour of Aymara -si-
and -su- in the Jaqaru facts. However, this does not seem to be possible. The presence
of a sufx-initial vowel i in Jaqaru -i si- is due to innovative vowel harmony, which
could develop precisely in environments where the vowel was preserved at rst (*apa-
si- > ap-i si-). Some cases of vowel suppression may eventually be explained by other
diachronic developments that are not yet understood. Froma phonological point of view,
it is signicant that Aymara sufxes with an initial l
y
or y are never preceded by vowel
suppression and with other resonants only exceptionally so (Briggs 1993: 556).
The Aymaran vowel suppressions can produce spectacular sequences of consonants,
not separated by vowels even at the phonetic level. This occurs when several sufxes
triggering vowel suppression appear in a sequence. Consider the following example from
La Paz Aymara:
(122) hani-w hisk-t-k-t-ti
{hani-w(a) hisk
h
(i)-t(a)-k(a)-t(a)-ti}
not-AF ask-M-AN-1S-NE
I did not ask him. (Yapita 1991: 75)
The three sufxes -ta-, -ka- and -ta trigger the suppression of a preceding vowel.
Additionally, the rst-person subject sufx -ta loses its own vowel before independent
sufxes, such as -ti. This loss can be explained phonologically by the fact that -ta
originally began with an aspirated t
h
, as it still does in many dialects.
55
The sufx -ti
itself exerts no inuence on the preceding vowel. The aspiration of k
h
in hisk
h
i- is
also lost in the process. The sufx -wa loses its vowel because it marks the end of a
major preverbal constituent of the sentence. Although Aymara and Jaqaru differ in the
inventory of their sufxes and the nature of the accompanying morphophonemic rules,
vowel suppression plays a central role in both languages.
55
Aspiration is sometimes associated with vowel loss in the Aymaran languages.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 269
Table 3.6 Jaqaru personal reference markers
Pronouns Possessive endings Imperative
1 pers. na -a -Va
2 pers. huma -ma -ma
3 pers. upa -p
h
a -pa
4 pers. hiwsa -sa -Vtna
In contrast, the structure of roots is relatively simple. Root-internal consonant clusters
may consist of two consonants at the most (although Jaqaru has some exceptions). Root-
initial clusters do not occur. In comparison to Quechua, Aymaran roots tend to contain
more open syllables. In Aymara the possibilities of clustering (that is, previous to the ap-
plication of any vowel suppression rules) are limited. When root-internal clusters contain
a stop, it is always the second member in the cluster. Clusters of stops and/or affricates
do not normally occur (Martin 1988: 447). Jaqaru is less restrictive in this respect.
In the domain of morphology, the Aymaran languages are characterised, among other
things, by a fourfold division of the category grammatical person, based on the inclusion
or non-inclusion of speaker and addressee, respectively (cf. Hardman et al. 1988: 18).
The system comprises four basic units: rst person (+ speaker, addressee), second
person (+addressee, speaker), third person ( addressee, speaker), and fourth person
(+ addressee, + speaker). The Aymaran fourth person coincides with what is known in
linguistic literature as aninclusive rst personplural. There are nospecic endings for the
exclusive rst person plural, which, apart from the optional presence of plural marking,
are the same as the rst-person-singular endings. Each of the four units is represented
by specic underived morphemes, which surface in the shape of the personal pronouns,
in the nominal possessive endings and in parts of the verbal paradigm. Table 3.6 gives
a synopsis of the basic personal pronouns, possessive endings and verbal imperative
endings in Jaqaru (Hardman 1983a). (V indicates that the vowel preceding the sufx
is preserved; otherwise, suppression of the preceding vowel is required.)
Number distinctions do not play a fundamental role in the Aymaran personal reference
system. The three basically singular pronouns (13) can be pluralised by means of a
nominal plural marker: -naka in Aymara; -kuna (as in Quechua) in Jaqaru. In this way, a
secondary distinction is created between the inclusive fourth person and the (exclusive)
plural of the rst person. The pronoun we (exclusive) is na-naka in Aymara and na-kuna
in Jaqaru; we (inclusive) is hiwasa in Aymara and hiwsa in Jaqaru. Possessive endings
cannot be pluralised, except periphrastically. Verbal endings have no plural counterparts
either, but it is possible to express the notion of plurality internally in the verb form, as
in Pichacani (Puno) Aymara laru-si-px
.
-t
h
-wa (laugh-RF-PL-1S-AF) we (excl.) laugh
at him.
270 3 The Inca Sphere
3.3.5 Aymara phonology
The orthography currently in use for modern Aymara presents a number of distinct
elements, which have become widely accepted. It includes notations such as j for the
glottal (or velar) voiceless fricative, and x (sometimes also jj) for the uvular voiceless
fricative. Aspiration is either written as a double apostrophe () or as h. In our discussion
of Aymara (and Jaqaru) we continue to use the symbols that we have used so far, namely,
h for the glottal (or velar) fricative, x
.
for the uvular fricative, raised
h
for aspiration and
raised
y
for palatalisation, in order to help preserve the unity of the presentation and
facilitate the comparison with other Andean languages, such as Quechua.
The vowel system of Aymara is trivocalic and consists of a low vowel a and two high
vowels, front unrounded i and back rounded u. As in Quechua, the high vowels have mid
allophones in the environment of a uvular consonant.
Vowel length is distinctive. There are three long vowels, a:, i:, u:. Vowel length
plays a role in the morphology (see section 3.3.6). It can also, though seldom, be part
of the phonological makeup of root morphemes, in which case the vowel is almost
always a::
(123) caka bridge ca:ka stem of the quinua
A frequent source of vowel length in Aymara is the optional suppression of y between
same vowels in the sequences aya and uyu. Variation of the type aya a:, uyu u: has
been recorded from the sixteenth century onwards. Nevertheless, the forms with vowel
length have not succeeded in replacing those with internal y, which are still predominant
today.
56
(124) contemporary Bertonio (1612a)
maya ma: maya maa one
tiyi ti: tiy cave
suyu su: suyu suu parcel of land, share of work
Long vowels are also found in compound expressions as a result of sandhi, when there
is a succession of vowels without an intervening consonant:
(125) hi c
h
u:ru today from hi c
h
a now, uru day
The consonant inventory of Aymara is very similar to that of the Quechua II dialects
surrounding it (Cuzco Quechua, Bolivian Quechua). The consonant inventory of La Paz
Aymara is represented in table 3.7 (cf. Yapita 1991: xiv).
56
Both the existence of vowel length in Aymara and its use there are strongly reminiscent of the
Quechua I dialects. This is not the only respect in which Aymara resembles Quechua I, rather
than Quechua II (cf. Cerr on-Palomino 1994a).
3.3 The Aymaran language family 271
Table 3.7 La Paz Aymara consonant inventory
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular
Plain p t c k q
Obstruents Aspirated p
h
t
h
c
h
k
h
q
h
Glottalised p t c k q
Fricatives s h x
.
Laterals l l
y
Nasals m n n
y
Vibrant r
Glides w y
Stress in Aymara is basically penultimate and has been described as non-phonemic
(Martin 1988: 43). Long vowels in word-nal position attract stress, and hence they are
sometimes interpreted as sequences of like vowels. Indeed, such cases are usually the
product of a reduction, as in (126):
(126) sar a:
{sara-V: < *sara-a}
57
go-1S.F
I shall go
Deviations fromthese basic rules are not uncommon. When a word ends in a consonant
or a sequence of consonants, this is normally the result of syntactic vowel suppression
(see below). In those cases stress is on the nal vowel. An exception is the second-person
imperative in La Paz Aymara, which ends in a consonant but has penultimate stress:
58
(127) s ara-m
go-2S.IM
Go!
The vowel suppression rules of La Paz Aymara can be divided into those that
precede and those that follow the assignment of stress. As we saw (section 3.3.4),
morphophonemic vowel suppression has a long history in the Aymaran languages. It
occurs at word-internal morpheme boundaries, and stress is assigned afterwards.
59
For
57
The form sara-a is preserved in the Aymara-speaking areas of interior Tacna (Peru) and
Carangas (Bolivia).
58
Briggs (1993: 803) observes that the nal vowel of the second-person imperative ending -
m (<*-ma), which is normally absent, may be restored in some cases. It may lead to cases
of antepenultimate stress because the characteristic stress pattern of the imperative remains
unchanged (e.g. ap a-ni-m ap a-ni-ma bring it here).
59
Vowel suppression within the root is exceptional in Aymara. An example is wal
y
aqi- to boil,
which is reduced to wal
y
x
.
- in vowel suppressing derivations.
272 3 The Inca Sphere
instance, in (128) the rst root vowel is stressed, after the sufx -t(a) rst-person sub-
ject loses its vowel by suppression before the attenuating sufx -x
.
a, the root cura- to
give loses its nal vowel by suppression before -t(a), and stress is assigned to the next
available vowel on the left. In (129) the second-person subject sufx -ta does not lose
its vowel before -x
.
a, and, as it stands in penultimate position, it also bears the stress.
(128) c ur-t-x
.
a
{ cur(a)-t(a)-x
.
a}
give-1S-TO
60
I gave it.
(129) cur-t a-x
.
a
{ cur(a)-ta-x
.
a}
give-2S-TO
You gave it.
In contrast, syntactically motivated vowel suppression affects the nal vowel of any
major constituent of a sentence which does not occupy the nal position in that sentence.
The nal constituent, usually the verb, remains unaffected. Stress is assigned before
vowel suppression and, if present at all, it is positioned on the last vowel in the word
that is actually pronounced
61
:
(130) kun a-t hukamp-r ak qul
y
q mun-x
.
-t a-sti
{kuna-t(a) hukamp(i)--rak(i) qul
y
q(i)- mun(a)-x
.
(a)-ta-sti}
what-AB more-Z-AD money-Z want-CM-2S-CT
And how much more money will you need? (Yapita 1991: 99)
Words consisting of more than two syllables that occupy a non-nal position in a noun
phrase are also affected by the suppression of their nal vowel:
(131) ciy ar uta
{ ciyar(a) uta}
black house
a black house
Aymara, furthermore, has a morphosyntactic rule of vowel suppression, which affects
the nal vowel of a nominal base (consisting of a bare noun, a noun followed by one or
60
The effect of the topic marker here has been characterised as attenuation (Hardman et al. 1988:
280).
61
Aymara dialects may differ in the frequency and obligatory nature of syntactic vowel suppression.
Porterie-Guti errez (1988: 46) qualies the loss of nal vowels in the dialect of Chucuito as very
common (tr` es courant). In La Paz Aymara it is considered a standard practice (cf. Yapita 1991).
3.3 The Aymaran language family 273
more nominal afxes, or a nominalised verb) and identies it as the direct object of a
transitive verb or the geographic goal of a motion verb. In the literature, these forms are
referred to as zero complements (e.g. Briggs 1993: 1413). Zero complements nor-
mally precede the verb. They can be followed by independent sufxes, which themselves
lose their vowel due to the syntactic vowel suppression mentioned above:
(132) k
h
it-s suy-pa ca
{k
h
it(i)--s(a) suy(a)-pa ca}
who-Z-IR wait-DP.3S
He must be waiting for someone? (Yapita 1991: 51)
(133) uk sar-ta
{uk(a)- sar(a)-ta}
that place-Z go-1S
I went there. (Yapita 1991: 35)
The following sentence exemplies the use of k
h
iti who in the subject role, where
there is no zero complement vowel suppression:
(134) k
h
iti-s uta-r sara-ni
{k
h
iti-s(a) uta-r(u) sara-ni}
who-IR house-AL go-F.3S
Who will go to the house? (Yapita 1991: 42)
It is often not possible to distinguish between zero-complement vowel suppression
and syntactically based vowel suppression, in particular when dealing with heads of noun
phrases not followed by independent sufxes.
62
The word qul
y
q(i) in (130) is a case in
point. As can be seen from this example, as well as from k
h
it-s in (132), vowel suppres-
sion, both syntactically motivated and in its function as a zero complement, can produce
consonant clusters (including sequences of same consonants) in word-nal position.
Cerr on-Palomino (1994a: 589) situates the issue of the zero complement in Aymara
within the context of a more general rule deleting the nal vowel of preverbal com-
plements.
63
In that perspective, the zero complement could be interpreted as a noun
unmarked for case which indicates a direct object or goal. It is true that the case markers
-na genitive-locative and -ta/-t
h
a ablative lose their vowel before any independent
62
The literature is silent about the relation between zero-complement vowel suppression and stress
assignment. Nevertheless, there is a general rule to the effect that in a (full) word form stress is
on the penultimate vowel but remains on that vowel when the nal vowel is suppressed. There are
exceptions, such as the second-person imperative (e.g. s ara-m go!), but the zero complement
is not among those exceptions.
63
Briggs (1993: 142) points at the occurrence of postverbal zero complements in some varieties
of Aymara. This should lead to a different formulation of the rule in question.
274 3 The Inca Sphere
sufx, thus exhibiting a behaviour parallel to that of the zero complement. If not followed
by an independent sufx, that vowel is also lost due to syntactic vowel suppression (see
above). In contrast, the case marker -ru allative does retain its vowel before independent
sufxes, as is illustrated in (135):
(135) tumasi-x
.
uta-ru-w waka-nak anaki-sk-i
{tumasi-x
.
(a) uta-ru-w(a) waka-nak(a)- anaki-sk(a)-i}
Thomas-TO house-AL-AF cow-PL-Z herd-PR-3S
Thomas is leading the cows home. (Cerr on-Palomino 1994a: 59)
Although most afxes in Aymara begin with a consonant or a consonant cluster, there
are also a few highly frequent verbal sufxes with an initial vowel i, among others:
(136) -i third-person non-future subject
-iri agentive nominaliser
-it(a)- rst-person object
This i-vowel replaces a preceding a, merges with a preceding i, and is eliminated by
a preceding u. This is illustrated in (137):
(137) ap-iri carrier ap-i he/she carries [apa- to carry]
hit
h
-iri slider hit
h
-i he/she slides [hit
h
i- to slide]
qapu-ri spinner qapu he/she spins [qapu- to spin]
3.3.6 Aymara grammar
Aymara morphology is mainly based on the use of sufxes; it is transparent, as well
as regular. Compounds occasionally occur, but these are limited to some common ex-
pressions, such as hi c
h
u:ru today, see section 3.3.5 (125), and in place names, as in
(138):
(138) umalsu Umalsu
64
< uma hal-su source, well
[uma water; hala- to run; -su- outward movement]
Word order (modierhead) and constituent order (predominantly SOV) are the same
as in Quechua. The inventory and the semantics of morphological categories, and even
syntactic constructions involving the use of several morphological markers, are strik-
ingly similar, even though in most cases there is no formal correspondence. As in
Quechua, there is a set of independent sufxes in addition to specic verbal and nominal
morphology.
Nevertheless, there are also some structural differences that deserve to be men-
tioned. Aymara sufx order is often less rigid than Quechua sufx order. Some of the
64
Umalsu is the name of a settlement in the northern part of the department of Moquegua (Peru).
3.3 The Aymaran language family 275
functions reserved for independent sufxes in Quechua are expressed in Aymara within
the verbal paradigm. The verbal derivational morphology of Aymara is richer than that
of Quechua, especially with respect to categories of space. In Quechua the verbal system
of personal reference marking that encodes both subject and object can be maintained
in nominalisations and in subordinate verbs. This option is not found in Aymara, which
in such cases only has the possessive personal markers at its disposal. As a result, only
one participant can be indicated explicitly. In comparison to Quechua and Jaqaru, the
Aymara switch-reference system is in decay. The functions of the verb to be in Aymara
are not represented lexically, as in Quechua, but morphologically.
Aymara has two distinct types of verbalisation which compensate for the absence of
a verb to be. One of these types is used in equations, the other one applies to locative
expressions. Equation (nominal predication) is indicated by lengthening the nal vowel
of a noun or noun phrase.
(139) hanqu-:-n
y
a
white-CV-IF
to be white
(140) huma-x
.
k
h
iti-:-ta-sa
{huma-x
.
a k
h
iti-:-ta-sa}
you-TO who-CV-2S-IR
Who are you? (Yapita 1991: 90)
The lengthened vowel is retained before sufxes triggering vowel suppression. In
such cases length is not always perceived, but the vowel itself remains intact. In spite of
its morphological character, the use of this verbalisation by lengthening is very much
reminiscent of that of the copula ka- in Quechua.
65
Equations are zero-marked when the
verb has a third-person subject and no afxes other than independent sufxes accompany
the predicate (141). Otherwise, the vowel length marker is required (142).
(141) ha ca-wa
big-AF
It is big.
(142) hani-w ha ca-:-k-i-ti
{hani-w(a) ha ca-:-k(a)-i-ti}
not-AF big-CV-AN-3S-NE
It is not big. (Yapita 1991: 134)
65
In the province of Omasuyos, northeast of Lake Titicaca, Herrero et al. (1978: level 1: 126)
have recorded an allomorph -ya-, instead of vowel length, before morphemes that begin with
vowel length or consist of vowel length themselves; for instance, in yati- c-iri-ya-:-wa I shall
be a teacher, where vowel length indicates rst-person subject future tense. This is conrmed
by Briggs (1993: 174) for the town of Compi (La Paz).
276 3 The Inca Sphere
A striking parallel with Quechua is the habitual past tense, in which verbalisation by
lengthening is applied to agentive nominalisation forms in -(i)ri. (Compare the Quechua
agentive in -q followed by the copula ka-.)
(143) kuna ura-s uta-r hut-x
.
-iri-:-ta
{kuna ura-s(a) uta-r(u) hut(a)-x
.
(a)-iri-:-ta}
what time-IR house-AL come-CM-AG-CV-2S
At what time did you use to come home? (Yapita 1991: 89)
Locative and possessive verbalisation is brought about by adding a sufx -ka- to the
short form of the locative/genitive case marker -n(a). See the examples in (144) and
(145):
(144) aka-na aka-n-ka-
{aka-na} {aka-n(a)-ka-}
this.place-L this.place-L-LV
here, in this place to be here, to be in this place
(145) aka isi-x
.
huma-n-k-i-wa
{aka isi-x
.
(a) huma-n(a)-k(a)-i-wa}
this clothes-TO you-L-LV-3S-AF
These clothes are yours. (Yapita 1991: 88)
A further derivation, involving multiple verbalisations separated by a nominalisation,
is illustrated in (146).
(146) aka-n-k-iri-:-t-wa
{aka-n(a)-k(a)-iri-:-t(a)-wa}
this.place-L-LV-AG-CV-2S-AF
I belong here, I am a local person.
In the early seventeenth century, Bertonio registered a verb canca na (kanka-n
y
a).
This verb doubtless had a rather specic lexical meaning, to be in essence, beyond the
concept of a simple equation. However, according to Bertonio, janko na (hanqu-:-n
y
a)
and janko canca na (hanqu kanka-n
y
a), whiteness, to be white, were equivalent
constructions.
66
66
Cerr on-Palomino (1994a: 78, 128) proposes a historical derivation of both the copula verbaliser
by lengthening and locational -ka- from the root *kanka-. However, Jaqaru (see section 3.3.10)
has -w(a)- for the copula verbaliser, whereas it expresses location in the same way as in Aymara.
In both languages, the two markers in question are formally far apart, so that derivation from
*kanka- is conceivable only by assuming a series of ad hoc changes. At the same time, it seems
plausible to assume that the root kanka- could have been derived from a hypothetical *ka-n-ka-
{ka-n(a)-ka-}to be in a state or place (*ka); cf. aka this place, uka that place.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 277
As in Quechua, Aymara verbalisation comprises two more options, transformative
verbalisation (to become X) and factitive verbalisation (to make something X). The
sufxes that indicate these types of verbalisation are, respectively, -pta- and - ca-. The
latter is homophonous with its Quechua equivalent.
(147) wali-pta-n
y
a
good-TF-IF
to recover
(148) uta- ca-n
y
a
house-FA-IF
to roof a house
Aymara nouns can be marked for possessor. The rst-person (my) ending varies
between -ha and -x
.
a (or lengthening of a preceding vowel) in La Paz, and -a or -n
y
a
locally. The second-, third- and fourth-person endings are -ma, -pa, and -sa, respectively.
The plural marker -naka is optional and pluralises the referent noun. Unlike Quechua
-kuna, the Aymara plural marker normally precedes the possessive endings, although
the opposite order is also allowed.
(149) wawa-naka-ha wawa-ha-naka
child-PL-1P child-1P-PL
my children my children (Briggs 1993: 1278)
Possession as a characteristic (owner of , having) is expressed by means of a sufx
-ni (the semantic equivalent of Quechua -yuq). It is frequently found in place names
(Huancarani, Uyuni). Its use in numerals, where it connects digits, tens or hundreds to
larger units, is illustrated in:
(150) tunka paya-ni
ten two-OS
twelve
(151) waranq pa: pataka-ni
{waranq(a) pa(y)a pataka-ni}
thousand two hundred-OS
2,200 (Briggs 1988: 176)
Syntactic relations in the sentence are marked by case, except for the subject role
which remains unmarked. Case markers are added to the last element, normally the
head, of a noun phrase. Apart from the zero complement case marker (cf. section 3.3.5),
Aymara has an allative case marker -ru, which indicates an indirect object or a direction
(towards); an ablative case marker -ta or -t
h
a, which indicates separation (from);
278 3 The Inca Sphere
an instrumentalcomitative case marker -mpi (locally -nti) with; and a benefactive
case marker -taki for. Similarity is expressed by the morpheme -hama (e.g. in kun-
hama how? from kuna what?). The sufxes -kama until and -layku because of,
for the sake of are used as their Quechua counterparts -kama and -rayku (cf. section
3.2.6). Locative and genitive case are both represented by the marker -na. The possessive
construction is formed in the same way as in Quechua, that is, by doubly marking the
possessor and the possessed.
(152) hupa-n p
h
u ca-pa-wa
{hupa-n(a) p
h
u ca-pa-wa}
he/she-G daughter-3P-AF
She is his (or her) daughter. (Briggs 1988: 227)
Aymara verbal derivational morphology is rich in possibilities for expressing cate-
gories related to space. As in Quechua I, Aymara has a set of four verbal afxes denoting
the direction of a motion inward, outward, upward and downward. This is illus-
trated in (153) with forms derived from the verb ira- to carry small objects:
(153) ira-nta- to introduce small objects, to fail to recover invested money
ir-su- to take out small objects
ir-ta- to lift or pick up small objects
ira-qa- to put down small objects, to lower a price, to snatch away
As can be seen, the sufxes -su- and -ta-
67
suppress the preceding vowel, whereas
-nta- and -qa- do not.
These sufxes show a tendency to be used idiomatically. For instance, although the
verb irpa- to lead, to conduct can be modied by the same four derivations, the derived
form irp-ta- usually has an idiomatic inchoative interpretation to help someone on his
feet, to help someone make a start. According to Cotari et al. (1978) and B uttner and
Condori (1984), the form preferably used for to lead upwards is irp-kata- (see below
for the meaning of -kata-).
In addition to the four directional sufxes just mentioned, Aymara has several ver-
bal derivational afxes relating to space, among them, -kata- motion across, frontal
motion, -kipa- contouring motion, -naqa- motion in several directions, -nuku-
abandonment, -nuqa act of placing, -ra- separation, removal, -tata- dispersal,
motion in all directions, -t
h
api- concentration, -x
.
ata- location on top. These are
illustrated in (154) on the basis of the root apa- to carry (examples from England
67
Bertonio (1612a) records irusu- for ir-su-, and iruta- for ir-ta-. One may speculate that the
initial vowel recorded in the sufxes -usu- and -uta- could provide an explanation for the vowel-
suppressing behaviour of their present-day equivalents.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 279
1988: 1223). The examples provide an impression of the unpredictable character of
morphophonological vowel suppression.
(154) ap-kata- to pick up and put at equal (higher) level, to transport
apa-kipa- to transport from one place to another
ap-naqa- to handle, to manipulate
apa-nuku- to abandon (also apa-muku-)
ap-nuqa- to place on the oor
apa-ra- to conscate, to snatch away
apa-tata- to disperse, to bring into disorder
ap-t
h
api- to collect, to pick
ap-x
.
ata- to put on top
The categories reexive and reciprocal are both indicated by means of a sufx -si-,
whichcanbe combinedwiththe causative -ya-. Normally, the order inwhichthe causative
precedes the reexive-reciprocal sufx is the only one allowed in such combinations.
(155) isi- to dress
isi-nta-si- to dress oneself elegantly
isi-nta-ya- to dress someone elegantly
isi-nta-ya-si- to have oneself dressed elegantly by someone else
(B uttner and Condori 1984)
Some verbal roots, however, occur in a xed combination with the sufx -si-. An
example of such a root is un
y
i- to hate, to abhor, where -si- is obligatorily present but
without conveying a clear reexive or reciprocal meaning.
68
In order to express causative
and reexive meaning the sufxes -ya- and -si- can be added to the verbal base un
y
i-si-
in the prescribed order, in which case repetitions of -si- are allowed.
(156) un
y
i-si-ya- to make (someone) hate (someone)
un
y
i-si-ya-si- to make oneself hated (by someone)
un
y
i-si-si- to hate each other
(B uttner and Condori 1984)
The sufx -ya- exhibits the same wide range of applications as its counterpart - ci- in
Quechua, extending from causation to permission.
69
68
Pacaraos Quechua has the expression uni-ku- to hate, obviously a case of borrowing from
Aymaran. In this form, the Quechua reexive sufx -ku- plays the part of its Aymaran counterpart
-si-. It is a typical example of the sort of detailed correspondences that obtain between the two
language groups.
69
The verb yati- ca- to teach, from yati- to know (cf. also yati-qa- to learn), has a spe-
cialised causative meaning. It stands in contrast with a regular and semantically less specic
280 3 The Inca Sphere
Aymara has a ventive (hither) sufx -ni-, which combines the apparently com-
plementary functions of motion towards the speaker and action performed in some
other place. These uses are strikingly parallel to those of -mu- in Quechua (cf. Cerr on-
Palomino 1994a: 11920). A good illustration of the second, less common, use is (157),
one of the examples in Bertonio (1603b), cited in Briggs (1993: 175). A modern version
of (157) is reected in the bracketed transcription, which includes the usual vowel-
suppression rules.
(157) auqui-ha-na ut-pa-na manca-ni-tha
{awki-ha-n(a) ut(a)-pa-n(a) manqa-n(i)-t
h
a}
father-1P-G house-3P-L eat-H-1S
I went and had dinner at my fathers house, I am just coming back
from having dinner at my fathers house.
The Aymara ventive is frequently used in combination with a sufx -wa- or -waya-
(-wa:-), which either indicates a separation, or an action performed in passing
(158). The combination of -ni- and -waya- can express a circular motion, as in
(159):
(158) iskwila-r sar-ka-sa-x
.
ihli: sa-ru-w manta-way-ta
{iskwila-r(u) sar(a)-ka-sa-x
.
(a) ihli: sa-ru-w(a)
70
manta-way(a)-ta}
school-AL go-AN-SU-TO church-AL-AF enter-DT-1S
On my way to school I entered the church for a moment.
(Cotari et al. 1978: Gram. 26)
(159) uma-mp wayu-ni-waya-:ta
{uma-mp(i) wayu-ni-waya:-ta}
water-CO carry.with.handle-H-DT-2S.F
You will also bring water on your way back. (Briggs 1988: 208)
The effect of an event on a person who is not directly involved in the action can be
dened either as positive (beneciary) or negative (detrimental). These categories
are marked by the sufxes -rapi- and -raqa-, respectively. The endings that otherwise
encode the grammatical person of a direct or indirect object refer to a beneted or injured
person in combination with these sufxes.
yati-ya- to cause to know, to inform. England (1988: 98, 114), interprets - ca- as a root
causative, whereas -ya- is said to be ectional. The hypothesis is difcult to test, as there seem
to be no cases of verbal derivational - ca- other than yati- ca-. The normal function of the sufx
- ca- is to create transitive verbs from nouns (see above).
70
The sound s represents the sequence si(V) in a loan from Spanish (iglesia).
3.3 The Aymaran language family 281
(160) hiwasa-tak kamis ala-rap-istu-x
.
a
{hiwasa-tak(i) kamis(a)- ala-rap(i)-istu-x
.
a}
we (incl.)-B shirt-Z buy-BN-3S.4O-TO
He has bought us a shirt. (Yapita 1991: 38)
(161) naya-x
.
wawa-m sar-ta-ya-raq-sma
{naya-x
.
(a) wawa-m(a)- sar(a)-ta-ya-raq(a)-sma}
I-TO child-2P-Z go-UW-CA-DM-1S.2O
I woke up your child (without you wanting it). (England 1988: 110)
The morphology of the Aymara verb includes two aspectual afxes. Their primary
function is to indicate completion, -x
.
a-, and non-completion, -ka-; both trigger sup-
pression of the preceding vowel. The use of these afxes is subject to interaction with
the category of pluralisation and, in the case of the non-completive, with negation as
well.
71
When used by itself the non-completive sufx -ka- can be translated as action
to be carried out by anticipation. However, the sufx -ka- is most often found in neg-
ative sentences, where its presence is required although it has no particular semantic
contribution; see the examples (122) and (142) above. Another frequent use of -ka- is
in the combination -s-ka-, where the rst element is identied as a (meaningless) afx
-si-, homophonous with the reexive marker (England 1988: 111). The combination
-s-ka- indicates progressive aspect; see example (135) above. That the initial element is
to be identied with -si- becomes apparent when considering the plural form -si-p-ka-.
Example (162) is from Sitajara (Tacna).
(162) marmi-kama-w ut-ha-si-p-k-t
h
a uta- a-n
{marmi-kama-w(a) ut(a)-ha-si-p-k(a)-t
h
a uta-a-n(a)}
woman-among-AF stay-LS-PR-PL-AN-1S house-1P-L
We are only women living in my house.
72
(Briggs 1993: 185)
The completive sufx -x
.
a- can be translated as already, completely, for good. Its
presence, without any particular semantic contribution, is required after the pluraliser
-p-, which never occurs by itself.
(163) marka-ma-n-x
.
huntu-ki-y haka-p-x
.
-pa ca:-ta-x
.
a
{marka-ma-n(a)-x
.
(a) huntu-ki-y(a) haka-p-x
.
(a)-pa ca:-ta-x
.
a}
town-2P-L-TO hot-DL-AT live-PL-CM-DU-2S-TO
In your country, where you (people) live, it will be hot, I suppose.
(Yapita 1991: 57)
71
The status of the aspectual afxes and their interaction with pluralisation and negation is remi-
niscent of the use of aspect in the Junn and Pasco dialects of Quechua I (sections 3.2.3, 3.2.6).
72
The verb ut-ha- to live, to exist is derived from a root uta- (cf. uta house) and a vowel
suppressing sufx -ha-. A verb uta- with a similar meaning is found in Jaqaru (Belleza Castro
1995: 185).
282 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.8 Aymara subject and subjectobject paradigm for the
unmarked tense (Yapita 1991)
1 pers. subject (3 pers. object) cur-ta I give it (to him/her).
2 pers. subject (3 pers. object) cur-ta You give it (to him/her).
3 pers. subject (3 pers. object) cur-i He/she gives it (to him/her).
4 pers. subject (3 pers. object) cur-tan We (incl.) give it (to him/her).
1 pers. subject + 2 pers. object cur-sma I give it to you.
2 pers. subject + 1 pers. object cur-ista You give it to me.
3 pers. subject + 1 pers. object cur-itu He/she gives it to me.
3 pers. subject + 2 pers. object cur-tam He/she gives it to you.
3 pers. subject + 4 pers. object cur-istu He/she gives it to us (incl.).
Instead of -x
.
a-, the pluraliser can also be followed by -ka-, which in that case may
retain any of its regular functions. Since the pluraliser -p- is always followed by a vowel-
suppressing sufx, it does not make sense to try and determine the nature of a possible
vowel that wouldhave beenpart of its form. However, there is some dialectal evidence that
the full form of the pluraliser was -pa- (Briggs 1993: 184). Bertonio (1603b) mentions
a verbal pluraliser -pisca- (Briggs 1993: 184; Cerr on-Palomino 1994a: 107), which is
reminiscent of the numeral p
h
isqa ve. The relationship between this ancient plural
marker and the contemporary forms is not clear.
Personal reference marking and its interaction with tense and mood is one of the most
complex areas of Aymara morphology. Unlike Quechua, there is only a very limited
coincidence between verbal and nominal personal reference marking, although occa-
sionally additional historical correspondences can be traced. The transitional endings,
which combine subject and object marking, are difcult to analyse. They may vary
according to tense and mood. Constitutive elements of the transitional endings never
become separated as in Quechua; they always occur as a block. Third-person objects
are not marked. In table 3.8 the nine possible endings based on the four-person system
introduced in section 3.3.3 are illustrated for La Paz Aymara with the unmarked tense
paradigm of cura- to give (Yapita 1991: 34). Note that with the verb to give the
object encoded in the transitional endings refers to the recipient, not to the gift. As in
Quechua, with verbs such as to give, an indirect, rather than a direct object, is en-
coded, because the former is more likely to coincide with one of the participants in the
speech act.
As can be seen in table 3.8, the 1S and 2S endings are formally identical in La
Paz Aymara, but most Aymara dialects do distinguish them by preserving the aspi-
ration (-t
h
a) of the 1S form (cf. section 3.3.4). All consonant-initial endings trigger
vowel suppression. For the behaviour of those endings that begin with a vowel i, see
section 3.3.5 (137).
3.3 The Aymaran language family 283
The endings -tam and -tan are exceptions to the rule that Aymara words must end in
a vowel, at least underlyingly. It comes as no surprise that Bertonio and several present-
day dialects have vowel-nal forms (-tama, -tana) instead. Another ending subject to
variation is -ista, which has been recorded as -itta in Bertonio and in the dialect of
Sitajara, Tacna (Briggs 1993: 196). The elements -it(a)- and -ist(a)- appear to represent
constant values for rst-person and fourth-person object, respectively, throughout the
Aymara verbal paradigm.
The Aymara verb distinguishes two past tenses, both of which have been interpreted
as remote. The difference between the two tenses is dened in terms of evidentiality
(Hardman et al. 1988: 1458). The so-called near remote past (remoto cercano) refers
to events of the speakers personal recollection (often including surprise), whereas the
far remote past (remoto lejano) refers to events that the speaker could not possibly have
witnessed himself. According to Hardman et al. (1988), the remote past tenses of Aymara
occur frequently in the third-person-subject form (without object or with third-person
object), but much less often in any of the other persons or combinations of persons. This
is corroborated by the fact that the non-3S forms exhibit considerable variation in form,
both dialect-internally and cross-dialectally, a probable sign of insecurity on the part of
the speakers.
The formal aspects of the La Paz Aymara near-remote past-tense paradigm, as repre-
sented in Yapita (1991), can be summarised as follows. A sufx -a:na is substituted for
the vocalic ending of the 3S, 3S.1O, and 3S.4O forms of the unmarked tense ( cura:na,
curita:na and curista:na, respectively). A vowel-preserving sufx -ya:- is inserted be-
fore all the other endings of the unmarked tense (e.g. 1S and 2S curaya:ta, 1S.2O
curaya:sma).
A more extensive use of the sufx -(a):na (instead of -ya:-) is found in Bertonio
(1603b) and in the present-day dialect of Morocomarca (Bustillos, northern Potos),
where it occurs in all combinations except 1S, 2S and 2S.1O (Briggs 1993: 218). Inter-
estingly, these varieties do not show a clear presence of the sufx -ya:-. In the 1S and
2S endings the markers -t
h
a and -ta are preceded by vowel length; the 2S.1O ending,
rather unexpectedly, is -ita:ta.
73
The La Paz Aymara paradigmof the far-remote past tense is characterised by a vowel-
preserving ending -tayna in the third-person subject form; the 2S.1O, 3S.1O and 3S.4O
endings -ista, -itu and -istu become reduplicated to -ista:sta,
74
-itu:tu, and -istu:stu,
respectively. All the other combinations insert a vowel-preserving sufx -ta:- (e.g. 1S
and 2S curata:ta, 1S.2O curata:sma).
73
In these endings, the presence of vowel length is based on the Morocomarca forms, as Bertonio
does not consistently indicate length.
74
Yapita (1991) gives -ita:sta instead of -ista:sta for far-remote 2S.1O, which is also the form
recorded in Huancan e (Puno, Per u).
284 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.9 Subject and subjectobject endings for the
future tense in La Paz and Sitajara Aymara (Yapita
1991; Briggs 1993: 198)
La Paz Sitajara
1 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -: -a, -:
2 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -:ta -a:ta
3 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -ni -ni
4 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -n
y
ani -n
y
ani
1 pers. subject + 2 pers. object -:ma -ma:(ma)
2 pers. subject + 1 pers. object -ita:ta -itaa:ta
3 pers. subject + 1 pers. object -itani -itani
3 pers. subject + 2 pers. object -:tam -ata:ma
3 pers. subject + 4 pers. object -istani -stani
The endings of the future tense are quite different from those of the unmarked and
remote past tenses. Intable 3.9the endings of the future-tense paradigmare representedin
two dialect forms: La Paz Aymara and the conservative Sitajara dialect of Tacna, Peru.
All instances of vowel length in La Paz Aymara (length is represented segmentally)
appear to reect sequences that once contained a nasal, still present in Sitajara.
The future-tense paradigm given by Bertonio (1603b) is similar to that of Sitajara
with the difference that the velar nasal is replaced by j [h]. Instead of -n
y
ani, Bertonio
has -tana, a form still found in several of the southern and western Aymara dialects. It
should be observed that the rst-person future subject ending is etymologically identical
to the rst-person possessive ending, whereas the second-person possessive ending is
etymologically identical to the second-person future object ending. The 1O and 4O
endings can easily be segmented into elements -ita- and -(i)sta-, respectively, with the
corresponding subject endings following them.
As in Quechua, the Aymara imperative paradigm comprises a full set of endings en-
coding all the options involving a second- or a third-person subject. Besides, future-tense
forms can be used in a hortative sense, thus compensating for the absence of specic rst-
and fourth-person-subject endings. The imperative markers for second- and third-person
subject, variably vowel-retaining -m(a) and vowel suppressing -p
(h)
a(na), are subject to
some dialectal variation but are clearly reminiscent of the corresponding possessive
markers. The combination 2S.1O has a special ending, -ita; the 3S.2O combination is
indicated by a special ending -:tpa(n) or by the corresponding future-tense form (Briggs
1993: 2004). The La Paz Aymara paradigm for second- and third-person-subject forms
of cura- is represented in table 3.10.
Again like Quechua (cf. section 3.2.6), Aymara has a potential mood, which is divided
into two tenses: present potential and past potential. These are referred to in Hardman
3.3 The Aymaran language family 285
Table 3.10 Aymara subject and subjectobject paradigm for the
imperative mood (Yapita 1991)
2 pers. subject (3 pers. object) cura-m Give it to him/her!
3 pers. subject (3 pers. object) cur-pa Let him/her give it to him/her!
2 pers. subject + 1 pers. object cur-ita Give it to me!
3 pers. subject + 1 pers. object cur-itpa Let him/her give it to me!
3 pers. subject + 2 pers. object cura-:tpa(n) Let him/her give it to you!
3 pers. subject + 4 pers. object cur-istpa Let him/her give it to us (incl.)!
et al. (1988) and in Briggs (1993) as the desiderative tense (tiempo desiderativo) and
the reproacher tense (tiempo reprochador), respectively. The formation of the present
potential is quite complicated. It appears to be the result of a merger of two earlier
paradigms, which are still partly kept apart in Bertonio (cf. Briggs 1993: 20510). One
of these paradigms was characterised by the presence of an element -irik- or -irih-, the
other one by the element -s(a)-. Some dialects have -irik-s- or -iri-s- (La Paz) rather
than -irik-/-irih-. The personal endings of the -irik- paradigm coincide with those of the
unmarked tense. This can be seen in Bertonio and in some of the modern dialects (e.g.
Sitajara), where the -irik- paradigm has been preserved almost completely.
The -s(a)- element is followed by specic personal endings: -ma for second-person
subject, -p
(h)
a(na) for third-person subject (cf. the imperative paradigm), and -na for
fourth-person subject. A rst-person-subject form in -a (ending -sa) has been recorded
in Ebbing (1965: 124) and Cerr on-Palomino (1994a: 113), but most modern dialects
now seem to prefer a form from the -irik- paradigm (-irista in La Paz Aymara). The
endings which encode a rst-person or a fourth-person object are formed by inserting
the elements -ita- and -ista- before the -s(a)- afx. The second-person object is expressed
by -irik- forms.
The behaviour of -s(a)- in relation to the preceding vowel is that of a vowel-preserving
afx, except in the sequence -sna (4S). The sufxes -sma (2S) and -spa (3S) are vowel-
preserving even when following the object markers -ita- and -ista-. The fact that -sma
(2S) does not suppress a preceding vowel helps to avoid confusion with the 1S.2Oending
of the unmarked tense ( cursma I give it to you, curasma You could give it to him/her).
The paradigm of the past potential (or reproacher tense) is derived from the present
potential paradigm. In all forms except rst-person subject, the sufx -(a):na of the
near-remote past tense is added to the corresponding present potential form.
75
At the
same time, the vowel of the sufx -s(a)- is recovered. In the 4S form one element -sa- is
75
Cerr on-Palomino (1995a: 145) points at the similarity between the presence of the sufx -(a:)na,
restricted to third-person subject in most of present-day Aymara, and the use of the third-person
subject auxiliary verb kar(q)a in the past potential of Quechua.
286 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.11 Subject and subjectobject endings for the present and
past potential mood in La Paz Aymara (Yapita 1991)
Present potential Past potential
1 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -irista -iriska:ta
2 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -sma -sama:na
3 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -spa -sapa:na
4 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -sna -sa:na
1 pers. subject + 2 pers. object -irisma -iriskasama:na
2 pers. subject + 1 pers. object -itasma -itasama:na
3 pers. subject + 1 pers. object -itaspa -itasapa:na
3 pers. subject + 2 pers. object -iristam -iriskatama:na
3 pers. subject + 4 pers. object -(i)staspa -(i)stasapa:na
suppressed. In many dialects (including La Paz), the sequence -irik- or -iri-s- must be
followed by an element -ka- in the past potential.
The present and past potential endings for La Paz Aymara are listed in table 3.11.
Some examples are:
(164) k
h
a: anu-w hala-ni, a c-ha-rak-sta-s-pa
{k
h
a(y)a anu-w(a) hala-ni-, a c(u)-ha-rak(i)-(i)sta-s-pa}
that dog-AF run-H-3S, hold.with.teeth-LS-AN-4O-PO-3S
That dog comes running, it may bite us! (Yapita 1991: 84)
(165) ma: iki-n
y
apa-si-ni-ki-sa-m-a:na
{ma(y)a iki-n
y
(a)- apa-si-ni-ki-sa-m(a)-a:na}
one sleep-FN-Z carry-RF-H-DL-PO-2S-PA
You just could have brought yourself a bed. (Yapita 1991: 52)
Two further distinctions that are expressed in the Aymara verbal system belong to the
domain of evidentiality. A sufx -pa ca-, called inferential (inferencial) in Hardman
et al. (1988), is used for referring to events of which knowledge is obtained by de-
duction, rather than by observation; a sufx - ci-, referred to as the non-involver
(no-involucrador), indicates conjecture.
76
Both sufxes are vowel suppressing; -pa ca-
canbe insertedbefore the endings of the unmarked, the future andthe near-remote tenses;
- ci- can be combined with any tense of the indicative and optative moods (Hardman et al.
1988: 158, 165). After the sufxes -pa ca- and - ci-, the 3S ending of the unmarked tense
consists in a zero marker. All other endings are those of the corresponding tenses and
moods, allowing for occasional morphophonemic adjustments. The sufx -pa ca- retains
76
Cerr on-Palomino (1994a: 11415) points at the fact that this sufx could be historically related
to the conjectural independent sufx - c
.
i in Central Peruvian Quechua.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 287
its nal vowel except before i; - ci- is optionally reduced to -s- before a vowel-suppressing
consonant, while it becomes - c- before i.
77
(166) cur-pa ca-wa
{ cur(a)-pa ca--wa}
give-IP-3S-AF
He/she must have given it. (Hardman et al. 1988: 149)
(167) ina-s sar- ci
{ina-s(a) sar(a)- ci-}
maybe-AD go-DU-3S
Maybe he went. (Hardman et al. 1988: 150)
(168) ina-s k
h
iti-r cur-s-ta
{ina-s(a) k
h
iti-r(u) cur(a)- c(i)-ta}
maybe-AD who-AL give-DU-1S
Maybe I gave it to someone. (Yapita 1991: 35)
(169) k
h
iti-ru-w cur-pa ca:-ta
{k
h
iti-ru-w(a) cur(a)-pa ca:-ta}
who-AL-AF give-IP-2S
I must have given it to someone. (Yapita 1991: 35)
Verbal subordination in adverbial clauses can be indicated by the vowel-preserving
sufxes -sa and -sina. The descriptions vary as to the semantic distinction (if any)
between these two sufxes, which would have to do with evidentiality (see, for instance,
Briggs 1993: 286). The switch-reference dimension does not play a role, except in those
dialects which preserve the subordinator -ipana, which indicates that the subjects of the
subordinate and the superordinate verb are different. Originally, -ipana was the third-
person form of a fuller paradigm including four subject distinctions (1S, 2S, 3S, 4S).
According to Briggs (1993: 288), this paradigm, which is also mentioned in Bertonio,
is in full use only in the Aymara dialect of northern Potos (Morocomarca), where it has
the following shape: 1S -in
y
ana, 2S -imana, 3S -ipana, 4S -isana. The varying central
elements (-n
y
a-, -ma-, -pa-, -sa-) coincide with the possessive personal endings of the
nouns. The full subject paradigm of the switch-reference marker is also preserved in the
relatedJaqarulanguage, whichmayindicate that Proto-Aymaranhadanelaborate switch-
reference system. In contrast to Quechua, Aymara subordinate verbs do not encode
person of object.
77
Hardman et al. (1988) and Yapita (1991) often do not coincide in the notation of vowel length in
the Aymara verbal paradigms. When referring to -pa ca-, Yapita always indicates length on the
nal vowel a, except before -ya:- of the near-remote past tense, e.g. 3S future tense -pa ca:ni in
Yapita (1991: 34), but -pa cani in Hardman et al. (1988: 165).
288 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.12 Nominalising afxes in Aymara
-iri agentive
-n
y
a innitive, non-realised event
-ta stative, realised event
-(:)wi place or time, realised event
The role of nominalisation in Aymara is similar to that in Quechua. The principal
nominalising afxes in Aymara are shown in table 3.12.
The -iri agentive is subject-centred and tenseless, as is its Quechua equivalent in -q.
In (170) ik-k-ir-pa c is a nominalised verb form used as a relative clause.
(170) waw ik-k-ir-pa c i c-su-ni-way-i
{waw(a)- ik(i)-k(a)-ir(i)--pa c(a) i c(u)-su-ni-way(a)-i}
child-Z sleep-IA-AG-Z-thus carry.a.child-OW-H-DT-3S
He went to pick up the child, asleep as she was. (Yapita 1991: 115)
Like in Quechua, the agentive can indicate the purpose of a motion verb, as in the
following example from Sitajara:
(171) um way-t-iri-w sara-
{um(a)- way(u)-t(a)-iri-w(a) sara-(a)}
78
water-Z carry.by.handle-UW-AG-AF go-1S.F
I shall go and fetch water. (Briggs 1993: 270)
The (vowel-preserving) nominalisation in -n
y
a has a much wider use than the Quechua
innitive in -y, with which it otherwise shares many characteristics. It may refer to an
event in abstracto without any restrictions of time, participant identity, etc. It can also
express the complement of a modal verb, in which case its nal vowel suffers zero
complement suppression as any nominal direct object would.
(172) cun
y
u- c-iri-r un
y
-ha-n
y
mun-irista
{ cun
y
u- c(a)-iri-r(u) un
y
(a)-ha-n
y
(a)- mun(a)-irista}
chu no-FA-AG-AL see-LS-IF-Z want-1S.PO
I should like to see the one who prepares chu no.
79
(Briggs 1988: 193)
78
The loss of the nal vowel in sara-a remains unexplained.
79
Frozen and soaked potatoes. The form cun
y
u- c-iri-r can be replaced by its zero complement
correspondent cun
y
u- c-ir, in which case it refers to the process of chu no-making, rather than
to the person who makes it.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 289
Nominalisation in -n
y
a further covers the abstract functions of the future-instrumental
nominalisation in -na which is found in Quechua.
80
This includes the expression of future
or desired events, the indication of purpose, which also requires the use of the benefactive
case marker -taki, and the expression of obligation.
(173) naya-x
.
hupa-n iskuyla-r sara-n
y
a-p mun-ta
{naya-x
.
(a) hupa-n(a) iskuyla-r(u) sara-n
y
a-p(a)- mun(a)-ta}
I-TO he-G school-AL go-IF-3P-Z want-1S
I want him to go to school. (lit.: I want his going to school.)
(Yapita 1991: 122)
(174) yati-qa-n
y
a-taki-w hut-ta
81
{yati-qa-n
y
a-taki-w(a) hut(a)-ta}
know-DW-IF-B-AF come-1S
I have come to learn. (Briggs 1993: 279)
(175) sara-n
y
a-ha-wa
go-IF-1P-AF
I must go. (lit.: It is my obligation of going.) (Yapita 1991: 72)
As an alternative to the construction with the possessive marker, exemplied in (175),
it is also possible to reverbalise the innitive by means of vowel lengthening. The person
to whom the obligation applies is then expressed by the subject marker (176). Still
another, more common, alternative involves the addition of the ownership sufx -ni to
the innitive before reverbalisation takes place (177).
(176) naya-x
.
cura-n
y
a-:-t-wa
{naya-x
.
(a) cura-n
y
a-:-t(a)-wa}
I-TO give-IF-CV-1S-AF
I must give it to him/her. (Briggs 1993: 275)
(177) naya-x
.
apa-n
y
a-ni-:-t-wa
{naya-x
.
(a) apa-n
y
a-ni-:-t(a)-wa}
I-TO carry-IF-OS-CV-1S-AF
I must take it away. (Briggs 1988: 258)
Stative nominalisation is indicated by vowel-preserving -ta. It is used for referring
to any concrete entity affected or dened by a previous action. Both object-centred
(transitive) and subject-centred (intransitive) examples are found.
80
The array of functions represented by -n
y
a in Aymara is reminiscent of that of -na in Ecuadorian
Quechua.
81
The verb huta- to come is used without the ventive sufx -ni- in La Paz Aymara. Bertonio
(1612a, II: 169) observes that huta- has a limited morphological valence, but mentions the
existence of huta-ni-tha to come to where we are.
290 3 The Inca Sphere
(178) p
h
aya-ta-m naya-: manq-ta-si-:
{p
h
aya-ta-m(a)- naya-ya manq(a)-ta-si-:}
cook-SN-2P-Z I-AT eat-M-RF-1S.F
I shall eat what you have cooked. (Yapita 1993: 122)
(179) manqa-ta-:-ta-ti, hani- ca
eat-SN-CV-2S-IR, not-IR
Have you eaten, or not? (Cotari et al. 1978, part I: 220)
Nominalisation in -(:)wi is used for referring to a realised event, or to the place, time
or occasion of an event. It is often found in place names (Candaravi, Ilavi). Briggs (1993:
282) observes that the nominalising sufx -(:)wi is losing ground to -ta, particularly in
its non-local functions. There is no particular rule predicting the presence of the long
vowel; Briggs (1993) gives both -wi and -:wi as competing possibilities.
(180) naya-x
.
hupa-n ut-ha-:wi-p un
y
-h-t-wa
{naya-x
.
(a) hupa-n(a) ut(a)-ha-:wi-p(a)- un
y
(a)-h(a)-t(a)-wa}
I-TO he-G stay-LS-LN-G-Z see-LS-1S-AF
I know the place where he lives. (Yapita 1991: 122)
(181) sar-naqa-wi-ni-:-n
y
a
{sar(a)-naqa-wi-ni-:-n
y
a}
go-DD-LN-OS-CV-IF
to have culture, to have good behaviour
82
(Hardman et al. 1988: 267)
Aymara differs from Quechua in the inventory and behaviour of its independent
sufxes. The evidentiality distinctions are expressed within the verbal paradigm, rather
than by independent sufxes. The independent sufx -wa, which expresses afrmation
or personal witness, is reminiscent of -mi in Quechua, but has no hearsay or conjectural
counterparts. However, -wa does interact with distinctions that are expressed in the verb.
It is not found with imperatives, nor does it co-occur with the non-involver forms in - ci
(see above). In sentences containing a non-involver form there is, however, the optional
presence of an independent sufx - ci, itself restricted to the sequences - ci-m
83
or - ci-x
.
a
(Hardman et al. 1988: 287). As a matter of fact, the semantic value of non-involver - ci
(and, for that matter, the independent sufx - ci) is nearly identical to that of the Quechua
conjectural sufx - c
.
i/- ca.
Several independent sufxes, viz. -ki, -puni (-pini) and -raki, can be inserted within
the verb, as well as follow it. In fact, in Hardman et al. (1988), the term independent
sufxes (sujos independientes) is reserved for this particular category, the remaining
82
Sar-naqa- (lit. to walk back and forth) conveys the meaning of behaviour, lifestyle, etc.
83
The sufx -m, of highly restricted use, is probably related to the Jaqaru hearsay marker -mna. A
sufx -mna in Aymara was recorded by Bertonio (cf. Briggs 1993: 257).
3.3 The Aymaran language family 291
ones being termed sentential sufxes (sujos oracionales). The sufx -puni ( -pini),
like its Quechua homonym, can be interpreted as always, denitely; the sufx
-raki is translated as even, more, else, or take care not to. In (182) both -puni
and -raki are followed by the vowel lengthening that indicates the notion of a copula
to be:
(182) inklisa-st kuna cama-puni-raki-:-spa-sti
{inklisa-st(i) kuna cama-puni-raki-:-spa-sti}
English-IR what difcult-EM-AD-CV-3S.PO-IR
And English, how difcult exactly would it be?
(Hardman et al. 1988: 284)
In (183) -raki precedes the person and tense ending:
(183) naya-x
.
aymar yati. c-ta-raki-:ma
{naya-x
.
(a) aymar(a)- yati. c(a)-ta-raki-:ma}
I-TO Aymara-Z teach-M-AD-1S.2O.F
I shall also teach you Aymara. (Yapita 1991: 98)
The limitative sufx -ki, equivalent to Quechua -l
y
a (just, only), shares with the
two preceding afxes the ability to occur inside verbalisations, or be inserted within a
verb form; see example (165).
Aymara is rich in independent sufxes with an interrogative function. The sufx -ti
is used in negations, cf. (142), and in polar questions, cf. (179). It is the equivalent
of Quechua - cu. If the question consists of several alternatives, the second and further
alternatives are presented with - ca; see again (179). The topic, and sometimes also the
verb, in a pivotal question is marked with -sti; cf. (182).
Interrogative expressions containing WH-question words are followed by -sa (cf.
Quechua -taq); see (140) and (143) for examples. However, the same expressions, also
with -sa, can be found in negative sentences, where they indicate absolute negation (cf.
Quechua -pas, -pis, -si).
(184) hani-w makina-s kuna-s ut-ha-p-k-itu-ti
{hani-w(a) makina-s(a) kuna-s(a) ut(a)-ha-p-k(a)-itu-ti}
not-AF machine-AD what-AD exist-LS-PL-AN-3S.1O-NE
We have no machines, none whatever. (Hardman et al. 1988: 285)
The neutral function of -sa is to convey the meaning too, also. It is frequently
found in enumerations.
Aymara has several independent afxes that indicate emphasis, politeness or attenu-
ation. The topic marker x
.
a is also used as an attenuator (Hardman et al. 1988: 280), for
292 3 The Inca Sphere
instance, in a request for understanding on the part of the hearer. Its use is extremely
frequent, and its presence is not always easily explained. The sufx -ya (usually -y
or -:) is also used for attenuation, for instance with imperatives with the meaning of
please!.
Complex sentences in Aymara are often constructed by juxtaposition of non-
subordinate verbal clauses.
84
The relation between the clauses can be made explicit
by the presence of independent afxes, the form of the verb in the rst clause, and by
the presence of lexical elements. Yapita (1991) gives a number of interesting examples
of such constructions, some of which are represented in (185)(187). The equivalent
of a relative clause can be constructed by means of a full verb containing the non-
completive sufx -ka-, followed by a demonstrative pronoun uka that, which, in turn,
is grammatically integrated into the main clause.
85
(185) hupa q
h
ul
y
-t-k-i uka yap sara-:
{hupa q
h
ul
y
(i)-t(a)-k(a)-i uka yap(u)- sara-:}
he plough-UW-AN-3S that eld-Z go-1S.F
I shall go to the eld that he has ploughed. (Yapita 1991: 123)
(186) hupa ut-h-k-i uka uta-kama-w sara-n
y
ani
{hupa ut(a)-h(a)-k(a)-i uka uta-kama-w(a) sara-n
y
ani}
he stay-LS-AN-3S that house-LI-AF go-4S.F
We shall walk until the house where he lives. (Yapita 1991: 123)
The topic marker -x
.
a is used after verbs in the potential tense and in the unmarked
non-involver tense to express a condition (if).
(187) huta-n
y
a-puni-:- ci-x
.
a, ina-s mariyanu-x
.
uta-r q
h
aru:ru-x
.
hut- ci-ni
{huta-n
y
a-puni-:- ci--x
.
a, ina-s(a) mariyanu-x
.
(a) uta-r(u) q
h
ar(a)-uru-x
.
(a)
hut(a)- ci-ni}
come-IF-EM-CV-DU-3S-TO maybe-AD Mariano-TO house-AL
tomorrow-day-TO come-DU-3S.F
If it really should be urgent to come, Mariano may possibly come to
the house tomorrow. (Yapita 1991: 123)
As in Quechua, direct speech plays a major role in Aymara discourse. Direct speech
is obligatorily followed by a form of the verb to say sa-, either in its subordinate form
84
For a fuller treatment of Aymara complex sentences see Dedenbach and Yapita (1994:
12650).
85
The use of uka as a relativiser is reminiscent of similar uses of cay-qa in Cuzco Quechua and
hina in Puno Quechua.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 293
sa-sa (188) or in one of its nite forms (189). The construction sa-sa sa- is parallel in
use and structure to Quechua IIC ni-spa ni-.
(188) hupa-x
.
apa-si-m sa-sa-w s-i
{hupa-x
.
(a) apa-si-m(a) sa-sa-w(a) s(a)-i}
he/she-TO carry-RF-2S.IM say-SU-AF say-3S
He/she said to me: Take it away! (Hardman et al. 1988: 314)
(189) kul
y
aka-ha-x
.
huta-m s-itu-wa
{kul
y
aka-ha-x
.
(a) huta-m(a) s(a)-itu-wa}
sister-1P-TO come-2S.IM say-3S.1O-AF
My sister told me to come. (lit.: My sister said to me: Come!)
(Yapita 1991: 98)
The verb sa- to say, the equivalent of Quechua ni-, is the only fully conjugated verb
in Aymara that has a monosyllabic root.
86
It is subject to the usual vowel-suppression
rules, whichinthis case generate consonant clusters inroot-initial position. Some dialects
preserve these complex initials, but others (in particular, those of La Paz and Juli) tend
to modify the root by adding a prexed element hi- or si-, whenever an initial consonant
cluster obtains (e.g. hista, sista instead of sta I/you say); in Bertonio (1603b) the
prexed element is i-. The dialect of Jopoqueri (central Oruro, Bolivia) uses a root with
a long vowel, sa:-, to avoid initial clusters. See Briggs (1993: 22938) for a detailed
discussion.
3.3.7 Aymara lexicon
Many of the observations that were made with regard to the lexicon of present-day
Quechua (cf. section 3.2.7) are valid for present-day Aymara as well. Although the
sixteenth-century native lexicon has been preserved remarkably well, some of the most
frequent items in present-day Aymara speech are of Spanish origin. These have been
integrated so well that most speakers will not immediately recognise them as borrowed
words. For instance, the word parla- to speak was probably derived from an archaic or
regional (Catalan?) Romance term, which is not in use in present-day standard Spanish.
The word for good, wali, was probably derived from the Spanish expression vale it is
OK, it holds. The phonotactic rules of Aymara tend to change the shape of borrowed
words considerably (e.g. hawasa beans from Spanish habas).
The remark that the number of lexical roots, especially verbs, is limited also holds
for Aymara. However, the derivational morphology of Aymara is considerably richer
still than that of Quechua, in particular, in the domain of spatial categories. Dictionaries
contain long lists of verb roots with derivational extensions that have acquired idiomatic
86
The cognate root of sa- in Jaqaru, saha-, consists of two syllables.
294 3 The Inca Sphere
meanings. The availability of several verbalisation devices, which interact with nom-
inalisation processes and which sometimes can be used recursively, further stimulates
the formation of idiomatic expressions.
Even to a greater extent than Quechua, Aymara is exceptionally rich in lexical terms
referring to ways of carrying (cf. Tate 1981). The overall termfor to carry is apa-, as in
Quechua, but a number of other terms, exclusively Aymara in their majority, occur as
well.
(190) a cu- to carry with the teeth
asa- to carry open recipients (plates, vessels)
aya- to carry something long (sticks, pencils)
ha ci- to carry a handful (grain, rice)
harp
h
i-, timp
h
i- to carry in apron or skirt
i cu- to carry in the arms (children, small animals)
iqa- to carry something exible (cloth, rope)
ira- to carry objects that t in the hand (bread, fruit, money)
itu- to carry something big with both hands (stone, cooking-pot)
kal
y
a- to carry a large object, alone or with others (trees, tables)
p
h
ux
.
tu- to carry with two hands, to carry a double handful
(also in Quechua)
qipi- to carry on the back (also in Quechua)
wayu- to carry with a handle (baskets, buckets, suitcases)
Kinship terminology in present-day Aymara is rather similar to European kinship
terminology (cf. Pyle 1981). It distinguishes gender of referent, rather than gender of ego.
Unlike the case of Quechua, the terms for son, yuqa, and daughter, p
h
u ca, are kept
apart. In the terms for brother and sister, respectively, hila(ta) and kul
y
aka, gender
of ego is no longer indicated. However, Bertonios dictionary (1612a) gives evidence
of a more complex system, in which not only gender of ego, but also relative age play
a role. For instance, alu (Bertonio alo) is younger brother of woman, cinki (Bertonio
chinqui) is younger sister, whereas kul
y
aka (Bertonio collaca) is translated as elder
sister. Elder brother and younger brother are listed as hila and sul
y
ka (Bertonio
sullca), respectively. Afnal kinship terms are well elaborated in present-day Aymara:
tul
y
qa son-in-law, yux
.
ca daughter-in-law, lari relative of wife. Parents-in-law are
indicated by means of a vowel-suppressing sufx - ci as in awk- ci father-in-law (from
awki father) and tayk- ci mother-in-law (from tayka mother).
The Aymara numeral system is decimal and parallel to that of Quechua in the way
complex numerals are formed; see above (150) and (151). From an etymological point
of view, however, the Aymara facts seem to betray a less elaborate system. The words
maya one, paya two and pusi four are exclusive to the Aymaran languages. A term
3.3 The Aymaran language family 295
for two human beings or both is pa(:)ni. The words for seven paqal
y
qu, and eight
kimsaqal
y
qu, contain the elements for two pa(ya) and three kimsa, respectively, which
leaves the element qal
y
qu as the possible remnant of an old word for ve. The words
for three kimsa, ve p
h
isqa, six sux
.
ta, ten tunka, hundred pataka and thousand
waranqa, are shared with Quechua. Although the direction of borrowing is not traceable
in all cases, the added vowel in the word for hundred (Quechua pa c
.
ak) suggests a
Quechua origin.
87
The word for nine l
y
a(:)tunka can be interpreted as a reex of
*l
y
al
y
a tunka almost ten; llalla tunca is the form listed in Bertonio (1612a).
The spatial deictic elements exhibit a fourfold distinction based on distance from the
speaker. The proximate termis aka this, the non-proximate termis uka that; for further
distance k
h
aya k
h
a: and k
h
uyu k
h
uri can be used, the latter indicating a greater
distance than the former. Substantive-like use of the demonstratives can be brought
about by consecutive verbalisation and nominalisation as in ak-i:ri the one here, this
one here. Local deictics are case-marked; e.g. aka-na here. Further combinations are
possible with the vowel-suppressing afxes -ha size and -hama like (e.g. ak
h
a this
much, ak
h
ama like this).
Temporal deixis consists of special elements that are obligatory in temporal expres-
sions, such as hi c
h
a now, which appears in hi c
h
u:ru today, hi c
h
aypu tonight (uru
day, haypu evening), and q
h
ara tomorrow, which is more often found as q
h
aru:ru.
Some of these elements do not occur alone; cf. masu:ru yesterday and walu:ru day
before yesterday.
Of the interrogative roots kama and kuna (meaning what?), the former is restricted
to derivations such as kam-sa- to say what?, kama- ca- to do/happen what? and kamisa
how?, whereas the latter occurs alone or in temporal expressions, such as kuna pa ca
when?. Further interrogatives are k
h
iti who?, kawki what place? and q
(h)
awq
h
a how
much?, howmany?. Several forms for which? are derived fromkawki by consecutive
verbalisation and nominalisation: kawki(:)ri, kawkni(:)ri. The latter form appears to be
derived from kawki-na where? rather than from kawki itself (Briggs 1993: 93).
Aymara has root names for the colours: black ciyara, white hanqu, grey
cik
(h)
u, cix
.
i, red to brown cupika, wila,
88
coffee brown cump
(h)
i, yellow qil
y
u
(cf. Quechua), light blue sahuna, dark blue larama, and green cux
.
n
y
a.
As in Quechua, root reduplication plays a role in Aymara as well. Most frequent is the
reduplication of substantives in order to indicate a dispersed quantity, e.g. in qala=qala
87
The interpretation of the direction of borrowing is dictated by the fact that Aymara has no
nominal stems ending in a consonant, whereas conversely Quechua has many nominal stems
ending in a vowel. There is no reason why Quechua should lose such a vowel in the process of
borrowing.
88
The status of wila as an exclusive colour termcannot be upheld, because it also refers to blood.
In the related Jaqaru language blood is the sole meaning of wila (Belleza Castro 1995: 196).
296 3 The Inca Sphere
stony place (fromqala stone). The existence of reduplicated elements which together
constitute a single root was already observed by Bertonio (1612a), as appears from his
commentary on the gloss of the word huarahuara [warawara] star (authors translation):
And it is not a repeated noun, such as calacala [qalaqala], which means stony place
or heap of stones, but it is a single noun. Maya huarahuara, one star.
3.3.8 Literary production in Aymara
In the colonial period Aymara played a more modest role than Quechua, and only very
few texts have been preserved. Some remnants of the pre-Columbian oral tradition in
the form of song texts are found in the chronicle of Guaman Poma de Ayala (1615); see
section 3.3.1. As a lengua general, the Aymara language formed part of the Doctrina
Christiana programme of 1584 (see section 3.2.2). Bertonio (1612b), assisted by his
Aymara consultant Don Martn de Santacruz, published a Libro de la vida y milagros
de Nuestro Se nor Iesu Cristo en dos lenguas, aymara y romance (Book of the Life
and Miracles of Our Lord Jesus Christ in Two Languages, Aymara and Spanish). A
specimen of this text in a modernised version can be found in the anthology of Aymara
literature published by Alb o and Layme (1992), which furthermore contains several
good examples of traditional narratives, myths, etc., along with political discourse and
historical accounts.
As in the case of Quechua, most of contemporary Aymara literature is traditional, and
consists of myths, rituals, narratives, autobiographical accounts, song texts and riddles.
Several texts were recorded in the 1940s in Chucuito by the anthropologist Tschopik
(1948). One of the texts he collected was the autobiographical account of an Aymara
woman, named Manuela Ari, which was eventually published by Briggs and Dedenbach
(1995). It illustrates social injustice and the hardships of life on the altiplano. Acollection
of stories entitled Jichha na: parlta (Now I Am Going to Tell), told by Elvira Espejo
Ayka (1994), an eleven-year-old girl from Qaqachaka (province of Avaroa, Oruro), was
published by Arnold and Yapita.
Finally, we should mention the production of the Proyecto Experimental de Educaci on
Biling ue (Experimental Project for Bilingual Education), which operated in Puno during
the 1980s. This programme has generated several publications, among them, collections
of myths and folktale Wi nay Pacha (Eternal Time) I and II (L opez and Sayritupac 1985,
1990), and a compilation of song texts Qala Chuyma (Heart of Stone) (Paniagua Loza
1986).
3.3.9 Aymara sample text
The following sample text is an excerpt from a narrative relating the sufferings of
the altiplano Indians during the Chaco War (19325), between Bolivia and Paraguay. The
account, narrated by Esteban Yapu Mamani from La Paz, was rst published in the
3.3 The Aymaran language family 297
trilingual magazine Jayma (Community Field) in La Paz (19846) and, subsequently,
reprinted in Alb o and Layme (1992: 1204). The original orthography has been adapted
to the transcription used in the present work.
1. wali cumi-raki-:n-wa.
{wali cumi-raki-:n(a)-wa}
very forested-AD-3S.NR-AF
It was all covered with bushes there.
The original transcription of sentence 1 has a short vowel in the verb form. Since the
other instances of the near-remote past ending -:na do contain an indication of vowel
length, we treat this as an oversight and restore the long vowel mark.
2. uma-t-x
.
sint-pin wan
y
-kata-p-x
.
-ita-:n-x
.
a, uk
h
ama-rak manqa-t-x
.
awt-ha-p-x
.
-ita-:n-x
.
a.
{uma-t(a)-x
.
(a) sint(i)-pin(i) wan
y
(a)-kata-p-x
.
(a)-ita-:n(a)-x
.
a, uk(a)-
hama-rak(i) manqa-t(a)-x
.
(a) awt(i)-ha-p-x
.
(a)-ita-:n(a)-x
.
a}
water-AB-TO strongly-EM dry-PT-MA-CM-3S.1O-NR-TO,
that-CP-AD food-AB-TO hunger-LS-PL-CM-3S.1O-NR-TO
The lack of water made us terribly thirsty, and, likewise, the lack of
food made us suffer from hunger.
The expressions uma and manqa followed by the ablative case ending -t(a) must
be translated with the expression for lack of (cf. Quechua mikuy-manta for lack of
food). The verbs wan
y
-kata- to become dry and awt-ha- to be hungry are used with
an impersonal third-person subject. Both show idiomatic use of derivational afxes.
3. na-naka-x
.
cax
.
wa-n
y
haka-n-ka-p-x
.
a-ya-t-wa, uka-t-x
.
q
h
ux
.
uq-ir-x
.
is.t-x
.
a-p-x
.
a-rak-t-wa.
{na-naka-x
.
(a) cax
.
wa-n
y
(a) haka-n(a)-ka-p-x
.
a-ya-t(a)-wa, uka-t(a)-x
.
(a)
q
h
ux
.
uq(i)-ir(i)-x
.
(a) is(a).t(a)-x
.
a-p-x
.
a-rak(i)-t(a)-wa}
I-PL-TO ght-IF nearby-L-LV-PL-CM-NR-1S-AF that-AB-TO
thunder-AG-Z-TO hear-CM-PL-CM-AD-1S-AF
We were close to where the ghting was, so we could even hear the
explosions.
The near-remote sufx -ya:- does not contain a vowel-length marker in haka-n-ka-
p-x
.
a-ya-t-wa. This may be a consequence of the foreshortening effect produced by the
rst-person subject marker -t(a). However, most sources do write vowel length in such
cases (see, in particular, Yapita 1991). The verb is.ta- to hear is derived from a root
*isa-, which is not found without a derivational afx.
298 3 The Inca Sphere
4. uka-t nayra-qat cax
.
w-ir sultaru-w un
y
-s-ta-ni-p-x
.
-itu, qala
t
h
ant
h
a-w puri-ni-:na.
{uka-t(a) nayra-qat(a) cax
.
w(a)-ir(i) sultaru-w(a) un
y
(a)-s(i)-ta-ni-p
-x
.
(a)-itu, qala t
h
ant
h
a- w(a) puri-ni-:na}
that-AB rst-LS ght-AG soldier-AF see-RF-UW-H-P-CM-3S.1O,
totally ragged-AF arrive-H-3S.NR
Then, soldiers who had been ghting earlier appeared before us, they
arrived totally in rags.
The sufx -qata is restricted to the word nayra-qata rst, before exemplied here
(Briggs 1988: 200). The meaning of nayra is eye, rst or ancient. One could consider
the possibility that -ta in -qata was originally the ablative case marker (from, after).
The verb un
y
-s-ta- to appear before someone is here used transitively. It contains the
reexive sufx -si-, which preserves a preceding vowel except in this particular case.
There is an alternative form un
y
a-si- without vowel suppression, which has the same
meaning.
5. na-naka-r un
y
-ha-sa-x
.
ha ca-raki-:n-wa.
{na-naka-r(u) un
y
(a)-ha-sa-x
.
(a) ha ca-raki-:n(a)-wa}
I-PL-AL see-LS-SU-TO cry-AD-3S.NR-AF
They even cried when they saw us.
Note that the allative case, rather than the zero marker, is used with human
complements.
6. uka-t-x
.
sa-p-x
.
a-rak-itu-wa, kuna-ti pas-ka-:n uk-x
.
a.
{uka-t(a)-x
.
(a) sa-p-x
.
a-rak(i)-itu-wa, kuna-ti pas(a)-ka-:n(a) uk(a)-x
.
a}
that-AB-TO say-PL-CM-AD-3S.1O-AF what-IR happen-AN-3S.1O
that-Z-TO
Then, they told us more about what was happening over there.
The word kuna-ti what + interrogative sufx is used here as a connective element
introducing a complement clause. The clause is closed by uka, which summarises the
complement clause and identies it as the direct object of the main clause (by zero mark-
ing). The verb pasa- to happen is fromSpanish pasar. Note the use of the incompletive
marker -ka-, which indicates an anticipated event.
7. taq
h
i-si-ta-naka-p-s awis-ta-p-x
.
a-rak-ita-:n-wa.
{taq
h
i-si-ta-naka-p(a)-s(a) awis(a)-ta-p-x
.
a-raki-ta-:n(a)-wa}
suffering-RF-SN-PL-3P-Z-AD inform-M-PL-CM-AD-3S.1O-3S.NR-AF
And they also informed us about how they had suffered.
The verb awisa- to inform is fromSpanish avisar. The element -ta- adds politeness.
When used as a verb, taq
h
i-si- to suffer obligatorily contains the reexive sufx -si-.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 299
In sentences 4 to 7 we have followed the source edition, which speaks of the arrival of
several soldiers fromthe front. However, the use of the plural markers in this passage does
not preclude the alternative interpretation that only one soldier arrived. Plural markers
can apply to the object (if not third-person), as well as to the subject, and the text excerpt
presented here does not contain cases of verbal plural marking in which the object (us)
is not encoded (cf. England 1988: 112).
8. caku-n-x
.
wali uma-t hiwa-n
y
a-:n-wa.
{ caku-n(a)-x
.
(a) wali uma-t(a) hiwa-n
y
a-(:-)-:n(a)-wa}
Chaco-L-TO a.lot water-AB die-IF-CV-3S.NR-AF
In the Chaco one had to die for lack of water.
Sentence 8 contains a reverbalised innitive, which indicates obligation. The required
vowel length is not discernible, because the following near-remote marker -:na also
begins with a long vowel. See also sentence 10.
9. c
h
ux
.
-sa hani-w ina-k c
h
ux
.
u-rpaya-p-ka-:n-ti, ma:.ki-w
uma-nt-x
.
a-p-x
.
a-:n-x
.
a.
{ c
h
ux
.
(u)-sa hani-w(a) ina-k(i) c
h
ux
.
u-rpaya-p-ka-:n(a)-ti, ma(y)a.ki-w(a)
uma-nt(a)-x
.
a-p-x
.
a-:n(a)-x
.
a}
urine-Z-AD not-AF in.vain-DL urinate-LB-PL-PR-AN-3S.NR-NE
at.once-AF drink-IW-CM-PL-CM-3S.NR-TO
Even urine they would not throw away just like that, they would drink
it on the spot.
The sufx -rpaya- has been described as a marker of multiple action, reversed
action, as well as an intensier (England 1988: 107; Briggs 1993: 168). In sentence 9
it seems to coincide with the meaning of Quechua -rpari- in verbs of abandonment (to
dispose of and leave behind). The common expression ma:ki at once is derivable from
ma(y)a one and the delimitative sufx -ki just. Note the double occurrence of the
completive marker -x
.
a in the verb uma-nt-x
.
a-p-x
.
a-:n(a). This is a common phenomenon
due to the fact that the second occurrence of the sufx is part of the plural marking,
whereas the rst instance indicates completive aspect (eventually, in the end). See
also the sentences 11, 13 and 15, and England (1988: 112).
10. uka-t-sti, pastu-s manqa-n
y
a-ki-:-n-wa.
{uka-t(a)-sti, pastu-s(a) manqa-n
y
a-ki-(:-):n(a)-wa}
that-AB-CT grass-AD eat-IF-DL-CV-3S.NR-AF
But then, it was also necessary to eat grass.
11. kuriya-naka, t
h
ant
h
a sapatu-nak-s manq-x
.
a-p-x
.
a-ki-ya-t-wa.
{kuriya-naka, t
h
ant
h
a sapatu-nak(a)-s(a) manq(a)-x
.
a-p-x
.
a-ki-ya-t(a)-wa}
belt-PL ragged shoe-PL-Z-AD eat-CM-PL-CM-DL-NR-1S-AF
We ended up eating belts and old shoes.
300 3 The Inca Sphere
The word kuriya-naka lacks both zero complement marking and the additive sufx
-sa, whichwouldmarkits coordinationwitht
h
ant
h
asapatu-nak-s. Apossible association
with pastu-s in sentence 10 would also require the presence of the additive sufx. Here
we interpret the forms kuriya-naka and t
h
ant
h
a sapatu-nak-s as coordinated objects on
the basis of the Spanish translation accompanying the text.
In the original text, a long vowel is written in the element -ki- of the verb manq-x
.
a-
p-x
.
a-ki-ya-t-wa. Since there seems to be no motivation for a long vowel, we have left it
out. For the shortness of the vowel in -ya:- see the commentary on sentence 3.
12. um t
h
aqa-sa-x
.
luq
h
i-w tuk-x
.
a-p-x
.
a-:n-x
.
a.
{um(a) t
h
aq
(h)
a-sa-x
.
(a) luq
h
i-w(a) tuk(u)-x
.
a-p-x
.
a-:n(a)-x
.
a}
water-Z search-SU-TO mad-AF become-CM-PL-CM-3S.TO
Searching for water, people eventually went mad.
13. um t
h
aq
h
a-sa-x
.
uraq piya-p-x
.
a-:n-x
.
a, hani-pini-w
uma-x
.
ut-h-iri-:-k-i-ti.
{um(a) t
h
aq
(h)
a-sa-x
.
(a) uraq(i) piya-p-x
.
a-:n(a)-x
.
a, hani-pini-w(a)
uma-x
.
(a) ut(a)-h(a)-iri-:-k(a)-i-ti}
water-Z search-SU-TO earth dig-PL-CM-3S.NR-TO, not-EM-AF
water-TO exist-LS-AG-CV-AN-3S-NE
Searching for water, they dug into the earth, but there was never any
water to be found.
The reverbalised agentive form in the verb form ut-h-iri-:-k-i-ti indicates a habit-
ual past. A third-person-subject habitual past without reverbalisation is illustrated in
sentence 14.
14. uma-layk uraq piya-s ma.nta-sa-x
.
haqi-mp-pa ca-ki-w c
h
aq
h
-x
.
-iri.
{uma-layk(u) uraq(i) piya-s(a) ma.nta-sa-x
.
(a) haqi-mp(i)-pa ca-ki-w(a)
c
h
aq
h
(a)-x
.
(a)-iri}
water-cause earth dig-SU enter-SU-TO man-CO-IN-DL-AF
get.lost-CM-AG
Digging into the earth for the sake of water and entering the pits, it
even happened that men disappeared.
The verb manta- to enter contains a non-productive root ma- to go (Jaqaru
maha-), which is obligatorily accompanied by a derivational sufx (here -nta- in-
ward motion). The common combination -mp(i)-pa ca- is discussed by Briggs (1988:
208). It indicates inclusion and consists of the coordinative marker -mpi (Quechua
-wan) and the inclusive marker -pa ca (Quechua -nti-), which indicates total inclusion.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 301
The sufx -pa ca also conveys the meanings (it)self and inferential knowledge (see
above).
15. ma: hila.ta-x
.
pitrulyu un
y
-ha-raki-tayna, uk uma-sa-s
hiw-x
.
a-p-x
.
a-raki-:n-wa.
{ma(y)a hila.ta-x
.
(a) pitrulyu un
y
(a)-ha-raki-tayna, uk(a) uma-sa-s(a)
hiw(a)-x
.
a-p-x
.
a-raki-:n(a)-wa}
one brother petrol see-LS-AD-3S.FR, that-Z drink-SU-AD
die-CM-PL-CM-AD-3S.NR-AF
They say one of our comrades even found petrol, and then he drank
it and died.
The word hilata brother may have been derived from hila- to grow; an alternative
term for brother is hila (originally elder brother). There is no ready explanation for the
absence of zero complement marking in petrulyu; possibly the fact that the (underlying)
vowels on both sides of the word boundary were identical may have caused confusion.
3.3.10 The Jaqaru language
89
As we noted in passing, the sound system of the Jaqaru language is highly complex.
The vowel system is similar to that of Aymara and Central Peruvian Quechua. It com-
prises three vowels (a, i, u) with additional distinctive length. As in the neighbouring
languages, the high vowels are subject to obligatory lowering in a uvular environment.
Non-obligatory lowering is found in other environments. The status of length has been
a matter of debate. Although it has been general practice to classify the vowels as plain
(short) versus long, Hardman (1983a, b) proposes a distinction between plain (short) and
extra-short vowels. In this approach, the plain vowels correspond to the longer option in
pairs differentiated by length, whereas extra-short vowels ( a, , u) represent the shorter
option in such pairs. Cerr on-Palomino (1994b) criticises this analysis on empirical and
general linguistic grounds. He prefers to treat the shorter vowels as plain and the longer
ones as long in pairs differentiated by length. Even though Hardmans approach may
seem unusual from a general linguistic point of view, it should be observed that if in a
minimal pair differentiated by length one of the elements is a lexical item shared with
Quechua, it often, though not always, has the longer vowel option. Compare in (191)
Quechua caki (to) dry, and in (192) Quechua kaka maternal uncle.
90
89
The main sources of the grammatical information given in this paragraph are Hardman (1966),
Hardman (1983a) and Belleza Castro (1995). It should be noted, however, that our analysis of
the Jaqaru data may differ from the one given in these sources.
90
Our own observation of Jaqaru speech indicates that the vowels can be pronounced long, even
when they are not part of a minimal pair differentiated by length (e.g. nar-ma [na:rma] laugh!,
ut-ma [o:tma] your house). The matter requires further investigation.
302 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.13 Jaqaru consonant inventory
Alveolar
Labial affricates Alveolar Alveopalatal Palatal Retroex Velar Uvular
Plain p c t t
y
c c
.
k q
Obstruents Glottalised p c t t
y
c c
.
k q
Aspirated p
h
c
h
t
h
t
yh
c
h
c
.
h
k
h
q
h
Fricatives s s h
Nasals m n n
y

Laterals l l
y
Vibrant r
Glides w y
(191) c ak-k-i cak-k-i (Hardman 1983a, b)
{ c ak(i)-k-i} { cak(i)-k-i}
cak-k-i ca:k-k-i (Cerr on-Palomino 1994b)
{ cak(i)-k-i} { ca:k(i)-k-i}
look.for-SM-3S dry-SM-3S
He is looking for it. It is drying.
(192) k aka kaka (Hardman 1983a, b)
kaka ka:ka (Cerr on-Palomino 1994b)
uncle wing
The Jaqaru consonant inventory (cf. also section 3.3.3) is shown in table 3.13.
91
Although all these consonants are attested, some exhibit a low frequency of occur-
rence. Of the alveolar affricates only the glottalised affricate is found in word-initial
position (e.g. cirara black; Aymara: ciyara). The aspirated affricate c
h
is limited to
word-internal position (in i c
h
u straw; Aymara: hi c
h
u). For the limited distribution of
the velar nasal see section 3.3.3. Initial liquids and r in Aymara cognates and Quechua
loans are usually matched by a nasal in Jaqaru; for instance, in n
y
aki sadness (Quechua
l
y
aki), nuri inside (Quechua I ruri) and nura- to do (Aymara lura-, Quechua I rura-).
92
Vowel suppression is common in Jaqaru. Both morphophonemic and syntactically
based rules are represented (cf. sections 3.3.3 and 3.3.5). Interestingly, vowel suppression
91
Hardman (1983a) and Belleza Castro (1995) use different spellings for the alveolar affricate
series (respectively, tz and ts, etc.), for the alveopalatal series (tx and ty, etc.) and for the retroex
series (cx and tr, etc.). Both authors use Peruvian Spanish spellings for the palatal series (ch,
etc.), as well as for the (alveo)palatal nasal, lateral and fricative ( n, ll, sh) and the velar fricative
( j). The velar nasal is written nh. Aspiration is written by Hardman and h by Belleza Castro.
92
Surprisingly, Jaqaru also has a number of words with initial l and l
y
, such as l
y
uqal
y
a boy,
possibly a loan from Aymara or from an extinct Aymaran language.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 303
can also affect vowels inside a root or ending, in contrast to Aymara, where this is
exceptional. Furthermore, non-contiguous, as well as contiguous afxes can exert an
inuence upon the shape of a morpheme (Hardman 1966: 329; 1983a: 5572). Vowel
suppression in Jaqaru is dominated by a bewildering variety of ad hoc rules, which are
much more difcult to formulate in general terms than in the case of Aymara. In the
following example the word for fox atuqu is subject to root-internal vowel suppression,
whereas kuntiri condor has root-nal vowel suppression (but compare kuntri-w sqa in
example (198) below).
(193) amur aruma atqu-qa sa-k-i kuntir-ha
{amur(u) aruma at(u)qu-qa sa-k-i
93
kuntir(i)-ha}
well night fox-TO say-SM-3S condor-AC
At midnight the fox says to the condor: . . . (Farf an 1952: 80)
The way in which vowel suppression takes place, as well as its occurrence or non-
occurrence, can lead to differences in interpretation of the resulting forms. In (194) the
rst-person possessive sufx and the rst-person-subject future marker (both -a) do not
exert the same inuence on the preceding root (Hardman 1966: 33; 1983a: 56). In (195)
the absence of vowel suppression before the possessive marker -a indicates object
function (zero complement) under specic conditions. The sufx -a itself must be
followed by a word-boundary, and the preceding substantive base can only be extended
by a limited number of afxes (Hardman 1966: 89; 1983a:148). For the possessive
markers see section 3.3.4.
(194) i ac- a i ca- a
{iac(a)-a} {i(a)ca-a}
serf-1P hire.a.serf-1S.F
my serf I will hire a serf.
(195) tat- a tata- a
{tat(a)-a} {tata-a}
father-1P father.Z-1P
my father (subject) my father (object)
Some of the Jaqaru case markers are identical to those of Aymara, namely, -hama
comparative, -kama limitative, -na locative-genitive, -ru allative, -taki benefac-
tive and -t
h
a ablative. The accusative case can remain unmarked, or it can be indicated
by a functional absence of vowel suppression (195) or by a special (vowel suppressing)
marker -ha (193)(196). The latter can be reduced to an aspiration and indicates object
93
The full form of the verb to say is saha but the root in inected forms is sa-.
304 3 The Inca Sphere
or goal of motion in emphatic use. Obviously, additional research is needed to obtain a
full understanding of accusative marking in Jaqaru.
(196) k
h
ul
y
-ha want- s-i-s-na uht-q
h
-tna
{k
h
ul
y
(u)-ha want(a)-(i) s(i)-i-s(a)-na
94
uht(a)-q
h
(a)-t(a)na}
log-AC carry.on.the.shoulder-RF-SU-4S-SU come-RP-4S
Carrying a tree trunk we come back. (Hardman 1966: 93)
The instrumental-coordinative case is indicated by two different markers, -(w) sqa and
-mina. The former indicates association with the subject, whereas the latter is used for
association with the object. The longer form -w sqa is attached to roots, whereas - sqa is
found after other sufxes.
(197) hayt-w-utu mam- ca- -mina-wa
{hayt(a)-w-utu mam(a)- ca-(a)-mina-wa}
leave-PV-3S.1O mother-DL-1P-IS-AF
He left me alone with my mother. (Hardman 1966: 93)
(198) mi s-uru atuqu ti ku-w-i kuntri-w sqa
95
{mi s-uru atuqu tiku-w-i kunt(i)ri-w sqa}
one-day fox meet-PV-3S condor-IS
One day fox met condor. (Farf an 1952: 79)
In addition to the regular case markers, Jaqaru uses a number of spatial nouns, which
form a compound with the substantive root to which they are attached. These spatial
nouns can, but need not, be followed by a case marker.
(199) u c
.
u s-nuri-t-qa hanwa-w-i
{u c
.
us(a)-nuri-t(
h
a)-qa han(a)wa-w-i}
hole-inside-AB-TO appear-PV-3S
It appeared from inside a hole. (Hardman 1966: 86)
As in Aymara, the Jaqaru verb has a considerable number of derivational afxes
referring to space, direction or manner. They normally suppress a preceding vowel.
96
Some of them, such as -kata- extending action, motion across, -kipa- turning mo-
tion, - su- outward motion, completion and -ta- at once have cognate equivalents
in Aymara. Others, such as -kusu- as one goes, -q
h
asa- holding, maintaining and
94
Instead of wanta-, Belleza Castros dictionary (1995) lists wantu-; cf. Quechua wantu- to carry
on a litter.
95
Since the distinction between the velar and alveolar nasals is contrastive in Jaqaru, we use the
symbol for any constant velar nasal, even in environments where assimilation plays a role.
96
The only exceptions are the sufxes that begin with a sequence -rC-.
3.3 The Aymaran language family 305
-q
h
ul
y
u- beginning are particular to Jaqaru. The four main directions are indicated by
the afxes -uru- inward motion, - su- outward motion, -pta- upward motion and
-naca- downward motion.
(200) hayr-kus-k-i-wa
{hayr(a)-kus(u)-k-i-wa}
dance-as.he.goes-SM-3S-AF
He dances as he goes (while going). (Belleza Castro 1995: 95)
(201) ir-q
h
as-k-i-wa
{ir(a)-q
h
as(a)-k-i-wa}
carry-holding-SM-3S-AF
He is holding it. (Hardman 1966: 51)
(202) kuntiri-qa
97
say-pta-w-ata
{kuntiri-qa say(a)-pta-w-ata}
condor-TO stand-UW-PV-RM.HS.3S
The condor got on his feet. (Farf an 1952: 81)
The valency-changing sufxes -i si- reexive, reciprocal and -ya- causative
98
are
cognate with their Aymara equivalents. Remarkable is the absence in Jaqaru of a ventive
(hither) marker, considering its omnipresent and obligatory character in Aymara and
in the surrounding Quechuan dialects.
99
Plural marking is optional and emphatic. It can be indicated by the sufx -rqaya- and
may refer either to the subject, or to the object.
(203) nura-rqay-ma
{nura-rqay(a)-ma}
work-PL-2S.IM
Work (you folks)! (Belleza Castro 1995: 158)
(204) hay c-k
h
a-rqay-sa- a-na
{hay c(a)-k
h
a-rqay(a)-sa-a-(a)na}
beat-M-PL-PO-1S-PA
I could have killed them. (Belleza Castro 1995: 158)
97
Hardman (1966: 105, 1983a: 170) explains that the behaviour as to vowel suppression of an
element preceding the sufxes -qa and -wa is determined by the characteristics of the element
itself; compare the effect of -qainexample (193). Clearly, more informationis neededconcerning
the apparently unpredictable behaviour of nominal roots before these sufxes. The absence of
vowel suppression in (202) may possibly also be attributed to Farf ans unsystematic orthography.
98
The dictionary of Belleza Castro (1995) contains several cases of causative derivation in -aya-
with suppression of the preceding root-nal vowel if it is not -a-. In some cases, forms in -ya-
and in -aya- coexist, e.g. naki-ya- to make (it) burn, but nak a-y-k-iri arsonist.
99
Cerr on-Palomino (2000) notes the use of a marker -ni- (as in Aymara) in combination with the
future tense in Jaqaru. This coincides with our own preliminary observations.
306 3 The Inca Sphere
The formation of the indicative mood in Jaqaru involves the use of the afxes -k- and
-w-, which respectively indicate simultaneousness and previousness.
100
Both markers
suppress a preceding vowel except for -w- when it is itself followed by a consonant. The
use of these afxes is interrelated with that of a marker -q
h
(a)- referring to repetition
or restitution. The latter can either precede the simultaneous event afx or follow the
previous event afx. In combination with a verb not otherwise marked for tense, subordi-
nation or nominalisation, the presence of -k- is interpreted as present tense, whereas -w-
refers to past tense. There is also the option of an unmarked form which neither contains
-k- nor -w-. It is not very frequent, except in verbalised expressions and in verbs with
the repetition marker -q
h
(a)-; cf. Hardman (1983a: 91) and example (196) above.
The transitional verbal endings that indicate person of subject and object in Jaqaru
are formally related to their Aymara counterparts, but they present an additional option.
The ending -u sta is reserved for a subject in the second person acting upon an object
in the fourth person youus. (Conversely, 4S.2O does not exist.) One might expect
this 2S.4O combination to be logically excluded given the fact that the fourth person
has been interpreted as the sum of the rst and second persons (cf. section 3.3.4). In a
discussion of the personal reference systems of the Aymaran languages, Hardman (1975:
448) contrasts this characteristic Jaqaru combination with the situation in Aymara, where
her consultants considered it a semantic impossibility.
101
The ending -u sta is related
to Aymara -ista, which is used to indicate the transition 2S.1O (youme). The latter
combination is expressed in Jaqaru by means of an ending -uta, possibly a cognate of -ita
of the Aymara imperative paradigm. Also worth mentioning is the ending -ima, which
indicates a rst-person subject and a second-person object (Aymara -sma). The Jaqaru
non-future indicative personal reference paradigm is represented in table 3.14.
In addition to the unmarked tense just introduced, Jaqaru has two remote tenses, a
near-remote past and a far-remote past. The distinction between the two is again reected
by the presence of the markers -k- (in the near remote) and -w- (in the far remote). If the
subject is third person and there is no morphologically encoded object, the ending can
either be -ana or -ata. The latter is used for information fromhearsay and in combinations
with the repetitive marker -q
h
(a)- (only allowed after -w-). If the subject is either not third
person, or it is part of an explicit subjectobject transition, the endings in table 3.14 are
used with the following additions. An element -Vh- with a harmonically variable vowel
is inserted after the markers -k- or -w-, and before the personal endings. This element is
obligatory if the personal ending begins with a consonant (1S, 2S, 4S and 3S.2O), and
optional if it begins with a vowel (1S.2O, 2S.1O, 2S.4O, 3S.1O, 3S.4O). In contrast, the
100
The common denominations for these two markers are present and past (Hardman 1966,
1983a; Belleza Castro 1995). These denominations do not seemadequate because both markers
can occur in other temporal contexts as well.
101
Speakers of Cauqui do accept the combination, but a formal difference between 2S.4O and
2S.1O is maintained only in the future tense (Hardman 1975).
3.3 The Aymaran language family 307
Table 3.14 Subject and subjectobject
endings of the unmarked tense in
Jaqaru (Hardman 1966, 1983a)
1 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -t
h
a
2 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -ta
3 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -i
4 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -tana
1 pers. subject + 2 pers. object -ima
2 pers. subject + 1 pers. object -uta
2 pers. subject + 4 pers. object -u sta
3 pers. subject + 1 pers. object -utu
3 pers. subject + 2 pers. object -tama
3 pers. subject + 4 pers. object -u stu
latter ve personal endings must be followed by the sufx -ana, which retains its initial
vowel before a pause but loses it when followed by other sufxes. Retention of the initial
vowel of -ana means that the nal vowel of the personal endings is suppressed, thus
eliminating the contrast between second- and third-person subjects in the transitions at
issue.
102
(205) il
y
-w-ih-ima-n-wa
{il
y
(a)-w-ih-ima-(a)n(a)-wa}
see-PV-RM-1S.2O-RM-AF
I remember that I looked after you.
103
(Hardman 1983a: 97)
(206) i sa-w il
y
-k
h
-k-ah-tam-t
y
i
{i sa-w(a) il
y
(a)-k
h
(a)-k-ah-tam(a)-t
y
i}
not-AF see-suddenly-SM-RM-3S.2O-NE
He/she had not seen you. (Hardman 1983a: 97)
As in Aymara and Quechua, the future tense has special endings which cannot be pre-
dicted fromtheir non-future counterparts. When contrasting it with the Sitajara paradigm
presented in section 3.3.6 (table 3.9), one observes that the future paradigm in Jaqaru
has m where conservative Aymara has , except for the rst-person marker, which is -a
in both languages.
The non-transitional subject endings for rst, third and fourth persons cannot
be analysed any further. The fourth-person ending is furthermore identical with its
non-future counterpart. As for the other endings, some generalisations can be made.
102
This unusually complicated piece of grammatical description is based on Hardman (1983a:
969), which differs substantially from the earlier Hardman (1966: 579).
103
According to Hardman, the element -Vh- adds the notion of personal remembrance in those
cases where its presence is optional.
308 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.15 Subject and subjectobject
endings of the future tense in Jaqaru
(Hardman 1966, 1983a)
1 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -a
2 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -mata
3 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -ni
4 pers. subject (3 pers. object) -tana
1 pers. subject + 2 pers. object -mama
2 pers. subject + 1 pers. object -utumata
2 pers. subject + 4 pers. object -u stumata
3 pers. subject + 1 pers. object -utuni
3 pers. subject + 2 pers. object -matama
3 pers. subject + 4 pers. object -u stuni
Third-person subject endings that do not involve a second-person object are formed
by adding the 3S future ending -ni to the corresponding non-future endings. The
non-transitional second-person subject ending and the transitional endings involving
a second-person object are characterised by the insertion of an element -ma- before the
corresponding non-future ending (with loss of -i- in the case of 1S.2O -ima > -mama).
Finally, the transitional endings involving a second-person subject are formed by adding
the non-transitional second-person ending -mata to the corresponding non-future end-
ings in which the nal -a- is replaced by -u-.
It should be observed that the longer future endings are subject to all sorts of vowel
suppression, so that they rarely, if ever, occur in their full form. For instance, sufx-initial
-u- is only preserved after the sufx -k
h
(a)- suddenly, otherwise - stumata, - stuni,
-tumata and -tuni are found (with suppression of the preceding vowel). The fourth-
person ending is -tna before a pause, but -tan- or -tana- elsewhere. The rst-person
sufx -a preserves the preceding vowel, possibly as a disambiguating device vis-` a-vis
the possessive ending; cf. example (194). It retains its own vowel only before a pause.
The third-person ending -ni always retains its full shape, preserves the preceding vowel
before a pause, but eliminates it elsewhere.
(207) il
y
- stuni-wa
{il
y
(a)-(u) stuni-wa}
see-3S.4O.F-AF
He will see us. (Hardman 1983a: 101)
(208) aru-ni ar-ni-wa
{aru-ni} {ar(u)-ni-wa}
call-3S.F call-3S.F-AF
He will call him. He will denitely call him. (Hardman 1983a: 100)
3.3 The Aymaran language family 309
The imperative paradigm presents the complication of having distinct forms for use
in negative and afrmative constructions whenever the ending involves a second-person
subject. In a negative construction the endings of the non-future indicative are used:
(209) han hayt-ta-t
y
i
{han(i) hayt(a)-ta-t
y
i}
dont leave-2S-NE
Dont leave him! (Hardman 1983a: 103)
The afrmative imperative ending for (non-transitional) second-person subject is -ma.
It suppresses the preceding vowel before a pause, but preserves it, losing at the same
time its own vowel, before other afxes. The other 2S endings can be derived from the
future endings by eliminating nal -ta. The 3S endings in -ni can be derived from their
future counterparts by replacing -ni with the (vowel-suppressing) ending -p
h
a; 3S-2O
has the same ending as its future equivalent (-matama). The 4S ending -tana is kept apart
from its non-imperative counterparts by preserving a preceding vowel. All trisyllabic
endings lose their middle vowel (-matma, -utma, -u stp
h
a, etc.) before a pause, but an
initial vowel u is generally preserved.
(210) pur- su-q il
y
-u stma
{pur(i)-(u) su-q(a) il
y
(a)-u stma}
arrive-SU.SS-TO see-2S.4O.IM
Come and see us when you arrive! (Hardman 1983a: 104)
The Jaqarupotential is basedonthe equivalent of the Aymara -sa- paradigm; cf. section
3.3.6. (table 3.11). The non-transitional subject endings are -sa (1S), -sama (2S), -sp
h
a
(3S) and -sana (4S). The transitional forms involving a second-person subject can be
derived from the future forms by substituting -sama for -mata. The transitional forms
that involve a third-person subject ending -ni in the future tense can be derived from
the latter by substituting -sp
h
a for -ni. Interestingly, the combinations 1S.2O and 3S.2O
have unanalysable endings: - stama and -masama, respectively. Preceding vowels are
preserved before -sp
h
a, -sama and -sana but suppressed before the other endings. The
past tense of the potential (cf. Aymara) can be derived from it by adding -(a)na in
combination with a few formal adjustments. The subject endings of this paradigm are
-saa-na (1S), -sama-na (2S), -sapa-na (3S) and -sana (4S), the last one being identical
to the non-past form. In both potential paradigms sufx-initial -u- is seldom effectively
present.
104
104
Hardman (1983a: 106) observes that this has only been found to be the case after the root
at
y
ama- to warn, which is then reduced to at
y
m- (e.g. at
y
m-u stusama-na you should have
warned us).
310 3 The Inca Sphere
Jaqaru has a well-developed system of verbal subordinate markers involving switch-
reference. The switch-reference system comprises a derived subject (same subject)
subordination marker -u su, as well as a full set of markers referring to specic persons
and combinations of persons that can be used to indicate a different subject in the
subordinate verb with respect to the superordinate verb. Object marking is possible but
not obligatory. The combination of a third-person subject and a second-person object
(3S.2O) lacks a specic morphological expression.
The subordinate forms with subject marking are formed according to a pattern -i-P-
na, in which P represents the nominal possessive marker, except that the third-person
morpheme -pa occurs without aspiration. (This pattern coincides in principle with the
Morocomarca Aymara paradigm discussed in section 3.3.6.) First- and fourth-person
objects can be indicated by substituting -utu- and -u stu-, respectively, for the element -i-.
The 1S.2O transition is indicated by the ending -imamana. All subordination endings
are subject to different types of vowel suppression, in particular those affecting their
initial vowel.
Switch-reference is clearly relevant when the third-person subject ending -i-pa-na
is contrasted with the same subject form in -u su. It is the situation where the switch-
reference mechanism attains its maximum functionality in a discourse. However, if the
verbs in the construction share a non-third-person subject, both subordinate forms, either
with or without person-of-subject marking, can be used. The use of the derived subject
marker with referentially identical third-person subjects is exemplied in (211). For a
case of its use with second persons see (210) above. Example (212) shows that, when the
subjects are identical but not third person, explicit subject marking in the subordinate
verb is also possible.
(211) at
h
a ta sk-u su im-iri ma-k-i
{at
h
a ta sk(a)-u su im(a)-iri ma-k-i}
seed receive-SU.SS sow-AG go-SM-3S
After receiving the seed, he goes sowing. (Belleza Castro 1995: 169)
(212) misa-s(a) i sp-i-s-na uht-q
h
a-tn(a) ak-
h
a
{misa-s(a) i s(a)p(a)-i-s(a)-na uht(a)-q
h
a-t(a)n(a) ak(a)-ha}
Mass-4P hear-SU.4S.SU come-RP-4S here-AC
After hearing our Mass, we came back here. (Hardman 1983a: 120)
The Jaqaru subordination markers can be combined with the marker -k- to indicate
simultaneousness (213). The element -k-ata- indicates simultaneousness in a remote
unwitnessed past (214).
3.3 The Aymaran language family 311
(213) hayr-k-i- a-n-qa
{hayr(a)-k-i-a-n(a)-qa}
dance-SM-SU-1S-SU-TO
while I am dancing . . . (Belleza Castro 1995:129)
(214) uk-nur-n(a) hayr-k-ata-p-na nak- su-w-ata
{uk(a)-nur(i)-n(a) hayr(a)-k-ata-(i)-p(a)-na nak(i)- su-w-ata}
that-inside-L dance-SM-RM-SU-3P-SU burn- OW-PV-3S.RM.HS
He burned them all, while they were dancing inside.
(Hardman 1983a: 122)
In Jaqaru it is possible to express an innitive-like nominalisation function of the verb
by using its root without any specic ending. The verbs ma- to go and sa- to say have
extended forms (maha, saha) for this function.
(215) kumpari, na-ps hum-hama-w hac mun-k-t
h
a
{kumpari, na-ps(a) hum(a)-hama-w(a) hac(a) mun(a)-k-t
h
a}
compadre I-AD you-CP-AF sing.N want-SM-1S
Compadre,
105
I also want to sing like you. (Hardman 1966: 116)
As in Aymara, the agentive nominaliser ends in -iri. As in the case of the third-person
subject marker -i, the nal vowel of the morpheme preceding the afx is lost. (Compare
Aymara where in such a case u is retained, but other vowels are lost.)
106
In its main
function of indicating a subject-centred deverbal noun, the agentive marker is preceded
by the marker of simultaneousness -k- when referring to a specic activity that is taking
place or has taken place. If the event is either non-specic, or still to occur, -k- is absent.
(216) niwni-k-ir-mna il
y
-utu
{niwni-k-ir(i)-mna il
y
(a)-utu}
steal-SM-AG-HS see-3S.1O
They say they saw me stealing. (Hardman 1966: 78)
(217) niwn-iri haqi
{niwn(i)-iri haqi}
steal-AG person
a thievish person, a thief (Belleza Castro 1995: 122)
The marker of stative nominalisation is -ta, as in Aymara (218). When explicitly
referring to present tense or to an event simultaneous with the action denoted by the
105
Compadre (Spanish): the godfather of ones child.
106
The verbs ma- to go and sa- to say either form their agentives on the basis of the extended
root (mah-iri, sah-iri), or two special forms, ma-li and sa-li, are used.
312 3 The Inca Sphere
main verb, the sequence -k-ata is used instead. It can be analysed as containing the marker
-k- of simultaneousness followed by an element -(a)ta, which is probably identical with
-ta (219).
(218) ima-ta
sow-SN
what has been sown (Belleza Castro 1995: 70)
(219) mi si-w-k-ata-p-t
h
a wal-naqa-ya-rqay-k-i
{mi si-w-k-ata-p(
h
a)-t
h
a wal(a)-naqa-ya-rqay(a)-k-i}
cat-CV-SM-SN-3P-AB run-DD-CA-PL-PR-3S
Because he is a cat, they persecute him. (Belleza Castro 1995: 90)
For non-realised events the nominaliser -nu su is used. Purposive clauses are indicated
by a combination of -nu s(u) and -taki (benefactive case).
(220) pal-nu su
{pal(u)-nu su}
eat-FN
something to eat, food (Belleza Castro 1995: 131)
(221) pal-nu s-p-taki
{pal(u)-nu s(u)-p(
h
a)-taki}
eat-FN-3P-B
in order for him to eat (Belleza Castro 1995: 124)
Copula verbalisation in Jaqaru is realised by means of a segmental sufx -w(a)- (cf.
Hardman 1983a: 1779). This sufx always has the shape -w- except before certain
sufxes that require a preceding vowel (for instance, third-person subject future-tense
-ni). An illustration has been given in (219). Example (222) contains a sequence of the
verbaliser -w(a)- and the marker of previousness -w-; (223) illustrates the use of the
copula verbaliser with a noun marked for instrumental case.
(222) amru-(w-)w-ata
{am(u)ru-w(a)-w-ata}
good-CV-PV-3S.RM.HS
It turned out to have been good. (Belleza Castro 1995: 187)
(223) ipi-m- sqa-w-k-ta
{ipi-m(a)-(w) sqa-w(a)-k-ta}
paternal.aunt-2P-IS-CV-SM-2S
You are with your paternal aunt. (Belleza Castro 1995: 187)
3.3 The Aymaran language family 313
Belleza Castro reports the existence, as in Aymara, of a verbaliser -ka- used after
the truncated form of the locative case marker -n(a) in order to indicate location:
(224) punu-n-ka-ni-wa
107
{punu-n(a)-ka-ni-wa}
Puno-L-LV-3S.F-AF
He will be in Puno. (Belleza Castro 1995: 122)
Negation in Jaqaru is indicated in a way similar to that in Aymara, with the differ-
ence that there are three negative adverbs, instead of one. The most common negative
adverb i sa is found in declarative sentences (206) and in combinations with adjectives
(i sa amuru not good, i sa hiw-iri immortal). The element hani (cf. the Aymara gen-
eral negation marker hani) is reserved for prohibitive expressions (209). Full negative
sentences furthermore must contain the independent sufx -t
y
i (cf. Aymara -ti), which
is also used to mark polar questions. Subordinate clauses take the negation marker
mat
y
i. The notion without can be indicated morphologically with nouns by means
of the sufx -wi si and with subordinate same-subject verbs by means of the sufx
-maya.
(225) kasra-w-t
h
a mat
y
i tat-p-psa mun-k-utu-p-na
{kas(a)ra-w-t
h
a mat
y
i tat(a)-p(
h
a)-psa mun(a)-k-utu-p(a)-na}
marry-PV-1S not father-3P-AD want-SM-1O-3S-SU
I married her although her father did not want me.
(Belleza Castro 1995: 107)
(226) pal-maya ma-w-q
h
-i
{pal(u)-maya ma-w-q
h
(a)-i}
eat-NE.SU go-PV-RP-3S
He left without eating. (Belleza Castro 1995: 108)
Jaqaru has a rich array of independent afxes. The afxes -qa topic marker, -t
y
i
interrogative-negative and -wa afrmative are similar in use to the cognate afxes in
Aymara (see the preceding pages for examples). The interrogative marker -sa is used
with interrogative pronouns to emphasise that they are used as interrogatives. This is
also one of the functions of -sa in Aymara. Note that all aspirated consonants preceding
107
The verbaliser -ka- should be kept apart from the marker of simultaneousness -k-. When
combined, both are realised as -k- (as a result of vowel suppression) so that only one sufx
may appear to be present, e.g. ika-n-(k-)k-t
h
a I am in Ica (example from Belleza Castro 1995:
122).
314 3 The Inca Sphere
-sa become unaspirated, even when separated from-sa by another morpheme (Hardman
1966: 99).
(227) kawki-ta-w-ta-sa
{kawki-t
(h)
a-w(a)-ta-sa}
what.place-AB-CV-2S-IR
Where are you from? (Hardman 1966: 98)
The additive sufx -psa is reminiscent of Quechua -pas. It also has similar functions.
Along with its usual meaning also, too, it is used with interrogative roots to indicate
indeniteness.
(228) qa ci-psa
who-AD
whoever, anyone (Belleza Castro 195: 135)
(229) qa ci-psa hal-ur-p-t
y
i
{qa ci-psa hal(a)-ur(u)-p(
h
a)-t
y
i}
who-AD fall-IW-3S.IM-NE
Let no one enter! (Belleza Castro 195: 135)
Other independent sufxes are -a si maybe, -ha of course!, now I see!, -il
y
i
emphatic, -i si I remember, -kasa already, -k
h
a furthermore, -mna they say, -ra
still, and -sk
h
a once again. The sufxes -a si and -i si are only found after other
independent sufxes (which then lose their nal vowel). The sufx -k
h
a is frequently
found after -r(a)- (230).
(230) mam- a sa-w-utu-r-k
h
a-wa iqu, hani ma-ta-t
y
i k
h
uw-ha
{mam(a)-a sa-w-utu-r(a)-k
h
a-wa Iqu, hani ma-ta-t
y
i k
h
uw(a)-ha}
mother-1P say-PV-3S.1O-AN-AD-AF girl, dont go-2S-NE
that.place-AC
My mother said to me furthermore: Girl, dont go there!
(Belleza Castro 1995: 158)
The Jaqaru lexicon has undergone a considerable inux of Quechua loans, most of
which are from the central Peruvian dialects. An example of Quechua inuence are the
numerals. In accordance with the rules of Aymaran word structure, the Jaqaru numerals
for seven, eight andnine present anaddednal vowel, whichis not foundinQuechua
and which betrays the latter as the lending language.
(231) qan c
.
isi seven Central Peruvian Quechua: qan c
.
is
pusaqa eight Quechua: pusaq
isqu na nine Quechua: isqun
3.3 The Aymaran language family 315
The other Jaqaru numerals are either cognate to the Aymara ones (maya one,
paha two, pu si four), or shared with both Aymara and Quechua (kimsa three,
pi cqa ve, suhta six, c
.
uka ten, pa c
.
aka hundred, waraqa thousand). Units
are added to tens with the possession marker -ni, as in Aymara; e.g. c
.
uk-maya-ni
eleven (< 10 + 1). Complex numbers are subject to different sorts of internal vowel
suppression.
An interesting phenomenon is the presence of remnants of sound-symbolism, which
is also visible in Quechua loans. In the word t
y
ah sa small (from Central Peruvian
Quechua tak sa) and in ut
y
ut
y
ul
y
qu goblin (compare Central Peruvian Quechua u cuk
ul
y
qu little man) the palatal character of the alveopalatal stop appears to indicate small-
ness, as is also the case in other sorts of palatality in the neighbouring Quechua dialects
(cf. section 3.2.5).
In addition to basic vocabulary shared with other Aymaran languages, there are also
a substantial number of words which are exclusive to Jaqaru (and possibly Cauqui).
Examples are karma(ha) man (Aymara ca ca), uhara maize (Aymara tunqu), wasa-
to go (Aymara sara-), il
y
a- to see (Aymara un
y
a-), palu- to eat (Aymara manqa-),
and many others. The interrogative pronouns in Jaqaru present considerable differences
vis-` a-vis their Aymara counterparts, as in qa ci who (Aymara k
h
iti), quwa qusa
what (Aymara kuna), qa cwira which (Aymara kawk(n)i:ri), alongside similarities, as
in qami sa how (Aymara kamisa).
3.3.11 Jaqaru sample text
The following animal story was collected by J. M. B. Farf an in the late 1940s from a
storyteller called Vicente Casanova (Farf an 1952: 801). It is entitled The guinea-pig
and the fox. Farf an collected Jaqaru narratives long before the rst modern study of
the language appeared. Like most early observers of the Jaqaru language, he did not
succeed in rendering the complex sounds of the language consistently. In what follows,
we shall try and supply a modernised version which follows the original text as faithfully
as possible.
1. mi s-uru-wa tiku-w-i atuqu kuyt
y
u-w sqa may qa:q-na
{mi s-uru-wa tiku-w-i atuqu kuyt
y
u-w sqa may(a) qa:q(a)-na}
one-day-AF meet-PV-3S fox guinea.pig-IS one rocky.peak-L
One day a fox and a guinea-pig met on a rocky peak.
The element mi s- is a combinatorial variant of maya one which is used in a compound
with uru day; when preceding a noun as a modier, maya is realised as may by vowel
suppression. The long vowel in qa:qa (from Quechua qaqa) is our rendering of a long
vowel in Belleza Castro (1995) and a plain vowel in Hardman (1983a); the last vowel of
316 3 The Inca Sphere
qa:qa is lost before the locative marker (-na) in nal position. The root tiku- is a loan
from Quechua.
2. atqu-wa katu-w-i kuyt
y
-
h
a sa:ma-t
h
a pal-nu s-p-taki
{at(u)qu-wa katu-w-i kuyt
y
(u)-ha sa:ma-t
h
a pal(u)-nu s(u)-p(
h
a)-taki}
fox-AF catch-PV-3S guinea.pig-AC back-AB eat-FN-3P-B
The fox caught the guinea-pig by the back in order to eat him.
Concerning pal-nu s-p-taki: any sufx loses its vowel and aspiration before -taki;
-nu su loses its nal vowel before the person marker -p
h
a; root-nal vowels are lost
before -nu su.
3. kuyt
y
u-qa sa-w-i atuq-
h
a hani hay c-k
h
-uta-t
y
i
{kuyt
y
u-qa sa-w-i atuq(u)-ha hani hay c(a)-k
h
(a)-uta-t
y
i}
guinea.pig-TO say-PV-3S fox-AC dont beat-M-2S.1O-NE
The guinea-pig said to the fox: Dont kill me!
The combination hay c-k
h
(a)- (lit. to beat suddenly) has the meaning to kill. Farf an
uses the form atuxa, which we have interpreted as atuq-
h
a; the accusative marker -ha
merges with the last consonant in the root after suppression of the latters nal vowel,
resulting into an aspirated -q
h
-.
4. pan-sa hira aq
h
i-ru
{pan(i)-sa hira aq
h
i-ru}
two.people-4P lets.go cave-AL
Let us go the two of us to a cave!
The form pani is a special form for two people, from paha two and possibly the
possession marker -ni; it loses its nal vowel before the person marker -sa. The form
hira functions syntactically as a verb form, hence the complement in -ru.
5. k
h
uwa-n-k-i-wa ya-a yak-nu su--taki kuyt
y
u ANTCHAQAXA
{k
h
uwa-n(a)-k(a)-i-wa ya(a)-a yak(a)-nu su-(a)-taki kuyt
y
u
}
that.place-L-LV-3S-AF companion-1P give-FN-1P-B guinea.pig very
more. robust-AC
There are my companion(s), so that I can give you a more robust
guinea-pig.
Our subdivision of this sentence differs from that in Farf an, who has a comma after
k
h
uwa-n-k-i-wa; it seemed more logical to connect this form with ya-a, than with the
3.3 The Aymaran language family 317
word referring to the cave. As we have seen, the element -k- can either be interpreted as a
locative verbaliser -k(a)-, as a marker of simultaneousness -k-, or as a sequence of both;
here we have opted for the rst solution. The nominaliser -nu su retains its nal vowel
before the rst person possessive marker -a. The form transcribed as antchaqaxa and
translated as m as fuerte (more robust) by Farf an could not be analysed. It may either
contain the elements anca much and - c
.
aqa more, or the word an c
.
a c
.
i an c
.
h
a c
.
h
i
(too) many, followed by the accusative marker -ha (as suggested by Cerr on-Palomino,
personal communication). In either case the quantier would have been extracted from
the noun phrase.
6. atqu-qa anc- su-w-i kuyt
y
-
h
a katu-t-
h
a irp-nu s-p-taki qunca-p-n
uk-
h
a
{at(u)qu-qa anc(a)- su-w-i kuyt
y
(u)-ha katu-t(a)-ha irp(a)-nu s(u)-
p(
h
a)-taki qunca-p(
h
a)-n(a) uk(a)-ha}
fox-TO let.go-OW-PV-3S guinea.pig-AC seize-SN-AC lead-FN-3P-B
brother.of.male-3P-G there-AC
The fox set free the guinea-pig that had been captive, so that he might
lead him to the place where his brothers were.
The form katu-t-
h
a is here interpreted as accusative, but an ablative interpretation
(katu-t-t
h
a from a captive state) would also make sense. The genitivelocative marker
-na in nal position suppresses the vowel and the aspiration of the possessive third person
marker -p
h
a; the vowel of -na itself is suppressed by the initial vowel of the root uka
that follows it; the combination -n(a) uka refers to the place of; uka with a short (or
extra-short) vowel refers to a place (there).
7. u:ka-t-qa kuyt
y
u-qa hal-ru-w-i u c
.
usa-ru haypta-w-i
{u:ka-t(
h
a)-qa kuyt
y
u-qa hal(a)-(u)ru-w-i u c
.
usa-ru haypta-w-i}
that-AB-TO guinea.pig-TO fall-IW-PV-3S hole-AL disappear-PV-3S
Then, the guinea-pig entered into a hole and disappeared.
According to Hardman (1966: 7, 1983a: 131), the demonstrative pronoun that is
u:ka (or uka if extra-short vowels are accepted), it being distinguished from uka there
by vowel length; Belleza Castro (1995) observes no length distinction between the
two demonstratives; instead of u:ka-t-qa, u:ka-t
h
a (without topic marker) would be an
alternative reading for Farf ans ukatxa. The derived verb hal-ru- is usually found as
hal-uru-; the interpretation to enter betrays the original meaning of hala-, to run, still
found in Aymara. The verb haypta- can possibly be analysed as derived from haya far
318 3 The Inca Sphere
and -pta- upward movement, to begin; since this is not a productive formation with
noun roots, we treat haypta- as an underived root.
8. atqu-qa haruqa-w-i naray-k-u su
{at(u)qu-qa haruqa-w-i naray(a)-k-u su}
fox-TO remain-PV-3S wait-SM-SS.SU
The fox remained waiting.
The verb haruqa- is recorded as harwaqa- in Belleza Castro (1995).
9. kuyt
y
u anc haya haypta-w-i
{kuyt
y
u anc(a) haya haypta-w-i}
guinea.pig very long.time disappear-PV-3S
The guinea-pig disappeared for a very long time.
Note that anca (Quechua an ca) belongs to the common lexicon of Aymaran and
Quechuan. The usual interpretation of haya is far, but it also has a temporal meaning.
10. u:ka-t
h
a anc- su-w-i atuq naray-k-iri-ru qal-u na uk-sana-t
h
a
qa:qa-tha
{u:ka-t
h
a anc(a)- su-w-i atuq(u) naray(a)-k-iri-ru qal(a)-u na
uk(a)-sana-t
h
a qa:qa-t
h
a}
that-AB let.go-OW-PV-3S fox wait-SM-AG-AL stone-DI
there-topside-AB rock-AB
Then, from a rock up there, he dropped some little stones on the fox,
who was waiting.
The sufx -u na suppresses the nal vowel of the preceding root and expresses the
concept of a diminutive; as a full form, u na means pup or recently born animal both in
Jaqaru and in Central Peruvian Quechua. The spatial root -sana enters into composition
with a preceding noun and means above, on top of; when a case marker follows it,
-sana eliminates the preceding vowel; -sana is also found in Quechua (for instance, in
the Huarochir manuscript; see sections 3.1 and 3.2.11).
11. kuyt
y
u ar-k-i atuq-
h
a sa- su qa:qa-wa hal-k-i
{kuyt
y
u ar(u)-k-i atuq(u)-ha sa-(u) su qa:qa-wa hal(a)-k-i}
guinea.pig call-SM-3S fox-AC say-SS.SU rock-AF fall-SM-3S
The guinea-pig called to the fox and said: The rock is falling.
In the word sa- su saying, the root-vowel is preserved as a consequence of its minimal
CV shape; as after most roots, -u su loses its preceding vowel; sa- su accompanies verbs
of communication in order to introduce direct speech.
3.4 The Mochica language 319
12. sa-k-i atuq-
h
a kat-nu s-p-taki qa:qa
{sa-k-i atuq(u)-ha kat(u)-nu s(u)-p-taki qa:qa}
say-SM-3S fox-AC hold-FN-3P-B rock
He tells the fox to hold the rock.
13. u:ka-t
h
a kuyt
y
u ma-w-i ay-iri l
y
uqa cahl
y
a kat-nu s-p-taki
{u:ka-t
h
a kuyt
y
u ma-w-i ay(a)-iri l
y
uqa cahl
y
a kat(u)-nu s(u)-p(
h
a)-taki}
that-AB guinea.pig go-PV-3S carry.sticks-AG stick lathing
sustain-IS-3P-B
Then, the guinea-pig went to fetch sticks and ladders in order to
support it.
Both Belleza Castro (1995) and Farf an (1961) have l
y
uqi and cahra for l
y
uqa and
cahl
y
a, respectively; the word caql
y
a is also found in Aymara and in Quechua; its most
common meaning refers to the lathing used on roofs.
14. atqu-qa kat-k-u su-wa haruqa-w-i qa:q-
h
a
{at(u)qu-qa kat(u)-k-u su-wa haruqa-w-i qa:q(a)-ha}
fox-TO sustain-SM-SS.SU-AF stay-PV-3S rock-AC
The fox stayed behind, supporting the rock.
After the present-tense marker -k- the subordinator -u su retains its initial vowel.
Instead of haruqa-, Farf an has haruyqa-. Note the position of qa:q-
h
a outside the scope
of the subordinate clause to which it grammatically belongs.
15. u:ka-t
h
a kuyt
y
u ma-w-q
h
-i aki s-kama-ya
{u:ka-t
h
a kuyt
y
u ma-w-q
h
(a)-i aki s(a)-kama-ya}
that-AB guinea.pig go-PV-RP-3S now-LI-LS
And the guinea-pig went away again until today.
The afx -ya in aki s-kama-ya is limited to this particular form; it can be left out.
3.4 The Mochica language
Mochica is the onlylanguage of the Peruviancoastal regionthat has survivedlongenough
to become documented in a substantial way. Its linguistic area was centred around the
modern towns of Chiclayo and Lambayeque, and the historic town of Za na, in the coastal
plain of northern Peru. According to Fernando de la Carrera Daza (1644), parish priest
of Reque and the author of the only colonial grammar of the language that has been
preserved, there were also groups of Mochica speakers in the highlands east and north
of the nuclear region, in the modern departments of Cajamarca and Piura, including
a colony of mitimaes (see the introduction to this chapter) near the town of Balsas in
the Mara n on river valley. Toward the end of the nineteenth century, the existence of the
320 3 The Inca Sphere
Mochica language had become reduced to two coastal villages in the neighbourhood of
Chiclayo: Eten and Monsef u. When the German scholar Middendorf stayed in Eten in
the 1880s, he still had the opportunity to work with bilingual, as well as monolingual
speakers. About the middle of the twentieth century it was no longer possible to obtain
more than fragmentary data from semi-speakers. At present, at the beginning of the
twenty-rst century, the language is almost certainly extinct.
The Mochica language has been known by several names, most of which are ambigu-
ous or misleading. Carrera (1644) and Martnez Compa n on (1985 [178290]) called it
Yunga, which is a Quechua word for low altitude areas with a temperate climate, for the
populations living there and for their languages. Middendorf (1892) opted for the names
Muchik (mentioned by the Augustinian chronicler Antonio de la Calancha in 1638) and
Chimu with a reference to the kingdom of Chim u or Chimor, which had its capital at
Chanch an, just north of Trujillo, and which was subjugated by the Incas in about 1470
(Rowe 1948). The name Mochica or Muchic is reminiscent of the name of the indige-
nous community of Moche south of Trujillo. However, Cerr on-Palomino (1995b: 41)
argues against a relationship between the language name Mochica and the town name
Moche. The surroundings of Trujillo, including Chanch an and Moche, belonged to the
linguistic area of Quingnam, another language mentioned by Calancha. Quingnam was
also referred to as the Fishermans language (la lengua pescadora or la lengua yunga
pescadora).
108
Very little is known about this language of which neither a grammar, nor
a dictionary has been preserved.
109
Calancha suggests that it was in use all along the
central Peruvian coast as far south as Carabayllo (near Lima), which was as far as the
former kingdom of Chimor had extended.
In a detailed analysis based on Carreras and Calanchas afrmations and on a docu-
ment of 1638 published by Ramos Cabredo (1950), Torero (1986) denes the linguistic
area of the Mochica language as the coastal region extending between the Ro la Leche
andthe townof Motupe, tothe north, andthe Chicama river valleywiththe townof Paij an,
to the south. The southernmost part of this region, situated between the Jequetepeque (or
Pacasmayo) and Chicama rivers apparently was a contact area where both Mochica and
Quingnamcompeted due to a northward expansion of the Chim u kings. On the north side,
Mochica bordered on the Sechura language and the language of the oasis of Olmos, the
latter known fromspecic mentions in colonial sources (Cabello Valboa 1586; Calancha
1638). The Sechura language survived until the nineteenth century (Rivet 1949).
108
It has been suggested that the Fishermans language was a language distinct from Quingnam
(Rabinowitz 1983), but this view is rejected in Torero (1986) on the basis of an analysis of the
phrasing in Calanchas text.
109
The Trujillan scholar Zevallos Qui nones (1989, 1992) has studied the lineage names of the
indigenous elites of Lambayeque and of the Trujillo region. His data show a marked lexical
and phonetic contrast between the two areas.
3.4 The Mochica language 321
For the time being, the Mochica language must be considered as a language isolate,
notwithstanding the fact that several authors have tried to connect it to other languages.
Jij on y Caama no (1941: 6) has proposed a genetic relationship with the extinct (and
virtually undocumented) Ca nar and Puruh a languages of the Ecuadorian highlands.
110
Relations of Mochica with Mayan, with Mapuche, and with Uru-Chipaya (Stark 1972a)
have been suggested as well.
The Mochica language is well known for its unique exotic sound system, which has
generated even more exotic orthographies (especially Carrera Dazas). Froma structural
point of view, it is notoriously different fromboth Quechua and Aymara, the inuence in
either direction being limited to a fewloan words fromQuechua and vice-versa (Cerr on-
Palomino 1989c). It lacks both the morphological complexity and the rigid regularity of
the major Andean languages.
3.4.1 The sounds of Mochica
The reconstruction and the recovery of the Mochica sound system are problematic.
The various scholars of the language have developed and used different notations. Both
Carrera Daza and Middendorf went a long way towards explaining the value of their
symbols, but neither of them succeeded in eliminating all doubts as to the pronuncia-
tion of these symbols, their observations often being very far apart from each other. A
very helpful comparison of the sources, enriched with personal observations obtained
in 1929, is found in Lehmanns notes, published by Schumacher de Pe na (1991). The
much awaited eld notes collected by Br uning in 19045 are kept in the Ethnographic
Museum of Hamburg in unpublished form (Cerr on-Palomino 1995b: 667). An addi-
tional complication for the interpretation of the original Mochica sound system is the
fact that several crucial phonological developments occurred between the seventeenth
and nineteenth centuries, which makes it hazardous to use the more recent data for the
interpretation of the older materials. Furthermore, there remains the question whether
the dialect that survived in the EtenMonsef u area was representative of the language
as a whole.
The seventeenth century Mochica sound system has been the object of several mod-
ern reconstructions (Hovdhaugen 1992; Cerr on-Palomino 1995b; Torero 1997), but
the results are not at all concurrent.
111
Since the exact pronunciation of the Mochica
sounds remains a matter of speculation, the examples in the following pages are repre-
sented in their original orthography. In the section on grammar, grammatical forms and,
110
The only suggestive similarity which Jij on y Caama no indicates between Mochica and Ca nar
is a single word, Mochica nech [ne c] river, recorded as necha in Ca nar.
111
A new comparative study of the Mochica lexicon preserved in the different sources is Salas
(2002). It contains a discussion of the sound system.
322 3 The Inca Sphere
occasionally, lexical items will be given in Carrera Dazas seventeenth century orthogra-
phy, followed by a slash / and Middendorf s transcription whenever there is a difference.
The oldest known specimens of the Mochica language are found in a religious text-
book, Rituale seu Manuale Peruanum, by Ger onimo de Or e (1607). Its spelling does
not cast much light on the complexities of the language. Carrera Dazas Arte de la
lengua yunga, best known through Altieris commented re-edition of 1939, is funda-
mental for understanding the phonological and morphosyntactic characteristics of the
language. Villareal (1921) incorporates Carrera Dazas grammar and presents the data
in a reorganised but often erratic way. Middendorf (1892) is based on contemporary
data, although Carrera Dazas Arte provided the framework for part of the elicitation.
Carrera Daza distinguishes six vowels in Mochica: <a>, < e>, <i>, <o>, <u>
and <>.
112
The latter is the object of an impressionistic description to the effect that
it begins as an e and ends as an u, in such a way that there are two vowels in one.
113
Furthermore, Carrera Daza uses a diacritic to indicate length. It remains restricted to a
few roots and to the ending - o, which is part of the genitive construction:
(232) utzh
big
(233) aiu-ng-n- o
that-G-PL-AJ
belonging to those
Torero (1986, 1997) points out that Carrera Dazas symbol <i> does not always
refer to a full vowel. It may indicate a non-syllabic glide as in example (233), and it
may either indicate or emphasise the palatal nature of an adjacent consonant, as in nai n
bird (/n
y
an
y
/) or cio he, it (/s
y
o/). According to this author, vowel sequences and true
diphthongs did not occur in seventeenth century Mochica, given the fact that non-nuclear
<i> can always be interpreted either as a consonant, or as a palatality marker, whereas
non-nuclear <u> is not found.
Middendorf (1892) distinguishes eleven plain vowels, two impure vowels and four
diphthongs. Although one can assume that some of these distinctions are liable to be
eliminated by reanalysis, this is not possible in a number of cases where minimal pairs are
provided. Reanalysis leading to elimination may be possible in the case of the diphthongs
(ai, ei, oi, ui) if one considers the second element to be a palatality marker, as does Torero
(see above). It should be observed, however, that in nineteenth century Mochica, the
112
Villareal (1921) uses the symbol <>, whereas Altieris 1939 edition of Carrera Dazas gram-
mar has capital <>alternating with standard <>. For reasons of transparency we will only
use the latter symbol in our examples.
113
Tiene principio de e y n de u, de manera que son dos vocales en una (Altieri 1939: 11).
3.4 The Mochica language 323
palatality distinction no longer had the signicance which it had two centuries earlier.
Middendorf emphasises the distinct, almost separated pronunciation of the elements that
make up a diphthong. As it appears, the fact that i functioned as a palatality marker did
not mean that its presence was merely an orthographic device.
The two impure vowels, which Middendorf writes a and u respectively, are discussed
by that author in great detail, with the confession that he never managed to pronounce
them properly. Middendorfs characterisation of the impure vowels is essentially the
same as that of Carrera Dazas for the symbol <> with the difference that the u
element is said to be more strongly represented in the vowel u, and more weakly so, if
at all, in the vowel a. The vowel u is relatively infrequent and seems to be restricted to
roots with a preference for initial and pre-labial positions, whereas no such restrictions
apply to a. However, there is at least one minimal pair: ap hot pepper versus up salt
(cf. Torero 1997: 125). These two words are clearly kept apart in Lehmanns phonetic
notation (Schumacher de Pe na 1991): hot pepper p, salt u up. Carrera Daza only
recorded the word for salt as p.
The high frequency of one of the so-called impure vowels (viz. Carrera Dazas <>
corresponding to Middendorfs a), which occurred in endings presumably unstressed as
well as in roots, leads to the question whether indeed this vowel represented a single
phoneme. Mochica morphophonemics includes a rule of vowel loss in unstressed open
syllables which always affects precisely that vowel. It would not be far-fetched to assume
that the Mochica vowel inventory included a schwa-type vowel which may have been
the product of a neutralisation of several full vowels, rather than an allophone of / a
alone.
114
This mechanism of vowel loss is illustrated in (234):
(234) nofn nofn-r- o
man man-G-AJ
man belonging to the man
(235) mit-apc mit-apc-o-i n
bring-AG bring-AG-AR-1S.SG
one who brings I am in the habit of bringing. (lit. I am one who
brings.)
Middendorfs inventory of plain vowels (Middendorf 1892: 4851) includes four
long vowels a, , o and u, which are matched by four normal vowels a, , o,
115
and u.
Additionally, there are two more short vowels a and u. The pronunciation of a is said to
be like a in German before doubled consonants, whereas u is said to be similar to u in
114
Torero (1997: 125) speaks of a vocal de apoyo support vowel.
115
The symbols and o are not consistently employed by Middendorf; in most of his grammar he
replaces them with i and o.
324 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.16 Mochica vowels as represented in Carrera Daza (1644)
and Middendorf (1892)
Carrera Daza a, a e i o, o u, u oe
Middendorf a, a, a e ( e) , (i), o, (o), o u, u, u a, u
English but. No length distinction is reported for the front mid vowel e.
116
It is doubtful
whether all these options were indeed distinctive. However, the length distinction seems
to have been functional, considering the minimal pairs recorded by Middendorf (cf.
Cerr on-Palomino 1995b: 812):
117
(236) pok p ok
to enter to be called
(237) rak r ak
mountain-lion excrement (Middendorf 1892: 54)
The vowel symbols used by Carrera Daza and Middendorf are summarised in
table 3.16. The vowel symbols used by Middendorf which are not presented as part
of his inventory are given in parentheses.
The intricacies of the Mochica consonant inventory motivated Carrera Daza to in-
troduce several new symbols and combinations of existing symbols, such as <c>,
<tzh> and <xll>. Their interpretation continues to be a matter of debate, in particular
because the sounds they represent were subject to change during the last centuries of
the languages existence. Hovdhaugen (1992) and Torero (1986, 1997) have established
a correlation between palatal and plain consonants, which covers most of the system,
except for the labial series and the vibrants. The occurrence of a palatality contrast in the
velar series is defended in Torero (1986, 1997). The areas of the consonant system that
were most affected by change during the period between the seventeenth and nineteenth
centuries were the laterals and the sibilants. The laterals partly developed into velar
fricatives; a crucial sibilant contrast disappeared.
Carrera Daza appears to have represented the Mochica consonants quite adequately,
but, as in contemporary Spanish, competing symbols and symbol combinations some-
times referred to a single sound. The absence of comments on the pronunciation of
a symbol may be held to indicate phonetic similarity with the corresponding Spanish
sound. This is of particular importance for the sibilants.
116
Although no long e is foreseen in Middendorfs phonetic introduction, he does, inconsistently,
use that symbol in his examples (for instance in k en half, Middendorf 1892: 62).
117
At least in one case, a long vowel in Middendorf is matched by a more complex sequence
in seventeenth-century Mochica: Carrera Daza piic [piyk] to give versus Middendorf pk
(cf. Torero 1997: 120).
3.4 The Mochica language 325
The symbols for voiceless labial consonants <p>and <f>were probably pronounced
as in Spanish, although the fricative f may have been bilabial, rather than labiodental. In
the nineteenth century, f had developed an optional voiced allophone in intervocalic and
syllable-nal positions; e.g. cft snake (Villareal 1921: 17) is represented as chuvet
or ts uv at in Middendorf. A remarkable fact is the absence of the glide or semi-vowel [w]
in seventeenth century Mochica. In loans from Quechua or Spanish, [w] or [] of the
original language were consistently replaced by <f>, e.g. facca poor (Villareal 1921:
21) from Quechua wak ca, and fak ox (Middendorf 1892: 60) from Spanish vaca. As
in most countries where a Spanish writing tradition prevails, Carrera Daza wrote <qu>
for the velar stop before e and i, but <c> elsewhere. Seventeenth-century Mochica
apparently had no velar fricatives.
The nasal series comprised four positions: bilabial <m>, alveodental <n>, palatal
< n> and velar <ng>. Carrera Daza also uses the velar nasal symbol when the velar
character of the sound can be derived from environmental restrictions, as in cengque
throat (Altieri 1939: 80). The vibrant series presumably included a trilled <rr> and a
tap <r>, a contrast that does not seem to have been distinctive.
118
Both <rr> and <r>
are found in word-initial, medial and nal position. The glide y (often written <i>, see
above) was a consonant phoneme in Mochica.
In the alveodental series two sounds were recorded, voiceless <t> and voiced <d>.
The status of <d> is somewhat problematic, as it did not occur in word-initial position
but mainly in sufxes and at the end of morphemes. If it was a voiced stop, it would
have had neither velar nor labial counterparts. The lack of comments in the sources
concerning its pronunciation suggests that it was in most instances pronounced as in
Spanish, in which case it may have been a fricative.
The sibilants and their corresponding affricates were characterised by a contrast be-
tween a palatal articulation, on the one hand, and what were possibly apical and dental
articulations on the other. The palatal sibilant and affricate were written <x> [ s] and
<ch> [ c], respectively, as was the common usage in many parts of the Spanish realm.
The non-palatal sibilants were indicated by means of the symbol sets <s>, <ss>, and
<c>, < c>, <z>, respectively. Torero (1997: 10912) assigns an apico-alveolar inter-
pretation (presumably as in Castilian Spanish) to the <s>, <ss>set, which mainly rests
on the fact that Carrera Dazas comments do not suggest otherwise. Cerr on-Palomino
(1995b: 1035) prefers a retroex interpretation. Both authors coincide in assigning
an (alveo)dental value to the <c>, < c>, <z> set. The real phonetic nature of these
two sets of symbols may very well always remain unknown, because the assumed con-
trast was lost after Carrera Dazas time. Torero further analyses the sequences <ci>,
118
Remember, however, the case of the Quechua dialect of Pacaraos (section 3.2.9.), which exhibits
a non-predictable contrast between r and rr, even though minimal pairs are lacking.
326 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.17 Sibilants in seventeenth-century
Mochica (following Torero 1997)
Plain Palatal
Dental c, c, z [s] ci, ci, iz [s
y
]
Apical s, ss [ s] x, ix [ s]
< ci>, <iz> as representing the palatal counterpart of the dental sound represented by
the <c>, < c>, <z>set. This is plausible because in Carrera Daza the palatality marker
<i> is frequently found in that environment, but never in the immediate vicinity of
<s>, <ss>. Taking a further step, Torero then interprets the palatal sibilant <x> as
the palatal counterpart of <s>, <ss>. His analysis of the sibilants is represented in
table 3.17.
The coincidence of the presumed apical and dental series led to a reordering of the
palatality distinction. This becomes evident in Middendorfs work, where the symbols
s and ss can be accompanied by i when s, ss corresponds to <c, c, z> in Carrera
Daza.
(238) ciad-ei n (Villareal 1921: 12) siad-ei n, ssiad-ei n (Middendorf 1892: 89, 91)
sleep-1S.SG
I sleep
The affricate <tzh>, one of the new symbol combinations introduced by Carrera
Daza, corresponds with an alveodental affricate [t
s
] in nineteenth- and twentieth century
Mochica. There would be no reason to assume that the seventeenth-century affricate
recorded by Carrera Daza was anything else than [t
s
], had he not himself underscored
the exotic properties of the sound represented by his symbol <tzh>. Carrera Dazas
orthography also suggests something more complex than [t
s
]. Where other authors stick
to the alveodental interpretation, Torero (1997) holds that <tzh>must be interpreted as
an apico-alveolar affricate, which would indeed have been an exotic sound to the ears
of a colonial Spaniard.
119
The subsequent disappearance of the apicaldental contrast
would then have affected the affricate <tzh> as well, reducing it to a more normal
alveodental affricate [t
s
].
The sequence <tzh> is also found in combination with the palatality marker <i>,
for instance in cuntzhiu overhanging lock of hair (Villareal 1921: 14). Hovdhaugen,
119
An apico-alveolar affricate [t
s
], traditionally written as ts, is found in Basque. One cannot
expect Carrera Daza to have been familiar with it.
3.4 The Mochica language 327
who takes <tzh>to be dental rather than apico-alveolar, treats the <tzhi>combination
as its palatal counterpart [c
y
],
120
but Torero (1997: 115) suggests that it may rather
be the palatal counterpart of the stop t. Whatever solution is chosen, the sound was
presumably an affricate since Middendorf (1892: 59) recorded kunzio for the word in
question.
One of the most intriguing symbols in Carrera Dazas work is <c>, which is reported
to represent a sound similar to, but distinct from the affricate symbolised by <ch> [ c],
hence the reversed h. In the seventeenth century it was found in all positions, including
the word- and syllable-nal positions, e.g. in lec head. Although several instances
of original <c> had become ch by the end of the nineteenth century, the sound in
question was still clearly present in the time of Middendorf, who represents it as ch. He
describes the sound as an alveodental stop followed by an ich-laut [t
c
] (Middendorf
1892: 51). Carrera Dazas <c> is interpreted as a palatalised alveodental stop [t
y
]
by Cerr on-Palomino (1995b: 96), as a palatalised palatal affricate [ c
y
] by Hovdhaugen
(1992) and as a palatalised velar stop [k
y
] by Torero (1986, 1997). The latter somewhat
remarkable interpretation is based on the argument of homorganity in consonant clusters.
As a matter of fact, <c>was favoured over <ch>after a velar stop during the process
of borrowing the Quechua word wak ca poor. The latter became facca [fakt
y
a
fakk
y
a], not *faccha [fak ca], in Mochica. Furthermore, nasal consonants could be velar
before <c>, suggesting assimilation to the initial sound of an affricate with a velar
initial element, as in (239):
(239) cangcu (Villareal 1921: 12) kangchu (Middendorf 1892: 59) jaw
However, there are counterexamples, such as (240), where no assimilation to the velar
position has been recorded.
(240) cnco (Villareal 1921: 12) k uncho (Middendorf 1892: 61) meat
Seventeenth-century Mochica had a remarkable system of laterals, in which the op-
positions of voice and palatality played a central role. One of the special symbols in-
troduced by Carrera Daza, <xll> has been identied as a voiceless palatalised lateral
[l
y
] (Torero 1986).
121
It contrasted with a voiced counterpart <ll> l
y
. Between the sev-
enteenth and the nineteenth centuries the voiceless sound developed into a palatalised
velar fricative [ c], written by Middendorf (241), whereas the voiced sound remained
unchanged (242).
120
For reasons of notational uniformity, we substitute [c
y
] for Hovdhaugens [t s].
121
Hovdhaugen interprets this symbol as a palatalised alveopalatal fricative [ s
y
].
328 3 The Inca Sphere
(241) xllaxll (Villareal 1921: 44)

ai

(Middendorf silver
1892: 62)
(242) llapti loc (Villareal 1921: 26) llapti jok (Middendorf sole of
1892: 59) the foot
Carrera Dazas grammar does not contain evidence of the existence of a pair of non-
palatal laterals parallel to the palatal ones. Only one lateral <l> is attested. In many
cases this lateral developed into a velar fricative j [x] between the seventeenth and the
nineteenth centuries; cf. (242), and the examples in (243):
(243) a. la (Villareal 1921: 24) j a (Middendorf water
1892: 63)
b. col (Villareal 1921: 14) koj (Middendorf horse
1892: 60) (< * llama)
Inother cases, however, the lateral was preserved(244). Onthis basis andfor reasons of
symmetry, one may assume, with Torero (1986), that there may have existed a contrast
between voiced and voiceless plain laterals as well, one of which developed into a
velar fricative, whereas the other did not. Since there is no direct evidence for such a
development, it must remain a matter of speculation.
(244) loqu-ei n (Villareal 1921: 26) lok-ei n (Middendorf 1892: 184)
want 1S.SG
I want
Table 3.18 presents an overview of the principal consonant symbols and symbol
combinations used by Carrera Daza and Middendorf and their possible values at different
stages of their development.
3.4.2 Mochica grammar
Mochica is predominantly a sufxing language with a rather loose morphological struc-
ture. Grammatical relations are indicated by case or postpositions. There are no afxes
indicating the grammatical person of the possessor. The genitive case form of per-
sonal and demonstrative pronouns is used for that purpose. As in Aymara and Quechua,
modiers precede the head. Irregular forms, including those involving ablaut and root
substitution, are common. As a result of the way in which the language was documented,
it is no longer possible to obtain a full picture of these irregularities. Furthermore, the
sources show a certain amount of insecurity where vowels are concerned. Very often,
alternative possibilities are presented as equivalent, without a suggestion of semantic or
pragmatic differences that could have played a role.
3.4 The Mochica language 329
Table 3.18 Overview of the consonant symbols in the
Mochica grammars of Carrera Daza (1644) and
Middendorf (1892)
Carrera Daza Middendorf Possible phonetic values
(1644) (1892) and historical development
p p p
f f, v f, > v,
t t t
d d ,
c, c, z s, ss s
tzh ts t
s
, t
s
> t
s
s, ss s, ss s > s
ch ch c
x s s
c ch k
y
, t
y
, t
c
> t
y
, t
c
c, qu k k
xll

y
> c
ll ll l
y
l l l
l j l, l

> x
r, rr r, rr r, rr
m m m
n n n
n n n
y
ng ng
i,y i y
Several characteristics of Mochica are reminiscent of the Mayan languages. The
language has a system of numeral classiers and a fully developed passive. Passive
constructions are often preferred over active constructions, the agent being expressed
in the genitive case or, with some nouns (mainly kinship terms), by a special agentive
case marker. Many substantives have two forms, a possessed (relational) form and a
non-possessed (absolute) form.
One of the most remarkable features of Mochica is the use of verbal personal reference
markers that can either be sufxed to the verb stemitself, or followthe element preceding
the verb stem. They indicate the person of the subject, whereas person of object is not
expressed in the verb form. Although these personal reference markers are not formally
related to the independent personal pronouns, their combined use as subject markers is
considered ungrammatical (Villareal 1921: 6). In example sentence (245), the marker
for rst-person singular -ei n is attached to the root met to bring. Alternatively, it can
330 3 The Inca Sphere
be located after the element which precedes the root, in this case the object pup wood
(246):
(245) met-ei n pup m ai n an ai-n am
bring-1S.SG wood I.G house make-F.SP
I bring wood in order to build my house. (Middendorf 1892: 160)
(246) pup ei n met m ai n an ai-n am
wood 1S.SG bring I.G house make-F.SP
I bring wood in order to build my house. (Middendorf 1892: 160)
Alternatively, the personal pronoun moi n I is located before the root met fromwhich
it is separated by either one of the elements e, fe or ang. The grammatical descriptions
do not provide information as to a possible semantic difference between these three
options, which are all translatable as I bring (247):
(247) moi n e met xllac
122
or moi n fe met xllac or moi n ang met xllac
I be bring sh
I bring sh. (Altieri 1939: 51)
The invariable elements e, fe and ang are described as equivalents of the verb to be
and can be used as such in combination with a free pronoun (248):
(248) moi n e or moi n fe or moi n ang
I be
I am. (Villareal 1921: 5)
Mochica also has a conjugated verb chi conveying the meaning to be.
123
In combi-
nation with this verb, the use of the independent pronoun as subject is rejected. When
followed by the element -pa, the conjugated forms of the verb to be obtain the meaning
of to have (249):
(249) chi- n
124
chi- n-pa
be-1S.SG be-1S.SG-have
I am. I have. (Villareal 1921: 5, 100)
Finally, the notion to be can be expressed by locating a personal reference marker
directly after a full pronoun. In that case the use of the independent pronoun in
122
The element e is often, but not always, found as e in Carrera Daza (Altieri 1939).
123
The verb chi is mainly used in a copula function. For existential to be loc/lok is preferred.
124
For the suppression of the vowel in -ei n see below.
3.4 The Mochica language 331
Table 3.19 Personal reference in Mochica (Altieri 1939: 1921)
Pronouns
Afxes Nominative Genitive
1 pers. sing. -ei n moi n mi n[- o]
1 pers. plur. -eix mich mich[- o]
2 pers. sing. -az tzhang tzha tzhng[- o]
2 pers. plur. -az-chi tzhich tzha-chi tzhich[- o]
3 pers. sing. (close) -ang mo mu-ng[- o]
(neutral) cio ciu-ng[- o]
(far) aio aiu-ng[- o]
3 pers. plur. (close) -n-ang mo-ng-n mu-ng-n[- o]
(neutral) cio-ng-n ciu-ng-n[- o]
(far) aio-ng-n aiu-ng-oen[- o]
combination with the corresponding personal reference marker does not appear to be
problematic (250):
(250) moi n ei n
I 1S.SG
I am. (Villareal 1921: 5)
Interrogative sentences of the disjunctive type provide the only context in which the
personal reference markers occur in a sentence-initial position, e.g. in (251) and (252),
without having to be preceded by any other element. It follows fromthis that the Mochica
personal reference markers cannot be considered to be bound afxes in the strict sense,
although they do behave as such when they occur after a verb stem (see below).
(251) as ton-od ts ang ef
2S beat/kill-PA you.G father.RL
Did you beat your father? (Middendorf 1892: 136)
(252) ang funo- ch am
3S eat-PR
Is he/are they eating? (Middendorf 1892: 95)
The personal reference systemof Mochica is based on three persons and two numbers.
Personal pronouns exist for rst and second persons singular and plural. For third-person
demonstrative pronouns are used. In third-person forms and in nouns in general, plurality
is expressedoptionallybymeans of the sufx-n/- an. Intable 3.19the personal reference
markers are represented in their afx shape, along with the corresponding free pronouns
332 3 The Inca Sphere
(including demonstratives for third person) in their nominative and genitive forms. The
short forms of the genitive pronouns are used as modiers in noun phrases and as agents
in passive constructions. The long forms in - o /- o are used in predicative constructions
with to be.
125
As shown in table 3.19, the vowel of the rst-person sufxes -ei n, -eix/-ei s can be
suppressed by a preceding vowel, as in chi- n I am, funo-i n I eat (funo to eat). The
vowel of the second-person sufx -az/-as is unstable; it is alternatively found as -z/- as
or -ez/-es, and it is also affected by suppression after another vowel, e.g. chi-z you are,
funo-z you eat. Note that the velar nasal preceding the pluralising sufx -n in the
nominative forms (in mo-ng-n, for instance) is not part of the postvocalic realisation
of that sufx. With other vowel-nal roots, such as ciorna/ssiorna (someone) alone,
a hiatus is preferred before -n: ciorna n/ssiorna- an. In the genitive forms, however,
-ng- is the normal postvocalic realisation of the marker for that case (here accompanied
by ablaut).
Although Mochica has no general case marker for objects they are indicated in the
same way as subjects , some pronouns do have a special form for that purpose. A rst-
person-plural accusative or dative object (us) is indicated by nof; the demonstratives
have object forms moss, cioss/ssioss and aioss, respectively.
Case marking in Mochica is constructed around the nominativegenitive distinction.
The remaining case markers have been analysed as postpositions, which are either added
to the nominative or to the genitive form.
126
It should be observed, however, that this
is the traditional view, and that some of the elements which are directly added to the
nominative root, such as -len with (comitative), -mn/m an as, following, -na
through (adverbialiser), -(ng)er with (instrumental), -(n)ich from, -pn/-p an as,
in the function of, -tim for the sake of and -totna towards may be case sufxes,
rather than postpositions
127
(cf. Middendorf 1892: 1256).
(253) ssiung fanu-len
128
he.G dog-C
with his dog (Middendorf 1892: 98)
(254) pe n-o-p an ang ak- am
good-AR-CP be say-PS
He is held to be good. (Middendorf 1892: 100)
125
The existence of forms with and without - o motivated Carrera Daza to declare that there were
two genitives in Mochica (Altieri 1939: 1516).
126
There is one preposition pir without. It is followed by substantives in their relational form
(e.g. pir chi cr without judgment, from chi cc judgment, understanding).
127
The allomorphs with an initial nasal are postvocalic; -totna may be related to tot face.
128
Middendorf (1892: 55) mentions a case of -len following the short form of the genitive (in
fanu-ng-len with the dog).
3.4 The Mochica language 333
One postposition, the benefactive marker -pn/-p an, follows the long genitive case
form, expanded with the element - o.
(255) mo cilpi ang mi n ef-ei- o-pn
this blanket be I.G father-G-AJ-B
This blanket is for my father. (Altieri 1939: 13)
The postpositions that follow the short genitive form all have to do with location in
space. The marker -nic/-nik indicates location or motion towards in, at, whereas -lec/
-lek refers to a less specic location near, at (256). Several substantives have special
locative forms in which an ending -Vc/-Vk, with an unpredictable vowel i, e or / a, is
added directly to the root, e.g. en-ec/en-ek at home (cf. an house), mc-c/m ach- ak
in the hands (cf. mc/m ach hand). These cases are said by Middendorf (1892: 96)
to take their origin in the combination of genitive stems followed by -nic/-nik, a conclu-
sion which in our view remains open for discussion. The remaining postpositions that
follow genitive stems indicate spatial positions in relation to an object. Several of them
are derived from body part names and contain the element -Vc/-Vk (257), e.g. lecc/
jech ak above (cf. lec/jech head), lucc/juch ak among, between (cf. loc/joch
eyes), tutc/tut ak before, in front of (cf. tot face). The postpositions capc/kap ak
on top of, ssecn/ssek an below and turquich/turkich behind are less easy to
analyse.
(256) pedro-ng-lec
Pedro-G-L
at Pedros (Villareal 1921: 110)
(257) chap-e jech- ak
129
roof-G head-L (above)
on top of the roof (Middendorf 1892: 97)
The shape of the genitive of Mochica nouns is partly unpredictable. In wordlists (e.g.
Middendorf 1892: 5864; Villareal 1921: 944) the genitive ending is added to each
entry. According to Middendorf (1892: 524), -r- o/- ar- o is found after voiceless stops,
nasals and part of the affricates (ts, ch). After other consonants -ei- o/-ei- o is found. The
genitive ending after vowels is -ng- o/-ng- o. The plural sufx -n-/- an- is inserted before
the genitive sufxes -r-/- ar- and -ei-, but after -ng-.
(258) m ud-ei- o m ud- an-ei- o
ant-G-AJ ant-PL-G-AJ
belonging to the ant belonging to the ants (Middendorf 1892: 53)
129
Villareal (1921: 110) an-i cap- lec-c above the roof of the house.
334 3 The Inca Sphere
(259) chelu-ng- o
130
chelu-ng- an- o
hawk-G-AJ hawk-G-PL-AJ
belonging to the hawk belonging to the hawks (Middendorf 1892: 53)
Instead of -ei- o, Carrera often has -ii- o. This is frequently the case after roots ending
in palatal consonants; e.g. ciiz/ssi as word, genitive ciiz-ii-o (Altieri 1939: 69).
131
However, genitives in -ii- o were also recorded with roots not ending in a palatal conso-
nant (e.g. far/farr celebration, genitive far-`i-o), whereas -ei- o has been found after a
palatal consonant; e.g. eiz/eis child (relative), genitive eizi-ei-o (eis-i- o in Middendorf
1892: 56).
Middendorf also gives a number of exceptions and irregular forms, such as rak-ei- o
from rak mountain-lion, pe-ng- o from pei grass and pojod-ei- o from poj spleen.
132
The wordcol/koj for horse (originallyllama) has twoirregular options for the genitive:
col-ui- o and col-ung- o (Altieri 1939: 15). The interrogative pronouns ei n who and ech
what have special genitive forms: i n- o/i n- o and ich- o/ich- o (Altieri 1939: 22).
As we anticipated, the element - o/- o, traditionally described as a component of all
genitive endings, is absent from genitive nouns modifying another noun in a possessive
construction, in genitive nouns referring to the agent of a passive construction and before
postpositions (except benefactive -pn/-p an, see above). Middendorf (1892: 52) points
out that - o was not only stressed and long, but that it was also pronounced separately. It
may be assumed that - o was a grammatical element of its own, indicating, among other
things, the predicative character of a genitive noun. The short endings of the genitive
are -r/- ar, -e and -ng, respectively.
(260) mi n ef-e c ilpi-ss
I.G father-G blanket-RL
my fathers blanket (Villareal 1921: 71)
(261) ni-ng j a
sea-G water
the water of the sea (Middendorf 1892: 55)
(262) mo an ang aio nofn- ar ef-ei- o
this house be that man-G house-G-AJ
This house belongs to that mans father. (Middendorf 1892: 56)
(263) chuvet- ar rr an- ad.o
snake-G bite-SN
bitten by a snake (Middendorf 1892: 55)
130
In Carrera Daza (Altieri 1939: 83) the word for hawk is recorded as cel u.
131
The diacritic on the ending - o is often left out in Carrera Dazas grammar.
132
In Carrera Daza (Altieri 1939: 81) pol, polod-ei-o.
3.4 The Mochica language 335
(264) nech- ar-nik
river-G-L
in(to) the river (Middendorf 1892: 96)
As we anticipated, a number of kinship terms which form their genitive in -ei- o/
-ei- o also have a special case ending -en to indicate the agent in a passive construction
(265). The agentive form of ei n who is i n-in (Altieri 1939: 22) or i n-en (Middendorf
1892: 133).
(265) uxllur-en ei n xllip-quem [xllip-co call, address]
nephew-GA 1S.SG speak-T.PS
I am called by my nephew. (Altieri 1939: 16)
The formation of relational substantives, also referred to in the literature as the sec-
ond nominative (Middendorf 1892: 56), often involves a sufx -s or -ss, as in cilpi-ss;
cf. (260). The agentive nominalisation in -(V)pc/-(V)p ak can be made relational by
adding -ss/- ass, e.g. chi-co-pc-ss someones creator (from chi to be and -co/
-ko transitiviser; cf. Altieri 1939: 14). Of many bisyllabic substantives which end in
-Vc/-Vk, a relational counterpart is obtained by changing the nal stop into -r; e.g.
ne n-uc/ ne n-uk toy (from nei n to play), relational ne n-ur (Middendorf 1892: 57;
Villareal 1921: 33). A third possibility to form relationals is by the addition of -Vd,
e.g. col-d/koj- ad from col/koj horse.
With typically possessed nouns, the relational form may be the more basic one,
whereas the absolute form is more marked. Such nouns often have the ending -quic/-kik
in the absolute, which is either absent, or replaced by -Vng in the relational.
(266) a. ef-kik father (absolute) ef father (relational)
b. pol-kik heart (absolute) pol- ang heart (relational)
133
(Middendorf 1892: 57)
The relational and absolute forms of substantives need not be etymologically related.
This appears to be the case with the word mecherrc/mecherr ak woman (absolute) in
relation to ssonng/sson ang wife (relational).
Adjectives in Mochica precede the substantive they modify. In that case they are often
followed by a sufx -o (-io after vowels), which is not to be confounded with the marker
- o/- o of the extended genitive. Carrera Dazas grammar also contains many cases of -o
with adjectives in a predicative position (267). When the adjective acts as a modier, the
plural marker -n/- an is attached to the modifying adjective rather than to the modied
133
Villareal (1921: 37) translates the word polquic as stomach or will.
336 3 The Inca Sphere
substantive, in which case it precedes -o (268). When the substantive is in the genitive
case, the plural marker remains on the substantive (269).
(267) mich eix utzh-o
we 1S.PL tall-AR
We are tall. (Altieri 1939: 32)
(268) uts- an-o nep at
big-PL-AR tree
high trees (Middendorf 1892: 65)
(269) uts-o nep at- an- ar- o
big-AR tree-PL-G-AJ
belonging to high trees (Middendorf 1892: 65)
The sufx -o is also found after substantive roots that are used attributively before
another noun.
(270) mecherrc-o nai n
woman-AR bird
a female bird (Villareal 1921: 33)
Adjectives can be turned into abstract nouns by adding the sufx -ss/- ass, as in
pe n-ss goodness from pe n good. Such nouns are always relational.
The verbal system of Mochica presents a rather hybrid picture, in which sufxes,
prexes, as well as adverb-like elements play a part. The preterit is formed by the
addition of a sufx -(V)da- (-da- after vowels), to which the personal reference mark-
ers are attached. When the personal reference markers are moved to a position which
precedes the verb (see above), the resulting preterit stem ends in -(V)d, e.g. met-ed
(bring-PA). The future tense of the verb met to bring is formed by means of a prex t-
followed by (partially reduced) personal reference markers and subsequently by the root.
In seventeenth-century Mochica the second-person plural marker was split into a prex
and a sufx part (Altieri 1939: 34).
134
Both the preterit and the future are represented in
table 3.20.
A remote past tense can be expressed by adding the sufx -top, but only with a
third-person subject.
(271) ssiu-ng kap ak j um-top
that-G upon die-RM
On that (the Cross) He died. (Middendorf 1892: 158)
134
In nineteenth-century Mochica this was no longer the case, as can be seen in the example
t- as-chi tem (F-2-PL love) you (plural) love (Middendorf 1892: 80).
3.4 The Mochica language 337
Table 3.20 Mochica preterit and future tenses (Altieri 1939)
Preterit Future
1 pers. sing. met-eda-i n I brought. t-i n-met I shall bring.
1 pers. plur. met-eda-ix We brought. t-ix-met We shall bring.
2 pers. sing. met-eda-z You brought. t-z-met You shall bring.
2 pers. plur. met-eda-z-chi You brought. t-z-met-chi You shall bring.
3 pers. sing. met-eda-ng He brought. t-ng-met He shall bring.
3 pers. plur. met-ed-n-ang They brought. t-ng-met-n They shall bring.
Another paradigm which may be formed synthetically is the desiderative. It is formed
by inserting -ma- between the root and the personal reference markers, as in met-ma-i n
may I bring! As an alternative, Middendorf mentions an analytic construction with the
element mang indicating desiderative, which is used in the same position as the elements
e, fe and ang (see above); e.g. moi n mang tem may I love!
The imperative ending for second person is -an (plural -an-chi). When the verb root
ends in a vowel (e.g. xllipco/ipko to call), the ending is -n (xllipco-n/ipko-n).
(272) met-an mullu
bring-2S.IM egg
Bring eggs! (Middendorf 1892: 149)
(273) met-an-chi pei
bring-2.IM-PL grass
Bring (plural) grass! (Middendorf 1892: 150)
It is also possible to locate an element an before the verb root. The resulting construc-
tion has an imperative meaning and can be translated as Come and . . . ! (274). Although
this preverbal element an has been interpreted as an instance of the imperative marker
(Middendorf 1892: 140), there seems to be no reason to assume that the two markers an
share a common origin. As a matter of fact, an is also found before the so-called supine
ending in -(V)d (see below). In that case the interpretation of the resulting construction
is Go and . . . ! (275).
(274) an funo
2S.IM eat
Come and eat! (Villareal 1921: 105)
(275) an funo-d
2S.IM eat-SP
Go and eat! (Villareal 1921: 103)
338 3 The Inca Sphere
The adverbial elements ca/ka and pi n can be postponed to a verb form, either alone
or in combination, in order to add additional shades of tense. The element pi n indicates
transposition of an event to the past (276), whereas ca indicates directedness towards
the future (277).
(276) met-ei n pi n met-eda-ix pi n
bring-1S.SG PA bring-PA-1S.PL PA
I was bringing. We had brought. (Villareal 1921: 51)
(277) chi-da-i n ca
be-PA-1S.SG F
I would have been. (Altieri 1939: 31)
The adverbial element chm/ch am indicates obligation (278). It must not be con-
founded with the afx -cm/- ch am, which is said to indicate progressive aspect in
combination with polite respect, as illustrated in (279).
(278) chi-jx chm
135
be-1S.PL OB
We must be. (Altieri 1939: 30)
(279) ciad-a-cm-ang
136
sleep-EU-PR.CS-3S
You are asleep. (Villareal 1921: 90)
The passive is formed morphologically by adding to the verb root either one of the
sufxes -r/- ar -er or -m/- am -em. With non-derived verb bases both endings are
used indistinctly, although -Vr is usually presented as the rst option.
137
Passive verbs
are conjugated as any other verb. The choice of the vowel appears to be free, although
the impure vowel is preferred when the passive sufx occurs in word-nal position,
e.g. in (281).
(280) zoc-rr-ei n pong-er tp-r-ei n lactu-ng-er
throw-PS-1S.SG stone-IS beat-PS-1S.SG hide-EU-IS
They throw at me with stones and beat me with hides.
(lit.: I am being thrown at with stones and beaten with hides.)
138
135
The sequence ijx is an orthographic variant of iix.
136
In this example a euphonic vowel (copying the root vowel) is inserted.
137
A further alternative is -(V)p, as in ai-ep to be made.
138
This example sentence was left untranslated by Carrera Daza and considered untranslatable by
Villareal (1921: 98). It could be interpreted with the help of the verb lexicon in Middendorf
(1892: 102). There is no ready explanation for the semantic question involved by beating with
hides. Possibly, a leather whip was meant.
3.4 The Mochica language 339
(281) mi n e met-r ca lena pei n pol-er mi n sson ang
I.G be bring-PS F along good heart
139
-IS I.G wife
I would be pleased to bring along my wife. (lit.: By me
would be brought along with pleasure my wife.) (Villareal 1921: 98)
Verbal derivational morphology is weakly developed in Mochica. However, at least
two sufxes appear to be productive, transitiviser-co-/-ko- and applicative -c-/-k-
(also -ec-/-ek- or -c-/- ak-). The transitiviser, which may or may not have a causative
interpretation, is often found in combination with passive, in which case the resulting
portmanteau marker is -quem-/-kem-.
(282) fai n-ko
lie-T
to cheat someone (Middendorf 1892: 148)
(283) funo-kem-ei n
eat-T.PS-1S.SG
I am being fed. (Middendorf 1892: 148)
The applicative sufx may cause ablaut in a root to which it is attached, as in the case
of met to bring.
(284) mit-c-an moi n xllac
bring-AP-IM.2S I sh
Bring me some sh! (Villareal 1921: 30)
(285) xllipqu-ec-an mi n eiz
call-AP-IM.2S I.G son
Call my son for me! (Villareal 1921: 30)
Nominalisations in Mochica include an agentive, a stative and an instrumental nom-
inalisation, as well as an abstract verbal noun. The agentive is formed by the addition
of the afxes -(V)pc/-(V)p ak. The connective initial vowel of the sufx appears after
consonant-nal stems. In Carrera it is a (286), less frequently (especially in roots with
a sufx extension). Middendorf (1892: 141) provides a more complex picture including
cases of harmony between the root vowel and the connective vowel (287a), as well as
absence of the latter (287b).
139
The form pol-er is derived from pol-quic/pol-kik heart with elimination of the absolute afx
-quic/-kik.
340 3 The Inca Sphere
(286) a. fel sit l-apc one who sits (Villareal 1921: 22)
b. ai make ai-apoec the creator (Villareal 1921: 9)
(287) a. pui ascend pui-up ak one who ascends (Middendorf 1892: 140)
b. fol breed fol-p ak one who breeds (Middendorf 1892: 140)
The agentive nominalisation is frequently followed by an afx -o, which may be the
same as the one found with adjectives (see above). The resulting form is interpreted as
being in the habit of . . . ing and functions simultaneously as a verb stem. The main
vowel of the agentive sufx can then be suppressed:
(288) ai-ap ak-o in the habit of making (Middendorf 1892: 113)
ai-ap( a)k-o-i n I am in the habit of making. (Middendorf 1892: 113)
Forms resulting from stative nominalisation, usually called participles in the lit-
erature, refer to accomplished events. They have passive meaning when the verb
base is transitive but active meaning when it is intransitive. Stative nominalisation
is indicated by the ending -(V)d-o. Its connective initial vowel is found after conso-
nants and tends to harmonise with the root vowel, although there are several cases
where such harmony is not found. No harmony is observed in roots with an inter-
nal vowel i, where the connective vowel can be either a or / a. Middendorf (1892:
142) points to the fact that stative participles are formally related to the preterit stem
(ending -(V)d-a, see above), where he nds a similar inconsistency in the choice
of the connective vowel. As a matter of fact, the nal vowel of the preterit end-
ing -(V)d-a- is often replaced by o (289). The articulated character of the ending
-(V)d-o is shown by the fact that a plural marker can be inserted between the two
components (290).
(289) met-ed.o met-ed.a-i n met-ed.o-i n
bring-SN bring-PA-1S.SG
brought I brought. (Villareal 1921: 523)
(290) j um- ad- an-o
die-SN-PL-SN
those who have died (Middendorf 1892: 144)
Stative participles can be used in combination with verbs to be in order to indicate
an accomplished event. The homophony (and possible identity) of the participle and
preterit forms can lead to ambiguity in the interpretation of such constructions in relation
to periphrastic verb forms. With transitive verb stems, a periphrastic construction will
be interpreted as active if the verb is in the preterit, whereas it will be passive if the verb
is in its participle form.
3.4 The Mochica language 341
(291) moi n e tem-ed.o moi n e tem-ed.o
I be love-PA I be love-SN
I have loved. I have been loved. (Middendorf 1892: 136)
Stative participles play an important role in the formation of relative clauses. Carrera
Daza mentions sentence (292) as an example of howrelative clause constructions should
look like in Mochica.
(292) nta-zta f(e) queix Limac t-d. o nofn
not-NE be return Lima go-SN man
The man who went to Lima has not yet returned.
140
(Altieri 1939: 19)
Instrumental nominalisation consists in adding a sufx -ic/-ik or -uc/-uk to a
consonant- nal verb root. The relational form corresponding to these nominalisations
ends in -ir/-ur (cf. the case of ne n-uc/ ne n-ur toy, which was mentioned before). In
some cases, both vowel options co-occur yielding different meanings (293):
(293) man-ik cup, drinking-vessel man-uk dining-room
[from man eat, drink] (Middendorf 1892: 109)
Abstract events are referred to by forms in -i(z) cc/-iss ak. Middendorf (1892: 110)
gives examples of the use of -i(z) cc/-iss ak both with verb roots and with adjectives
followed by the afx -o and the verb chi- to be. The relational counterpart of this afx
likewise ends in -r: -i(z) cr/-iss ar.
(294) a. j um-iss ak death from j um die [<*lm]
b. t arr ak-o chi-ss ak slowness from t arr ak slow [< *trrc]
(295) nta f(e) ezta i n aj-i cr zta mo ef-quic
not be NE who.G make-N.RL NE this father-A
This Father is of no ones making.
141
(Altieri 1939: 87)
Mochica is rich in non-nite subordinate verb forms, traditionally referred to as
gerunds and supines. The ending -nm/-n am, with occasional ablaut in the root (e.g.
mit-nm from met to bring) indicates a purpose in order to; cf. examples (245)
(246) above. The ending -(V)scf/ -(V)sk af indicates an event that has been completed
before the main event (after . . . ing); -(V)lc/ -(V)l ak and -(V)ssc/-(V)ss ak indicate
140
In Carrera Dazas text the rst part of this sentence is subdivided as ntaz taf queix. It must have
incited Villareal (1921: 39) to include a non-existing verb tafqueix to return in his word list.
In reality, we are dealing with a contraction of two negative markers nta and ezta, followed by
an abbreviated form of fe to be (cf. Middendorf 1892: 117). The verb to return is queix/ke s
(Middendorf 1892: 87).
141
I n is the (short) genitive of ei n who; aj- is an alternative way of writing for ai- to make.
342 3 The Inca Sphere
simultaneousness (while . . . ing). Finally, -(f)uno, -(f)unta and -(f)un can indicate a
negative subordination (without . . . ing).
142
(296) mi n ef ang lm-d.o, tzhang Limac chi-lc
I.G father.RL be die-SN you Lima be-GR
My father died while you were in Lima. (Villareal 1921: 102)
Particularly intriguing because of their often irregular formation and their ability to
express the activepassive distinction are the supines that indicate the complement of
verbs of motion (including the hortative particle an go and . . . !; see above). The verb
met to carry has an active supine tet and a passive supine tinipd/tinip ad. Most other
verbs form their active supine in -()d/-( a)d, -(V)p-d/-(V)p- ad being a frequent option
for the passive. Both the syntax and the limited choice of the postconsonantal vowel
suggest that there is no close relation with the preterit and the stative participle in these
cases.
(297) an tin-ip-d nof faichca
go.and bring-PS-SP we.AC rewood
Go and have us brought rewood! (Villareal 1921: 103)
(298) xllon-quic ang ta tet
food-A 3S come bring.SP
He has come to bring (you) food. (Altieri 1939: 60)
Mochica has a systemof numeral classiers which refer to tens and, to a lesser extent,
hundreds of a specic class of objects. There are no numeral classiers for units. The
rst four numerals have free forms (including genitives), as well as bound forms which
are used in combination with the classiers or as multipliers of other numerals.
Even though there is a special word for ten, as shown in table 3.21, the usual way
to count in tens was by combining the bound forms of the numerals (or full forms when
bound forms are lacking) with a numeral classier referring to ten units of a particular
subclass of nouns. For instance, pong was used for (tens of) people, animals and reeds,
and ssop for (tens of) coins or time units (day, year). The classier coquixll/choki

was
used for (tens of) fruits and ears of maize.
(299) coc-pong cel u
four-CL.10 hawk
forty hawks (Altieri 1939: 83)
(300) na-ssop xllaxll
one-CL.10 money
ten reales (Altieri 1939: 82)
142
The forms with initial f occur after o (e.g. funo-funta without eating).
3.4 The Mochica language 343
Table 3.21 Numerals 1 to 10 in Mochica (Altieri 1939: 82)
Nominative Genitive Bound
one onc onc-r-o na-
two aput* apt-ur-o pac-
three copt copt-r-o coc-
four nopt nopt-r-o noc-
ve exllmtzh exllmtzh-r-o
six tzhaxlltzha tzhaxlltzha-ng-o
seven nite nite-ng-o
eight langss langss-r-o
nine tap tap-i-o
ten cic cic-i-o
*
The Altieri edition mentions the form atput (genitive apt-ur-o)
alongside aput. All the other sources only have aput.
(301) pak-choki

mang
two-CL.10 maize
twenty ears of maize (Middendorf 1892: 130)
The word for hundred palc/pal ak could be combined with the bound forms of the
numerals, yielding na-palc 100, pac-palc 200, etc. In order to count hundreds of
fruits or crops there was a special numeral classier ching/chi ang.
(302) pak-chi ang chun
two-CL.100 gourd
two hundred gourds
In addition to the classiers for tens and hundreds there are also classiers for pairs.
The classier luc/luk was used for counting fruits and crops, whereas felp/fel ap was
used for domestic fowl and vessels. The word css was recorded by Carrera Daza
as a classier for counting time in tens of days, e.g. exllmtzh css fty days
(Altieri 1939: 84). In Middendorf s time the word k ass apparently had lost its deci-
mal meaning. It was still combinable with bound numerals but with the meaning of
day rather than ten days. Other lexical items referring to time, such as si month
and f ur year, could also be combined with the bound numerals (e.g. nok-f ur four
years).
The Mochica numeral system also included a word for thousand cun o/kuno. Com-
plex numerals involving the addition of units to tens, tens to hundreds, etc., were con-
structed by means of the connector allo, e.g. nite palc allo na-pong allo onc 711
(Altieri 1939: 83).
344 3 The Inca Sphere
3.4.3 Mochica sample texts
The Mochica texts that have been preserved from the colonial period are all religious
texts pertaining to Roman Catholic faith and practice. It is likely that all these texts were
translated into Mochica from Latin or from Spanish, although they certainly provide
a good impression of the structure of the language. A substantial corpus of such texts
can be found in Carrera Dazas grammar of 1644 (Altieri 1939), and some have been
transposed into a nineteenth century version by Middendorf (1892). Middendorf also
included a few short sample texts on the daily life of the Mochica people at the end of
the nineteenth century. In what follows we will rst present the Lords Prayer in Carrera
Dazas seventeenth-century version of Mochica, and subsequently a short text about
shing practices recorded by Middendorf.
The Lords Prayer
1. mich ef, ac az loc cu cia-ng-nic
we.G father.RL that 2S be heaven-G-L
Our Father who art in heaven.
The relativising element ac is explained by Middendorf (1892: 105) as a form of
the verb ac/ak to look, which he associates with the habit of the Mochica people to
introduce sentences with the word ak-an (now) look! However, since ac is followed by
the second-person subject marker -az, we must conclude that ac has become part of the
clause and that it functions as a relative clause marker.
2. tzhng oc mang lic-m mcha
you.G name.RL be.DE make.PS holy
Hallowed be thy name.
The noun oc/ ok must be in its relational form, which apparently is identical to the
absolute form (if such a form indeed exists). The expression lic mcha means to
worship (Villareal 1921: 26).
143
3. piyc-an nof tzhng cu cia-s
give-2S.IM we.AC you.G heaven-RL
Thy kingdom come.
The Mochica text literally says: Give us your heaven!
4. ei-p-ma-ng tzhng pol-ng mn
do-PS-DE-3S you.G will-RL as
Thy will be done.
143
The Quechua verb mu ca- to worship, to kiss is probably related to mcha; the direction of
borrowing may have been either way.
3.4 The Mochica language 345
The verb ei-p is a variant of ai-ep, the passive of ai to make.
5. mo iz-i capc cu cia-ng-nic mn
this earth-G on.top.of heaven-G-L as
On earth as it is in heaven.
6. aio in-eng in-eng- o mich xllon piyc-an nof all o mo-lun
that when-G when-G-AJ we.G food.RL give-2S.IM we.AC also this-day
Give us this day our daily bread.
The formin is an interrogative root meaning when, where, which. The expression
in-eng in-eng-o is translated as habitual in Middendorfs translation of the Prayer. The
form xllon/on is the relational form of xllon-quic/on-kik food.
7. efqu-ec-an nof ixll-ss
forgive-AP-2S.IM we.AC sin-RL
And forgive us our trespasses.
The verb efco/efko is glossed as to save, to free by Middendorf; -co may be the
transitivising sufx. The sufx -ss may be the same as the one used with adjectives to
form abstract relational nouns (cf. pe n, pe n-ss).
8. aie acan aix efco xllangmu-ss-ei-o mich, cio mn
like that 1S.PL free enemy-RL-G-AJ we that like
As we forgive those who trespass against us.
The expression aie kan is discussed in Middendorf (1892: 159); it means in the same
way as . . . ; the element kan is frequently used to introduce correlative constructions. In
sentence 8 acan also has a correlative function, in which it interacts with cio. The initial
vowel in acan may be due to interference with the verb ac/ak to look; cf. sentence 1. The
element aix is a variant of the personal reference marker eix. The form xllangmu-ss-ei-o
can be translated as those (the sins) of our enemies.
9. amoz tocn nof xllangmu-ss-e mllc-zr-e-nic nam-nm
do.not let we.AC enemy-RL-G talk-N.RL-G-L fall-F.SP
And lead us not into temptation.
The negative adverb amoz/amoss is used in negative imperatives, in which case the
verb that follows has no imperative ending -an. The verb tocn to let is listed as tokn
by Middendorf (1892: 90). The verb mllc to talk, to reason is listed as muillk,
m ullk and m all ak (Middendorf 1892: 88, 162). The ending -(i)zr/-iss ar indicates an
abstract deverbal noun in its relational form. A literal translation would be: Do not let
346 3 The Inca Sphere
us fall into the enemys talk!
10. lecna-n efco nof piss-i-nqu-ich
rather-LS free-2S.IM we.AC bad-G-L-AB
But deliver us from evil.
The word lecna/jechna more (cf. lec /jech head) is used as a modier with
adjectives. The form in -n (lecna-n) may have been used in an adverbal function,
since it conveys the meaning of rather. The verb efco may be read as efco-n, where
-n is the postvocalic imperative marker.
144
The analysis of the form pissinquich (to
free) from evil is problematic. It contains the root piss bad and the ablative marker
-ich. The intervening element has been interpreted as -ing- (cf. Middendorf 1892: 172),
in a possible parallelism with another form, ii-ng-ich (to free) from sin mentioned
by the same author (p. 168). Nevertheless, the form pissinquich is repeated several
times in Carrera Dazas explanation of the Lords Prayer, so that an error is not likely.
In the same context, the expression infierno-ng-niqu-ich from inside hell contains a
sequence of the locative afx -nic and the ablative marker -ich, suggesting a similar
analysis for pissinquich (from piss-i-niqu-ich with a syncopated vowel); the element -i-
preceding -n(i)c may represent a genitive case marker. Middendorf himself is in doubt
as elsewhere he transcribes the form in question as piss an-k-ich (p. 105) without further
explanation.
A conversation about shing (Middendorf 1892: 1867)
1. amoch kotsk- ad ssi aj, m ach-n am

ak
let.us.go throw-SP shing-net catch-F.SP sh
Let us go and throw out the net, in order to catch sh!
The form amoch is a defective verb with the meaning let us do/go. Its complement
is expressed by the supine of the following verb. The verb k utsk to send, to throw
(<*ctzhc-) is recorded in Middendorfs verb list (1892: 8691). Averb m a ch to seize,
to catch is also recorded in that list.
2. m an ang chi o s

ak
here 3S be many sh
There is a lot of sh here.
3. tarr siet-an ang chi n ass ssi o fe
more far-DG 3S be nice that be
Further away that is where the best place is.
144
Alternatively, one may interpret the nal -n in lecna-n as a cliticised imperative marker an.
Whether or not this is a realistic interpretation requires further research.
3.4 The Mochica language 347
We tentatively analyse the sufx -an as an adverbial degree marker.
4. ts ak-an ssi aj ni-nek
carry-2S.IM net sea-L
Carry the net into the sea!
The verb to carry is listed as tsak (<*tzhac-) in Middendorf s verb list. The post-
position nek is a variant of nik in, into; a genitive stem marker is lacking in the word
for sea ni.
5. pok-an tarr siet-an ni-ng-nek
enter-IM.2S more far-DG sea-G-L
Go further into the water!
The word ni translated as water is probably the same as ni sea.
6. min anta ang m ach- ar

ak
here not 3S catch-PS sh
Fish cannot be caught here.
7. m an ang chi kochkoch
here 3S be seaweed
There is seaweed here.
8. akop t ak-p-ang ssi aj
already withhold-PS-3S net
The net is being withheld.
The adverb ak means already; akop appears to have the same meaning. The verb
t ak-p could not be found in the word lists; because of its shape it appears to be a passive,
and so it is translated by Middendorf; the verb t uk to go does not t this context.
9. orronch-an ssi aj
pull.out-2S.IM net
Pull out the net!
The verb to pull is recorded as orrnch in Middendorfs verb list.
10. m ach-an mo sop
catch-2S.IM this knot
Get hold of this knot!
11. tan lok esta tuij-u-n am
not want NE come.out-EU-F.SU
It (the net) does not want to move.
348 3 The Inca Sphere
The verb tui (from *tuxll) to come out is recorded in Middendorfs verb list. The
second u in this verb form is a euphonic extension of the root. The elements tan and
esta are both part of the negation. The apostrophe in tan suggests that Middendorf
considers this form to be an abbreviated variant of the negative adverb anta. The verb
lok to want lacks a third-person subject marker here; its complement is indicated by
the future supine in -n am.
12. amoch orronch- ad isk- ar-tot- an
let.us.go/do pull.out-SU all-G-with-PL
Let us pull all together!
The form isk- is from iss ak (<*iz cc) all, genitive issk- ar- o. The marker -tot indi-
cates in combination with, in the company of, with. Normally, it does not follow a
genitive stem (Middendorf 1892: 98).
13. akop tuij-m-ang ssi aj
already come.out-VE-3S net
The net is already out.
The verb tuij is the same as tui; see sentence 11. The analysis of the verb form is
problematic because it contains an unexplained derivational afx -m(e)-, which is also
found elsewhere in the same text (Middendorf 1892: 187): tuij-me-ko-n am in order to
make (the blood) come out.
14. mokats (mukaits) mo

ak- an
take this sh-PL
Take these sh!
The verb mokats or mukaits (<*mucaitzh, Altieri 1939: 44) is a defective imperative
form with the meaning take!
15. amoss nam-ko uij-e kap ak
do.not fall-T earth-G upon
Do not drop them on the ground!
According to Middendorf (1892: 63), the genitive of the noun uij is uij- ar- o,
145
not
*uij-ei- o; however, a genitive interpretation seems to be the only one possible. From a
historical point of view, the word uij (<*iz) earth, dust is remarkable because of the
change *z > j, which is not attested elsewhere. Apart from Middendorf, all published
sources, including Lehmann, recorded a sibilant in this form.
145
The notation - o is clearly equivalent to - o.
3.4 The Mochica language 349
16. chimpo-n sop mov, ma-n am m aich
take-2S.IM three corvina
146
, eat-SU we
Take three corvinas for us to eat!
Middendorfs verb list contains a verb chimp to take; also chinp to lay apart, to
separate; the form in the text suggests that the element -o was part of the root. Sop is
a short form for sop at three. Ma-n am is the future supine of man to eat, drink (also
man-an am).
17. llollek

ak t- s ei s poj
other sh F-1S.PL1S.PL sell
The other sh we shall sell.
The verb poj (<*pol) means to sell; the sentence apparently contains double personal
reference marking in a future construction (t-i s-poj).
18. i n ei n lok ma-n am

ak
who who want eat-SU sh
Who wants to eat sh?
The repetition of the interrogative pronoun (e)i n who indicates a plural. As in
sentence 11 the verb lok lacks a third-person subject marker.
19. chuken e toij ni-ng-e-nek-ich
just.now be come.out sea-G-EU-L-AB
They have just now come out of the sea.
The verb toij is the same as tui; see 1113. The rst vowel e in ni-ng-e-nek-ich can
only be a euphonic extension.
20. chipan chi-ng siam
still be-3S alive
They are still alive.
In this sentence chi to be is used as an auxiliary with the root siam to live.
21. k otsk-an ja

ak kap ak, tem ang j um anta

throw-2S.IM water sh on.top.of, so.that 3S die not
Throw water upon the sh, so they will not die!
The form k otsk is an orthographic variant of kotsk / k utsk (see also the rst sentence
of this text). A genitive stem marker is lacking before kap ak. The root tem (from tem
146
Corvina: a type of sh popular in Peru (Sciaena gilberti). In one of Middendorfs word lists
m ov is listed as cachema sh (Cynoscion analis).
350 3 The Inca Sphere
to love, to ask for) is used as a conjunction in combination with the negative marker
anta.
22. amoss tokan

ang-nek
do.not leave sun-L
Do not leave them in the sun!
A genitive marker is lacking here before -nek; a common alternative is the expression
ang-ik in the sun.
3.5 Puquina and Callahuaya
In spite of the fact that Puquina was recognised as a general language during the
initial part of the colonial period, it rapidly became extinct without being adequately
documented. The Puquina linguistic area covered a relatively large but fragmented ter-
ritory, exposing the main reason for its decline. Successive invasions, in particular of
Aymara-speaking peoples, had broken the unity of the Puquina nation long before the
Spaniards reached Peru. In the rst half of the fteenth century the most important
Puquina-speaking group were the Colla, who had their centre of power west of Lake
Titicaca in the present-day department of Puno. During their expansion, the Incas subju-
gated the Colla, who ercely resisted submission. The chronicler Cabello Valboa (1586)
relates how the Incas sealed their victory as the Colla king Colla Capac was taken to
Cuzco and sacriced to the Sun (cf. Torero 1987). Afterwards, a series of new rebellions
weakened the position of the Colla even further.
Our knowledge of the distribution of the Puquina-speaking peoples is based on two
sources of information: toponymy and colonial documents. Torero (1987) concludes that
the Puquina language was predominant in three areas: (i) the altiplano and mountains
surrounding Lake Titicaca, with the exception of its Aymara-speaking southwestern
shore; this area includes Charazani, home of the Callahuaya practitioners of traditional
medicine, who conserve a professional language with a Puquina lexical basis, and two of
the principal islands of the lake, Amantan and Taquile; (ii) the region between Arequipa
and Tacna on the Pacic side of southern Peru (the area of the historical Coli people);
and (iii) an area in the Bolivian highlands situated between the towns of Sucre and
Potos. There are indications, however, that the Puquina were cosmopolitan enough
not to remain conned to these areas. The colonial church at Andahuaylillas, not far
from Cuzco, contains a multilingual wall inscription in ve languages, one of which is
Puquina.
It is not sure when the Puquina language eventually disappeared. The last mentions
of its existence date from the years shortly before the independence of Peru and concern
the area east of Arequipa. This is also the region where the Puquina toponymy is most
conspicuous: place names ending in -baya, -coa and -laque (e.g. Socabaya, Calacoa,
3.5 Puquina and Callahuaya 351
Matalaque) are diagnostic of Puquina presence. Interestingly, the mountainous interior
of the department of Moquegua today harbours an Aymara-, a Quechua- and a Spanish-
speaking area. All three have predominant Puquina toponymy.
The only grammar of Puquina known to have existed was that of Alonso de Barzana
of 1590. Unfortunately, it has not survived. The principal source for the language is
a religious text, Rituale seu Manuale Peruanum, published in Naples by Ger onimo de
Or e (1607). It contains prayers, instructions for confession and catechisms in Quechua,
Aymara, Puquina, Guaran and Mochica. A rst analysis of the Puquina material was
made by de la Grasserie (1894), who published a vocabulary, grammatical notes and
transcribed texts. Asecond attempt is Toreros unpublished doctoral dissertation of 1965.
A vocabulary and a historical study of the Puquina language have appeared in Torero
(1987), some grammatical notes and comparative remarks in Torero (1992). Most of
the analytic observations on Puquina in this section have been inspired by Toreros
work.
147
A comparison with the Callahuaya language makes it clear that Puquina must have
been subdivided into rather divergent local varieties. One such dialect provided the basis
for most of the lexicon of Callahuaya, its morphology being derived from that of the
surrounding Quechua. The variety underlying the Callahuaya lexicon was certainly not
the Puquina known to Or e but rather a sister dialect of it. For instance, whereas many
Puquina words begin with a consonant cluster consisting of s followed by a stop, the
corresponding Callahuaya words do not exhibit that initial s, as in Puquina sper four,
Callahuaya pil
y
; Puquina scana silver, Callahuaya qena. In other cases, the two lan-
guages may have been more similar than the sources suggest. Present-day Callahuaya
distinguishes between velar and uvular articulation positions, and has a contrast be-
tween plain, aspirated and glottalised stops. Although Or es material is ambiguous in
this respect, it is probable that the variety of Puquina with which he was familiar knew
such distinctions too. There are several spellings suggesting the existence of differ-
ent stops and fricatives in the velaruvular area, e.g. <c>, <qu>, <k>, <h>, <g>,
<gh>, <x>.
Even though the distinction between the front vowels e and i, and between the back
vowels o and u may not have had a heavy functional load, there is reason to assume that
these contrasts were distinctive, as is illustrated by se e [see] heart versus sipi- to
beat, and so two versus suma- ( cuma-) to live. Cases such as se e (sehe, see)
heart, gui in like, and qui illa- to think suggest the presence of an intervocalic
glottal stop. Consonant clusters of two consonants in initial and nal position, and of
three consonants inword-internal positionoccur, but the pronunciationof suchsequences
147
Torero (2002) contains a detailed analysis of Puquina, which became available after the com-
pletion of this chapter.
352 3 The Inca Sphere
(e.g. mocsca- to bring together) is open to different interpretations. Nasal consonants
sometimes occur after a consonant in word-nal position, either suggesting a vocalic
realisation, or the presence of an unwritten schwa-type vowel. This can be the case
when the instrumental case sufx -m with or a rare genitive sufx -n (only attested in
Dios-n Yglesia Gods Church) are added to a base ending in a consonant.
148
The stops
k (<c>/<qu>) and p tend to become voiced (or even reduced to an approximant [w] in
the latter case) in intervocalic position, as will be illustrated in some of the examples that
follow. The fact that in some lexical items either only <s>, or only < c>occur in initial
position leaves open the possibility that there may have been two distinct sibilants ([s],
[ s]) as in seventeenth-century Cuzco Quechua.
149
For the remainder, the sound inventory
of Puquina may have been similar to that of Aymara and Quechua.
Not surprisingly, the Puquina lexicon contains several borrowings from both these
languages. Some of the borrowed items underwent important phonological adaptations,
e.g. Puquina macu [maku] king, Aymara mal
y
ku, and Puquina suca [suka] youngest,
Aymara sul
y
ka, Cuzco Quechua sul
y
ka. However, in other cases of lexical similar-
ity Puquina may have been the source language, as in Aymara layqa witch from
Puquina reega (Callahuaya reqa cat, witch). The Aymara interrogative stem k
h
iti
who, which is absent from the sister language Jaqaru, is reminiscent of Callahuaya
k
h
i: what (Puquina qui-) and Callahuaya ki, k
h
iru who. (The element -ti could be
associated with the Aymara negative marker.)
From a morphosyntactic point of view the Puquina language is somewhat different
from the surrounding Andean languages. Although the main morphological device of
the language is sufxation, there is a set of possessive pronominal elements which are
conned to a position before the head noun. These elements are free forms, rather than
prexes, because they may be separated from the noun by an adjective, as in (303)
and (304):
(303) no atot hucha-nch [Aymara, Quechua hucha guilt]
1P.SG great sin-DV
It is my great sin. (Or e 1607: 164)
(304) po coma hucha
2P all sin
all your sins (Or e 1607: 164)
148
The normal genitive constructionis byjuxtapositionfollowingthe order modiermodied. The
two parts of the construction are optionally separated by a possessive pronoun chu his/her/its
(Torero 1994a).
149
In contradistinction to the transcription of other Andean languages, such as Muisca, Mochica,
Chol on and Allentiac, the (infrequent) symbol <x> clearly did not refer to [ s] in Puquina (cf.
Torero 1995).
3.5 Puquina and Callahuaya 353
Table 3.22 Puquina personal and possessive
pronouns
Personal pronouns Possessive pronouns
1 pers. sing. ni no
2 pers. pi po
3 pers. chu chu
1 pers. plur. se n se n
However, with some adjectives the reverse occurs (305):
(305) puta po hucha sisqu-eno Dios
all 2P sin know-AG God
God, who knows all your sins (Or e 1607: 167)
Personal and possessive pronouns in Puquina are reminiscent of the prexes used for
personal reference in most of the Arawakan languages. This is one of the main reasons
why Puquina has occasionally been presented as genetically related to Arawakan, the
lexical similarities being very limited (cf. Torero 1992). Table 3.22 shows the personal
and possessive pronouns of Puquina.
The pronouns for rst person singular, second and third person can be compared to the
personal reference prexes in Arawakan languages. For instance, in I napari (Madre de
Dios, southeastern Peru) the singular personal reference prexes nu-, pi- and ru- indicate
rst, second person singular and third person feminine, respectively (Parker 1995).
Person of subject and object are indicated in the sufx part of the verb formin a system
of transitions typologically reminiscent of Aymara and Quechua. In the examples (306)
and (307) a rst- and a second-person subject are indicated by means of the sufxes
-qu(i) -gu(i) and -p(i) -u(i)- -v(i), respectively.
(306) ni-ch baptiza-gu-ench yqui-m chuscu-m Spiritu.sancto-m men- ` ut
I-E baptise-1S.SG-DV father-CO son-CO holy.spirit-CO name-L
I baptise (you) in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy
Spirit. (Or e 1987: 37)
(307) qui n too-pi, raago aya-y inque atago aya-y
what
150
bring-2S man child-IR or woman child-IR
What do you bring (to the church), a boy or a girl? (Or e 1607: 69)
150
The interrogative stem what is generally found as qui n when used independently. In combi-
nations it is qui-; e.g. quigui how.
354 3 The Inca Sphere
The addition of a sufx -s- before the subject marker generates an inverse relation in
which the original subject marker refers to an object and the actor becomes third person:
(308) apa pampacha-gue-s-p-anch [Quechua pampa ca- to forgive]
not forgive-F-I-2O-DV
He will denitely not forgive you. (Or e 1607: 167)
(309) patero-s cha-que-s-c-anch
father-E scold-F-I-1O.SG-DV
The Father will scold me. (Or e 1607: 167)
As in Quechua, a special rst-person subject ending obtains in the future tense:
-(gui-)na:
(310) ni-cha co apa qui.illa-su ata-gui-na
I-E this not think-SN ask-F-1S.SG.F
I will ask you about what you have not thought of. (Or e 1607: 167)
The imperative mood has endings -ta for second- person and -anta for third-person
subject; the transition of a second-person subject with a rst-person object has the ending
-suma:
(311) ama scalli-ta [Quechua ama do not]
do.not be.afraid-2S.IM
Do not be afraid! (Or e 1607: 167)
(312) Dios huacaycha-s-p-anta [Quechua waqay ca- to protect]
God protect-I-2O-3S.IM
May God protect you! (Or e 1607: 167)
(313) catalla-suma no ha-r` ey
151
listen-2S.1O.IM 1P.SG son-VO.MS
Listen to me, my son! (Or e 1607: 166)
Declarative predicates are normally followed by a sufx -(a)nch or -(e)nch, as in
(303), (306) and in (308)(309). (The vowel alternation is not yet well understood.) The
absence of this sufx entails an interrogative interpretation of the predicate, as can be
deduced from the interaction of questions and answers in (314):
(314) cuha na-pi cuha ne-qu-ench
believe-2S believe-1S.SG-DV
Do you believe? I do. (Or e 1607: 1267)
151
The form ha-r` ey probably contains a vocative element -re, used for addressing men; women
are addressed with -ye. A more regular alternative for ha-r` ey is haya-re (Or e 1607: 173).
3.5 Puquina and Callahuaya 355
Number is indicated in the verb form, as can been seen in (315) and (316):
(315) qui n hata-i Yglesia-huananac
what want-3S Church-AB
What does he/she want from the Church? (Or e 1607: 69)
(316) qui n hata-nu-y Yglesia-huananac
what want-PL-3S Church-AB
What do they want from the Church? (Or e 1607: 70)
The use of derivational sufxes, in the case of the causative, can be illustrated by
pairs such as halla- to die and halla-na- to kill (de la Grasserie 1894: 9, 16); yti- to
receive and yt-na- to hand over (Or e 1607: 223).
The most frequent nominalisations are characterised by the sufxes -(s)so-(s)su
stative participle (310) (317), -no innitive (318), and -eno (with suppression of a
previous non-high vowel) agentive (319).
(317) no hucha pampacha-sso asch-anta
1P.SG sin forgive-SN be-3S.IM
Let my sins be forgiven! (Or e 1607: 127)
(318) vi naya cuma-no [Aymara wi naya eternal]
eternal live-IF
eternal life (Or e 1607: 70)
(319) regah coa uppall-eno me n chat-eno-ui Padre yna Visitador yna
witch idol worship-AG man denounce-AG-2S Father either Visitador or
Have you denounced the witch and the idolater to the Father or to the
Visitador? (Or e 1607: 172)
In sentence (319) there may be two instances of the agentive morpheme. As illustrated
in chatenoui (from chata- to denounce, to accuse; Aymara and Quechua cata-), the
second-person subject afx in its form-ui [wi] is often found attached to what is formally
an agentive nominalisation. Tentatively, this form may be interpreted as a habitual past,
or a general preterit. The gloss either . . . or . . . for yna is a context-bound translation;
if it is correct, the expected case marker must have been suppressed. Alternatively, yna
may itself be interpreted as a case marker (-na is locative case).
Subordination with identical subjects is frequently indicated by a sufx -tahua (or
-rahua), as in (320). (The example suggests vowel suppression before the reexive sufx
-sca-, as so often occurs in the Aymaran languages; cf. section 3.3.4).
(320) ca po sehe sip-sca-tahua a-ta
now 2P heart beat-RF-SU.SS say-2S.IM
Now say, while beating yourself on the breast: . . . ! (Or e 1607: 127)
356 3 The Inca Sphere
Puquina has a rich system of case markers, consisting of sufxes and postpositions,
some of whichcanbe combined. The direct object is not markedfor case, but the language
has an ergative case marker -s (-sa), which is attached to a noun or a pronoun referring
to the actor of a transitive construction (321).
(321) nu-s baptiza-s-pi
who-E baptise-I-2O
Who baptised you? (Or e 1607: 167)
The examples (306) and (309)(310) contain further instances of ergative construc-
tions. However, the ergative marker found in (306) and (310) is -ch(a), rather than -s,
and the two may not have exactly the same function. Torero (1987: 358) analyses -ch as
a marker of a second-person object encoded in a combination with a rst-person subject.
A sufx -ch also marks ablative case, which could provide yet another interpretation for
these cases.
(322) po caru-ch pacari-eno Iesus po haya coha-na-ssuma
[Quechua paqari- to appear]
2P womb-AB appear-AG Jesus 2P son see-CA-2S.1O.IM
Show us to your son Jesus, who came forth from your womb!
(Or e 1607: 401)
Other frequent case markers are -m instrumentalcomitative, coordinative (306),
-(u)t locative (306), -na locative, -guta allative and -gua benefactive. The plural of
nouns is marked with -gata or -cuna (from Quechua -kuna). Topics can be emphasised
with -ghe or -x (possibly the same sufx), indeniteness and concatenation (also, too)
with -hamp.
The existence of the Callahuaya language has been attested in the area surrounding
the town of Charazani in the province of Bautista Saavedra (department of La Paz).
Girault (1984: 24) mentions Curva, Chajaya and Khanlaya as communities where the
language is used. A different name for the language is Machaj juyay [ma cax huyay]
language of the fellow-countrymen (Oblitas Poblete 1968). Callahuaya is not used
for daily communication but in curing rituals by professionally trained healers. These
healers are Quechua speakers but master the Callahuaya language as a second language
in the context of their training. By tradition, only male Callahuaya can become healers,
and there are no indications that the language was ever used as anyones mother tongue.
Only a few older healers still know how to speak it (Muysken 1997b: 428).
There is an extensive ethnographic literature on the Callahuaya people and their curing
practices (Bastien 1978; Girault 1984; R osing 1990). Among the authors that have
supplied extensive information on the Callahuaya lexicon in particular we may mention
Oblitas Poblete (1968), Girault (1989) and Aguil o (1991). Observations on Callahuaya
phonology and grammar can be found in Stark (1972b) and in Muysken (1997b).
3.5 Puquina and Callahuaya 357
The main characteristic of Callahuaya stressed in literature is the fact that it combines
Quechua morphology with a vocabulary that is predominantly Puquina. The following
two examples cited in Muysken (1997b: 431) illustrate this:
(323) cana- ci-rqa-yki isna-pu-na-yki-pax
call-CA-PA-1S.2O go-RS-FN-2S-B
I had you called so that you can go. (Oblitas Poblete 1968: 44)
(324) mi:-qa l
y
al
y
i oxa-ku-x-mi a ca-n
human.being-TO well eat-RF-AG-AF be-3S
The man is a very greedy eater. (Oblitas Poblete 1968: 40)
In (323) and (324) all the sufxes are from Quechua (cf. section 3.2.6 ). In contrast,
the roots can be associated with lexical items found in Puquina (Torero 1987): cana- to
call, to shout (Puquina cha-); isna- to go (Puquina es-); mi: human being (Puquina
me n, mi n); oxa- to eat (Puquina occa-, oxa-, uxa-); a ca- to be (Puquina ascha-, acha-).
The only remaining root l
y
al
y
i is reminiscent of Quechua al
y
i(n) good.
Stark (1972b: 206) reports that in a basic vocabulary list of 200 words, 70 per cent of
the vocabulary is from Puquina, 14 per cent from Quechua, 14 per cent from Aymara
and 2 per cent from UruChipaya. In a less selective perspective, many Callahuaya
lexical items are not relatable to any of these languages. A Tacanan inux has been
suggested (Muysken 1997b), but even then there are items that remain unaccounted for.
It should be emphasised that only a fraction of the Puquina lexicon is known, so that
possible similarities with Callahuaya are inevitably missed. Alb o (1989) observes that
Callahuaya has native terms for several objects and animals that were introduced through
contact with the Spaniards, a situation not normally found in the other Andean languages.
The replacement of common words, even if of foreign origin, underscores the character
of Callahuaya as a secret professional language.
When comparing Puquina and Callahuaya vocabulary items, it is difcult to detect
regular sound correspondences. Words may be either the same, or formally related in
a non-systematic way. Borrowed roots are sometimes extended with a (non-Quechuan)
sufx of unknown function, such as -naxa, as in cani-naxa price, measure (Quechua
cani) and intente-naxa- to understand (Spanish entender). This sufx also occurs
in non-borrowed roots as a verbaliser (e.g. in latais-naxa- to be absent from latais
absent). The existence of sufxes such as -naxa and -sti (e.g. in p
h
oqo-sti white,
cf. p
h
oqo ripe, full) suggests that not all pre-Quechuan morphology has been
replaced.
The formal basis of Callahuaya morphology takes its origin in the variety of Quechua
spoken in the provinces of Bautista Saavedra and Mu necas. It is dened as Northern
Bolivian Quechua in Stark (1985b) and is more similar to Cuzco and Puno Quechua than
to mainstream Bolivian Quechua. A conservative feature of this dialect is that it pre-
serves syllable-nal stops and affricates which have become fricatives in the surrounding
358 3 The Inca Sphere
dialects. At least one verbal sufx attested in Callahuaya (-ra- one by one, cf. Stark
1972b: 211) is originally an Aymara sufx, which is also found in Puno Quechua, a
Quechua variety with a powerful Aymara substratum (cf. Adelaar 1987).
The data presented by the different authors, in particular Oblitas Poblete (1968) and
Girault (1989), are far fromidentical. The discrepancies in question may reect separate
local traditions. Giraults material is of particular interest because it exhibits a number of
innovations in the pronominal and possessive personal reference systems (cf. Muysken
1997b). One of these innovations concerns a tendency to switch the second- and third-
person markers. The other innovation consists in the presence of a separate class of
possessive modiers, which are reminiscent in function, though not in form, of the
Puquina possessive modiers.
Accordingtoall sources, the second-personpronouninCallahuaya is cu:, a formwhich
coincides with the third-person pronoun chu in Puquina, suggesting that it replaced the
original second-person pronoun pi of that language. In Giraults data the Callahuaya
third-person pronoun is cuynin, reecting a combination of the stem cu: cuy and the
Quechua third-person possessive ending -(ni)n. For the same purpose, Oblitass examples
consistently feature a pronoun or demonstrative stem hiru.
152
It is likely that this shift
in function of the Puquina third-person pronoun may have triggered the confusion
between second- and third-person endings attested in Giraults materials.
Apart from a few minor differences, the endings of the Callahuaya verbal paradigm
are consistent with those of the Quechua verbal paradigm. Muysken (1997b) points at
two Callahuaya sample phrases in Girault (1989: 149) where an original second-person
ending -nki occurs with a third-person subject. Both, however, contain the forma capunki
(presumably from a ca- to be). Additional data are needed in order to establish whether
this is a regular verb form, or a form with a special (non-verbal?) status.
A Callahuaya genitive construction involving two nouns is consistent with the
Quechua model, which combines head and dependent marking, except that the third-
person ending of a possessed substantive has a special allomorph -an occurring after
consonants, which is not attested in Quechua (where it is -nin). The genitive case marker
is either -pax or -x.
153
(325) Petru cu-(pa)x atasi-n
Pedro-G woman-3P
Pedros wife (Girault 1989: 147)
152
In addition to hiru, Oblitas Poblete also mentions the forms cuynin and pi ci. The latter may
reect the Puquina second-person marker pi, in which case a full swap would have occurred.
153
It is not clear whether Callahuaya makes a distinction between syllable-nal x (velar) and
x
.
(uvular), as does Cuzco Quechua. Therefore, we write x everywhere.
3.5 Puquina and Callahuaya 359
Table 3.23 Possessed nouns in Callahuaya (following Girault
1989: 145)
1st person 2nd person 3rd person
Plain Emphatic Plain Emphatic Plain Emphatic
usi: usi:ku usin usinku usiki usiki ci
ka:ni ka:niku ka:nin ka:ninku ka:ki ka:ki ci
l
y
oqeni l
y
oqeniku l
y
oqenin l
y
oqeninku l
y
oqenki l
y
oqenki ci
(326) Pawlu cu-(pa)x l
y
oqen-an
Pablo-G bull-3P
Pablos bull (Girault 1989: 147)
When a noun is marked for person of possessor without being part of a genitive
construction, or when it is part of a genitive construction in which the modifying element
is a free pronoun, both the head and the modier take special endings. These endings
have their origin in different varieties of Quechua, but the corresponding functions do
not coincide. The result is a complete split between pronominal and nominal possessive
constructions.
The possessive endings of Callahuaya denote person, not number. A rst-person is
indicated by vowel length, by -ni or by -i; a second-person by -n, by -nin or by -in; a
third-person by -ki. The endings -i and -in are found after stems ending in -n, whereas
-ni and -nin are found after any other stem ending in a consonant or a long vowel. Vowel
lengthening and -n are reserved for stems that end in a short vowel. The elements -ku and
- ci, corresponding to the Quechua pluralisers -ku and - cik/- cis, respectively, can be added
to the person markers but only for emphasis. They no longer indicate plural. The sufx
-ku accompanies rst- and second-person markers, whereas - ci is found with third-person
markers. The resistance against plural marking is reminiscent of the situation in Puquina,
which lacks a number distinction in possessives (except for rst-person). Table 3.23
contains examples of personal reference marking with the nouns usi house, ka: tooth
and l
y
oqen bull.
The reversal of second- and third-person markers in Callahuaya must be relatively
recent, because it is not found in the Lords Prayer presented in Girault, nor in the version
reproduced by Oblitas Poblete (1968: 33):
(327) mini:-ki waka-naxa-sqa a ca- cun
name-2P believe-LS-SN be-3S.IM
Thy Name be hallowed! (Girault 1989: 19)
360 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.24 Personal and possessive pronouns in Callahuaya (following
Girault 1989: 1445)
Possessive pronouns Possessive pronouns
Personal pronouns Set 1 Set 2
1 pers. sing. nisi nisip nisixta
plur. nisin cex nisin cix
2 pers. sing. cu: cunikix cu:xta
plur. cu:kunas cu:kunaxta
3 pers. sing. cuynin cuninku cuninkux
plur. cuyninkunas cuninkux
The possessive pronouns in Callahuaya are made up of non-Quechuan pronominal
stems and Quechua endings. The exact composition of these forms is not regular and
either reects different stages in the development of Quechua, or a different dialectal
origin. There are two sets, a prenominal set reminiscent of the Puquina possessive
modiers, and an independent set, which is not conned to the prenominal position
(compare English my versus mine). Only the second set allows a number distinction.
Table 3.24 contains an overview of the Callahuaya personal pronouns and the two sets
of possessive pronouns.
The rst-person pronoun nisi reects Puquina ni I. It contains an element -si also
attested in other Callahuaya words such as atasi woman (Puquina atago). Possibly, -si
reects the ergative case marker -s of Puquina. The possessive sets contain two origi-
nal genitive endings corresponding to different stages in the development of Quechua,
namely -p and -x. The concatenation of a genitive and an accusative marker (-ta) is
found in Quechua but has a very different syntactic function. It brings into evidence the
amount of restructuring that has occurred in Callahuaya. Not all the forms represented
in table 3.24 are attested in Oblitas Poblete (1968). Oblitas gives nisin cis instead of both
nisin cex and nisin cix.
154
Furthermore, the Quechua plural marker -kuna is not followed
by the Spanish plural marker -s, as is the case in Giraults data.
Among other points in which Callahuaya differs from Quechua, we may mention the
fact that the accusative case marker -ta is often omitted in direct objects (especially
in Giraults data). Negation is indicated by means of a negative marker u:, which has
no formal counterpart in Puquina. Syntactically, u: behaves like the Quechua negative
particle mana.
154
The vowel contrast represented in nisin cex and nisin cix may possibly be related to different
articulations of the following fricative (as in Cuzco Quechua). Since we have no specic
information on this point, we follow Giraults orthography.
3.5 Puquina and Callahuaya 361
Table 3.25 Callahuaya consonant inventory (based on Stark 1972b)
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular
Plain stops/affricates p t c k q
Aspirated stops/affricates p
h
t
h
c
h
k
h
q
h
Glottalised stops/affricates p t c k q
Fricatives/sibilants s s h [x]
Nasals m n n
y
Vibrant r
Laterals l l
y
Glides w y
(328) tutas u: tutas
cold not cold
cold of moderate temperature (Oblitas Poblete 1968: 82, 139)
(329) hikutawan u:- cu hata-wax hata-y-ni:-ta
155
also not-IR love-2S.PO love-IF-1P-AC
So you could not care for my affection any
more? (Oblitas Poblete 1968: 43)
An overview of the Callahuaya phonemes can be found in Stark (1972b). Oblitas
Poblete (1968) presents a traditional but relatively precise inventory. The transcription
in Girault (1989) is inaccurate, but his publication contains a recorded tape which gives
a good impression of the pronunciation of Callahuaya. All authors agree that Callahuaya
has a ve vowel system with distinctive vowel length (a, e, i, o, u; a:, e:, i:, o:, u:). The
consonant inventory, which is very similar to that of Bolivian and Cuzco Quechua, is
represented in table 3.25.
As a commentary to the consonant inventory in table 3.25, one may observe that a
palatal sibilant s, in opposition to s, is not convincingly attested. Furthermore, Giraults
data point at the existence of a glottal stop that occurs between same vowels, for instance,
in jii [hii] llama. In this respect Callahuaya would agree with Puquina, although the
items in which the alleged glottal stop occurs are usually not the same. There is no precise
information about a possible lowering effect of uvular consonants on high vowels, as
found in Quechua and Aymara, but several examples suggest that such an effect may
play a role.
As a further illustration of the lexical relationship between Puquina and Callahuaya
the principal numerals in both languages are given below. Note that the Callahuaya words
155
The rst-person marker -ni: corresponds to -ni in Girault (1989).
362 3 The Inca Sphere
for the numbers ve and higher are very different from their Puquina counterparts. The
etymology of these Callahuaya forms is not known.
Puquina: hucsto (one), so (two), cap(p)a (three), sper (four), tacpa (ve),
chichu (six), stu (seven), quinas (eight), checa (nine), scata (ten)
Callahuaya: uksi uxsi (one), su: so: (two), kapi (three), pil
y
(four), cisma
(ve), taxwa (six), qaxsi (seven), wasa (eight), nuki (nine), q
h
o ca
x
.
o ca (ten), tikun (one hundred).
3.6 The UruChipaya languages
The speakers of the UruChipaya language family are often believed to belong to one
of the oldest population layers of the Bolivian and Peruvian altiplano. Traditionally,
they have been associated with an aquatic habitat and a lifestyle of shing and hunting
characteristically found along the shores and on the islands of the lakes Titicaca and
Poop o, as well as along the Desaguadero river, which connects the two lakes (cf. Wachtel
1978). However, lifestyle and language did not necessarily go together. About 1600,
Uruquilla was the name used for the UruChipaya languages, although it may have
covered some other language groups as well. Uruquilla-speaking groups were found
scattered over the western part of the Bolivian altiplano from Lake Titicaca to the area
of Lpez in the south of the department of Potos (cf. Bouysse-Cassagne 1975). Not all
Uruquilla speakers mentioned in the colonial sources shared the typical aquatic lifestyle.
In Zepita (province of Chucuito, Puno, Peru) a community of relatively prosperous
farmers spoke Uruquilla but did not differ in their ways from their Aymara-speaking
neighbours (Torero 1987). The term Uro (Uru) was used mainly for referring to groups
who remained attached to the aquatic way of life, thus resisting their incorporation into
the Spanish system of domination. One such group were the Ochosuma, who occupied
the Desaguadero region, and of which the Iru Itu community (see below) may be a
remnant. Another name for the Uru is Kot-su n (from qota lake and sun
y
i people).
Today, communities that have preserved or adopted the Uru way of life are mostly
Aymara speakers. This is the case with the Uru who live on reed islands in the Bay of
Puno (Peru) and of the Murato communities located near Lake Poop o (department of
Oruro, Bolivia). The Murato have preserved some vocabulary originally from an Uru
language, as can be seen in the Murato oral testimonies published in Miranda Mamani
et al. (1992).
The UruChipaya peoples (see also the map in section 3.3) have been the object
of extensive anthropological studies (Vellard 1954, Wachtel 1990). Unfortunately, the
description of their languages has not fared nearly so well. So far, there is no published
grammar, nor a dictionary of any of the UruChipaya languages. The only UruChipaya
language still viable today is Chipaya. It is spoken by an agricultural community of
3.6 The UruChipaya languages 363
some 1,000 people in the villages of Santa Ana de Chipaya and Ayparavi in the Bolivian
department of Oruro (province of Atahuallpa), including an increasing number of mi-
grants in northern Chile and in the town of Oruro. The Uru language of Iru Itu (also
Iruitu, Irohito) is spoken in a township, which was originally part of a larger commu-
nity called Ancoaqui. It is located in the district (cant on) of Jes us de Machaca in the
Bolivian department of La Paz (province of Ingavi). When Vellard studied this com-
munity in the 1940s he witnessed a major crisis due to a lowering of the water level in
the lake, which led to a disintegration of the community. The Uru were forced to leave
their native village for other places, where several married Aymara-speaking partners.
The Uru language was already close to extinction by then. A subsequent rehabilita-
tion of the water level made it possible for most Uru to return, and since then their
community has achieved a remarkable comeback (Ticona and Alb o 1997). Today, one
uent speaker remains, as well as a number of semi-speakers. Nevertheless, there is a
wish to revitalise the language, which is now preferably referred to as Uchumataqu our
speech or the speech of the Desaguadero area (Ochosuma). At the time of writing
(2002) Muysken was conducting descriptive research on the language in response to the
educational aspirations of the community. A third Uru language was formerly spoken
in the village of Chimu (or Tsimu), a township of Ichu, situated on the shore of Lake
Titicaca a few kilometres east of Puno. This variety was discovered and studied in 1929
by the German Americanist Lehmann. His elaborate notes are kept in the Library of
the Ibero-American Institute in Berlin. Some lexical data from these notes have been
published by Torero (1992), who claims that Uru of Chimu is the most divergent of the
three UruChipaya languages.
156
Finally, Olson (1964: 313) mentions a fourth variety of
Uru spoken on the Isla del Sol (Sun Island) in Lake Titicaca, presumably in the 1960s.
Some lexical items of this dialect, collected by de Lucca, are reproduced in Olson (1965:
378).
Documentation on the UruChipaya languages is relatively recent. Uhle visited the
area in 1894 and left substantial lexical material on both Chipaya and Uchumataqu, as
well as a grammatical sketch of the latter language. They are preserved in manuscript
form in the Library of the Ibero-American Institute in Berlin. M etraux (19356, 1936)
provided data on both languages, as did Posnansky (1915, 1934). For Uchumataqu we
may also mention Polo (1901) and an unpublished vocabulary by Lehmann (1929). One
of the richest sources for Uchumataqu is Vellard (1950, 1951, 1967). It consists of short
narratives, and words and phrases, written down with great phonetic detail and provided
with glosses, as well as some grammatical notes. Nevertheless, they are hardly sufcient
to obtain a clear picture of the morphosyntax of the language. The current research by
156
Rodolfo Cerr on-Palomino and Peter Masson are planning a publication of these materials, to
be entitled El Uru de la Baha de Puno (Puno Bay Uru).
364 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.26 Chipaya consonant inventory (based on Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
Labial Alveolar +affr
*
Apical Palatal Retroex Velar +lab
**
Postvelar +lab
Plain p t c c c
.
k k
w
q q
w
obstruents
Glottalised p t c c c
.
k q
obstruents
Aspirated p
h
t
h
c
h
c
h
c
.
h
k
h
q
h
obstruents
Fricatives s s s s
.
h h
w
x
***
x
w
Nasals m n n
y

Laterals l l
y
Lateral l

fricative
Vibrant r
Glides w y
*
affr. = affricate
**
lab. = labialised
***
We follow Cerr on-Palomino and Olson in writing the postvelar or fortis velar fricative (and its
labialised counterpart) as x (x
w
), not x
.
(x
.
w
).
Muysken has not provided a better view of it. A comparison of the Vellard materials
with the data collected by Uhle is probably the best basis for further analysis.
There have been several attempts to study and document the Chipaya language. In
the 1960s, Olson collected extensive lexical material. Part of it is included in two ar-
ticles designed to present evidence for a putative genetic relationship of UruChipaya
with the Mayan languages in Mesoamerica (Olson 1964, 1965). (For the reception of
Olsons views on this see section 1.7.) A third article (Olson 1967) deals with Chipaya
syllable structure and contains a discussion of its phoneme inventory. In the 1980s,
Porterie-Guti errez also brought together a substantial amount of Chipaya material, but
the publicationof it was preventedbyher untimelydeath. Anannotatedandtranslatedtext
belonging to this material was published posthumously by Howard (Porterie-Guti errez
1990). In 2001, Cerr on-Palomino began a new research effort geared at the documenta-
tion of Chipaya. The Chipaya data presented in the following pages are largely based on
his results obtained so far (Cerr on-Palomino MS). A comparison with Uchumataqu will
be made when relevant and possible. The two languages are clearly related, although
probably not mutually intelligible (Torero 1992: 181). See Olson (1965: 378) for a list
of 87 obvious cognates, in which most pairs show only minor phonetic differences.
The consonant inventory of the Chipaya language is presented in table 3.26.
The consonant inventory in Olson (1967) differs from the one presented in table 3.26
by the fact that the aspirated consonants and the lateral fricative (lh) are interpreted as
3.6 The UruChipaya languages 365
sequences of consonants, rather than as unit phonemes. He characterises the fricatives
in the postvelar column (x, x
w
) as fortis velars. The palatal and the apical fricatives are
treated as allophones of a phoneme /s
.
/ which occurs as palatal [ s] after high vowels and
as a backed alveolar [s
.
] elsewhere. Olson (1967: 300), furthermore, noted the use of a
glottal stop in womens speech; for instance, in oqaa I am going (as against oqa c
.
a
in mens speech). This usage did not seem to be continued by the younger generation,
however.
Cerr on-Palomino notes an absence of restrictions upon the use of aspirated and glot-
talised consonants within a root. They occur initially in a syllable but this need not be
the rst syllable in the root (e.g. in tot
h
i cows horn, kunt s to be sure). Furthermore,
glottalised and aspirated consonants can co-occur in the same root (e.g. in p
h
an cu soft,
c
.
ik
h
a equal). Considering their great frequency in native roots, there appears to be no
reason to assume that glottalisation and aspiration are borrowed features in Chipaya.
Note that glottalisation and aspiration are not contrastive in the labiovelar and
labiopostvelar stop series. According to Cerr on-Palomino, it may be due to a recent
simplication of the systembecause free variation between labialised and non-labialised
aspirated consonants is still observed in roots such as q
h
a s q
hw
a s water. In addition,
the same variation can be found in the alveodental stop series (e.g. in t
h
at s t
hw
at s
to pile up). These examples suggest that the labial element may have had the status
of a segmental phoneme, rather than that of a feature of the consonant with which it is
associated. At present, the loss of labialisation seems to have become a general tendency
in the language.
Nasal contrasts are maintained in syllable-nal position, even that between alveoden-
tal n and velar , as in lan s to touch and la s to work. The glide consonant w is
often realised as a fricative [], especially when in contact with front vowels (e.g. siwi
[siwi sii] winter). Both elements are reminiscent of the situation in the Aymara of
northern Chile (cf. section 3.3.3).
In comparison to Aymara and Quechua, the articulation point of the postvelars in
Chipaya is less retracted and does not normally reach the uvular range. This can make it
difcult to recognise the distinction between velars and postvelars. Nevertheless, there
is an ample choice of minimal pairs illustrating the contrast:
(330) kara wide qara comb (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
(331) koru bowl qoru a type of hat (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
The consonant inventory of Uchumataqu, as established by Muysken (MS), is similar
to Cerr on-Palominos Chipaya inventory but for the absence in the former of the apical
and retroex series ( s; c
.
, c
.
, c
.
h
, s
.
). In addition, the alveolar affricate series is only
represented by plain c; the velar nasal () and the labialised postvelars (q
w
, x
w
) are
lacking; and glottalised p and t occur very seldom. Possibly, the situation of near
366 3 The Inca Sphere
extinction in which the Uchumataqu language has found itself for decades may be
responsible for a reduction of the sound system, but it could also be the result of earlier
developments.
Both Chipaya and Uchumataqu have a ve-vowel systemwith distinctive vowel length
(a, e, i, o, u; a:, e:, i:, o:, u:).
157
The contrast of high and mid vowels in Chipaya is
illustrated in the following examples:
(332) uwa food owa knee (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
(333) hik s road hek s to appear (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
The contrast is also retained in the environment of a postvelar consonant. In con-
tradistinction to Aymara and Quechua, the automatic lowering of high vowels is either
minimal, or does not occur at all in that environment:
(334) q
h
u ca potsherd q
h
o ca foot (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
(335) q
h
in
y
a crippled q
h
en
y
a slow, dull (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
The difference between short and long vowels is illustrated in (336) and (337):
(336) u s
.
a north u: sa sheep [Spanish oveja] (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
(337) qa s to talk qa: s to cry (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
Vowel length in Chipaya is often the result of contractions, which seem to occur
frequently in the language; for instance, we:n night corresponds to Uchumataqu wiyani
(cf. Olson 1965: 378). It may provide an explanation for the relatively low functional
load of the length distinction.
Cerr on-Palomino notes that after lateral and velar fricatives, as well as after aspirated
consonants, vowels tend to be voiceless when the following consonant is also voiceless,
e.g. l

oki [l

oki] mud, t
h
ut s [t
h

ut s] to spit. In Olson (1967) such voicelessness is

generally interpreted as the manifestation of a syllable-nal fricative.
Chipaya accepts clusters of two consonants in word-initial and word-nal position.
Most characteristic are the word-initial clusters consisting of a sibilant which is either
followed by a bilabial stop or nasal, or by a velar or postvelar stop. Their occurrence
is reminiscent of Puquina (cf. section 3.5). In these clusters the opposition between the
sibilants s, s and s
.
remains intact:
(338) skara hat skara toad s
.
kati nearby (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
(339) smoya mosquito smali strong (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
157
For Uchumataqu Uhle mentions a sixth vowel, underlined e, reported to sound like the vowel
in German a. Its occurrence still needs to be studied in the word lists he collected.
3.6 The UruChipaya languages 367
Word-nal clusters can be part of a truncated root (for instance, in hik s road, from
*hik sa; compare hik sa-l
y
a little road). More often they are the result of sufxation, for
instance, when the innitive marker - s is added to a verb root. Before - s root-nal vowels
are suppressed (except when preceded by a sequence of more than one consonant).
(340) qulu salt block qul- s to salt (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
(341) wiya dream wiy- s to dream (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
As can be deduced from the example of the innitive marker, vowel suppression
is a common procedure in Chipaya, in which respect it resembles Aymara. Although
in Chipaya word stress is characteristically located on the penultimate syllable, it may
remain on the last syllable when the vowel of a word-nal syllable is suppressed. A
comparison with Uhles data shows that the innitive marker was originally syllabic
(- ca), hence an example such as (342) in which stress is on the nal syllable:
(342) u sn- s [<*u sn- ca] to play (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
Within noun phrases the nal vowel of the modifying element, which precedes the
head, is also subject to truncation; compare the situation in Aymara:
(343) o s p
h
eta [o s(a) p
h
eta]
nose opening
nostril (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
In Uchumataqu, Muysken (MS) recorded consonant clusters of even greater com-
plexity than those found in Chipaya but notes that these tend to become simplied in
the speech of the present generation of semi-speakers.
The principal morphological device of Chipaya is sufxation. The overall picture,
however, is rather different from that in the neighbouring languages. Nominal morphol-
ogy is relatively elaborate and comprises a distinction between feminine and masculine
gender, as well as a fair number of case markers. Subject and object are not marked for
case. Personal possession is indicated by means of free pronouns marked for genitive
case. In a verb phrase person, gender and number of the subject can be specied by
means of clitic elements. These elements are normally attached to a non-case-marked
expression that accompanies the verb (preferably the object or an adverb, occasionally
the subject). Verbal sufxes indicate tense, aspect, mood and evidentiality. The shape
of tense/aspect sufxes is to a certain extent again determined by person, gender and
number of the subject. The preferred word order in Chipaya is subjectobjectverb and
within the noun phrase modierhead.
158
158
In Uchumataqu there are a few instances of the reversed order (headmodier), e.g. in xa us
wri anus (xa us hole, wri buttocks); see Muysken (2000: 102).
368 3 The Inca Sphere
The main strategy to indicate feminine gender in nouns is by the addition of a sufx
-i. This sufx replaces an original stem-nal vowel, if present (344):
(344) a snu donkey a sn-i female donkey [Spanish asno]
(Cerr on-Palomino, personal communication)
Final -i is often elided when preceded by a single consonant (345), except when such an
elision would lead to the coincidence of a feminine form with its masculine counterpart.
This is the case, for instance, in Spanish proper names ending in a consonant (346).
(345) u: sa sheep u: s-i u: s ewe [Spanish oveja]
(Cerr on-Palomino, personal communication)
(346) huwan John huwan-i Joan [Spanish Juan]
(Cerr on-Palomino, personal communication)
The demonstratives ti: this and ni: that/he, as well as the numeral ci: one, have
special feminine forms: ta:, na: and ca:, respectively.
The markers of the genitive case with nouns are also sensitive to gender. When used as
modiers, masculine nouns take s
.
, whereas feminine nouns replace their nal -i with -a.
(347) ku c- s
.
k
h
un
y
i ku c-a k
h
un
y
i [ku ci pig, Old Spanish coche]
pig-G.MS ear pig-G.FE ear
pig ears sow ears (Cerr on-Palomino, personal communication)
According to Cerr on-Palomino (personal communication), pronouns (both mascu-
line and feminine) have a special genitive case marker -(i) s
.
, which has the function of
indicating the agent in a passive construction. (The long allomorph -i s
.
is found after
the personal pronoun stems wer I and am you, which end in a consonant.) With
demonstrative pronouns a genitive of possession is also formed in this way.
When used independently or predicatively, all genitives of possession (whether nom-
inal or pronominal) are followed by an element -ta, which is sensitive to the gender
distinction; for instance, in (348):
(348) ni:- s
.
-ta ni:- s
.
-t-i
that-G-N that-G-N-FE
his one his female one (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
The personal pronouns wer I and am you have special genitive forms we-t(a) and
am-ta, respectively, for both attributive and predicative possessive use. The short form
we-t is used as a prenominal modier (349). The nal element -ta is again subject to the
gender distinction (350).
3.6 The UruChipaya languages 369
(349) we-t cuwa
I-G plate (Cerr on-Palomino, personal communication)
my plate
(350) we-ta we-t-i
I-G.N I-G.N-FE
(it is) mine (it is) my female one (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
In a verb phrase with a third-person subject, gender is reected in the choice of the
clitic that accompanies the verb. In the following examples the clitic elements -(i) s
.
for
masculine, and -(i)l for feminine, are attached to the adverb maxn
y
a. The element -ki-,
which accompanies the future-tense marker -a-, is used with all persons except rst
singular and plural (exclusive). It is not sensitive to gender.
(351) ni:-nak-ki maxn
y
a- s
.
t
h
ax-a-ki- c
.
a
159
that.MS-PL-TO early-MS sleep-F-F.NS-DV
They (those men) will sleep early. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
(352) na:-nak-ki maxn
y
a-l t
h
ax-a-ki- c
.
a
that.FE-PL-TO early-FE sleep-F-F. NS-DV
They (those women) will sleep early. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
Although in the context illustrated in (351) and (352) the sole function of -(i)l and
-(i) s
.
is to distinguish gender, they can have other functions as well. The element -(i)l
is used with the rst person singular and plural exclusive, and with the third person
feminine singular and plural; -(i) s
.
is used with the rst person plural inclusive, with
the second person plural, and with the third person masculine singular and plural. A
special clitic -(i)m, akin to the second-person-singular pronoun am, is used in verb
phrases with a second-person-singular subject. (The long forms -il, -im and -i s
.
occur
after consonant-nal personal pronouns.)
The use of the rst and second persons singular is illustrated in (353) and (354).
Note that the required enclitics are attached to the subject of these sentences as no other
constituents are available.
(353) wer-il sat-a- c
.
a
I-1 run-F-DV
I shall run. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
(354) am-im sat-a-ki- c
.
a
you-2.SG run-F-F.NS-DV
You (singular) shall run. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
159
Cerr on-Palomino reports that the ending -ki- c
.
a is pronounced [k s
.
] in non-careful speech, in
which case stress is located on the vowel immediately preceding it.
370 3 The Inca Sphere
If a sentence contains a direct object, the latter often carries the clitic element:
(355) Luwisitu-ki tanta- s
.
lul-n
y
i- c
.
a
Luisito-TO bread-3.MS eat-CU.3.MS-DV
Luisito is in the habit of eating bread. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
Although the preferred word order is subjectobjectverb, other order options are al-
lowed as well. As a result, a sentence such as (356), in which the object carrying the
clitic follows the verb, is acceptable.
(356) Luwisitu-ki lul-n
y
i- c
.
a tanta- s
.
Luisito-TO eat-CU.3.MS-DV bread-3.MS
Luisito is in the habit of eating bread. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
If there is no other stem to which the clitic element can be attached, it may also
occur as a proclitic with the verb itself. Example (357) illustrates the use of a proclitic
corresponding to a rst person plural inclusive.
160
(357) s
.
-lik-la
4-drink-4.IM
Let us drink! (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
Cerr on-Palomino notes that the use of clitics indicating subject reference could be
entering a phase of obsolescence. Present-day speakers tend to omit them without af-
fecting the acceptability of the utterance. He observes, furthermore, that the location of
the clitic in the sentence can have a focalising function.
As we anticipated, the shape of the tenseaspect markers is also partly determined by
the person and the number of the subject, thus generating complicated patterns of con-
cord. These concord patterns may differ in accordance with the tenseaspect paradigm
involved. Consider the use of the element -ki- in the future-tense paradigm (see above).
As an additional illustration, the paradigmof the unmarked present tense is reproduced in
table 3.27. It contains a sufx -u- in forms with a rst-person-singular subject, whereas
in all other personnumber combinations the corresponding slot remains empty. The
exemplied phrase contains an adverb sina alone followed by the delimitative sufx
-l
y
a only (a sufx presumably borrowed from Quechua, where it has the same shape
and meaning). This adverb also carries the enclitic that indicates person, gender and
number. The exemplied verb is t
h
ax- to sleep.
Table 3.27 suggests that there is no formal difference between singular and plural
in the third person. However, other tenseaspect paradigms have different forms for
singular and plural in the third person feminine. Such, for instance, is the case in the
160
Muysken reports that Uchumataqu also allows proclitic subject markers.
3.6 The UruChipaya languages 371
Table 3.27 Unmarked present tense in Chipaya (from Cerr on-Palomino, MS).
1 pers. sing. sina-l
y
a-l t
h
ax-u- c
.
a I sleep alone.
plur. (excl.) sina-l
y
a-l t
h
ax- c
.
a We (excl.) sleep alone.
2 pers. sing. sina-l
y
a-m t
h
ax- c
.
a You (sing.) sleep alone.
plur. sina-l
y
a- s
.
t
h
ax- c
.
a You (plur.) sleep alone.
3 pers. masc. sing. sina-l
y
a- s
.
t
h
ax- c
.
a He sleeps alone.
masc. plur. sina-l
y
a- s
.
t
h
ax- c
.
a They (men) sleep alone.
3 pers. fem. sing. sina-l
y
a-l t
h
ax- c
.
a She sleeps alone.
fem. plur. sina-l
y
a-l t
h
ax- c
.
a They (women) sleep alone.
4 pers. plur. (incl.) sina-l
y
a- s
.
t
h
ax- c
.
a We (incl.) sleep alone.
past-tense (completive) paradigm illustrated below:
(358) na:-ki maxn
y
a-l t
h
ax- cin- c
.
a
that.FE-TO early-3.FE sleep-PA.3.FE.SG-DV
She slept early. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
(359) na:-nak-ki maxn
y
a-l t
h
ax- ci- c
.
a
that.FE-PL-TO early-3.FE sleep-PA.3.FE.PL-DV
They (those women) slept early. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
The element - c
.
a, which we have glossed as a declarative marker, is also found after
a noun or adjective in verbless equational clauses, such as (360):
(360) am q
h
oya q
h
ay- cuka ew- c
.
a
you house buy-FN new-DV
The house that you are going to buy is new. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
The declarative marker - c
.
a is almost certainly related to the very characteristic ending
- cay of Uchumataqu. Muysken (2000) discusses its function in that language and nds
that it is used in declarative and exhortative sentences, as well as in yes/no questions and
in some wh-questions. It is not used in imperatives and in innitival complements. Like
its Chipaya equivalent, the element - cay is also found afxed to nouns and adjectives.
An example of a declarative sentence in Uchumataqu is:
(361) wr-il x ala k ay a p e
.
k

u- cay
161
I-1 llama buy want-PN.1.SG-DV
I want to buy a llama. (Vellard 1967: 14)
161
In examples taken from Vellard we have tried to respect his phonetic notation. The apostrophe
(as in p e
.
k-u- cay I want) is reproduced in a slightly different way in order to avoid confusion
with the glottalisation sign.
372 3 The Inca Sphere
Vellard (1951: 379) presents some partial Uchumataqu verb paradigms. They sug-
gest a structure comparable to that of Chipaya (see also Muysken 2000). The Chipaya
examples given in Olson (1967) contain evidential elements referring to hearsay and
probability that appear to ll the slot of the tenseaspect markers (e.g. ap- s
.
-ki- c
.
a he
is following, they say; e:kt-qal- c
.
a he surely had hungered).
162
Olson (1965: 33) also
notes causative formations such as t-xaw-un- to cause to shout from q
h
aw- to shout.
A reexive marker -s- is recorded by Cerr on-Palomino in the form peka-s- to love each
other (cf. Aymara -si-). These examples make it clear that the verbal morphology of
Chipaya still holds a number of areas to investigate.
Cerr on-Palomino mentions several verbal afxes that are used as nominalisers. Verbs
such as pek(a)- to want can be used with innitive complements containing the afx - s
(362). Note the absence of an innitive marker in a parallel construction in Uchumataqu
(361).
(362) ni:-ki c
h
i swi- s
.
lul- s pek- c
.
a
he-TO meat-3.MS eat-IF want-DV
He wants to eat meat. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
There are several other nominalising afxes, - cuka potential, -n
y
i agentive, - ci and
-ta resultative, which can be used to form relative clauses and complement clauses.
Relative clauses and complement clauses precede the noun or the verb, respectively,
on which they depend. Their internal order is subjectobjectverb. Note, however, that
the (human) subject of an embedded complement clause can be extracted to a position
preceding the (non-human) subject of the main clause, as illustrated in (360); a further
example is (363):
(363) am kula lul- ci ana wali- c
.
a [Spanish vale it is worth; Aymara
you quinoa eat-SN not good-DV wali good]
The quinoa you have eaten is not good. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
A complement clause without subject extraction is illustrated in (364):
(364) am-ki wer c
h
i swi lul- ci si s- c
.
a
you-TO I meat eat-SN know-DV
You know that I have eaten meat. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
Relative or complement clauses containing the nominaliser - ci, as exemplied in
Cerr on-Palomino (MS), follow the pattern of main clauses in that their subjects are not
162
The source does not offer any morpheme glosses for these forms.
3.6 The UruChipaya languages 373
marked for case. If the nominaliser is -ta (compare Aymara -ta) the agent of the clause
can take (possessive) genitive case marking:
(365) we-t qam-ta q
h
oya qac- ci- c
.
a
I-G live-SN house be.lost-PA.3.MS-DV
The house where I used to live got lost. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
Chipaya has a special nominaliser -i expressing the action goal of verbs of motion (a
function which in Aymara and Quechua is fullled by the agentive nominalisation). Less
immediate goals can be expressed by the combination - s-xapa (innitive + benefactive
case).
(366) wer-naka lul-i-l oq-a- c
.
a
I-PL eat-GO-1 go-F-DV
We will go and eat. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
(367) wer-ki la - s-xapa t
h
on- cin- c
.
a
I-TO work-IF-B come-PA.1-DV
I have come in order to work. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
Chipaya has an active switch-reference system operating in subordinate clauses. The
endings used for this purpose have a double function. They specify the identity of
the subject of a subordinate verb in relation to the verb to which it is subordinated
(same or different), and they contain an indication of the temporal relationship of the
two verbs (simultaneous or consecutive). The following examples illustrate the use of
switch-reference with simultaneous events; the endings are -kan for same, and -nan for
different subjects. It has not been determined yet whether or not the element - s- in (368)
is to be seen as a part of the switch-reference marker. We assume that in (369) the element
- s
.
corefers with the third-person subject of the main clause.
(368) ni:-ki c
h
i swi lul- s-kan tik- ci- c
.
a
he-TO meat eat-?-SM.SS die-PA.3.MS-DV
He died while he was eating meat. (Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
(369) wer- s
.
u: sa kon-nan we-t hila-ki t
h
on- ci- c
.
a [Aymara hila brother]
I-3.MS sheep kill-SM.DS I-G brother-TO come-PA.3.MS-DV
When I was killing the sheep, my brother arrived.
(Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
Example (370) illustrates the use of switch-reference (different subjects) between
verbs referring to consecutive events. The ending -tan indicates that the subordinate
event is previous to the one expressed by the main verb.
374 3 The Inca Sphere
(370) t
h
un
y
i qat-tan waxta t
h
on- cam- c
.
a
sun fall-PV.DS town come-PA.2.SG-DV
When the sun had fallen, you came to the village.
(Cerr on-Palomino, MS)
Apart from the genitive (see above), the Chipaya case system comprises an
instrumentalcomitative -( s
.
)tan, illative -( s
.
)ki s, ablative (also in comparisons) -ki stan,
two locatives -ki s and -kin, perlative -nu s
.
and benefactive -xapa. Cerr on-Palomino re-
ports that where there is a choice the shorter forms are used with feminine nouns.
The benefactive must be preceded by a genitive marker. (The same may hold for the
instrumentalcomitative and illative endings.) There are some additional case markers
of Quechua origin.
The two locative case markers are distinguished as follows: -ki s is used when the
location referred to coincides with that of the speaker (371). If not, -kin is used (372).
(371) wer-ki urur-ki s qam-u- c
.
a
I-TO Oruro-L.PX live-PN.1.SG-DV
I live here in Oruro. (Cerr on-Palomino, personal communication)
(372) wer-ki urur-kin qam-u- c
.
a
I-TO Oruro-L.DT live-PN.1SG-DV
I live in Oruro (not here). (Cerr on-Palomino, personal communication)
The Uchumataqu case markers only partly resemble their Chipaya counterparts, e.g.
comitative -st a(ni), instrumental -st a -n a, ablative -kistani, allative -k(na) and perla-
tive -nis. Illative is -wnta -wint ani and locative is -(kos)t a (Vellard 1967: 27; Muysken
2000). Other locative endings are (with motion) -ki (kw as-ki into the water) and -nik
(uh c-nik into the re) and (without motion) -na/-nu (kw as-na, kw as-nu in the water,
Vellard 1967: 45). Some Uchumataqu examples are given below:
(373) wr-il okwa- ca ki-st ani
I-1 go-DV he-C
I go with him. (Vellard 1967: 28)
(374) wr-il w at

ta-kna okwa- cay

I-1 village-AL go-DV
I go to the village. (Vellard 1967: 29)
(375) wr-il w at

ta-kistani p ca- cay

I-1 village-AB come-DV
I come from the village. (Vellard 1967: 29)
(376) w at

-nis okw- a- cay

village-PT go-F-DV
I shall go through the village. (Vellard 1967: 29)
3.7 The Atacame no language 375
The personal pronouns of Chipaya are wer I, wer-naka we (exclusive), u c
.
um-
naka we (inclusive), am you (singular), am- c
.
uk you (plural), ni: he, ni:-naka
they (masculine), na: she, na:-naka they (feminine); the Uchumataqu pronouns are
wir/wer I, u cum(i) we (exclusive), am you (singular), am- cuka you (plural), ni
he, she, ni-naka they. For the inclusive rst person Vellard (1951: 16) gives a form
w aq

pa c umi, probably from waqpa ca all and u cumi we. The pluraliser sufx -naka
coincides with Aymara and may be a borrowed element.
The interrogative pronouns h e

who, cul( u) what, ksm where and kas ut

when
were recorded by Vellard (1967) for Uchumataqu; cf. Chipaya hek who (Porterie-
Guti errez 1990) and c
.
h
ulu what (Olson 1965: 31).
Vellard (1951, 1967) recorded a full decimal set of numerals for Uchumataqu: t i
one, p sk

i two, c e
.
p

i three, p axk

u pki four, t ax

s n uko
.
ve, t ax-t-n uko
.
six,
t

o
.
ko
.
seven, k

o
.
ko
.
eight, s ar-n uko
.
nine and kalu/kalo
.
ten. Chipaya has preserved
only four of its original numerals: ti: one (Olson 1965: c
h
i:), pi ska two, c
h
ep three,
paqpik four; the remaining numbers are borrowed fromAymara. There is a special term
for two people: Uchumataqu pkilt a(ni) (Vellard 1967), Chipaya pukultan (Porterie-
Guti errez 1990). Vellard, furthermore, mentions the existence of an ancient numeral
system recorded near Tiahuanaco, which in the 1940s was known to some of the Uru.
Some of its components bear a resemblance to Aymara, others to Uchumataqu.
Olson (1964: 313) reports that in his unpublished vocabulary of Chipaya 33 per
cent of the items are loans from Aymara, Quechua and Spanish. We may assume that a
similar gure holds for Uchumataqu. Ahigh percentage of borrowings does not surprise,
considering the sociolinguistic situation. There seem to be cases, however, where Uru
Chipaya must have been the giving language. Aymara speakers in Solajo near Carumas
(Moquegua, Peru) use a verb lul(u)- to eat, which is similar in formto the UruChipaya
term (Chipaya lul-).
163
It has not been found in other Aymaran dialects. Furthermore,
it would be a mistake to limit the attention to the three languages mentioned above.
UruChipaya also has some vocabulary in common with Puquina and with Moset en,
e.g. Chipaya si s-, Uchumataqu si s-, Puquina sisca to know; Uchumataqu t ara, Moset en
(Sakel 2003) t
y
ar a maize. For more cases of UruPuquina contact see Torero (1992).
3.7 The Atacame no language
The people of the Atacama desert in northern Chile have attracted the attention of
travellers and scientists by their relatively isolated position and the impressive natural
setting that surrounds their picturesque old villages. The habitat of the Atacame nos is
situated in the Chilean region of Antofagasta, between the river Loa (east of Calama)
and the border with Argentina and Bolivia, which is marked by a series of 6,000 metre
163
Recorded by the author during eldwork in Moquegua in 1984.
376 3 The Inca Sphere
high volcanoes. The main oasis San Pedro de Atacama is dominated by the Licancabur
(the mountain of the community, by which San Pedro is understood). Most Atacame no
villages, such as C amar, Peine, Socaire, S oncor, Tilomonte, Tilopozo and Toconao, are
situated to the south and southeast of San Pedro, between the Atacama salt-lake (Salar
de Atacama) and the border. A second area is situated at a distance north of San Pedro
near the banks of the Loa and Salado rivers; it comprises the villages of Caspana and
Chiu Chiu.
The language of the Atacame no people is also known as Kunza, a word meaning ours
in Atacame no, or as Lican antai language of the community. Several sources report
that its area of inuence, and possibly the language itself, once extended further east into
adjacent parts of Argentina (Philippi 1860) and the southwestern tip of Bolivia (Ibarra
Grasso 1958). A genetic relation of Atacame no with what was originally its eastern and
southern neighbour, the Diaguita or Kak an language group, was long considered likely
(Schuller 1908; Mason 1950), but the absence of any reliable Diaguita data (cf. Nardi
1979) precludes the verication of this hypothesis.
164
Kunza received a substantial amount of attention in publications of the nineteenth
century. They give an interesting view of the protracted process of extinction that has af-
fected the language. Foreign scientists, Chilean state ofcials and local parish priests
165
collaborated in collecting word-lists and grammatical notes, which are useful but in-
sufcient to obtain a full picture of the language (Philippi 1860; von Tschudi 18669;
Moore 1878). The best sources date from the 1890s. They consist of a grammatical
sketch by the Chilean engineer Francisco San Rom an (1890), based on data collected
after 1883, and a word list (glosario) with pronunciation notes, the product of a joint
effort of several interested scholars (Vasse, Hoyos and Echeverra y Reyes 1896). A
drawback to the study of Atacame no is the absence of text. Several ritual songs that are
performed without being understood any longer and two versions of the Lords Prayer,
written down by the Swiss Americanist Johann Jakob von Tschudi, make up the entire
corpus (cf. Lehnert Santander 1976).
At the end of the eighteenth century the Atacame no language was still in use, although
the community itself was probably never greater than a few thousand. Since colonial
times many Atacame no people were experts in leading pack-animals across the icy and
desolate Puna de Atacama (cf. Bowman 1924). This activity took them to places far
164
Swadesh (1959: 18) saw a connection between Atacame no and two native languages of
Rond onia, Brazil: Kapishana (now known as Kano e) and Mashub. To date, Mashub is clas-
sied as a Jabutan language and considered unrelated to Kano e. A rapid comparison of an
unpublished vocabulary of the Kano e language (Bacelar 1996) with the Atacame no lexical ma-
terial has brought no evidence that would support a relationship between these two languages.
165
At the church of San Pedro a tablet proudly commemorates the efforts of those who studied the
Kunza language, in particular, the parish priests Benito Maglio and Emilio Vasse.
3.7 The Atacame no language 377
away from their native oases, a circumstance which may have speeded up the demise of
the language. In 1858 Tschudi estimated the number of Atacame no speakers at less than
200. At the end of the nineteenth century, San Rom an reported that the language was
known only by a few octogenarians and that it would soon be gone. Vasse et al. (1896)
estimated the number of Kunza speakers at less than two dozen. It comes, therefore,
as a surprise that sixty years later Mostny was still able to locate (semi-)speakers in
the village of Peine (Mostny 1954). Mostnys data, however limited, are relevant for
the understanding and interpretation of the nineteenth-century material. Among other
things, she published a local version (in Kunza) of the tal atur, a ritual song related to the
annual ceremony of cleaning the irrigation canals, and made a valuable effort to interpret
its contents. Later on, another version of the tal atur, recorded in 1976 and originally
from the village of Socaire, also appeared in press (Rodrguez 1991).
166
Atacame no is fairly well documented as far as its lexicon goes. All the available
lexical data have been brought together by a research group from the University of
Valparaso in an (unpublished) computerised dictionary (S aez Godoy et al. 1974). On
the other hand, the grammatical information is extremely limited and sketchy, because
San Rom an only gives information on a few selected aspects of the grammar. The case
system, for instance, is not presented at all. As for the sounds of Atacame no, the sources
coincide in saying that it was a harsh-sounding language with many unpronounceable
sounds, which could not be represented easily with the symbols of the Latin alphabet. The
orthography which is used by the different sources is far from consistent. Nevertheless,
both San Rom an and Vasse et al. offer interesting observations on the pronunciation,
which make it possible to reconstruct several aspects of the Atacame no sound inventory.
In contrast to Aymara and Quechua, Atacame no had ve distinct (short) vowels: a,
e, i, o, u.
167
Contrastive pairs for the front and back vowels, respectively, are sem(m)a
one vs. sim(m)a man, and potor landslide vs. putchur ower. Cases of distinctive
vowel length are found in some environments at least, e.g. ckacka forehead, ckaacka
stutterer. The hyphen in forms such as cki-itur to ght and ma-istur to nd suggests
the presence of an intervocalic glottal stop. The spelling of the verb balt-hitur to run
in Vasse et al. possibly indicates that the glottal stop could occur in other positions
as well.
Interestingly, few lexical items in the glossary of Vasse et al. begin with a vowel;
a and i are the only vowels found in that position. Items that do have an initial vowel
166
The tal atur and another Kunza ritual song, the cauz ulor, have been brought out on music
albums: Le Chant du Monde: Chez les indiens du d esert dAtacama LDZ-S-4287 (no date);
and Unesco Collection Musical Sources: Amerindian Ceremonial Music from Chile 6586-026
(1975).
167
Mostny (1954) recorded a word containing schwa-type vowels ( crsnr narrow opening in
the rocks that lets through water).
378 3 The Inca Sphere
are mainly grammatical words (e.g. ackcka I; inti that much) and loan words (e.g.
atitur to win, to be superior, from Quechua ati-; astatur to whip, from Spanish
azotar). Most of the non-grammatical native words with initial a that are listed in the
Vasse glossary have alternative forms beginning with an aspiration (h), e.g. ara
hara lodging place, temporary shelter, atta hatta haata yesterday.
168
The
interrelation between aspiration and vowel length, as illustrated in the latter example, is
of particular interest. San Rom an states explicitly that aspirations in Kunza are followed
by a notable lengthening of the vowel. In his conjugation of the verb to eat, San
Rom an registers ohlmtur (with the aspiration written after the vowel), whereas Vasse
et al. have holmtur. This suggests that the aspiration may have been simultaneous with
the vowel, rather than previous or successive to it. Cases of postvocalic aspiration as
recorded by San Rom an (e.g. in ohlmtur to eat and pahni child) have been interpreted
as a phenomenon accessory to phonemic vowel length (Lehnert Santander 1987). On the
other hand, as we have just seen, there are also cases where aspiration triggers length,
rather than the opposite.
The consonant inventory of Atacame no, as represented in the glossary of Vasse et
al., is surprisingly small. There is no doubt that glottalisation could be distinctive in the
labial and in the alveolar positions (e.g. poi.ya
169
[poyya] calf of leg, ppoya [poya]
two; tilir spicy, ttelir [telir] vicu na). Nevertheless, many forms are listed with both
a glottalised and a plain initial, indicating that the distinctive value of glottalisation may
have been limited. For the palatal series the glossary employs only one symbol: tch.
The added explanation (Vasse et al. 1896: 33) suggests that it referred to a glottalised,
rather than to a plain alveopalatal affricate comparable to Spanish ch. However, San
Rom an makes a distinction between the symbols ch (as in choraca [ coraka] ostrich)
and chch (as in chchoya [ coya] seven), thereby indicating a glottalisation distinction
in the palatal series as well.
Strangely, the Vasse glossary contains no evidence of glottalisation in the velar or
postvelar series, nor does it distinguish between these two series at all. It employs the
symbol ck to cover all of the velar and postvelar areas of articulation (except for h).
The sound corresponding to ck is described as comparable to ch in German followed
by a sound similar to r, thereby creating the suggestion of a postvelar fricative (Vasse
et al. 1896: 15).
170
However, San Rom an afrms that there were several k-like sounds
in Atacame no, to be written c or k, in accordance with their degree of strength. He
168
There are a few non-grammatical items with initial i in the Vasse glossary: ipnatur to stick
to and ittin(tur) (to put) straight; they have no alternative forms with initial h.
169
From here on, the hyphen in the glossary is replaced by a dot, in order to avoid confusion with
morpheme boundary markers.
170
The symbol ck is used in the descriptive tradition of the Argentinian Quechua dialect of Santiago
del Estero for the representation of a uvular stop.
3.7 The Atacame no language 379
assigns a special status to a sound which he writes qc or q-c, in lqcau woman (Vasse
et al.: lickau), and which is supposed to be pronounced with a certain tenderness. His
characterisation of the initial consonant in kh uro wind (ckuri ckuru.ya in Vasse
et al.) seems to refer to a strongly aspirated postvelar stop.
171
Other spellings used by
San Rom an are c-k in v ac-ka river (back.cka in Vasse et al.), cj in cjara

tur to break,
cc in ccara

tur to cut (both ckaratur in Vasse et al.), and qqu in qquepe eye (ckepe or
ckepi in Vasse et al.) The initial sound in this last word also drew the attention of von
Tschudi, who wrote igkjepe and described a deeply guttural sound, both preceded and
followed by affrication (S aez Godoy 1971). In sum, there can be no other conclusion than
that Vasse et al. fell short in establishing the relevant distinctions that existed between
Atacame no velar and postvelar sounds.
172
The other symbols that are found in the Vasse glossary are b (sometimes written v),
l, m, n, r, s and y. All are described as having similar functions as their equivalents in
Spanish or other languages. The sound b is historically related to w in other Andean
languages, as can be seen in integrated loan words, such as baina boy-friend, lover
(Quechua wayna) and backtcha poor, orphan (Quechua wak ca).
173
The sound [w] it-
self, written hu, is limited to loans (e.g. hualcka necklace, fromQuechua wal
y
qa; huata
belly fromChilean Spanish guata) and onomatopoeic expressions. In contradistinction
to Aymara and Quechua, there were no palatal laterals and nasals (l
y
, n
y
). Philippi (1860)
and von Tschudi (18669) recorded what may have been a voiceless, aspirated lateral
in the word h( j)lacse head (Vasse et al.: lacksi). In addition to the consonants just
mentioned, there was an affricate ts tz, which may have had the status of a separate
phoneme. It was apparently not very frequent; e.g. aytzir vizcacha (an Andean rodent);
tserar serar cold, winter; tsimir tchimir snow.
Table 3.28 represents a tentative, if not speculative, overview of the speech sounds
that may have existed in Atacame no. Consonants for which we have no direct evidence
are given between square brackets. Round brackets indicate that the sound is limited to
loan words.
Clusters of up to three consonants, in medial position, and of two consonants, in initial
or nal position, are not uncommon, e.g. ckolcktur to fall, icks like that. Remarkable
is the frequent occurrence of geminate consonants in medial position (e.g. ackcka I).
171
Note that Vasse et al. have ckuru for mountain-lion, whereas San Rom an has k uhri (cf.
Lehnert Santander 1987). Confusion may have arisen in one or the other of the two sources.
172
In 1981 Bill Harrison (personal communication) recorded names of elds, plants and a few
lexical items in the village of Caspana. His taped recording contains ample evidence of glot-
talised as well as aspirated velars and uvulars. Only two conclusions can be reached: either the
Atacame no of the Salado river basin differed considerably from that of the San Pedro area, or
Vasse et al. somehow failed to recognise the distinctions.
173
A similar development (*w > ) can be observed in the Aymara of northern Chile
(cf. Clair-Vassiliadis 1976) and in Chipaya (section 3.6).
380 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.28 Tentative inventory of the Atacame no sounds
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Postvelar Glottal
Plain stops p t k q
Glottalised stops p t [k] [q]
Plain affricates c c
Glottalised affricates c
Fricatives b s x, x
.
h
Nasals m n
Plain lateral l
Voiceless lateral l

Vibrant r
Glides (w) y
Vowels: a, e, i, o, u, (?)
length
aspiration (= h)
These consonants are pronounced more strongly and more separate than in Italian, says
San Rom an (1967: 88). Gemination may have been the result of an active phonological
process, because it could affect loan words from Quechua and Spanish as well as native
words, e.g. ckas.sa mountain-pass (fromQuechua qasa), am.mu boss, master (from
Spanish amo). However, the existence of gemination has not been recorded for all lexical
items containing an intervocalic consonant. Theoretically, the orthographic gemination
may have represented glottalisation, as in ttelir vicu na, but the inventory of consonants
affected (stops, fricatives, resonants) and the frequent presence of a hyphen between two
identical consonants does not seem to favour such a conclusion.
As far as the rudimentary data available allow a general characterisation of the
language, the following grammatical facts emerge. Atacame no presents a mixture of
prexation and sufxation. Personal reference afxes were prexed to both verb and
noun. Tense, mood, nominalisation and negation with verbs, as well as nominal case
were indicated by means of sufxes. The morphology does not seem to be very elab-
orate. Perhaps this can be attributed to the state of decay in which the language found
itself when it was recorded. The general order was subjectobjectverb, and modiers
preceded heads with one notable exception: adjectives were located after substantives,
as in puri lari red water (from puri water and lari red).
174
174
This situation is characteristic of a whole range of languages native to northern Argentina
and northern Chile, such as Atacame no, Lule, Santiago del Estero Quechua and possibly also
Diaguita (Nardi 1979). It corresponds to type 24 in Greenbergs classication of basic word-
order types (Greenberg 1966: 109).
3.7 The Atacame no language 381
Table 3.29 Possessive nominal paradigm in
Atacame no (based on San Rom an 1967)
locjma dog
1 pers. singular c-locjma-ia my dog
plural cun-locjma-ia our dog
2 pers. singular s-locjma-ia your (sing.) dog
plural chin-locjma-ia your (plur.) dog
3 pers. singular ai-locjma-ia his/her dog
plural c-locjma-ia their dog
The possessive nominal paradigm as given by San Rom an is illustrated in table 3.29
with the noun l ocjma (Vasse et al.: lockma) dog. Note that a relational element -ia
-ya is added to the root. The signicance of the apostrophe that occurs with some of the
prexes remains unexplained. It may indicate the absence of a syllabic vowel.
In Vasse et al. many grammatical elements, including bound morphemes, are listed as
separate lexical items. The prexes for rst- and second-person possessor are recorded
as cki.i and iss, respectively. The latter form can be recognised in one of the ver-
sions of the Lords Prayer collected by von Tschudi (377). (In this and in the fol-
lowing examples the square brackets indicate the forms such as they occur in Vasse
et al.)
(377) is chea [tchei name]
{is-che-ya}
2P.SG-name-RL
Thy Name
175
(von Tschudi 18669, in Echeverra y Reyes 1967)
San Rom an assigns two other functions to the element ia ya. One of these functions
is that of an afxed article with nouns (378). It is possible that this so-called article
indicated possession of a noun by a non-identied possessor.
(378) sil a-ya
llama-RL [sil.la, sila llama]
the llama (maybe: someones llama) (San Rom an 1967: 79)
175
The full sentence is santi.hijiais-che-aya-cloHallowedbe ThyName! (hallowed2P.SG-name-
RL be-IM). At the present state of our knowledge it is not possible to analyse the expression
santi hijia, but note its resemblance to Spanish santicar (to hallow).
382 3 The Inca Sphere
Table 3.30 Atacame no personal and possessive pronouns (San Rom an 1967;
Vasse et al. 1896)
San Rom an Vasse et al. San Rom an Vasse et al.
I acca ackcka mine acsa, ajsaya* acksaya
you (sing.) chema tchema yours (sing.) chienza, ch ensaya tch ensaya
we cuna ckunna ours cunza ckunsa
you (plur.) chime tchmi yours (plur.) chienza, chinzaya tch ensaya
he ia, ya .ya his isa, is aya issi.ya
*
The j sounds as ch in German (San Rom an 1967: 83).
The other function of ia ya is that of a predication marker (copula) with pronominal
predicates (379). Whenever two nominals (i.e. a noun and an adjective) were connected
predicatively, a copula or predication marker was apparently not required (380).
(379) chema ya [tchema you]
you be
You are. Its you. (San Rom an 1967: 85)
(380) pauna v alchar [pauna child; baltchar bad]
child bad
The child is bad. (San Rom an 1967: 87)
There are two sets of pronouns to match the possessive prexes: a set of personal
pronouns and a derived set of possessive prounouns, containing the genitive element
-sa. The pronouns that can be extracted from San Rom ans work and the corresponding
forms from the Vasse glossary are given in table 3.30. A number of the possessive
pronouns have only been found followed by the element -ya, which possibly indicates a
predicative function (it is mine, etc.).
In a possessive construction in which the pronoun is expressed explicitly, both the
possessive pronoun and a possessive prex are required:
(381) chien-za chin-tic.han-ia [tickan father]
you.PL-G 2P.PL-father-RL
your (plural) father (San Rom an 1967: 80)
Nominal plural is indicated by means of a sufx -ckota,
176
which can be attached both
to nouns and to the third-person pronoun root i-:
176
Compare the Puquina nominal pluraliser -gata (cf. section 3.5).
3.7 The Atacame no language 383
Table 3.31 Verbal past-tense paradigm in Atacame no
(based on San Rom an 1967)
yocon-tur to speak
1 pers. sing. acca q-yocon-a I spoke.
plur. cuna cun-y ocon-a We spoke.
2 pers. sing. chema se-y ocon-a You (sing.) spoke.
plur. chime chin-y ocon-a You (plur.) spoke.
3 pers. sing. ya s-y ocon-a He spoke.
plur. cota et-y ocon-a They spoke.
(382) a. -cota i-ckota they [.ya he]
b. lqcau-cota lickau-ckota women (San Rom an 1967: 79, 85)
The prexes that identify person of subject in a verb are partly coincident with the
possessive personal prexes of the noun. The past-tense paradigm of the verb yockon-
tur to speak, as given by San Rom an (1967: 86), is presented in table 3.31. The full
personal pronouns that precede each verb form were probably optional.
As in the case of the possessive prexes the signicance of the apostrophe remains
unexplained. The evidence for a third-person-singular marker s is weak, because it is not
attested in the other third-person subject forms occurring in the data. (One either nds
zero, or q, which may not be a personal person reference marker.) The prex et- (note
the initial e) is not found in Vasse et al. The pronominal form cota is an abbreviated
variant of -cota they. Note in passing the possible diachronic link between the
pronouns and the person prexes.
The endings of the past tense are said to be unpredictable (San Rom an 1967: 86).
Other tense and mood categories are indicated by specic endings, where necessary
accompanied by morphophonemic adjustments, such as -ma for present tense, -(o)lo for
future tense and -(l)s for obligation.
(383) a. acca q-minij-ma I see [minck-tur to see]
b. acca q-c olc-olo I will fall [ckolck-tur to fall]
c. acca q-lan-s I will go [lan-tur to go]
Examples of the Atacame no imperative appear in Moore (1878) and in the Lords
Prayer versions transmitted by von Tschudi, but we owe the identication of the ending
-k
.
al(o) as a marker of the imperative to Mostny (1954: 141).
177
Another imperative
ending found in the Lords Prayer versions is -alo. The examples suggest that the former
177
It is likely that a uvular stop is intended to be represented by the symbol k
.
.
384 3 The Inca Sphere
occurred after a vowel (384), whereas the latter was found after bases ending in a
consonant (385).
(384) k
.
ilap anya ata-k
.
alo [cf. haita-tur to drink]
ckilapana drink-2S.IM
Drink ckilapana!
178
(Mostny 1954: 142)
(385) can-alo [cf. ckan-tur to give]
give-2S.IM
Give! (Tschudi 18669, in Echeverra y Reyes 1967)
The negation of the imperative was expressed by means of a sufx - ca- (Mostny 1954:
153). A good example of this construction is again found in the Lords Prayer versions
(386). The base verb is the Spanish loan dejar to leave, to abandon.
(386) cum deja-cha-calo
1O.PL leave-NE-2S.IM
Dont let us (fall into temptation)!
(Tschudi 18669, in Echeverra y Reyes 1967)
Example (386) also illustrates the use of prexes or preposed elements referring to
person of object, in this case, cum [kun] us. Vasse et al. mention at least two other
elements that are used in this way: ack for rst-person-singular object and tchencki
for second-person-singular object. One may venture the idea that the latter was in fact a
complex formreferring to the transition of a rst-person subject (cki-) to a second-person
object (tchem-).
The categories of deverbal nominalisation comprise the characteristic innitive ending
in -tur, amply illustrated in the current section. Doubtless, there are other possibilities,
such as those illustrated by the forms l alack-ma daybreak and lalck-tchir light, both
derived from lalck-tur to become light (of days) (Vasse et al. 1896: 24). More verbal
morphology consists in the existence of a transitive or causative formation involving an
element -un-, as in (387):
(387) lalck-tur to become light
lalack-un-tur to give/make light (Vasse et al. 1896: 24)
The existential verb to be in Atacame no is given as ttanzi [tansi] in San Rom an
and as ttansi-r or ttans-tur in Vasse et al. Its negation was expressed by sin(t)cha.
178
Ckilapana: a fermented drink made from pods of the algarroba tree (Prosopis chilensis). The
ending -ya is not explained in this case.
3.8 The LuleTonocot e language 385
Example (388) from Mostny illustrates this:
(388) t e sin ca o t ansi
tea not.be or be
Is there any tea, or not? (Mostny 1954: 170)
The SOV word order of Atacame no is illustrated in (389). Note the absence of a
subject prex.
179
The element -ne- remains unexplained; it may be part of the present-
tense ending. There is no case marker for the goal.
(389) acca lcan s aj-ne-ma [lickan town; sack-tur to go]
I town go-?-PN
I am going to town. (San Rom an 1967: 78)
Case markers and other elements referring to grammatical relations cannot easily be
recovered because they are not treated in the sources. Only a few case endings, such
as -ckol instrumental (Vasse et al. 1896: 19; Mostny 1954: 154) and -p(a)s allative
(Mostny 1954: 154), have been identied beyond doubt.
From a lexical point of view, it is interesting to note that the Atacame no language had
a full inventory of decimally organised numerals, which also included a non-borrowed
termfor hundred: sem(m)a one, ppoya two, pp alama three, tchalpa [ calpa] four,
m utusma (San Rom an: m utsisma) ve, mtchala six, tch oya [ coya] seven, tch olama
[ c olama] eight, t eckara nine, sutchi ten, haaras hundred (San Rom an: aras). The
connecting element was -ta, as in suchi-ta ppoya twelve (San Rom an 1967: 80).
Atacame no had borrowed many lexical items from Quechua, notwithstanding von
Tschudis emphatic denial of such being the case (S aez Godoy 1971: 20), e.g. ckausa-tur
to live, from Quechua kawsa-, and tussu-tur to dance, from Quechua tusu- (for other
examples see the preceding pages). Borrowings from other languages are represented in
tchamma force, from Aymara cama, and in horsa-tur to rape, from Spanish forzar.
3.8 The LuleTonocot e language
The Lule were one of the semi-nomadic peoples who inhabited the Gran Chaco between
the Pilcomayo river and the Andean foothills of northwestern Argentina. Their language
is known through a grammar and vocabulary published by Machoni de Cerde na in 1732.
Machoni called his work Arte de la lengua Tonocot e y Lule (Grammar of the Tonocot e
and Lule Language), suggesting that the Lule and Tonocot e languages were one and
the same. This is confusing because in early colonial sources such as the Relaciones
geogr acas de Indias (Jim enez de la Espada 1965, I: 3906; II: 7885) the two nations
179
According to San Rom an (1967: 87), the Atacame nos used few auxiliaries and abbreviated
everything they could.
386 3 The Inca Sphere
and their languages are treated as separate. In the sixteenth century the Tonocot e were
part of the sedentary indigenous population of the provinces of Tucum an and Santiago
del Estero, now occupied by speakers of the Quechua dialect of the same name (cf.
Martnez Sarasola 1992: 54952). They suffered constant attacks from the Lule. At
the beginning of the eighteenth century part of the Lule population had been brought
together in a mission in eastern Salta, which was subsequently transferred to a location
south of Tucum an in 1737, where a town called Lules still exists (Furlong 1941).
Machoni justies his procedure by afrming that the language which he describes
was spoken by ve nations: Tonocot e, Lule, Ysistin e, Toquistin e and Oristin e. He claims
that the Tonocot e, whom he located in the interior of the Gran Chaco, were the most
numerous of the ve and had not yet been converted to Christianity in his time. Since
the languages of the tribes in question have long been extinct and only one variety has
been documented, the question whether Lule and Tonocot e were indeed identical, and
if not, whether Machonis grammar deals with the former or with the latter, may remain
open.
The view that Machonis Lule is genetically related to the moribund or extinct Vilela
language of the Ro Bermejo basin has received attention since the end of the nineteenth
century (Lafone Quevedo 1894a, b, 1895; Balmori 1967). It is probably correct, although
the relationship is certainly not a close one (Viegas Barros 2001). There is no easily
detectable genetic relationship between LuleVilela and the other two main linguistic
groups of the Argentinian Chaco, Guaicuruan and Matacoan. There are some similarities
with Matacoan, which may be due to contact.
Machoni describes a relatively small inventory of sounds consisting of ve vowels, a,
e, i, o, u and a limited number of consonants. Stress is predominantly word-nal.
180
The
symbol y is used as an equivalent of i, especially when stressed, but also for referring
to a semi-consonant. According to Machoni, the main difculties of Lule pronunciation
consist in distinguishing between the sibilants c, c, and s and in the existence of complex
consonant clusters involving sibilants in word-initial and word-nal postion (e.g. quelp c
[kelpt
s
] I spit, slimst [slimst] I make a sound with the nose, oal ecst [wal ekst] I know,
stu c [stut
s
] I throw).
Machonis description of the sibilants is not free of contradiction and is therefore
hard to interpret. His symbols c, c, and apparently also z, seem to stand for a sound
which may be identied tentatively as an alveodental affricate [t
s
]; the language has
no ch [ c] as in Spanish. However, Machoni adds that in some words the c has to be
pronounced as a (Spanish) c or ss (normally the pronunciation of his symbol s). An-
other inconsistency in the use of the symbol c is that it can both refer to [t
s
] and to
180
Word-nal accent is usually written with an acute by Machoni. The examples given are in
Machonis original spelling.
3.8 The LuleTonocot e language 387
[k]. This becomes evident from the different derivations of the imperative, as in uec-y
die! [wet
s
] from uec- c [wet
s
t
s
] I die against poqu-y [pok] dig! from poc- c [pokt
s
]
I dig.
The simplicity of the Lule sound inventory is surprising when we consider the rather
complex inventories of the related Vilela language (which has postvelar stops, a voicing
distinction and a glottalisation distinction) and of almost all the surrounding languages,
including the modern Quechua dialect of Santiago del Estero. It is conceivable that
Machoni may have missed such distinctions. There are no indications to that effect,
except for the word tt a egg, in which the double consonant symbol may point at the
existence of glottalisation. On the other hand, the highly informative vocabulary that
accompanies Machonis grammar contains evidence of voiceless laterals (quilh a [kil

a]
Indian girl; cf. Vilela kil

e woman) and, possibly, of a voiceless nasal (nhal a pul u

sugar cane). The existence of a glottal stop is suggested by se c s.he c [set
s
] I
support, in which s and the vowel must be pronounced separately, and se c [set
s
] I cry,
in which they are pronounced without interruption.
From a supercial point of view, Lule appears to be a typically Andean language with
a sufxing structure, a moderately complex morphology and case markers. However, a
closer look at the verbs included in Machonis SpanishLule vocabulary shows that this
picture is not entirely correct. These verbs exhibit different sorts of derivational mor-
phology including prexation, compounding and reduplication. There are, for instance,
verb sets characterised by a root and different prexes referring to an instrument or body
part with which the action is performed. The root cannot occur without one of these
prexes, nor are these prexes formally related with corresponding nouns. For instance,
the root -calam- to press is absent from the vocabulary, except when it occurs with one
of the instrumental elements illustrated in (390).
(390) ni-calam- to press with the hands cf. ys hand
yacs-calam- to press with the feet cf. ell u foot
si-calam- to press with knees or body cf. toi- body
ti-calam- to press the earth (of rain) cf. auy a rain-water
na-calam- to press the earth (of running water) cf. t o water
The root -moi- to kill is found both with a generic and with an instrumental prex
(391):
(391) tac-moi- to kill
s-moi- to kill with an arrow or a spear
nic-moi- to kill (chicken) with the hands
na-moi- to kill with a string or lasso
ap-moi- to kill with a bullet
388 3 The Inca Sphere
Compounding can be illustrated by the encoding of bodily positions in a verb such as
ui- [wi] to sleep (392):
(392) lo-ui-
181
to sleep while sitting cf. lo-, loho-
182
to sit (down)
qui-ui- to sleep while standing cf. qui- to stand
ele-ui- to sleep while lying cf. ele- to lie (down)
Further illustrations of compounding involving verb roots can be observed in (393)
and (394):
(393) ti-tuc- to try
ne-tuc- to try and eat, to taste
(394) tic-tun- to nish
ne-tun- to nish eating
Note that the common term for to eat is not *ne- but cai-. Furthermore, Lule has a
wide array of terms for eating depending on what is eaten: e.g. pel- to eat our, let-
to eat soft fruits, ues- to eat beans or cabbage, anc- [ant
s
] to eat soup.
Lule verbs may differ lexically in function of the number (395) or the gender (396)
of the subject:
(395) u os- c arrive-1S.SG I arrive
ual-cen arrive-1S.PL we arrive
(396) pac- [pat
s
] to carry (of men)
yes- to carry (of women)
Reduplication of the initial syllable is found in derived verbal substantives that refer
to an instrument, as in (397):
(397) ne-neyu-p e ute cf. neyu- to play the ute
Verbs are inected for person and number. The endings which are used for the non-
future indicative tenses coincide roughly with the endings indicating person and number
of the possessor with nouns. Examples with the verb amaici- to love and uy a house
are given in table 3.32.
The ending of the verbal rst person singular varies between - c, -s, -t, and zero. The lat-
ter two possibilities are used as alternatives after roots ending in a consonant cluster with
a nal sibilant, as in oal ecs-t (oal ecs- c, oal ec- c) I know or stops-t (stops- c, stops)
181
In the examples the symbol v has been replaced by u, because the former is a mere notational
variant of the latter.
182
The interpretation of the symbol h between vowels is ambiguous. Apart fromindicating a glottal
or velar fricative, it can also refer to a glottal stop.
3.8 The LuleTonocot e language 389
Table 3.32 Lule personal endings for unmarked tense and nominal possession
amaici- to love uy a house
1 pers. sing. amaici- c I love. uy a-s my house
plur. amaici-c en We love. uya-cen our house
2 pers. sing. amaici-c e You (sing.) love. uya-c e your (sing.) house
plur. amaici-lom You (plur.) love. uya-lom your (plur.) house
3 pers. sing. amaici-p He/she loves. uya-p his/her house
plur. amaici-p an They love. uya-p an their house
Table 3.33 Lule future and imperative
verbal paradigms
Future Imperative
1 pers. sing. -n-s
plur. -n-cen -pe, -cen
2 pers. sing. -psse + V, y
plur. -n-(pe)lom -uan
3 pers. sing. -n-t -pep, -to
plur. -n-pan -(n-)pan
I pour (a liquid). The choice between - c and -s appears to be arbitrary. As for substan-
tives, Machoni afrms that they normally take -s, but that some take - c; e.g. y(h) a- c my
brother.
The third-person-singular ending of the verbs has two forms: -p and -t. According to
Machoni, the verbs that take -t instead of -p are those that have roots ending in -a-, -e-,
-u-, -li- and -qui-, e.g. e-t he sees, taclu-t he throws.
The Lule verbal system comprises different tenses and moods, as well as devices for
subordination and nominalisation, all indicated by means of sufxation. There are no
indications of object encoding within the verb. Near and remote past are characterised
by the afxes -ni- and -(y)ate-, respectively, which are inserted between the root and the
person and number afxes. The imperative and, to a lesser extent, the future paradigm
have special endings for person and number. These are represented in table 3.33.
Apart from the second-person-singular ending all future endings contain an element
-n-. This same element is used to distinguish between an unmarked active participle in
-ton and a future active participle in -n-ton, e.g.:
(398) amaici-t` on he who loves
amaici-n-t` on he who will love
183
183
In this case Machoni uses a grave instead of an acute accent. The reason for it is not known.
390 3 The Inca Sphere
Both participles can be used as nite verbs replacing present-tense and future forms,
respectively. The second-person-singular imperative ending consists of a vowel -y after
roots ending in a consonant, and a lengthened nal vowel after roots ending in a vowel.
This is indicated by doubling of the last vowel. It is not sure whether the added vowel
was pronounced separately, as vowel length, or that it was merely stressed. There are
some irregular imperatives, such as cai go!, ei see! and nei come! (from ca-, e- and
ne-, respectively).
(399) taclu- u throw!
taclup-y turn upside down!
The subordinate formof the verbs is formed by adding the element -l e to the unmarked
tense of the indicative (e.g. amaici- c-l e when I love). The element -l e coincides in
form with a case marker that indicates location involving motion (into, from). The
interpretation of the case marker depends on the meaning of the verb or the context. The
second l e in (400) and (401) is described as a partcula de ornato (ornamental particle)
by Machoni.
(400) uya-l e l e ne- c
house-L come-1S.SG
I come from the house.
(401) uya-s-l e l e ca- c
house-1P.SG-L go-1S.SG
I go to my house
Lule nouns referring to human beings can be marked for plural, although this is not
obligatory. The exact rules of plural formation are difcult to glean from Machonis
grammar.
(402) cu e son or daughter cu e-l children
zal a young man zala-til young people
Personal possessive endings are added to the plural ending, if any, e.g.:
(403) Pedro cu e-l-p uy e
Pedro child-PL-3P.SG not.be
Pedro has no children.
As can be seen in (403), the genitive construction is characterised by possession marked
on the head. The modier (possessor) precedes the head and remains unmarked.
184
If
184
Adjectives follow the noun they modify, as in t o ytyps lukewarm water.
3.9 Extinct and poorly documented languages 391
the head consists of the words p e father or umu e mother, the possessive ending -p is
left out whenever the possessor is present. If the possessor is not present, the ending is
compulsory.
(404) Juan pe-p the father of Juan (not present)
Juan p e the father of Juan (present)
The personal pronouns of Lule are not related to the verbal endings. Some of them,
however, can be related to verbal endings in the Vilela language: quis I, u e you, u a
we, mi-l you (plural). In Vilela -ki-s is a rst-person-dual or plural verbal ending
(singular -ki), whereas -mi refers to a second person singular (Lozano 1977).
185
The
reexive pronoun in Lule is formed on the basis of a root lo- to which personal possessive
endings are added. Pronouns used in object function, including the reexives, are located
before the verb.
(405) u e y o ne- c
you take come-1S.SG
I have come to take you. [y o ne- to take, to fetch]
(406) lo-s tec- c [los tekt
s
]
self-1P.SG ght-1S.SG
I battle, I ght
The numeral systemof Lule is not typically Andean in that it consists of only four basic
items: alape a one, tam op two, tamlip three and locu ep four (cf. lucu e man). The
numeral locu ep provides the basis for higher numbers, as in locu ep moitl e tamlip seven
(three added to four) and in locu ep moitl e locu ep alape a nine (four added to four
plus one). The word for ten ysyauomp is derived from ys hand and yauo o together.
It is used as a basis for further counting, as in ysav omp moitl e tam op twelve (two added
to ten). Multipliers precede the number they multiply, as in tamlip ysav omp thirty.
Lule contains several loan words from Quechua, such as yapa- to add (Quechua
yapa-), tanta bread (Quechua tanta), tity tin (Quechua titi), utc u cotton (Quechua
utku). Interesting are several loans from Spanish that have been modied almost beyond
recognition, e.g. capl a goat (Spanish cabra), ceual a millet (Spanish cebada), polot o
bean (Spanish poroto) and telec o wheat (Spanish trigo).
3.9 Extinct and poorly documented languages of the Inca Sphere
As anticipated in section 3.1, the Middle Andean region was originally a linguistically
diverse area with numerous local languages. The decline of these languages was almost
185
It is interesting to observe that -l, -l

and -s also act as nominal pluralisers in Matacoan (Tovar

1981; Gerzenstein 1994).
392 3 The Inca Sphere
certainly triggered by the political unication of the area by the Incas, but many of them
were still widely spoken when the Spanish conquerors arrived. Much of the linguistic
diversity in the Middle Andean region was lost during colonial rule and in the rst
century of independence. With the exception of the languages treated in the preceding
sections 3.43.8, all the languages that vanished during that period have remained un-
documented. Place names, personal names and, in the best case, short word lists must
be relied upon for a reconstruction of some of the characteristics of these languages.
Their existence is sometimes conrmed by mentions in the historical literature. For a
discussion of these languages we distinguish three relevant areas: Ecuador, northern
Peru and northwestern Argentina.
3.9.1 Ecuador
In the highlands of Ecuador it is possible to reconstruct much of the original language
situation, characterised by a series of distinct language areas that can be identied on the
basis of toponymy and other information. In the coastal area this is nearly impossible.
Coastal Ecuador was (and is) a densely populated area, but, apart from its northernmost
sector (see chapter 2) its linguistic past remains hidden. At the time of the conquest, the
ethnic group that inhabited the region of Guayaquil and the lower valley of the Daule
river was called Huancavilca (Cieza de Le on 1553). The Huancavilca were in the habit
of removing part of their front teeth, and this is what their name in the native language
is reported to have referred to (Velasco 1789). There were intensive trade relations with
the islanders of Pun a and with the inhabitants of the port of T umbez in northern Peru.
Jij on y Caama no (1941: 38597) and Paz y Mi no (1961a) treat all these groups as a
linguistic unity, called Atall an by the latter. Jij on y Caama no adds the language of the
area of Manta in the province of Manab to this complex. He considers the Manab
HuancavilcaPun a group to represent a single language with dialects, belonging to
a family that also comprises Mochica and the Ca nar and Puruh a languages in the
highlands further east. Although other classications (Loukotka 1968) have followed
this suggestion, there seems to be no signicant empirical evidence for it. Several other
groups, such as the Indians of the Car aquez bay (Manab), the Chono of the Guayas
river basin, the Campaces of the upper Daule valley and the Colima (location unclear),
have not been associated with the Huancavilca complex. Jij on y Caama no proposes a
Barbacoan connection for the latter two, suggesting that the Campaces may have been
identical to the Tsaki-speaking Colorado (cf. section 2.17 ; see also Hartmann 1980).
Newson (1995) proposes a similar connection for the Chono.
In 1593 the Diocesan Synod of Quito issued an instruction calling for catechisms and
confessionaries in the following languages: Quillacinga, Pasto, Puruh a, Ca nar, the
language of the plains (la de los Llanos) and the Atallana (Jij on y Caama no 1941:
385). Assuming that the Atallana language mentioned in this document was in fact the
3.9 Extinct and poorly documented languages 393
Tall an language of Piura in present-day Peru (see section 3.9.2), we may identify the
language of the plains with that of the Huancavilca complex, which could have been
predominant in southern coastal Ecuador. Another document of 1605, Descripci on de
la Gobernaci on de Guayaquil, refers to an extreme linguistic diversity in the Portoviejo
area in the province of Manab. The same source reports that in about 1600 Spanish was
already becoming the contact language in the coastal area (Hartmann 1980).
In the highland part of Ecuador we nd a succession of languages, which fromnorth to
south are the following: Pasto, Cara, Panzaleo, Puruh a, Ca nar, and a language complex
comprising Palta, Malacato, Rabona, Bolona and Xiroa. These languages are mentioned
in early sources such as Cieza de Le on (1553) and the Relaciones geogr acas de Indias
(Jim enez de la Espada 1965). They have been the object of studies by the Ecuadorian
scholars Jij on y Caama no (1940, 1941) and Paz y Mi no (1940, 1941a, b, 1942, 1961b),
who inventoried recurrent roots and endings, as well as other salient features of these
languages that can be deduced from place names, family names and historical accounts.
However important their work may be have been, a reassessment of the results following
modern techniques and insights is very much needed.
Pasto is usually classied with the Barbacoan family, together with its neighbour
Cuaiquer or Awa Pit (cf. section 2.17). The (extinct) variety of Muellamu es (Nari no,
Colombia), of which a short word list was recorded during the nineteenth century, was
clearly related, though not identical, to Awa Pit and had a higher incidence of Quechua
loan words (cf. Jij on y Caama no 1940: 197). It may have represented one of the last
surviving dialects of the Pasto language. Muellamu es piar maize can be recognised
in the place name Piartal, in Carchi province (Ecuador); the interpretation of -tal is
rock (Paz y Mi no 1940). The Pasto territory was situated around the border towns of
Tulc an and Ipiales, striding the ColombianEcuadorian border. In Ecuador it included
the Andean part of Carchi. Typical elements in Pasto place names are -quer (Mayasquer,
Altaquer) and -es (Ipiales, Pupiales, T uquerres). The language has been replaced by
Spanish.
The territory of the Cara or Caranqui language extended from the valley of the
Mira and Chota rivers to the city of Quito, covering the Andean region situated in the
province of Imbabura and in the north that of Pichincha. Important centres in this area are
Otavalo, Cayambe and Ibarra (Carangue). In a study of local place and family names,
Salomon and Grosboll (1986) show that the Cara linguistic area may have reached
the northern outskirts of Quito, where it bordered on the Panzaleo language further
south. The area is today inhabited by a dynamic indigenous population speaking a
variety of Quechua known as Imbabura Quechua. In particular the people of Otavalo
and surrounding villages are known for their rich folklore and economic success. Cara
may have been used until well into the eighteenth century (Caillavet 2000: 103), before it
became fully replaced by Quechua. A possible substratum element from Cara preserved
394 3 The Inca Sphere
in modern Imbabura Quechua is the use of a labial fricative f (from earlier Quechua
*p
h
; cf. section 3.2.5). Place names with characteristic stems and endings, as well as a
fair number of family names mentioned in the colonial documents, constitute evidence
of the past existence of Cara and give an impression of its phonology. Some endings
(e.g. -mued, -pud) are shared with Pasto, suggesting some kind of relationship between
the two languages. River names in -p/-b (e.g. Calap, Chulxab) suggest a connection
with the Barbacoan languages, where this element has the meaning of water or river.
Paz y Mi no (1941a) favours the view that Cara was related to Tsaki (cf. section 2.17).
Among the most frequent endings in place names is -qu [k] (compare Pasto -quer), for
instance, in Cochasqu, Pomasqu and Tuntaqu. Caillavet identies further toponymical
elements, such as -puela/-buela eld, -pigal earth ridge and -yasel articial mound
(locally known as tola). A recurrent element in personal names is ango, identied as
lord. It is found, for instance, in the name of the sixteenth-century cacique of Otavalo,
Otavalango, but it also occurs by itself (Caillavet 2000: 28). Unfortunately, there are
hardly any Cara forms of which the meaning is known with certainty. One of the very
few cases is the element -piro/-biro, identied as lake or pond in the Relaciones
geogr acas, which is found in the place names Pimampiro and Tumbabiro (Jim enez de
la Espada 1965, II: 236, 248).
186
Paz yMi no (1961a) refers toan(extinct) Cara population on the Ecuadorian coast, near
Car aquez bay (Manab). Presumably, this idea was inspired by Velascos controversial
account of the Cara or Scyri rulers, who would have invaded the highlands from the
coast in pre-Inca times (Velasco 1789). Regardless of the question whether Velascos
account has any historical basis, there is no reason to assume that the Cara language
as we know it from toponymy and historical sources was the product of such a coastal
invasion.
The Panzaleo language owes its name to the Inca settlement of the same name,
situated not far from Quito (cf. Salomon 1986). The Panzaleo area extended from Quito
in the north to the town of Mocha in the south, covering the provinces of Cotopaxi
and Tungurahua, as well as the southern part of Pichincha. The main centres in the
area, apart from Quito itself, are Ambato and Latacunga. The Panzaleo area may have
been the rst in the Ecuadorian highlands to become thoroughly Quechuanised. Typical
toponymical endings of the Panzaleo area are -(h)al o (Pilal o, Mulahal o), -leo (Tisaleo,
Pelileo) and -lagua/-ragua (Cutuglagua, Tunguragua). The possibility that the original
language of the Quijos Indians, an ethnic group inhabiting the Andean foothills in the
western part of the province of Napo, was actually a variety of Panzaleo (as suggested
by Cieza de Le on) is discussed in Jij on y Caama no (1940: 28995). The evidence is not
186
Translated as great lake and bird lake, respectively. Note, however, that pim an means bridge
in Tsaki (Moore 1962).
3.9 Extinct and poorly documented languages 395
conclusive. Loukotka (1968) in his classication presents Panzaleo as related to P aez
(see section 2.15). One of the sources for this view is Jij on y Caama no (1940: 3956),
who recognises that the evidence is weak and adds that any observed similarities, when
valid at all, may be attributed to contact.
Puruh a or Puruguay was once the dominant language in the present-day province of
Chimborazo, except in its southernmost section of Alaus and Chunchi, where Puruh a
overlapped with neighbouring Ca nar. Jij on y Caama no (1940: 417) leaves open the
possibility of an extension into the Chimbos area further west (province of Bolvar),
but this idea is not accepted by Paz y Mi no (1942). The main centre of the former
Puruh a area is Riobamba. In spite of this strategic position, the amount of information
on the language that has been preserved is disappointingly small. A late seventeenth-
century grammar is reported lost. Modern Puruh a descendants now generally speak
Quechua.
Family names frequently end in -cela or in -lema. Examples are Duchicela, the lineage
of Atahuallpas mother, reportedly of Puruh a descent (Velasco 1789), and Daquilema,
the name of a nineteenth-century rebel. Frequent endings of Puruh a place names are -shi
(e.g. Pilligshi), -tus (e.g. Guasunt us), -bug (e.g. Tulubug). More complex endings are
-cahuan, -calpi and -tactu. Some of these elements occur in combination with Quechua
roots, as in Supaycahuan (Quechua supay devil).
Puruh a is generally believed to be related to Ca nar. Nevertheless, the two languages
are kept distinctly apart in the colonial Spanish sources. Some phonological character-
istics not usually found in the languages further north are shared by Puruh a and Ca nar,
for instance, the use of voiced stops in word-initial position. Another interesting com-
mon feature is the existence of a voiced palatal fricative [ z] (written zh), which is not
demonstrably a reex of earlier l
y
(as it is in some Ecuadorian Quechua dialects). It is
found word-initially in Ca nar place names, e.g. Zhud (R. Howard, pers. comm.).
The Ca nar language was spokeninthe Ecuadorianhighlands, inthe provinces of Ca nar
and Azuay, and in parts of southern Chimborazo (Alaus). According to the Relaciones
geogr acas de Indias (Jim enez de la Espada 1965, II: 279), it was also used in Saraguro
in the northern part of the province of Loja, in spite of the fact that the Indians of Saraguro
were hostile to the Ca nar people further north. The Ca nar people played a crucial role
in the history of the Inca empire. After they had been conquered, the Incas embellished
their principal town of Tomebamba (Cuenca), which was then destroyed during the
civil war between Atahuallpa and Huascar. Many Ca nar people were sent to other parts
of the empire as mitimaes. Ca nar troops were sought out for police tasks and special
assignments, which they continued to perform under Spanish rule. The inuence of
Quechua became particularly strong in the Ca nar region. Nevertheless, Ca nar continued
to be used during the colonial period until it was eventually replaced by Quechua. Today,
the main centres of the area are Cuenca, Azogues and Ca nar.
396 3 The Inca Sphere
Ca nar toponymy is highly characteristic and easier to recognise than that of Puruh a.
Nevertheless, some endings (-pala, -pud, -bug, -shi) are shared by the two languages.
Luckily, the Relaciones geogr acas de Indias (Jim enez de la Espada 1965, II: 265, 274
5, 278, 280) are somewhat more informative about the meaning of Ca nar place and family
names than about those of other Ecuadorian highland languages. For instance, Leoquina
is translated as snake in a lake; Paute as stone; Peleusi (or Pueleusi) as yellow eld;
Pue car as broom. The Jubones river was calledTamalaychaor Tanmalanechariver that
eats Indians. Aparticularlyinterestingexplanationconcerns that of the plaininwhichthe
city of Cuenca is situated. It was called Guapdondelic large plain resembling heaven.
This explanation allows an interpretation of quite a fewplace names, such as Bayandeleg,
Chordeleg, etc., which contain the element deleg large plain. Other place names contain
an element del (e.g. in Bayandel), which may have had a related meaning.
187
The most
frequent ending in place names is -cay [kay]. It has been interpreted as water or river,
presumably because of its occurrence in river names, such as Saucay and Yanuncay
(Paz y Mi no 1961b). Other examples of endings occurring in Ca nar place names are
-copte (Chorocopte), -hui na (Catahui na), -turo (Molleturo), -zhuma (Guagualzhuma)
and -zol (Capzol). In addition to the original Ca nar place names, Quechua names are
also frequent. The ending -pamba plain, for instance, is more common than the native
-deleg.
In the sixteenth century the province of Loja was inhabited by a number of small ethnic
groups, which the Spaniards found difcult to control. The language they spoke was
known as Palta. Another language, Malacato, was spoken in a limited area south of the
town of Loja. Caillavet (2000: 233) also mentions an enclave of Ca nar speakers (Amboca)
situated to the northwest of that town. The Palta language had a wide distribution with
eastern outliers in the Zamora region and in the area of Ja en (department of Cajamarca,
Peru).
188
Furthermore, its use may have extended to the area of Zaruma in the present-
day province of El Oro (Caillavet 2000: 216). Today the area, which no longer has a
substantial indigenous population, is mainly Hispanophone, with the exception of the
Quechua-speaking community of Saraguro in the north.
Several observations in the Relaciones geogr acas de Indias seem to indicate that the
languages of the area were closely related. It is generally believed that they belonged to
the Jivaroan language family. The only Palta words that were recorded are not fromLoja,
but from a mountainous area called Xoroca not far from Ja en (Jim enez de la Espada
1965, III: 143). Of these four words (yum e water, xeme maize, capal re, let re-
wood) the three rst ones have been recognised as Jivaroan (Gnerre 1975). Many place
187
Bay an is the name of a shrub.
188
On Ecuadorian maps the area of Ja en is normally represented as a part of Ecuador, as a result
of the boundary conict between the two countries.
3.9 Extinct and poorly documented languages 397
names in the Loja area end in -anga (Cariamanga), in -numa (Purunuma) or in -nam a
(Cangonam a, Gonzanam a). Gnerre (1975) interprets the two latter endings as instances
of a Jivaroan locative case marker -num -nam, whereas Torero (1993a) offers a dif-
ferent interpretation by associating the ending -nam a with Aguaruna nam ak(a) river.
189
Similar elements are found in place names further east in the area of Zamora, where
the Relaciones geogr acas de Indias (Jim enez de la Espada 1965, III: 13642) mention
the existence of three other languages, Bolona, Rabona and Xiroa (possibly a variant
of Jvaro). For the Rabona language a certain number of vocabulary items, mainly
plant names, are listed. Torero (1993a) has identied some of these items as Candoshi
(e.g. chicxi sapodilla, Candoshi c ci(ri)), but others are reminiscent of Aguaruna (e.g.
guapuxi large guava, Aguaruna w ampu sik, Wipio Deicat 1996: 140). In spite of the
fact that Rivet (1934), Loukotka (1968) and Torero (1993a) have classied the Rabona
language as a member of the Candoshi family, we prefer to leave the matter undecided.
The afliations of the Bolona language cannot be known for lack of data; it has been
classied as Jivaroan by Loukotka, whereas Torero suggests a connection with Ca nar
based on the geographical location of Bolona. Few of the communities of the Zamora
region mentioned in the early sources have survived, as much of the area was devastated
by intensive colonisation during the sixteenth century and by the subsequent Jivaroan
uprising (cf. Velasco 1789; Taylor 1999).
As a nal addition to this discussion of the pre-Quechuan Ecuadorian highland lan-
guages, we may observe that, with the exception of the languages of Loja and possibly
also of Panzaleo, these languages share a number of distinctive elements that seem to
point at a common origin or a long period of interaction at the least. Examples of such
elements are words ending in the voiced consonants -d and -g, the ending -pud, and sylla-
bles with a complex labial onset (mue, pue, bue).
190
The fact that Pasto, with its probable
Barbacoan afnity, is one of the languages exhibiting these shared characteristics seems
to suggest a Barbacoan connection for this whole group of languages. Although far
from being proven, such a connection is more likely than the alleged relationship with
Mochica advocated by Jij on y Caama no.
3.9.2 Northern Peru
In seventeenth-century sources the northern Peruvian Andes and coast are singled out
as a multilingual area that resisted Quechuanisation. Blas Valera, cited in Garcilaso de
189
The usual meaning of nam ak(a) in the Jivaroan languages is sh, but in Aguaruna it has the
additional meaning of river.
190
Complex labial onsets are also found in Awa Pit (Curnow 1977: 34), where labial consonants
have a labial off-glide before the high central vowel ([p
w
], [m
w
]). Allophonic labial off-glides
following labial consonants have furthermore been encountered in Muisca (section 2.9.2), in
Shuar and in Yanesha

(chapter 4).
398 3 The Inca Sphere
la Vega (1609, Book 7, chapter 3), reports that the Quechua language was unknown in
the administrative domain of Trujillo and other provinces belonging to the jurisdiction
of Quito. The present situation and the little we know of past linguistic developments
in northern Peru give support to Valeras impression. A number of non-Quechuan native
languages survived the conquest, giving way to Spanish often as late as in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries. On the other hand, Quechua is not absent from the area. It has
survived in three distinct areas of northern Peru (see sections 3.1, 3.2.3), and it was
certainly more widely used in the sixteenth century (Rivet 1949: 23).
The near absence of documentation concerning the non-Quechuan languages of north-
ern Peru is striking. Except for the cases of Mochica and Chol on, there are neither gram-
mars, nor dictionaries of these languages, not even the sort of religious texts that Spanish
priests considered necessary for evangelisation (cf. Adelaar 1999). An essential source
is Bishop Martnez Compa n on (1985 [178290]), who provided word lists of 43 items
each for nine languages spoken in his diocese (gure 1): Castilian (Spanish); Quechua;
the Yunga language of the provinces of Trujillo and Sa na (Mochica, see section 3.4);
the languages of Sechura, Col an and Catacaos in the province of Piura (Sechura and
Tall an); the Culli language of the province of Huamachuco; and the languages of the
Hivitos and Cholones of the Huailillas missions (Hibito and Chol on, see section 4.11).
The most comprehensive attempt to reconstruct the colonial language map of northern
Peru is found in Torero (1986, 1989, 1993a). In this context a distinction should be
made between languages effectively mentioned in the sources and those whose former
existence is merely assumed on the basis of clusters of place and family names with
shared characteristics.
Among the well-attested languages are those of the coastal plain of the department of
Piura. One of these languages, known as Sechura, has been associated with the port of
Sechura at the mouth of the Piura river. A second language or language group, generally
kown as Tall an, was found along the Chira river, including the coastal towns of Col an and
Paita, and along the middle course of the Piura river, where it was spoken, among other
places, in the important indigenous community of Catacaos (near the town of Piura).
Ramos Cabredo (1950) provides an extensive list of place names, family names and
native words still in use in the Tall an area. Typical endings for place names are -l a,
-r a (e.g. Narigual a, Tangarar a) and -ura (as in Nonura, Piura, Sechura). Family names
often end in -lup u (Belup u, Sirlup u), in -bal u-gual u (Cutibal u, Mangual u), in -naqu e
(Lequernaqu e, Yamunaqu e) and in -cherre (Pacherre, Tupucherre).
The word lists included in Martnez Compa n on exemplify the so-called languages of
Col an and Catacaos, as well as the language of Sechura. The Col an and Catacaos lists
represent closely related varieties, possibly dialects of the same language. A notable
difference between the two is that Catacaos often features a nal element -chim on
nouns, whereas the Col an equivalents only have a nasal (e.g. Catacaos puruchim, Col an
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o
k
e
n
i
n
h
i
s
d
i
o
c
e
s
e
.
C
o
p
y
r
i
g
h
t
C

P
a
t
r
i
m
o
n
i
o
N
a
c
i
o
n
a
l
,
M
a
d
r
i
d
399
400 3 The Inca Sphere
puru m sister). Another interesting correspondence is phonological. Col an syllable-
initial dl (possibly a voiced lateral affricate) is either d or l in Catacaos (e.g. Col an
dlacati, Catacaos lacatu to die; Col an dlur um, Catacaos durum earth).
191
Martnez
Compa n ons Sechura list represents a separate language, because only about 30 per cent
of the vocabulary items show a similarity with either Col an or Catacaos (Torero 1986:
532). Among the possible cognates we nd Sechura lactuc, Col an dlacati, Catacaos
lacatu to die; Sechura colt, Catacaos ccol meat; Sechura nangru, Col an nag ([na]?),
Catacaos nam moon; Sechura c, Catacaos vic wind; Sechura yaibab, Col an yaiau,
Catacaos yeya bird.
In 1863 Richard Spruce obtained from a native speaker in Piura a list of 38 words
which was later published by von Buchwald (1918). It has been identied as a sam-
ple of the Sechura language on the basis of a comparison with Martnez Compa n ons
word lists (Torero 1986: 542). The available data suggest that Sechura was a sufxing
language. Kinship terms often contain the elements -ma and - ni (e.g. Spruce nosma,
Martnez Compa n on nos ni son or daughter), which were possibly possessive endings.
Sechura verbs as listed in Martnez Compa n on usually end in -(u)c (e.g. unuc to eat, nic
to cry).
Rivet (1949) treats Sechura and Tall an as a single language, which he calls Sek,
adopting the denominaton Sec introduced by Calancha (1638). This procedure is justly
rejected by Torero (1986). However, the possibility of a language family, including
both Sechura and Tall an (Col anCatacaos), must remain open, considering the limited
number of vocabulary items that are available.
A possible extension of the Sechura language was found in the desert oasis of Olmos
in the present-day department of Lambayeque. When referring to the Sec language,
Calancha observed that the people of Olmos change letters and endings (mudan letras
y nales). Although the name Sec could also have referred to the Tall an language,
later ethnographic research by Br uning (1922) gives support to the idea of a special
connection between Olmos and Sechura suggested by oral tradition and the coincidence
of weaving terminology. For a detailed discussion see Torero (1986), who ventures the
idea that a Callahuaya-type situation may have existed in Olmos (cf. section 3.5). Finally,
the linguistic unity of Olmos and SechuraTall an is conrmed in an archival document
of 1638 enumerating the administrative and religious divisions of the northern Peruvian
coastal region (Ramos Cabredo 1950: 535).
The original language situation in the interior highland part of the department of
Piura with its centres Ayavaca and Huancabamba is difcult to reconstruct. Today its
predominantly indigenous population is reported to be Spanish-speaking. During the
colonial period Quechua may have been the dominant language in that area, as was
191
It may be assumed that the difference between -u m and - umreects an inconsistency in Martnez
Compa n ons orthography.
3.9 Extinct and poorly documented languages 401
also the case further east in Tabaconas, in the area descending towards the Amazon
(Torero 1993a), and in the Huambos area further south in the department of Cajamarca.
A systematic investigation of place names and family names in eastern Piura remains a
task for the future.
Another well-attested language in northern Peru is Culli (or Culle). Culli was once the
dominant language in the Andean hinterland of the coastal town of Trujillo. Its former
area comprises four provinces of the department of La Libertad (Julc an, Otuzco,
Santiago de Chuco and S anchez Carri on), the province of Cajabamba (department of
Cajamarca) and the province of Pallasca (department of Ancash). Pallasca was part
of the colonial province of Conchucos, which also included Quechua-speaking areas
in northern and eastern Ancash. The Culli translation of Conchucos is water land
(co n water, chuco land). The Mara n on river valley constituted the eastern border
of the Culli-speaking area. To the southwest it bordered on the Quingnam language of
the Trujillo coastal plain (see section 3.4). Further extensions of the Culli language in
Ancash and Cajamarca, as well as the possibilities of overlap with other languages, are
controversial.
The main historical centre of the Culli-speaking people was the town of Huamachuco,
nowthe capital of S anchez Carri on province. It was the seat of an important religious cult
to the creator god Ataguju and the thunder god Catequil. In spite of violent persecution
by the Incas, the Huamachuco cult was still vigorous when the Spaniards arrived. The
Augustinian friars Juan de San Pedro and Juan del Canto, who soon after the conquest
attempted to convert the local population, wrote a detailed account of local beliefs and
customs, in which a Huamachuco language and several native names and terms are
mentioned (Castro de Trelles 1992). Towards the end of the sixteenth century a travel
account by Toribio de Mogrovejo, archbishop of Lima, of his visit to the area refers to
a language called Linga or Ilinga (cf. Rivet 1949). Notwithstanding the fact that these
terms seem to represent modied versions of lengua del Inga language of the Inca,
the geographic setting indicates that only Culli could be meant. The earliest mention of
the name Culli itself is found in the abovementioned document of 1638 published in
Ramos Cabredo (1950). For a historical overview of the Culli language and its speakers
see Silva Santisteban (1982).
The primary sources for Culli are two word lists. One list of 43 words, referring to the
Culli language of the province of Huamachuco, is found in Martnez Compa n on (1985
[178290]), whereas the other was collected around 1915 in a hamlet called Aija near
Cabana in the province of Pallasca by a local parish priest, father Gonz alez. This list of
19 words was published in Rivet (1949: 45).
192
In recent years, a number of students
fromthe area (Flores Reyna 1996; Andrade Ciudad 1999; Cuba Manrique 2000; Pantoja
192
We have obtained the information concerning the place of origin of the Gonz alez list from the
eld notes of Walter Lehmann, kept at the Ibero-American Institute in Berlin.
402 3 The Inca Sphere
Alc antara 2000) have succeeded in expanding the lexical data base of the Culli language
by collecting words and expressions still in use today. Flores Reyna reports that Culli was
spoken by at least one family in the town of Tauca (Pallasca province) until the middle
of the twentieth century. Although Culli has been replaced by Spanish, the possibility
that speakers survive in remote villages cannot be ruled out entirely (cf. Adelaar 1988).
The ethnolinguistic atlas published by Chirinos Rivera (2001) contains several mentions
of municipalities in the Culli area for which the census of 1993 reports the existence of
speakers of an unidentied native language.
In spite of the extremely scanty data it is possible to tentatively determine a number of
characteristics of the Culli language. In compounds a modifying element precedes the
head, like in Quechua. Verb forms as given by Martnez Compa n on all end in a sufx -` u
([u][w]), e.g. canqui ` u to laugh, collap` u to die (see below for a possible interpreta-
tion of the diacritic on c). The language may have had prexes for possessive personal
reference considering the fact that several kinship terms feature an initial velar stop
(viz. quin` u father, quimit brother, ca ni sister). Possibly, the same element is found
in quiyaya, a form of ritual singing, which may contain the word yaya god.
193
Like
Quechua and Aymara, the language may have had a three-vowel system (a, i, u). The oc-
currence of mid vowels (e, o) is limited and seems to be favoured by the neighbourhood
of c, qu, g, no matter if the latter occur in clusters or by themselves (e.g. mos c ar bone,
og oll child, co n water; Quesquenda a place name). It suggests that the language
may have had a velarpostvelar opposition, an assumption fed by the fact that Martnez
Compa n on often uses a ha cek-style diacritic when c and g are adjacent to a mid vowel or
a. Other instances of mid vowels (especially o) are found in the environment of r (e.g. in
the place name Choroball) and in contexts in which vowel harmony appears to play a role
(e.g. in Chochoconday, the name of a mountain). Variation between mid and high vowels
is frequent in place names (e.g. Sanagor an, Candigur an; Corgorguida, Llaugueda). A
characteristic feature of Culli is that the second member in a compound often begins
with a voiced stop, producing internally dissimilar consonant clusters when the rst
member ends in a voiceless consonant (for instance, in place names such as Chiracbal
and Ichocda). If the same element occurs independently or in initial position it has a
voiceless stop. Compare, for instance, Chusg on (a river name) and Conchucos (both con-
taining the element con-gon water); also Parasive and Pushvara. Frequent endings of
Culli place names are -day-tay mountain, -chugo-chucoearth, -gon-go nwater,
-gueda -guida-queda lake, -gur an-gor an river, -pus -pos earth; the elements
193
The analysis of qu(i)- as a prex is, however, contradicted by the fact that some early Culli
family names contain the element quino (Pantoja Alc antara 2000). In addition, Torero (1989:
225) recognises the element quin` u in the divinity name paiguinoc lord of the guinea-pigs
mentioned in the Augustinian chronicle. Note also that quiyaya appears as quillalla in Martnez
Compa n on.
3.9 Extinct and poorly documented languages 403
-bal-ball, -bara-huara-vara, -chal, -da-ta, -gal-galli-calli, -ganda, -maca,
-sicap-s acap(e) -ch acap(e), all of undetermined meaning; and the borrowed ele-
ments -malca village and -pamba plain (from Quechua -marka and -pampa, respec-
tively). For an extensive list of Culli place names see Torero (1989). Place names com-
bining a Culli element with a Quechua or a Spanish element (Mumalca,
194
Naopamba,
Cruzmaca) are frequent and indicate that these languages must have coexisted for a
considerable time.
From a phonological point of view, it is possible to distinguish several dialect areas.
Place names in the province of Pallasca and neighbouring parts of Santiago de Chuco ex-
hibit endings with the palatal nal consonants - n [n
y
] and -ll [l
y
] (e.g. Acogo n, Camball)
whereas non-palatal endings appear elsewhere (e.g. Chusg on, Marcabal). The distribu-
tion of palatal and non-palatal endings coincides with the geographical distribution of
the lexical endings -day and -ganda as noted by Torero (1989: 226).
The Culli word lists showa relatively high incidence of Quechua loans (e.g. aycha, Qu.
ay ca meat; challu a, Qu. cal
y
wa sh; cuhi, Qu. ku si pleasure). The item mi` u to eat
appears to reect a hypothetical pre-Quechua *mi-, which can be reconstructed on the
basis of modern Quechua miku- to eat and mi ci- to herd. Other items, however, show
no relationship with Quechua whatsoever and suggest that the language is genetically
independent. Similarities with the Piuran languages and Mochica are also limited (cum` u,
Col an c um to drink; chuip, Catacaos chupuchup star; paiha c, Mochica pey herb).
They may be due to contact.
The department of Cajamarca has a dense, predominantly indigenous population. The
accounts of colonial inspection visits (visitas) to this area (Remy and Rostworowski de
Diez Canseco 1992) feature a wide variety of family names reecting the existence of
several unidentied languages. The toponymy is also highly varied and exotic. Never-
theless, only Quechua has survived in a small number of well-dened localities. Interest-
ingly, Cajamarca Quechua (Quesada Castillo 1976a, b) contains a substantial amount of
non-Quechuan vocabulary. In Pantoja Alc antaras study of the Culli linguistic heritage
in the Spanish of Santiago de Chuco, an area quite distant from Cajamarca, the follow-
ing correspondences between Santiago de Chuco Spanish and Cajamarca Quechua have
come to light:
Santiago de Chuco Spanish Cajamarca Quechua
cukake sukaki headache with nausea
curgap(e) curap cricket
dasdas dasdas hurry up!
inam inap rainbow
194
The meaning of mu is re; the other Culli elements have not been identied.
404 3 The Inca Sphere
kadul
y
ka sul toasted maize
kungul
y
kulk ul tadpole
lambake lambax
.
tasteless
mind
z
o mund
z
u navel
sayape s
.
aya a plant name
sirak(e) sirax
.
a plant name
ud
z
um u sun (honey of) wild bee
These and other examples suggest the existence of a Culli substratum in the area now
covered by Cajamarca Quechua, in particular in the district of Chetilla, where some
of the above items were recorded. A linguistic link between Cajamarca and the Culli
area is explicitly mentioned by Cieza de Le on (1553, chapter 81) when he observes
that the province of Huamachuco is similar to that of Cajamarca, and that the Indians
have the same language and dress the same way.
195
However, in a careful analysis
of Cajamarcan place names, Torero (1989) concludes that Culli could not have been
the language of the department of Cajamarca because, apart from its southeasternmost
province of Cajabamba, the characteristic Culli toponymy is not predominant there.
Instead, he distinguishes two toponymical areas, each characterised by the frequent
occurrence of a particular ending in place names, and takes them to have represented
two hypothetical languages.
One area, dened by the ending -den and its variants -don, -ten and -ton, covers
the western and central highlands of the department of Cajamarca (including part of
the newly formed province Gran Chim u of the department of La Libertad), with east-
ward extensions reaching the river Mara n on to the north of Celendn and in the val-
ley of the river Crisnejas. To the south the Chicama, Chuquillanqui and San Jorge
rivers constitute a boundary separating the -den area from areas with typical Culli to-
ponymy (cf. Krzanowski and Szemi nski 1978). Torero associates the language repre-
sented by the -den area with the pre-Inca kingdom of Guzmango, which was centred
in the province of Contumaz a (southwest Cajamarca). Espinoza Soriano (1977: 449,
456) found three indigenous words in a report commissioned by a member of the
Guzmango royal lineage, Sebasti an Ninaling on, curaca (chieftain) of Xaxad en. Ac-
cording to Torero (1989: 232), these three words (nus lady, losque young girl, mizo
female servant) are attributable to the -den language. Further research is needed in
order to explain the contradiction between the absence of Culli place names in western
Cajamarca and the presence of a sizeable amount of Culli lexicon in the Quechua of that
same area.
195
La provincia de Guamachuco es semejable a la de Caxamalca y los indios son de una lengua
y traje . . .
3.9 Extinct and poorly documented languages 405
The second toponymical area, dened by the ending -cat(e) and its variants -cot(e),
-gat(e) and -got(e), includes the town of Cajamarca and stretches out in a triangular shape
towards the Mara n on river, covering parts of the provinces of Cajamarca, Celendn and
San Marcos. It also includes a stretch of land in the northern provinces of Cutervo and
Chota. As Torero observes, the ending -cat and its variants are found throughout most of
northern Peru. The same holds for a fewother endings occurring in the area at issue (-can,
-con, -gan, -gon, -uran). It appears that the -cat area, as dened above geographically, is
a toponymical default area characterised by a low incidence of -den endings and other
recognisable toponymy (although there is a substantial cluster of Culli place names not
far from Celendn). Torero (1989: 2367) ventures the idea that -cat (-cot) may have
had the meaning of water or river. In that case, a further comparison with the Chol on
language of the Huallaga basin would be in order. Torero notes that the place name
Salcot, which occurs at least three times in Cajamarca, is formally identical to Zalcot, a
Chol on village meaning black water in that language.
The Relaciones geogr acas de Indias (Jim enez de la Espada 1965, III: 1436) contain
a document entitled Relaci on de la tierra de Ja en (Account of the Land of Ja en). It offers
a detailed description of the complex language situation in the area surrounding the bend
of the Mara n on or Upper Amazon in the northern part of the present-day departments
of Amazonas and Cajamarca. This document has been analysed in Rivet (1934) and in
Torero (1993a). It registers the existence of a particular language called the language of
Sacata. Other sources associate the people of Sacata (or Z acata) with a well-organised
ethnic group, the Chillao, who inhabited opposite banks of the Mara n on valley near
Cujillo (province of Cutervo) and Yam on (province of Utcubamba, Amazonas). Only
three Sacata words are mentioned in the Relaci on: unga water, umague maize and
chichache re. Onthis basis Rivet proposeda relationshipwiththe Candoshi languages,
whereas Torero opts for an Arawakan connection. The factual basis is insufcient for
either conclusion.
The bottom of the Mara n on valley between the mouths of its tributaries Chamaya
and Utcubamba, and the lower reaches of the valleys of these two rivers (province of
Bagua, Amazonas; province of Cutervo, Cajamarca) were inhabited by an ethnic group
called Bagua (Torero) or Patag on de Bagua (Rivet). Three words of this language are
mentioned: tunawater, lanchomaize andnacx e come here. Althoughtunacoincides
with the word for water in many Cariban languages, the evidence is not sufcient to
allow any reliable classication.
The area of Old Ja en, Perico and Tomependa (province of Bagua, Amazonas; province
of Ja en, Cajamarca) on the left bank of the Mara n on near its conuence with the
Chinchipe was inhabited by a population called the Patag on (or Patag on de Perico
in Rivets terminology). The four words that have been recorded, tun a water, an as
maize, viue rewood and coar a sheep (here to be interpreted as sloth), indicate
406 3 The Inca Sphere
a northern Cariban afnity, for instance, with Carijona or with one of the languages of
the Roraima region (Torero 1993: 451).
Another group, the Tabancale, inhabited the village of Aconipa in an elevated area
near the upper reaches of the Chinchipe river, approximatelyinthe border area of Ecuador
(province of Zamora-Chinchipe) and Peru (province of San Ignacio, Cajamarca). Five
words of their language have beenrecorded: yemawater, moamaize, oyme rewood,
lalaque re and tie house. Their language must remain unclassied because these
words do not exhibit any signicant afnity with other known languages.
Still another unclassied language was spoken in the villages of Copall en (today
Copalln), Llanque and Las Lomas del Viento. They were situated on a plateau dominat-
ing the Utcubamba river east of Bagua (provinces of Bagua and Utcubamba, Amazonas).
Of this language of Copall en the following words have been recorded: quiet water,
chumac maize, olaman rewood and ismare house. Apart froma similarity between
its word for water and the element -cat treated above, nothing can be said about the
genetic afnities of this language.
The Chirino constituted one of the principal ethnic groups in the area, occupying
parts of the valley of the Chinchipe river and a vast territory extending east of it. Their
language has been identied as a member of the Candoshi family (Rivet 1934, Torero
1993a). The four words of this language that were recorded in the Relaci on de la tierra
de Ja en are yungo water, yugato maize, xum as rewood and paxquiro grass. For
the Jivaroan-speaking Xoroca see section 2.9.1. All the languages found in the region of
Bagua and Ja en in the sixteenth century disappeared at an early stage. The region north
of the Mara n on is now partly occupied by Aguaruna and other Jivaroan peoples.
The pre-Inca native peoples of the highlands of the department of Amazonas (capital
Chachapoyas), situated east of the Mara n on river, were known as the Chachapoya.
Impressive ruined cities such as Cu elap and Gran Vilaya are witnesses of important
past cultural developments in this remote area. After being conquered by the Incas, a
large portion of the Chachapoya were taken away to other areas of the Inca empire, for
instance, to the surroundings of Cuzco and Quito, whereas Quechua-speaking mitimaes
were sent to the Chachapoyas region. The original language of the region is sometimes
referred to as Chacha. It is nearly unknown, although some of its most conspicuous
characteristics could be recovered from local place names and family names.
Zevallos Qui nones (1966) collected several hundred Chachapoya family names from
colonial documents. Taylor (1990a) has compared these names with present-day family
names recorded by himin the Chachapoyas region. Several of the colonial names are still
in use. As a result of transmigration, Chachapoya family names were also found in other
parts of the former Inca empire, for instance, in Quito, where one Juan Yoplachacha
was found among the Chachapoya mitimaes (Salomon 1986: 160); cf. the Chachapoya
family name Yoplac. Taylor observes that many Chachapoya names are monosyllabic
3.9 Extinct and poorly documented languages 407
(Cam, Hob, OcOcc, Sup, Yull). Others are formed by the repetition of a monosyllabic
element (Pispis, Solsol), or consist of a combination of elements (Detquis an, Subsolsol,
Visalot). Voiced stops could occur word-initially (Det, Buelot, Gaslac), suggesting that
there was an opposition between voiced and voiceless stops in that environment. Initial
consonants often appear to be palatalised or velarised (for instance, in Guiop [g
y
op] and
in the place name Cu emal [k
w
emal]), although an interpretation in terms of rising diph-
thongs is also possible. The only frequent non-rising diphthong was uy (e.g. Puyqun).
The language seems to have distinguished at least ve vowels (a, e, i, o, u). Taylor
reports that the pronunciation of some Chachapoya family names was modied due to
the radical phonetic changes that affected the local Quechua that eventually replaced
the Chachapoya language (and is now itself nearing extinction); for instance, the name
Surueque or Zuruec became s urix in Quechua. Only in a very few cases could the mean-
ing of a name or of one of its constituents be traced. Taylor reports that the name Oc(c)
[ox] may have meant puma or bear according to an oral tradition of the village of La
Jalca.
Frequent endings in place names are -huala, -lap(e) and -mal (e.g. Shucahuala,
Cu elap, Yulmal). Taylor tentatively interprets these elements as mountain, fortress
and plain on the basis of the type of location they usually refer to. An additional end-
ing -lon is mentioned by Torero (1989). Taylor, furthermore, notes the occurrence of the
endings -gach(e), -gat(e) and -gote (e.g. Shngache, T ongate), and suggests that these
could mean river, water. Note the striking parallelism with Hibito ka ci and Chol on
kot water, river (cf. section 4.11.1), and remember the discussion of the hypothetical
-cat language of Cajamarca.
The extension of the Chachapoya language area is a matter that remains to be in-
vestigated. In the department of Amazonas it may have included the provinces of
Bongar a, Chachapoyas, Luya, Rodrguez de Mendoza and part of Utcubamba. In addi-
tion, the language may well have been used in parts of Cajamarca, in the area of Bolvar
(ex-Cajamarquilla) in the department of La Libertad, and in the northwest and west of
the department of San Martn (where the ruins of Gran Pajat en, located in a depopu-
lated forest area, may have had connections with the ancient Chachapoya culture). The
possibility of connections with HibitoChol on, the language of Copall en and the -cat
language would be worth investigating if the data were not so scarce.
3.9.3 Northwestern Argentina
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the Andean region of northwestern Argentina
was the home of a large ethnic group, the Diaguita, subdivided into numerous subtribes
(Calchaqu, Capay an, Hualfn, Paccioca, Pular, Quilme). They occupied an extensive
area, including the provinces of Catamarca and La Rioja and the Andean parts of the
provinces of Salta and San Juan. They also inhabited parts of the pre-Andean provinces of
408 3 The Inca Sphere
Santiago del Estero and Tucum an, which they shared with the Tonocot e (cf. section 3.8).
One of their most famous strongholds were the Calchaqu valleys (Valles Calchaques),
which extend from north to south in the provinces of Salta, Tucum an and Catamarca.
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the name Diaguita was often used in a nar-
rower sense, referring to the inhabitants of Catamarca and La Rioja but excluding the
inhabitants of the Calchaqu valleys.
In a letter dated 1594 the Jesuit missionary Alonso de Barzana gives a detailed de-
scription of the ethnic situation in northwestern Argentina and of the languages that
were spoken there (Jim enez de la Espada 1965, II: 7886). He reports that the language
of the Diaguita was called Caca, a name subsequently modied to Kak an. Barzana was
the author of a grammar of the Kak an language, which has not survived. Between 1630
and 1660, as a reaction to Spanish exploitation, the Diaguita united in a series of rebel-
lions, headed in their nal phase by an Andalucian adventurer Pedro Boh orquez, who
had assumed the title of Inca (Piossek Prebisch 1976; Isabel Hern andez 1992). After
their defeat most of the Diaguita were deported to other areas. The Calchaqu valleys
were entirely depopulated. The Quilme tribe, which had fought particularly bravely, was
relocated in what is nowthe town of Quilmes near Buenos Aires. Others were distributed
as servants to Spanish colonists. Mainly as a result of these events, the Kak an language
soon became extinct.
Although almost nothing is known of the Kak an language, personal names and to-
ponymy are well represented. For the names of chiefs participating in the Boh orquez
rebellion see Piossek Prebisch (1976: 109) or Isabel Hern andez (1992: 160). Diaguita
place names are found along the Andes in an area extending approximately from Jujuy
to Mendoza; for an inventory see Martn (1964). Lozano (18745) provides an explana-
tion for some elements of frequent occurrence, such as the ending -ahaho-ahao-ao
meaning village or town, which usually follows the name of an ethnic subgroup or a
chief (e.g. Anguinahao, Colalao, Luracatao). A further example of this ending is found
in the place name Tuc(u)manaha(h)o, named after a chief who also gave his name to
the town and province of Tucum an (Nardi 1979: 11). Another ending meaning village
or town is -gasta (e.g. in Antofagasta,
196
Payogasta, Tinogasta). It is one of the most
characteristic endings throughout the Argentinian northwest, but it has been attributed
to Tonocot e by Lozano. Whereas Martn assigns the -gasta ending to southern Diaguita,
Nardi (1979: 7) keeps open the possibility that it may indeed have been a borrowed
element, because its area of distribution is wider than that of the Kak an language alone.
Serrano (1936) remarks that the endings -ao/-ahaho and -gasta often occur attached to
196
The Chilean town of Antofagasta, which dates from the middle of the nineteenth century, was
presumably named after the old mining settlement Antofagasta de la Sierra, situated in the
highlands (puna) of the province of Catamarca (Argentina).
3.9 Extinct and poorly documented languages 409
the same root (e.g. Amanao/Amangasta, Tucumanao/Tucumagasta), suggesting that the
endings could have been switched at a certain point. A genuine Kak an ending is -vil
(e.g. in Quimivil, Yocavil), which appears to be related with notions like water.
Nardi (1979) provides the most comprehensive overview of what we know about
Kak an. He observes that most of the colonial authors who had access to this lan-
guage emphasise its guttural and strangely difcult character. Kak an probably had
postvelar fricatives, both voiced and voiceless. This can be deduced from the fact that
the Quechua dialect of Santiago del Estero has some vocabulary derived from a non-
Quechuan substratum (probably Diaguita) in which these sounds occur (e.g. wax
.
alu a
type of ant, o coo an aquatic bird). Many Diaguita names contain f (as in the place
names Famatina and Cafayate; and in Ficpam, the name of a chief); palatal consonants
( c, s, l
y
, n
y
) are particularly frequent. The presence of r and a contrast between voiced
and voiceless stops are both uncertain. The materials included in Nardis article show a
low incidence of mid vowels, suggesting that the language may have had a three-vowel
system like Aymara and Quechua. By combining all possible information Nardi man-
aged to identify a fewlexical items, such as ango/anco water, huilla hare, ismi bird,
mampa irrigation canal, talca guanaco, tancol arrow and zupca place of sacrice
(mentioned in Lozano 175455, II: 295). He, furthermore, ventures the opinion that in
Kak an adjectives may have followed the noun they modify, as in Angualasto, the name
of a river which today is called Ro Blanco (hypothetically, ango walasto white water).
There is evidence that the Kak an language was subdivided into dialects. The Capay an
variety of the La Rioja area has been mentioned as a separate language for which
interpreters were needed (Cabrera 1917; Canals Frau 1946). Another dialect name,
Yacampis, may have referred to the dialect of the Diaguita heartland in Catamarca
or to that of the Calchaqu valleys. Nardi (1979) holds the view that the differences
between these varieties were only dialectal, although he admits the possibility of a
division between a northern dialect including the Calchaqu valleys and a southern
dialect comprising most of Catamarca and La Rioja.
According to tradition, the Diaguita domain extended into northern Chile covering the
actual area of Copiap o, Vallenar and La Serena in the regions of Atacama and Coquimbo.
A town in the valley of Elqui still bears the name of Diaguita. However, the rst Spanish
visitors to the area found a great linguistic variety on their journey southward through
northern Chile. Ger onimo de Bibar (1558), the chronicler of Pedro de Valdivias Chilean
expedition, reports that the inhabitants of the valleys of Copiap o and Huasco (Atacama
region) spoke closely related languages, but that the Indians of Coquimbo and Limar
(Coquimbo region) each had their own languages. The Chilean Diaguita have left very
few traces, even in the toponymy.
In the extreme northwest of Argentina, in the western parts of the provinces of
Jujuy and Salta, a presence of the Atacame no language and culture is attested. Local
410 3 The Inca Sphere
groups are known as Apatama, Casabindo, Churumata and Cochinoca. The Quebrada
de Humahuaca, a valley which crosses the heart of Jujuy province from north to south,
is believed to have had its own language (Loukotka 1968), which is usually referred to
as Humahuaca (or Omaguaca). There is hardly any linguistic information on this group,
which apparently was subdivided into several smaller units called Fiscara, Jujuy, Ocloya,
Osa, Purmamarca and Tiliar (Isabel Hern andez 1992: 127). The name of Viltipoco, the
ruler of Tilcara, who resisted the Spaniards in the sixteenth century, and the local sur-
name Vilte suggest a connection with the Atacame no language. In Atacame no bilti means
falcon.
4
The languages of the eastern slopes
As the alter ego of Mario Vargas Llosa strolls through Florence, trying to put all matters
Peruvian out of his mind in order to read Machiavelli and Dante, he stumbles onto
an exhibit of dusty photographs of the Machiguenga. In El hablador (The Speaker;
1987), documentary and novel, this nation plays a central role, one of the countless
groups of Indians struggling in small bands on the eastern foothills of the Andes and on
the Amazonian plains, in order to maintain their cultural and linguistic integrity. This
chapter will try to give a necessarily brief account of the very diverse languages of these
groups.
Since it is impossible to say precisely where the slopes and foothills end and where
the plains begin, we articially delimit the area discussed in this chapter as the republics
of Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia east of the Andes. The Chaco area of southeastern Bolivia
extends into western Paraguay and into northwestern Argentina, and these are included
as well. The Chaco languages are not covered by Dixon and Aikhenvald (1999). For
these reasons, we include some material on all of the Chaco languages, even though
they merit a more extensive separate treatment. Strictly speaking, this means that too
many languages are included: languages of the Amazonian plains cannot properly be
called Andean. On the other hand, it turns out that Quechua inuence, one of the topics
we will be concerned with in this chapter, extends far beyond the foothills. Another not
altogether felicitous result of our delimitation is that the Colombian Amazonian plain,
which forms a natural continuation of that of Ecuador and Peru, is not discussed here (it
was dealt with in chapter 2).
A. C. Taylor (1999: 1989) describes some of the relations that existed between
monta na and sierra cultures. Most of these were broken as a result of the colonisation
process, and highland and lowland groups grew apart. In pre-Columbian times,
Cochabamba (in what is now Bolivia) and Hu anuco (in what is now Peru) served as
trading centres for lowland groups. In northern Bolivia the Callahuaya chiefdoms acted
as intermediaries between Quechua and Aymara cazicazgos and lowland Mojo, Tacana,
and lesser Arawak groups. In Peru, the Campa of the Ucayali river established links with
interuvial Panoans and with the Piro on the Urubamba. The Incas had an open frontier,
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4 Languages of the eastern slopes 413
P E R U
SHI PI BO
Pucallpa ISCONAHUA
YANESHA
ASHNINCA
AMAHUACA
CULINA
MARINAHUA
SHARANAHUA
CASHINAHUA
YAMINAHUA
CAMPA
CAQUINTE
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IAPARI
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B R A Z I L
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QUECHUA
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Map 8 Eastern lowland languages: southern Peru
stimulating links of dependency of local chieftains with Cuzco, but leaving local links
intact. As a result of the colonisation process, all these links were weakened considerably
or disappeared altogether.
The population of the lowlands is sparse, and far from homogeneous sociologically.
Taylor (1999: 1945) divides the current population into racionales (rational people,
mestizos or highland Indians who have abandoned their original ethnic identity), nativos
natives or mansos tame people (Amerindian groups living in accessible settlements
but maintaining their ethnic identity), and aucas wild, inimical people (groups who
maintain a distance from the mestizo world).
414 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
ITONAMA
JOR
CAYUVAVA
CANICHANA
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MOR
ESE'EJJA
PACAGUARA
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SIRION
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CHIMANE
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YUQUI
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Santa Cruz
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GUARAYO
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CHAN
CHIRIGUANO
MATACO
TAPIET
PARAGUAY
A R G E N T I N A
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416 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
B. Grimes (1996) lists 111 documented languages for the area (excluding for the mo-
ment lowland varieties of Quechua, sign languages, LowGerman and Amazon Spanish).
Twenty-one languages were claimed to be extinct in 1992, some more may have disap-
peared as we write this, and more yet when this book comes out in print. The number
of languages listed is somewhat arbitrary in that it is difcult to say where two varieties
should be counted as dialects, and where as separate languages. The Ethnologue uses
both criteria of linguistic distinctiveness and of ethnic self-identication. We see no
reason not to follow these criteria, although in details we will diverge from the list of
languages given there.
In any case, it is clear we are dealing with large numbers of languages. No other area
of South America has greater linguistic diversity, Steward (1948: 507) writes. There
are a few larger language families represented in the area under consideration, a number
of language families with few identied members and numerous language isolates. We
will begin by presenting the major language families that are represented in the area,
and then turn to the numerous language isolates or languages which so far have not
been denitively classied. We have chosen four languages for a more detailed sketch:
the Jivaroan language Shuar from the EcuadorianPeruvian border area, the almost
extinct isolate Chol on from the Andean foothills in northern Peru, Arawakan Yanesha

(Amuesha) further to the south, and the Bolivian language isolate Chiquitano. For all
languages sufcient information is available to gain some idea of the language, but no
recent and easily accessible detailed description in English.
It is difcult to convey to the reader the feeling of devastation and loss one has
when reading about the cultures and languages of the eastern slopes and the Amazon.
Although a sizeable portion of the original ethnic groups is still in existence, in some
form or another, their way of life has changed enormously. Since the armies of Inca
Tupac Yupanqui (147392) tried to conquer Madre de Dios and more northern lowland
regions, the vast but ecologically delicate Amazon basin has been under constant
siege from the highlands, with greater and greater success. From the 1540s onwards
Jesuits, Franciscans and Dominicans founded missions, and tried to reduce the
Indians, nomadic or dispersed, into ordered settlements on the European model. In
the reducciones, reductions, as the Spanish friars called the settlements, different Indian
nations were mixed; sometimes new groups emerged. The greater concentration lead to
greater ease of benign exploitation by the missionaries, but also to greater vulnerabil-
ity to epidemics; successive waves of smallpox for example in 1660, 1669, 1756 and
1762 decimated many groups (Phelan 1967: 47). In 1768 only 500 Chamicuro survived
a smallpox epidemic on the Huallaga river (Chirif and Mora 1977); another group that
suffered greatly from the epidemics are the Z aparo. A. C. Taylor (1999: 240) claims that
the Indian societies of the central selva and further south were in fact innitely better
able to resist the colonist missionary onslaught than those in the reducciones, even to
4 Languages of the eastern slopes 417
the point of beingable, between1742and1770, toclear the regionof all non-natives. The
Franciscans in that area in the early stages weakened indigenous societies less
than the Jesuits, because they tended to keep the groups contacted much more isolated
than the Jesuits.
Some groups were also subject to raids by other Indians. In the eighteenth century the
Arawakan Piro sold Machiguenga (also Arawakan) women and children on the market in
the Spanish hacienda Santa Rosa in Rosalino. The Piro and the ShipiboConibo (Pano)
enslaved many Amahuaca as well. Other Indian nations suffered from the colonial wars
between the Portuguese and the Spanish. The Omagua, who fell victim to Portuguese
slave-raiders, went from 15,000 to 7,000 in the forty years after 1641 (Chirif and Mora
1977). Later strife between the Peruvian and Colombian armies affected the Huitoto
Murui.
All these earlier assaults on their physical and cultural integrity pale, however, when
compared to the effects of the rubber boom in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries (Fawcett 1953; Taussig 1987). Rubber traders and companies enslaved many
Indians, and resettled entire groups. The number of deaths is staggering. The Huitoto
Murui went from50,000 to 7,000 in the rst decade of this century, the Bora from15,000
in 1915 (Whiffen 1915) to 427 in 1940, and of the thousands of Omagua only 12050
were left in 1925. Other groups gravely affected by the rubber boom are the Andoque,
the Capanahua, the Amarakaeri and the Ese

ejja. After 1850 the Peruvian Corporation

enslaved many Campa and Yanesha

(Amuesha) on the rivers Ene and Peren e. Many

Chamicuro were dislocated, transported to the Yavar and Napo rivers and to Brazil.
Since this period groups have managed for a considerable period at best to remain
stable or increase slightly in number. In the modern era, Andean governments have often
thought that the empty spaces in the lowlands would be able to absorb the overowfrom
the highlands, and promoted resettlement and colonisation in the traditional Indian ter-
ritories. Mineral, logging and cattle-breeding companies have gained large concessions
and employ the local Indians in highly unfavourable conditions. Adventurous highland
settlers have proted fromthe isolation of many regions to establish themselves as patr on
and recreate conditions of virtual slavery through articial indebtedness, forced barter
and plain violence. There are many cases documented where the Indians, part of a hunt-
ing/extraction economy, depend on the outsiders and are for example forced to supply
a xed number of skins. It is reported that the Amarakaeri work for outsiders looking
for gold (Gray 1986). For the dependency of the Yagua on tourism and other external
forces see Chaumeil (1984).
In some areas these conditions have long persisted, for instance, in the area of Atalaya.
Nowtribal groups have gained some rights to their territories there (Garca, Hvalkof and
Gray 1998). It is one of the great challenges of our era to create the conditions under
which cultural pluralism can thrive, when no physical means of refuge is left.
418 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
A. C. Taylor (1999: 2045) argues that the locations of individual groups have not
changed a great deal, but other changes are massive. In the sixteenth century the
Amerindian societies were much more diversied sociologically than they are now.
There were a number of highly Incanised tribes, such as the upland Jivaroans (cf. section
3.9.1), but also Jvaro who lived in small bands in the jungle. There were groups like
the Z aparo and interuvial Pano that lived in small units and had no complex social
structure next to large riverside groups like the Conibo and Omagua.
A general issue of considerable interest that needs careful study is the role of the
respective sign languages in the Amazon basin. Nordenski old (1912: 31521) reports
for the GranChaco, the border area betweenBolivia andParaguay, that withinthe mestizo
Spanish communities the deaf had a marginal position while in the Indian communities
they were fully integrated. The reason is the very different status of the respective sign
languages. The Tapiet e, the example he uses, obligatorily express numbers and measures
through signs, and in their narratives, sign accompanies the spoken word continuously.
All members of the group can use sign with the deaf, and hearing Tapiet e will often
use sign language among themselves, for example when they want to communicate
silently across a distance. Not all travellers, collectors and researchers were as careful
and unbiased as Nordenski old, who provides ve pages of description of the Tapiet e
signs, but reports of gestural communication abound. The reason we cannot deal with
this issue any further is lack of systematic study.
4.1 The PanoTacanan languages
The PanoTacanan language family is mostly spoken in the Peruvian lowlands, and to
a lesser extent in contiguous areas of Brazil and Bolivia. In Bolivia, Panoan languages
include Ch acobo, Pacaguara and Yaminahua; and Tacanan languages: Araona, Cavine na,
Ese

ejja or Huarayo, Reyesano (a language virtually extinct), Tacana and Toromona.

The Tacanan branch is represented in Peru by Ese

ejja or Huarayo speakers on either

side of the Bolivian border.
The Panoan branch is spread out throughout the eastern Peruvian lowlands and, in
particular, near the Ucayali river basin, with extensions along the Brazilian border both
in the northern department of Loreto and the southern departments of Ucayali and
Madre de Dios. As dAns (1970) and Kensinger (1985) explain, there is no consensus
as to which Panoan languages have to be distinguished. Shell and Wise (1971) observe
that speakers of different Panoan languages may partly understand each other but that
Cashibo is not intelligible to speakers of other Panoan languages. Wise (1985) men-
tions the following extant Panoan languages in Peru: Amahuaca, Capanahua, Cashibo
Cacataibo, Cashinahua, Cujare no, Isconahua, Mayoruna, Morunahua, Parquenahua or
Nahua, Pisabo, Sharanahua, ShipiboConiboShetebo and Yaminahua. The Ethnologue
adds Mayo, which is reported extinct by Wise (1985). Varese (1983) also mentions
4.1 The Pano-Tacanan languages 419
Marinahua and Mastanahua. Kensinger (1985) reports that they constitute a mixed group
with the Sharanahua. Chirif and Mora (1977) mention a small group called Chandinahua.
Amahuaca, Cashinahua, Mayoruna and Yaminahua are spoken in Brazil as well.
Many Panoan groups were contacted in the eighteenth century. The Cashibo were rst
visited by missionaries in 1757. Around 1870 the Pachitea river Cashibo were subject
to attacks by the Setebo and the Conibo (Chirif and Mora 1977).
The Panoan languages are all closely related, and have been the subject of a number
of comparative studies by dAns (1970), Kensinger (1985), Shell and Wise (1971) and
Wise (1985). In Key (1968) and Girard (1971) the Tacanan languages are compared
phonologically and cognate sets are given for this subfamily, some members of which
appear to be rather closely related. These sources also present convincing phonological
evidence for the link between the Tacanan and the Panoan branches. Girard (1971: 4, 145)
stresses the puzzling fact that phonological changes in lexical roots have been limited
within both the Panoan and Tacanan branches, but that morphological changes, partic-
ularly in the root extensions, have been radical. This pattern points to an interesting
early contact phase in these language groups.
For many of the language groups in the monta na little is known about their history.
Lathrap (1970) speculates that the split in the Panoan groups resulted fromdemographic
pressures. While all Panoan groups presumably originate from the Cumancaya culture
(around AD 1000), we now nd the ShipiboConibo being settled along the Ucayali
river basin, with an enriched culture (which also includes culture elements borrowed
from the Tupan Cocama). The Cashibo have been pushed into forest regions to the west
and the Amahuaca, Remo and Mayoruna into areas to the east, and their present culture
(as far as ceramics and other visual manifestations is concerned) is an impoverished
version of that found a millennium ago.
As far as information is available, the Panoan and Tacanan languages appear to be all
SOV. From Looss (1969) grammatical analysis of Capanahua it becomes clear that it
has postpositions and prenominal possessors. The position of the adjectives and other
modiers is less clear: both prenominal and postnominal adjectives are mentioned. There
appears to be a validator or mood particle (glossed afrmative here) in surface second
position, which can be preceded by the subject, the object, an adverb or even the untensed
verb.
(1) a. mani ta how-ti--ki
banana AF ripe-TF-PN-AF
The bananas are ripening. (Loos 1969: 91)
b. mani ta n his-i
banana AF 1.SG see-PN
I see bananas. (Loos 1969: 91)
420 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
c. baki s ta koka ka-no- s
.
ii-ki
tomorrow AF uncle go-F.EU-IU-AF
Uncle will go tomorrow. (Loos 1969: 91)
d. bana ta n ha-ipi-ki
plant AF 1.SG do-RE-AF
I planted. (Loos 1969: 91)
That the mood particle or validator occurs after the true rst element of the clause
becomes evident when an (emphatic) rst- or second-person pronoun is placed in initial
position. It is repeated in the clause, and thus it seems that the emphatic pronoun is
left-dislocated:
(2) mia ta min ani-ki
2.SG.EM AF 2.SG big-AF
YOU are big. (Loos 1969: 92)
The relation between ta() and the particle -ki, which also has afrmative value, needs
further study. In the present tense -ki is obligatory with third-person subjects, but not
with rst- and second-person subjects. In other tenses -ki is found with all persons (Loos
and Loos 1998: 34).
A remarkable feature of Capanahua concerns recursive negation with ma of a deictic
pronoun:
(3) ha: he
ha:-ma not he
ha:-ma-ma not not he (= he indeed)
ha:-ma-ma-ma not not not he (= someone else) (Loos 1969:41)
There is a set of adverbial subordinating sufxes (attached to the clause-nal verb),
sensitive to the relation between the tenses of the adverbial clause and the main clause,
to possible coreference of the subjects (switch-reference), and to possible transitivity of
the matrix verb (Loos 1969: 6777; Loos and Loos 1998: 6603).
1
(4) -kin simultaneous action (while)
same subject
-ton simultaneous action (while)
subject of subordinate clause is object of main clause
1
The resemblance between some of the Capanahua sufxes and their counterparts in Chipaya is
striking (cf. section 3.6): Cap. -kin / Ch. -kan simultaneous; same subject; Cap. -ton / Ch. -tan
simultaneous and previous, respectively; different subjects; Cap. -non / Ch. -nan subsequent
and simultaneous, respectively; different subjects.
4.1 The Pano-Tacanan languages 421
-ya simultaneous action (while, when, if, because)
different subjects
-a s
.
preceding action (after, when, if, because)
same subject
matrix verb intransitive
- s
.
on preceding action (after, when, if, because)
same subject
matrix verb transitive
-no s
.
on subsequent action (in order to)
same subject
-non subsequent action (so that)
different subjects
Acurious fact concerning switch-reference in Capanahua is that the subject of the matrix
verb in a switch-reference construction cannot be a full pronoun. The latter can only
occur in the subordinate clause, as shown by the contrast in (5):
(5) a.

ka-a s
.
ha: nokoti
go-SS 3.SG arrive
b. ha: ka-a s
.
nokoti
3.SG go-SS arrive
Having gone he arrived. (Loos 1969: 88)
Often Capanahua utterances consist primarily of a verb with its sufxes. Verbs may be
marked as transitive with the (often causative) sufxes -ha, -n and -tan, and there is a
sufx -kt / -()t that makes a verb medial or reexive in nature (Loos 1969: 1437).
There is also an extensive set of tenses. According to Loos, both for the past and for the
future, a four-way distinction is made:
(6) remote past x > 6 months
6 months > x > 1 month
recent past 1 month > x > 1 day
1 day > x > present
present x = present
immediate future present < x < few hours
near future x = tonight, tomorrow morning
distant future tomorrow < x
remote future x = some time in the future (Loos 1969: 28)
Valenzuela (2000a, b) has explored ergative splits in the PanoTacanan languages. Camp
(1985) shows how noun/pronoun contrasts, and among the personal pronouns, person
422 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
contrasts, determine ergative and absolutive case in Cavine na. When a third-person
subject interacts with a rst- or second-person object, as in the independent clause in
(7), the third person is obligatorily ergative:
(7) ya-ce-ra hipe-etibe-ya-hu ta-ce-ra ya-ce isara-ca-k
w
are
1-D-E approach-on.way.back-PN-DS 3-D-E 1-D(A)
greet-arriving.object-RM
As we approached them, they greeted us. (Camp 1985: 445)
Similarly, when a second-person subject interacts with a rst-person object, that second
person is obligatorily ergative:
(8) riya-ke wekaka mi-ra e-k
w
ana isara-nuka-wa
this-which day 2.SG-E 1-PL(A) greet-again-RE
Today you spoke to us again. (Camp 1985: 45)
Guillaume (2000) is currently studying Cavine na from the perspective of spatial deixis.
4.2 The Arawakan languages
The Arawakan language family, also referred to as Maipuran (David Payne 1991a), has a
wide distribution in many areas of Central and South America. A. C. Taylor (1999: 205)
observes that Arawakans lived in a fringe extending from the Pampas del Sacramento
in the central Peruvian forest area to the Bolivian llanos. This fringe was broken by
the Harakmbut and by Tacanan peoples. Taylor points at the variety in lifestyle among
the Arawak, which included monta na people (e.g. the Amuesha or Yanesha

), riverside
dwellers (e.g. the Piro), atomised small groups, such as the Machiguenga, and well-
organised chiefdoms, such as the Mojos. There was extensive trading between different
groups. Taylor also includes the Panatagua, an extinct group of central Peruvian monta na
dwellers among the Arawakans. However, the linguistic afliation of the Panatagua has
never been established with certainty.
The Arawak family is represented in Bolivia by the Mojo language, which is split
into two subgroups identied by their ancient mission names, Ignaciano and Trinitario
(Olza Zubiri et al. 2002). A second Arawakan language is Baure. David Payne (1991b)
has shown that Apolista or Lapachu, a nearly extinct language which has been reported
by Monta no Arag on (19879) as still spoken, should also be classied as Arawakan.
The Chan e, another Arawakan group, subjugated to the TupiGuaran Chiriguano of the
ArgentinianBolivian border area, preserved its language until the twentieth century.
Some smaller Arawakan groups (Paunaca, etc.) were incorporated by the Chiquitano.
Very close to the Andes in Peru we nd Campa, Machiguenga and Yanesha

. The
Yanesha

have a history of frequent contacts with members of other groups; they live
4.2 The Arawakan languages 423
Table 4.1 The relationship between the Arawakan languages of the pre-Andean area
(based on Payne 1991a, b)
Northern Apolista Apolista
BanivaYavitero Baniva del Guaina, Yavitero
Caribbean Guajiro, Paraujano
North Amazon Achagua, Cabiyar, Curripaco, Maipure, Piapoco, Resgaro,
Tariana, Yucuna
Western Amuesha Amuesha
Chamicuro Chamicuro
Central Parecis-Saraveca Saraveca
Southern Bolivia-Paran a Baure, Guan a (Chan e), Mojo (Ignaciano, Trinitario)
Campa Ash eninca, Machiguenga
PiroApurin a Piro, I napari
near the Cerro de la Sal, a site of traditional pilgrimages and trade. From 1635 onward
they were in contact with the Franciscans, and in 1742 there was the rebellion of Juan
Santos Atahuallpa, which led to the chasing away of the missions (Varese 1968). In 1881
the Franciscans returned. Taylor (1999: 241) argues that the Campa and Yanesha

were
less dependent on the highlands for metal tools because they had their own forges.
Campa is subdivided into several subgroups, the largest being called Ash aninca and
Ash eninca. Chirif andMora (1977) mentiona small groupsplit off fromthe Machiguenga
called Kugapakori or Pucapacuri. A fourth Arawakan language in the southeastern low-
land is Piro, described by Matteson (1965). Campa and Piro are spoken in Brazil as well.
The remaining Arawakan languages in eastern Peru are I napari (in Madre de Dios),
Chamicuro and Resgaro (both in Loreto). The latter two have also undergone profound
phonological change. Speakers of Resgaro live near the Bora and Huitoto along the
Colombian border. There are no Arawakan languages spoken in Ecuador.
The Arawakan language family is one of the best-studied families in the area. Partly
based on earlier work of Wise and other scholars, David Payne (1991a) has managed
to reconstruct a large number of features of this language family, and put its internal
classication on a sounder footing. For the area under consideration the relationship
between the different Arawakan languages is as in table 4.1. This is a fairly conservative
grouping. It may be that southern and western Arawakan are closer than is apparent from
this classication.
David Payne speculates that Proto-Arawakan was highly agglutinative, with a set of
person prexes (both on nouns and verbs) and a third-person-singular gender distinction.
There are also noun class sufxes, and a number of valency-changing verbal elements are
sufxal. We will not enter into a detailed discussion here of the typological characteristics
of the Arawakan languages, referring the reader to David Payne (1991a) and the work
cited there, and for syntactic properties to Derbyshire (1986) and Wise (1986). Wise
424 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.2 Yanesha

(Amuesha) phoneme inventory (based on Fast 1953 and Duff-Tripp

1998)

Labial Palatal labial Dental Palatal Retroex Velar Palatal velar

Voiceless stops p p
y
t t
y
k k
y
Voiced stops b b
y
Affricates c c c
.
Voiceless fricatives s s x
Voiced fricatives z
.

Nasals m m
y
n n
y
Lateral l
y
Vibrant r
Glides w y
Front Central Back
Mid e () o
Low a

Yanesha

vowels can be plain, long (a:, e:, o:), aspirated (a

h
, e
h
, o
h
), or glottalised (a

, e

, o

).
stresses the highly verb-centred character of the Arawakan clause, and surmises that
the original word order of the family was SOV, while now various orders are found,
including for the area under study SOV, VSO and OVS.
However, the special status of Yanesha

, also called Amuesha (Wise 1976), as a lan-

guage strongly inuenced by Quechua, warrants a more detailed presentation. This case
shows how far-reaching Quechua inuence has been on some neighbouring monta na
languages. Not only has Yanesha

adopted a great many Quechua loans, including some

core vocabulary, and the numerals from six to nine, but it has also developed, for all
practical purposes, a three-vowel system like Quechua instead of the four-vowel system
of related Arawak varieties such as Campa. Furthermore, it has adopted a retroex palatal
affricate c
.
, according to Wise, from central Peruvian Quechua varieties such as Junn,
Pasco or Hu anuco. Finally, it does not allow the vowel sequences common in related
Arawak varieties but impossible in Quechua. The phonological changes in Yanesha

had
made it difcult for earlier researchers to classify the language as Arawak (Wise 1976).
4.2.1 Yanesha

phonology
The consonant inventory of Yanesha

is given in table 4.2. It is based on Duff-Tripp

(1998), which builds on Fast (1953) and Duff (1957). These two sources present a three-
vowel system for the language, which is expanded to four vowels in Duff-Tripp (1998).
The Yanesha

texts available indicate that the overwhelming majority of words involve

4.2 The Arawakan languages 425
the three vowels a, e, o. These vowels occur in different phonation types: they can be
plain, long, aspirated, or glottalised.
2
A central feature of the consonant inventory is the
systematic opposition of palatal and non-palatal stops.
A word series as in (9) illustrates vowel length and glottalisation, as well as the
opposition between palatal, alveolar and retroex affricates:
(9) cop it grows
c
.
o:p corn
t
y
o:p an insect
co

re
t
y
o

grandfather (Fast 1953: 192)
4.2.2 The principal grammatical features of Yanesha

Nominal elements
There is no grammaticalised gender in Yanesha

, but a number of kinship terms are

indeed differentiated for natural gender. Words for brother and sister and son and
daughter are also differentiated for the gender of Ego (po- p
w
e- is a possessive
prex; the variation is dialectal; some nouns take pa

- or po

- instead; cf. Duff-Tripp

1997: 144):
(10) a. pa

-mo

na sen
y
his brother
p-o

c
.
his sister
po

-se her brother
pa

-mo

ne z
.
her sister
b. po- cemer, p
w
e- cemer his son, daughter
po- coyor, p
w
e- coyor her son, daughter
po

-sen
y
his daughter, his/her niece (by sibling of
same sex) (Duff-Tripp 1997: 25, 31, 33)
There are compounds with the nucleus at the end:
(11) a. son
y
ker-(e)po
worm-time
season of the worms
b. a so

s-esme

l
y
armadillo-tail
armadillo tail (Duff-Tripp 1997: 25)
2
Vowel length and aspiration are not systematically indicated in Duff-Tripp (1997, 1998).
426 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Some compounds have a non-nominal initial element:
(12) a. ata z
.
-po

big-house
big house
b. ano z
.
-p
w
ec
sit-place
a place to sit (Duff-Tripp 1997: 38)
Personal reference
Prexal person marking in Yanesha

can refer to possessors, objects, and subjects. The

paradigm is as in (13) (Duff-Tripp 1997: 29):
(13) ne- 1.SG ye- 1.PL
pe- 2.SG se- 2.PL
po/p
w
e- 3.SG po-/p
w
e- .. -et 3.PL
Notice that this system has been considerably simplied when compared to the
Proto-Arawakan system reconstructed by David Payne:
(14)

nu- 1.SG

wa- 1.PL

p- 2.SG

hi- 2.PL

l- 3.SG.MS

na- 3.PL

t
h
u- 3.SG.FE (David Payne 1991a: 376)
When the prex is a possessor, there may be sufxal person marking on the enclitic
element to be.
(15) no-pakl
y
-o

-ce:n-en
1P.SG-house-L-be-1S.SG
I am/was in my house. (Wise 1986: 571)
The paradigm for this sufxal marking is as follows:
(16) -Vn 1.SG -Vy 1.PL
-Vp
y
/-Vp 2.SG -Vs 2.PL
3.SG -et 3.PL (Duff-Tripp 1997: 41)
The nature of the vowel in these sufxes is determined by phonological characteristics of
the base word. Notice the close link between these sufxes and the prex paradigm
in (13).
When the possessor is not the original possessor of a noun, double prexal marking
can occur:
4.2 The Arawakan languages 427
(17) no-pa

-sme

l
y
-o:r
1P.SG-3P.SG-tail-RL
my tail (which I have obtained from some animal) (Wise 1986: 575)
With respect to possession, four classes of nouns must be distinguished (Duff-Tripp
1997: 305):
(18) a. possessive marking obligatory (basic kinship terms such as sister
and daughter and elements that always form part of a whole):
p
w
e-setma

t
y
3P.SG-horizontal.beam
the horizontal beam of a house (Duff-Tripp 1997: 31)
b. possessive marker normally present (body parts, kinship terms
such as husband and wife, abstract nouns, normally possessed
elements). These elements carry the privative marker -c/-Vc when
the possessor is not specied:
p-on
y
on
y
-ec
3P.SG-head head-PI
her/his head head (Duff-Tripp 1997: 31)
po

-n
y
on
y
n
y
on
y
-ec
3P.SG-word word-PI
her/his word word (Duff-Tripp 1998: 603)
c. possessive marker optional (many objects, animals, kinship terms
such as mother and father):
p-o ck-ar o cek
3P.SG-dog-RL dog
her/his dog dog (Duff-Tripp 1998: 254)
d. possessive marker impossible (a small class including ce sa

child
and wok cane sa

orphan)
This classication of four classes of nouns intersects with one concerning the form
of the possessive marking. Most inanimate objects, all body parts and some of the
kinship terms for children and siblings just receive a possessive prex. However, an-
imate beings, most kinship terms, words for food and some nominalisations receive
the possessive prex as well as a sufx -Vr, illustrated with p-o ck-ar her/his dog
in (18c).
With verbs, the person prex normally marks the subject (cf. the examples below).
In certain circumstances, e.g. in relative clauses in which the subject is unspecied, the
428 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
prexal person marking can refer to the object:
(19) n
y
en
y
t
y
ye-co:y-o

t-amp-e:n-e

which 1O.PL-light-EU-DA-PR-UN
which lights us (the sun) (Wise 1986: 571)
Marking of grammatical relations and adpositions
Objects and subjects are not marked overtly, but there is a generalised relational (locative,
genitive, instrumental) case marked -o, which can be further specied by an additional
sufx or sufx combination:
(20) non
y
t
y
-o locative in/to the canoe
non
y
t
y
-o-t
y
ablative from the canoe
non
y
t
y
-o-t
y
-en
y
from the canoe onward
non
y
t
y
-o-t
y
-eye

a bit beyond the canoe
non
y
t
y
-o-net
y
allative towards the canoe
non
y
t
y
-o-wa delimitative until the canoe
non
y
t
y
-o-

mar approximate location near the canoe
(Duff-Tripp 1997: 356)
There is no set of postpositions, with the exception of a marker -Vkop for benefactive
and purpose:
(21) ce sa-ne sa-t
y
ol
y
-e c
.
n-okop
child-group-DI-various-B
for all various classes of small children (Duff-Tripp 1997: 48)
Many spatial distinctions are marked with (possibly internally complex) adverbs,
such as:
(22) al
y
there a z
.
here
a

yo there (distant) t
y
-a z
.
-o there (not so distant)
yom-ta

n on the other side an
y
em
y
-ta

n on this side
al
y
-ap
y
ar far (Duff-Tripp 1997: 126)
Verbs
An example of a highly complex verb in Yanesha

is given in (23):
(23) -oma z
.
-am
y
-e

t-amp
y
-es-y-e:s-n-e:n-a
3S-go.downriver-DB-EU-DA-EU-PL-EU-late-PR-RF
They are going downriver by canoe in the late afternoon stopping
often along the way. (Wise 1986: 582)
4.2 The Arawakan languages 429
Striking is the frequent occurrence of euphonic markers, which also appear to have a
grammatical function. Note also the use of a tense marker indicating late afternoon; it
contrasts with a marker indicating early morning.
The element -amp
y
-, glossed dative by Wise, deserves special mention. It can add a
slot for an affected oblique object to an intransitive:
(24) a. ne-ma
h
t-a
1S.SG-run-RF
I run. (Wise 1986: 592)
b. ne-ma
h
t-amp
y
-s-ap
y
-a
1S.SG-run-DA-EU-2O.SG-RF
I run away from you. (Wise 1986: 592)
Sometimes this function of -amp
y
- leads to a passive-like structure, as in (25b):
(25) a. -wa
h
t-a
3S-rain-RF
It rained. (Wise 1986: 593)
b. no-wa
h
t-amp
y
-s-a
1S.SG-rain-DA-EU-RF
I was caught in the rain. (Wise 1986: 593)
The rich sufxal verbal morphology expresses a wide range of concepts. One example
is subjunctive mood:
(26) pe- so:r-a

n-m
w
-e:pa

2S.SG-fall-AB-CM-SJ
Be careful lest you fall. (Wise 1986: 602)
Another one involves reciprocal marking:
(27) -y-a

n-a

t-ann-a

t-a
3S-cry-RR-EU-RC-EU-RF
They cry for one another. (Wise 1986: 579)
Word order
Basic word order in main clauses is VSO:
(28) o

ka

z
.
-at-e z
.
-ey a c
.
ka s
3
y-a c-or
already eat-CA-RP-1S.PL dwarfs 1P.PL-mother-RL
The dwarfs have already fed our mother. (Duff-Tripp 1997: 177)
3
Possibly a borrowing from neighbouring Quechua I dialects, where a c
.
ka s means lamb.
430 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
However, often a topic marked with -pa

(either subject or object) occurs preverbally:

(29) pa

-tak-pa

awo

pamp
w
-en
y
-et-a

pa

- coy-o
3P-foot-TO HS bury-PR-3S.PL-AN 3P-eld-L
One foot (of his) they buried in the eld. (Duff-Tripp 1997: 179)
Auxiliary elements precede the verb, while oblique complements tend to follow it:
(30) aw-o

-aw-an-m
w
-e:t ent-o
AX-HS 3S-go-AB-CM-3S.PL.RF sky-L
Then they went up to the sky. (Wise 1986: 605)
Modiers such as possessors precede the head noun:
(31) a: c p
w
-e

m-a:r
mother 3P-baby-RL
mothers baby (Wise 1986: 607)
4.2.3 Complex sentences in Yanesha

Adverbial clauses generally precede the main clause and are marked with -pa

:
(32) ama ye- z
.
-en-a

-pa

o

c y-e

pota

t-a [cf. Quechua ama dont]
not 1S.PL-eat-PR-AN-TO F 1S.PL-wash.hands-RF
Before eating we wash our hands. (Duff-Tripp 1997: 191)
In relative clauses a relativiser n
y
en
y
t
y
appears at the beginning of the clause, before the
verb, and the clause is marked again with the topic marker -pa

:
(33) an
y
-n
y
a pa

-tak, n
y
en
y
t
y
-pamp
w
-en-et-a

pa

- coy-o-pa

, awo

anap
y
this-SQ 3P-foot, R 3S-bury-PR-3.PL-AN 3P-eld-L-TO,
HS 3S.answer.3O
The foot they buried in the eld answered. (Duff-Tripp 1997: 206)
Notice that the clause follows the antecedent.
4.3 TupiGuaran
The very important TupiGuaran language family is mostly spoken in the area south
of the Amazon, in Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay and Peru. In Bolivia, it is represented by
ChiriguanoAva, ChiriguanoTapyi or Izoce no, Guarayo, Jor a, PausernaGuarasugw e,
Sirion o and Yuqui. It also includes the Chan e, a former Arawakan group which now
speaks Chiriguano, andthe Tapiet e. The Tapiet e are claimedbyNordenski old(1912: 310)
tobe originallya Mataco-relatedgroup. Some of the other TupiGuaran groups are small
(the nomadic Sirion o) or nearing extinction (the Jor a and the PausernaGuarasugw e).
4.3 TupiGuaran 431
Table 4.3 The relationship among the pre-Andean
members of the TupiGuaran language family
(based on Rodrigues 19845)
I ChiriguanoAva (including Tapiet e)
ChiriguanoTapyi or Izoce no
Guaran
II Guarayo
PausernaGuarasugw e

Sirion o, Jor a
Yuqui

III Cocama, Cocamilla

Omagua

PausernaGuarasugw e and Yuqui are not classied in

Rodrigues (19845).
The Chiriguano have always been a militarily powerful group; they invaded the Andean
territories proper both during the Inca period and in colonial times.
TupiGuaran languages are found in Peru along the Amazon and Ucayali rivers.
There are two languages, Cocama, including Cocamilla, and Omagua. A few speakers
of Cocama can be found in Brazil as well. Early explorers of the Amazon such as Orellana
marvelled at the riches of the Omagua city-like settlements along the rivers. Cocama is
giving way to Spanish at the present moment, and the people are now often acculturated
and live dispersed. The Cocama were rst contacted in 1559, and the Cocamilla much
later, in 1651. In 1666 the two groups rebelled together against the Spaniards (Chirif
and Mora 1977).
The relationship among the Bolivian and Peruvian members of this extensive lan-
guage family (found also in Brazil and Paraguay) has been the subject of some disagree-
ment, due to different classicatory techniques. Firestone (1965) has applied lexico-
statistic techniques, and Lemle (1971) has traced some phonological innovations, while
Rodrigues (1984/5) has combined several types of diagnostic criteria, and Dietrich
(1990) has done a sophisticated analysis of the number of phonological and morpholog-
ical features separating these languages. The groupings proposed by Dietrich (1990), as
a consequence, not only reect genetic relationships but also degree of innovation. Here
we follow Jensen (1998), a comparative reconstruction of TupiGuaran morphosyntax,
in taking Rodrigues (19845) as our point of departure. The relevant branches of the
TupiGuaran family are given in table 4.3.
While the family as a whole has preserved many of its original features relatively
intact, a number of languages have undergone considerable changes. Sirion o, Jor a and,
presumably, Yuqui have been much simplied, possibly because these languages are the
432 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
result of the adoption of TupiGuaran as a second language by people who originally
spoke something else (Rodrigues 19845: 43). The nature of these simplication pro-
cesses remains to be studied, however. In any case, the present-day differences between
Guarayo and the other members of its group are much larger than their joint classication
would suggest (Dietrich 1990: 111).
The case of Cocama also is of great interest from the perspective of language history
and language contact. While phonologically and lexically it is undoubtedly a Tupan
language, closely related to Tupinamb a from Brazil, structurally it is not (Rodrigues
19845: 434; Cabral 1995, 2000). It has different pronouns when spoken by the two
genders, and in several cases the feminine form is of Tupi origin (bold here), while the
masculine is not (the reverse never happens):
4
(34) 1.SG FE = ece MS = ta
2.SG ene
3.SG FE = ay MS = uri
1.IN ni
1.EX FE = p enu MS = t ana
2.PL epe (Cabral 1995: 132)
Rodrigues (personal communication) suggests that the language resulted from a fairly
recent migration of a group speaking a Tupinamb a-related language from the lower
to the upper Amazon, perhaps in the immediate preconquest era, and its subsequent
incorporation in a different language group.
4.4 The Jivaroan languages
Jivaroan is represented by four languages: Aguaruna, Huambisa, Achuar (or Achual)
and Jvaro or Shuar. All four languages are closely related. Jivaroan speakers show a
particularly strong ethnic consciousness. The Aguaruna territory in Peru is quite ex-
tensive and covers parts of the departments of Loreto and Amazonas. The Huambisa
are mainly in Loreto. The Shuar (also known as the Jvaro) occupy the eastern slopes
of the Ecuadorian Andes, mainly in the province of MoronaSantiago, up to the very
limits of the Andean ridge proper. The Sangay volcano is their sacred mountain. To the
east of the Shuar live the Achuar (partly also in Loreto, Peru). Thus the southern part
of the Ecuadorian oriente is dominated by a single family of closely related languages,
Jivaroan. It may be that previously the Jivaroan area extended into the highlands of the
Ecuadorian province of Loja. Like their Peruvian relatives the Aguaruna, the Ecuadorian
Shuar are known for their high level of political organisation.
4
See, however, Schleicher (1998) for an explanation of the Cocama rst person-singular prex -ta
within the context of TupiGuaran historical development.
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 433
The Jivaroan groups have a long and complex history of interactions with the highland
cultures. The Shuar are renowned for having raided Andean territories as late as the
colonial period. They were rst contacted by the Spanish early on, in 1534, and rebelled
succesfully in 1599. In 1816 a newattempt was made to subdue them. The Aguaruna were
attacked by the Incas upon several occasions, and after 1549 the Spaniards attempted to
bring them together in reducciones. In 1886 they rebelled against the Jesuits (Chirif and
Mora 1977). The Huambisa have managed to stay further apart from the Spanish, due
to their location further into the interior.
As mentioned above, Shuar is one of the most important languages of the Ecuado-
rian lowlands. Part of the Jivaroan language family, it is closely related to and mutually
intelligible with Achuar and slightly more distantly related to and partly intelligible with
Aguaruna and Huambisa. While the Shuar are very well known, under the name Jvaro,
and have been the subject of extensive ethnographic studies, particularly by Karsten
(1935) and Harner (1972), there is surprisingly little in terms of full linguistic descrip-
tions. The sketch here takes the brief account presented by Karsten (1935) as its basis,
and includes some of the data presented in Beuchat and Rivet (1909, 1910a), Alvarez
([c.1915] 1983), Flornoy (1938), Turner (1958), Pellizzaro (1969), Juank (1982), Rouby
and Riedmayer (1983) and Gnerre (1986). It has not been possible to completely ho-
mogenise the spelling from the different sources, since it is not always clear whether the
differences arise from orthographic conventions, phonetic versus phonological spelling,
or from regional or diachronic variation. Finally, there is the problem that in Macas a
pidgin version of Shuar was in use by and with mestizo settlers (Gnerre 1986: 340),
and it may be that Karstens account is inuenced by this pidgin Shuar. Gnerre (1986:
30911) draws attention to the wide variety of registers that were available in traditional
Shuar, including ceremonial visiting dialogues, ceremonial war party dialogues and tra-
ditional narrative styles. In the course of the twentieth century, these styles have largely
disappeared; it would be interesting to study the features of recently developed styles,
such as the Shuar used in radio transmissions.
4.4.1 Shuar phonology
The major source on Shuar phonology is Turner (1958). He presents the phoneme in-
ventory given in table 4.4. There is a nasaloral contrast in the vowel system, but most
of the consulted sources indicate nasality inconsistently or not at all. Sequences of same
vowels occur, some of which may be due to the loss of an intervocalic consonant (e.g.
in waakis Gualaquiza). Karsten (1935) sometimes indicates vowel length, where other
sources have plain vowels. Most sources use the symbols e or i for the central vowel
established by Turner (1958). There is also a vowel [e] which in most contexts is best
analysed as underlyingly /a/. Thus we have:
434 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.4 Shuar phoneme inventory (based on Turner 1958)

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal

Stops p t k
Affricates c c
Fricatives s s h
Nasals m n
Vibrant r
Glides w y
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid
Low a

Vowel nasality and stress are contrastive. Karsten (1935) and Juank
(1982) also distinguish vowel length.
(35) y aw

a-i
5
> [y aw

ey]
dog-3P.SG
his dog (Turner 1958: 89)
In view of the uncertain interpretation of the vowels, we write nuclear vowels as they
appear in each source. For consonants and non-nuclear vowels we use the phoneme
inventory introduced by Turner, although we do write palatalisation if the original source
has it. Most consonants have palatalised allophones after i. Stops and affricates are voiced
(and sometimes deaffricated) after nasals (Turner 1958).
There is a pervasive tendency towards penultimate stress on the radical, which does
not shift, e.g.:
(36) wak era-tin
y
u
wish-IF
in order to wish (Karsten 1935: 544)
Although Turner (1958) does not elaborate the point, there is some evidence that radical
nal nasals in some cases correspond to underlying prenasalised stops

k,
n
t,
m
p. These
have been preserved as such in the more conservative Aguaruna.
(37) a. nuhn+ +ur [nuhntur]
egg-1P.SG
my egg (Turner 1958: 93)
5
Note the similarity with TupiGuaran ya
w
a dog. Jivaroan has a number of words that appear
to be borrowings from TupiGuaran.
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 435
b. sam+ +a s [ sampa s]
chick-DU
a chick perhaps (Turner 1958: 93)
Because of the unsolved status of the homorganic nasal-stop sequences in Shuar, the
stop element will be written as in the original source.
A very frequent process in Shuar is metathesis:
(38) a. p antam+ +n ap uhu-y [p anman ap uhuy]
banana-AC place-3S
He is planting bananas. (Turner 1958: 93)
b. u:nt [u:nt] elder
u:nt-ru- sa [ u:ntru sa] also my elder
u:nt-ru [ u:ntur] my elder (Juank 1982: 10)
Finally, we should mention the epenthesis of vowels to sufxed radicals:
(39) peker-a-yti
6
good-EU-be.3S.SG
It is good. (Pellizzaro 1982: 9)
4.4.2 The principal grammatical features of Shuar
In Shuar there are productive categories of nouns (including various classes of pronouns),
verbs, adjectives andadverbs. Afewverbs canbe usedas auxiliaries. Postpositions, deter-
miners and conjunctions are enclitic elements. There is also a large group of ideophonic
interjections.
Nominal elements
Noun phrases tend not to be very complex in Shuar, and neither is there a very complex
nominal morphology. Bare nouns can have both indenite and denite reference, but
nouns canbe made specic inthree ways: withthe enclitic particle -ka, withthe preceding
third-person pronoun ni, and with a following demonstrative nu:
(40) su a:ra-ka the Shuar
ni p agi the big serpent (anaconda)
unta nu the chief, the old one (Karsten 1935: 5445)
The particle -ka may also be added to pronouns and some adverbs.
There is no grammaticalised gender or number marking. Diminutives are commonly
formed with the particle - ci, and in poetic usage sometimes with -ta:
6
Pronunciation suggested in Rouby and Riedmayer (1983): [p
w
egar eyti].
436 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
(41) a. u ci-ta
son-DI
my little son (Karsten 1935: 546)
b. nuk u- ci
mother-DI
my little mother (Karsten 1935: 546)
Other nominal enclitics are -ki alone (-k according to Turner 1958) and - sa also:
7
(42) a. w-ki
1.SG-DL
I alone (Karsten 1935: 559)
b. n uwa- sa
woman-AD
the woman also (Pellizzaro 1969: 13)
Beuchat and Rivet (1909: 81415) mention the existence of compounds; note that (43a)
appears to be right-headed, and (43b) left-headed. (Beuchat and Rivets examples are
given in the original spelling.)
(43) a. x
.
apa-yag
w
a
deer-dog
leopard (Beuchat and Rivet 1909: 814)
b. akap-nawe
stomach-foot
foot sole (Beuchat and Rivet 1909: 815)
They also mention cases of reduplication:
(44) tag
w
a tag
w
a hat [cf. tag
w
asa feather crown]
ka si ka si day after tomorrow [ka si tomorrow]
(Beuchat and Rivet 1909: 815)
Personal reference
Shuar distinguishes three persons andthe oppositionsingular/plural is sometimes marked
as well. The personal pronouns are:
(45) 1.SG wi 1.PL i:
2.SG am(u)e 2.PL atum
3.SG ni, au 3.PL ni, au (Juank 1982: 3)
7
Compare the Aymara sufxes -ki and -sa, which have the same meaning.
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 437
The status of the third-person pronominal form au is unclear. (Sometimes it seems
that in the plural au is preferred over ni; in other cases, au seems to refer to elements
new in the discourse, and ni to elements already referred to before.) The labial in au
may be the source for the labial in the third-person-singular verbal agreement marker
below.
There is a corresponding set of verbal agreement markers:
(46) 1S.SG -ha(y) 1S.PL -hi
2S.SG -me 2S.PL -rme
3S.SG -wa(y) 3S.PL -yn
y
a-wa(y) (Juank 1982: 7)
The short forms without -y are found before the interrogative marker -k. There is an
opposition between the deictic pronouns hu this and nu that, which might be related
to the difference between -ha(y) rst-person singular and ni she, he. Inected verbs
need not have an overt subject:
(47) win
y
a-me-k
come-2S.SG-IR
Are you coming? (Juank 1982: 3)
Notice that in wh-questions, an even shorter form of the verbal agreement marker ap-
pears. Consider the following contrast:
(48) it
y
urak a-yn
y
a h u-nik a-yn
y
a-way
how be-3S.PL this-like be-3.PL-3S
How are they? They are like this. (Juank 1982: 16)
This alternation may result froma contrast between declarative and non-declarative verb
forms, as in the Barbacoan languages.
Nouns can appear uninected for person (there are numerous examples of uninected
possessed nouns in the sources), but there is also a set of person markers:
(49) 1P.SG -r(u) 1P.PL -ri
2P.SG -ram 2P.PL -ri
3P.SG -ri 3P.PL -ri (Juank 1982: 3, 5)
With nouns, however, a pronominal possessor generally must be overt:
(50) atum n a:-r
you.PL name-P
your (plur.) name (Juank 1982: 5)
438 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
The agreement markers in Shuar are not pronominal in being able to occur by them-
selves, even if there may be a correspondence of -w (wi / -ru) in the rst person and of
-am (am(u)e / -ram) in the second person singular.
The exception are kinship terms, which may appear without the possessor pronoun:
(51) nuk u ci-ru-ka capki uya-yi
grandmother-1P.SG-DF Tsapiki be.RM-3S
My grandmother was Tsapiki. (Juank 1982: 9)
Kinship terms optionally and body part terms obligatorily have another person marker
in the second (-em/-im) and third person (-e/-i):
(52) a. ame nuw a-ram / ame n uw-em your wife
b. ni nuwa-r / ni nuw- e his wife
c. ame nih
y

a-im your forehead

d. ni nih
y

a-i her/his forehead (Juank 1982: 36)

In copular constructions, the copula inected for person appears as an enclitic on the
predicate:
(53) p eker- a-yt-hay
good-EU-be-1S.SG
I am good. (Juank 1982: 13)
Marking of grammatical relations and adpositions
Subjects are not overtly marked, and (direct or indirect) object and possessor NPs may
remain unmarked as well (see also the section on word order below). Beuchat and Rivet
mention an object marker -n, -na, or -m for Gualaquiza Shuar, as in:
(54) yusa santo naha-ri-n andaram tax
.
-aip
God holy name-3P.SG-AC in.vain say-2S.NE.IM
Dont say Gods holy name in vain. (Beuchat and Rivet 1909: 817)
According to Pellizzaro (1969: 15), and at variance with example (54), the object marker
-n is only used when the subject of the sentence is rst person singular or third person. It
is found as -an/-en after consonants, and as -in after a second-person possessive ending
in -m. The ending -na is found as an alternative for -n, in which case the preceding vowel
is suppressed (e.g. n uwa-r u-n nuw a-r-na to my wife). The sufx is also present in
the related language Aguaruna (Corbera Mori 2000).
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 439
(55) tar a c-rum-in naw ant-an sus a-hay
cloth-2P-AC girl-AC give-1S.SG
I gave your cloth (tarachi) to the girl. (Pellizzaro 1969: 15)
There are special strong possessive forms for the pronouns:
(56) wi-n
y
a my, mine i:-n
y
u ours
ami-n
y
u your, yours atum(i)-n
y
a yours
ni:-n
y
u, au-nu his, her(s), their(s) (Pellizzaro 1969: 16)
The element -na/-nu, discernable in the possessive form of the pronouns, is also
found with other nouns, where it indicates attribution or destination. Pellizzaro (1969:
16) indicates that -na is used after consonants and after monosyllabic stems (which
apparently may not contain a long vowel or a diphthong), whereas -nu is used
elsewhere.
(57) a. hu m a cit u:nt-na-yti
this machete chief-G-be.3S.SG
This machete belongs to the chief.
b. hu m a cit suka-nu-yti
this machete Sunka-G-be.3S.SG
This machete belongs to Sunka. (Juank 1982: 36)
Location and time can be indicated by means of the sufxes -nam and -num. According
to Pellizzaro (1969: 17, 21) and Juank (1982: 30), the phonological conditioning of
these allomorphs is the reverse of that of attributive -na and -nu; -num is used af-
ter consonants and -nam after vowels. Further allomorphs are -i (after the rst-person
possessive marker -ru), -in (after second-person possessive markers in -m), and -n (after
the possessive marker -ri). Karsten (1935) mentions the forms -numa and -n ama but
without the alleged conditioning.
(58) a. he:a-numa
house-L
in the house (Karsten 1935: 558)
b. he:a-numa we a-hey
house-L go-1S.SG
I go to my house. (Karsten 1935: 559)
c. he:a-numa win
y
a-hey
house-L come-1S.SG
I come from my house. (Karsten 1935: 559)
440 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Notice that -numa can mark both Source and Goal. With verbs of motion the postposition
is oftenomitted. The sufx-nama(n) canalsobe translatedas (inexchange) for (Karsten
1935: 559).
Direction (allative) is indicated by means of a sufx -(V)ni. It is often found after the
locative ending -n(u)ma in a sequence -n(u)mani. After personal possessive endings this
sequence is reduced to -i-ni (Pellizzaro 1969: 21, Juank 1982: 30).
(59) a. mur a-ni w ea-hay
mountain-AL go-1S.SG
I am going towards the mountain. (Juank 1982: 28)
b. nih
y

ay-ru--ni
forehead-1P.SG-L-AL
ahead of me (Juank 1982: 28)
Separation (ablative) is indicated by -y a from. Like -(V)ni, it can occur after the
locative marker (-num-y a, -nma-y a), and again the sequence is reduced to -i-y a after
personal possessive endings. Notice the use of tu-y am from where, rather than

tu-y a ,
as well as the short form -m for the second-person subject marker in a wh-question,
in (60a):
(60) a. tu-y am win
y
a-m
where-AB come-2S.SG
Where do you come from? (Juank 1982: 6)
b. T ay s-n
y
um-y a win
y
a-hay
Taisha-L-AB come-1S.SG
I come from Taisha. (Juank 1982: 6)
Instrumental, comitative or manner are indicated by means of the ending -hay (Karsten
1935: 546; Juank 1982: 36):
(61) a. ap a ci-hey we a-hey
white.man-IS go-1S.SG
I go with the white man. (Karsten 1935: 546)
b. naki-hey ma-ma
lance-IS kill-PF
killed with a lance (Karsten 1935: 546)
c. su ar- cam-hay
Shuar-language-IS
in the Shuar language (Juank 1982: 36)
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 441
Verbs
Verbs can be marked for a number of sufxes. There are a number of highly complex
morphophonological adjustment rules and the sources only give sketchy information.
Hence, the following account, needless to say, can only be preliminary. A rst set of
afxes is attached directly to the verbal root:
(62) -u go to . . .
-i come to . . .
-mtik(i) causative
-n passive
-nay reciprocal
-k
y
a almost
-te inchoative (Juank 1982: 77)
Some examples include:
(63) a. nek a-mtiki-a-ta-y
know-CA-SA-HO-1S.PL
Let us make it known. (Juank 1982: 77)
b. am u-te-k-hay
nish-IC-IT-1S.SG
I have started to nish. (Juank 1982: 77)
Asecond set of afxes marks completive or perfective aspect (there is a broad distinction
in Shuar between perfective and imperfective verbs). The form of the aspectual marker
gives additional information (Pellizzaro 1969: 26; Juank 1982: 54). See also the two
preceding examples.
(64) -i- / - - imperfective
-a- simple
-k- iterative / intensive
-r- with plural object
-s- diminutive / affective
-k(i)- neglected action
The imperfective is unmarked after stems ending in a single consonant, otherwise the
ending is -i- (Pellizzaro 1969).
External to aspect marking we nd tense and mood markers, but they can be preceded
by the negation marker - ca-. The tenses include (Juank 1982: 26, 33):
442 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
(65) -m(a) past at a denite point in time
-m
y
a past at an indenite point in time
-tta future
Examples are:
(66) um a-r- ca-m-hay
8
drink-3O.PL-NE-DF.PA-1S.SG
I didnt drink (yesterday). (Juank 1982: 26)
(67) tak a-s- ca-tta-rme
work-DI-NE-F-2S.PL
You (plur.) will not work. (Juank 1982: 33)
External to tense markers we nd verbal agreement, optionally followed by dubitative
-(a) s or a question marker -k:
(68) a. nar uk-a-y-k
cook-SA-3S.SG-IR
Does it cook? (Juank 1982: 12)
b. nar uk- c-i-a s
cook-NE-3S.SG-DU
It perhaps does not cook. (Juank 1982: 12)
Mood markers appear to occupy the same position as the tense markers. They include
imperative, potential and irrealis:
(69) a. yu- a-t a
eat-SA-IM.2S
Eat! (Juank 1982: 12)
b. war a-s- aynt-me
enjoy-DI-PO-2S.SG
You could enjoy it. (Juank 1982: 67)
c. war a-s- a-me
enjoy-DI-IE-2S.SG
You could have enjoyed it. (Juank 1982: 67)
Summarising, the Shuar verb can have the following types of verbal afxes:
(70) noo1 oiniv1io sric1 io1io 1isi/mooo rinso
otni11ivi/qtis1io mnkin
Again, this is only a preliminary sketch. A number of afxes has been left out of con-
sideration, including the numerous nominalisers in Shuar.
8
Note the similarity with Aymara uma- to drink.
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 443
In addition to the negation formed with - ca there is also a negative sufx -cu or - cu:
9
(71) tak a- cu
work-NE
He does not work. (Karsten 1935: 554)
This sufx may also be added to non-verbal predicates:
(72) a. pger-a- cu
good-EU-NE
It is not good. (Karsten 1935: 554)
b. w-n
y
a- cu
1.SG-G-NE
It is not mine. (Karsten 1935: 554)
Negative imperatives are formed with the ending -aypa [eyp
y
a]; this form is optionally
shortened:
(73) wini:-(ay)pa
come-2S.IM.NE
Do not come! (Karsten 1935: 554)
There is also a possibility, nally, of forming a negative existential:
(74) ac a-way
not.be-3S.SG
There is not. (Juank 1982: 6)
Word order
Word order is one of the features of the language on which there is rm agreement
among the different authors. The basic order is SOV:
(75) ni p agi unc uri eyncu am uk-ma
3.SG snake many people kill-PF
The snake killed many people. (Karsten 1935: 545)
Auxiliaries follow their verbal complement, like the auxiliary puha-. It is used in
progressive constructions together with a gerund ending on the verb:
(76) kanu nah ana-sa puh a-hey
canoe make-GR be-1S.SG
I am making a canoe. (Karsten 1935: 555)
9
Cf. Quechua - cu negation.
444 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Possessors precede possessed elements:
(77) w-n
y
a yac u-ru umi
1.SG-G brother-1P.SG blowgun
my brothers blowgun (Karsten 1935: 546)
Adjectives precede the noun:
(78) unta pin cu
big hawk
the great hawk (eagle) (Karsten 1935: 547)
Similarly, adverbial modiers such as the exclamative degree marker ma ti, expressing
wonder, precede the adjective:
(79) a. ma ti pgera
very more beautiful
most beautiful (Karsten 1935: 547)
b. s ugura m
y
a unc uri eyncu am uk-ma
epidemic very many people kill-PF
The epidemic has killed very many people. (Karsten 1935: 548)
Both enclitic and non-enclitic adpositions follow the element they modify:
(80) a. nca-numa
river-L
in the river (Karsten 1935: 558)
b. w a at a si n ukki unta
partridge hen like big
The partridge is big like a hen. (Karsten 1935: 559)
Apossible deviation fromthe prototypical SOVhead-nal pattern of Shuar is the demon-
strative and the relative clause (to be illustrated below). Demonstratives may precede or
follow the noun:
(81) a. nu he:a w-n
y
a
that house 1S.SG-G
That house is mine. (Karsten 1935: 550)
b. he:a nu, w-n
y
a he:a
house that 1.SG-G house
That house is mine. (Karsten 1935: 550)
The status of nu is not quite clear, however, since it may also modify predicates. Karsten
gives examples where for emphasis it both precedes and follows the predicate:
4.4 The Jivaroan languages 445
(82) a. Andi ce, nu h ama nu
Andiche that ill that
Andiche is really ill. (Karsten 1935: 550)
b. p a:ndama, nu puh u-ma nu
plantain that be-PF that
Is there any plantain? (Karsten 1935: 550)
It may be that nu is not a dependent determiner, but a separate emphasis marker, thus
not constituting a counterexample to a head-nal analysis for Shuar.
4.4.3 Complex sentences in Shuar
Complex sentences in Shuar appear to be of at least six types. First, causal and conditional
clauses are often formed with the postposition-like complementiser assa:
(83) a. ni h ama assa wini:- ca-ma
3.SG ill SU come-NE-PF
Because he is ill, he has not arrived. (Karsten 1935: 558)
b. amue wak era-ma assa sum ak-ta-hey
2.SG like-PF SU buy-F-1S
If you like, I will buy from you. (Karsten 1935: 558)
As these examples show, adverbial clauses tend to precede main clauses.
Another possible strategy, used particularly with temporal and conditional adverbials,
is the use of the gerund particle -sa:
10
(84) a. ama-sa sus a- cays
have-GR give-F.DU
If I had, I would give you. (Karsten 1935: 558)
b. su ara namb era
11
nah ana-sa ih ermas-ma
Shuar feast make-GR fast-PF
When a Shuar prepares a feast, he fasts. (Karsten 1935: 557)
A third possibility for adverbial clauses is simple juxtaposition. The examples given
have the particle -ma on the rst verb. This may indicate temporal sequence:
(85) a. ni wini:-ma we a-ta-hey
he arrive-PF go-F-1S
When he arrives, we will go. (Karsten 1935: 557)
10
Cf. Aymara -sa gerund.
11
A root similar to nambera feast may have been borrowed into Otavalo Quechua (province of
Imbabura, Ecuador), where we have namor feast. This could point to Jivaroan inuences in
the northern Ecuadorian highlands in pre-Inca times (see chapter 3).
446 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.5 The Shuar switch-reference system illustrated with the verb ant- to hear
(from Juank 1982: 76)
simultaneous simultaneous simultaneous simultaneous
identical subjects identical subjects different subjects different subjects
1 pers. sing. ant- uk-an ant-ak-un ant- uk-matay ant-ak-uy
2 pers. sing. . . .- uk-am . . .-ak-um . . .- uk-akmin . . .-ak-min
3 pers. sing. . . .- uk . . .-ak(u) . . .- uk-matay . . .-ak-uy
1 pers. plur. . . .- uk-ar(i) . . .-ak-ur(i) . . .-uk- akrin . . .-ak-rin
2 pers. plur. . . .- uk-rum . . .-ak-rum . . .-uk- akrumin . .-ak-rumin
3 pers. plur. . . .- uk-ar . . .-uyn
y
-ak(-u) . . .- uk-ar-matay . . .-uyn
y
-ak-uy
b. y umi yut uk- ca-ma we a-t-ey
water rain-NE-PF go-HO-1S.PL
Let us go before it rains. (Karsten 1935: 557)
In Juank (1982: 76) there is mention of a switch-reference systemfor gerunds, including
the distinctions presented in table 4.5 (ant- to hear). Perhaps Karstens ma corresponds
to third-person-singular (simultaneous, identical subject) matay in Juank. There are
numerous cases of shortened verbal afxes in Shuar.
Finally, sometimes an adverbial clause is formed with the postposed deictic par-
ticle nu:
(86) noa, ih erma-sa puh u-ma nu, nam an-ki y uo-ca-ma
woman fast-GR be-PF that meat-DL eat-NE-PF
The woman, while she was fasting, did not eat meat. (Karsten 1935: 554)
Complement clauses are often formed with the innitive marker -tin
y
u:
(87) a. w ari sum ak-tin
y
u win
y
a-hey
things buy-IF come-1S.SG
I have come to buy things. (Karsten 1935: 558)
b. w-n
y
a eyncu s-tin
y
u we a-hey
1.SG-G relative see-IF go-1S.SG
I go off to see my relatives. (Karsten 1935: 553)
An alternative appears to be the use of the gerund t(u)-sa- of the verb ti- to say, as cited
by Juank (1982: 64):
12
12
The use of forms meaning saying to indicate intention of the speaker is frequently found
in Quechua and in other Andean languages. However, in the lowland varieties of Ecuadorian
Quechua adjacent to Shuar it covers the same range as in Shuar, including innitival purposives.
4.5 Cahuapana 447
(88) a. pa:ntma-n suruk-t a-h t-sa-n w ea-hay
plantain-AC sell-HO-1S.SG say-GR-1S.SG go-1S.SG
I go to sell plantain. (Juank 1982: 3)
b. i s cik um-in
y
- a-yt-hey namp ek-ay-h tu-sa-n
modest drink-AG-EU-be-1S.SG get.drunk-NE-1S.SG say-GR-1S.SG
I am a modest drinker, not wanting to get drunk. (Juank 1982: 12)
c. wi- sa nek a-ta-h tu-sa-n t wak er-in
y
-a-yt-hay
1.SG-AD know-HO-1S.SG say-GR-1S.SG very
want-AG-EU-be-1S.SG
Me too, I am very interested in knowing (it). (Juank 1982: 15)
Relative clauses are formed with the deictic particle nu that at the end. They can follow
their head noun, but may also be extraposed:
(89) w-n
y
a u ci, sua:ra ma:-ma nu, ih erma-sa puh u-ma
1.SG-G son enemy kill-PF that fast-GR be-PF
My son, who killed an enemy, is fasting. (Karsten 1935: 551)
(90) urutay sua:ra wak-tin
y
u, ik
y
ama we a-ma nu
when Indian return-IF forest go-PF that
When will the Indians that went to the forest return? (Karsten 1935: 551)
4.5 Cahuapana
Asmall language family is found along the eastern slopes of the northern Peruvian Andes
(department of Loreto), Cahuapana, which is made up of two languages, Chayahuita
and Jebero. The Chayahuita were contacted rst by the Jesuits. The Jebero accepted
protection by the missions after 1638 because they were attacked by the Mayna.
Of these languages little is known so far. A few features of the grammar of
Chayahuita can be reconstructed from a set of phrases in Instituto Ling ustico de Verano
(ILV) (1979), and there is a new Chayahuita dictionary available (Hart 1988) with
a brief grammatical sketch. Garca Tom as (19934) constitutes a four-volume col-
lection of texts, testimonials, etc. It seems to be a language with a fairly consistent
OV pattern. Thus there is adjectivenoun order and objectverb order in sentences
such as:
(91) panka non
13
nowantr-aw
big canoe want-1S.SG
I want the big canoe. (ILV 1979: 72)
13
Notice the similarity with Panoan nonti and Yanesha

non
y
t
y
canoe.
448 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
There is also adverbverb order in expressions such as:
(92) manoton pa-ko
quickly go-2S.IM.PL
Go quickly! (ILV 1979: 72)
Case relations are indicated by means of sufxes, such as the locative marker -k; e.g.
ins-k where, non-k in a canoe (cf. Hart 1988: 282). Question words appear in
clause-initial position, as in:
(93) onpo ko si-rosa-ta kpar-an [cf. Quechua ku ci pig;
how.much pig-PL-Q take-2S.SG Old Spanish coche]
How many pigs did you take (to sell)? (Hart 1988: 267)
Fromexpressions suchas atari kayochickenegg it appears that innominal compounds
or complex nominals the head is rightmost. There may also be prexes, however, such
as the negative prex ko- (combined with the negative sufx -w): noya good versus
ko-noya-w bad. There is a prohibitive negator ama.
14
A striking feature of Chayahuita is the frequent occurrence of compound verbs (Hart
1988: 271, 4813), in which the rst element marks manner or instrument, and the
second element the type of action. An example is p- car-in he/she tears it with much
force (p- with much force). Component elements include:
(94) a. rst element
a- with ones teeth, with its beak
o- lifting
p- with force, hanging
to- with ones foot
wn- squeezing
b. second element
- ca tear
-ka clash
-ni nish
-pas take a piece
-ta drop
Bendor-Samuel (1961) documents a similar level of complexity for Jebero verbs,
conrming the observation in (94). Striking is the frequent use of directional
14
From Quechua ama, which has the same meaning.
4.6 BoraHuitoto 449
sufxes:
(95) iya-wk-wa-t-n ca- k-a
want-come-DR-DF-return.H-3O.PL-GR
wanting to come towards them when returning
(Bendor-Samuel 1961: 106)
(96) nampk-wa-t-ap(a)-ila-l
y
i-(i)ma
climb-DR-DF-CN-TH-3S.PN-and
and he is climbing towards . . (Bendor-Samuel 1961: 107)
Rivet and Tastevin (1931: 241) note the occurrence of noun incorporation in this
language:
(97) ikr-mutu-lk
hurt-head-1S.SG.PN
My head hurts. (Rivet and Tastevin 1913: 241)
Jebero has the interesting feature of two inclusive rst persons, a singular and a plural.
See, for instance, the set of possessive nominal sufxes in (98).
(98) -wk 1.SG -wi k 1.PL.EX
-mapu 1.SG.IV (=1.D) -mapu-wa 1.PL.IV
-p 2.SG -p-ma 2.PL
-n 3.SG -n-ma 3.PL (Bendor-Samuel 1961: 97)
4.6 BoraHuitoto
This family has two main branches (Aschmann 1993): A. HuitotoOcaina and B. Bora
Muinane. Branch Aconsists of Ocaina and Huitoto, which in turn can be subdivided into
Npode and the cluster of Mnca, Murui and Huitoto Muinane. This branch has over
a thousand speakers in Peru. Branch B consists of Bora Muinane and Bora (including
its dialect Mira na) and has about 1,500 speakers in Peru. All these languages are also
spoken in Colombia.
The unity and internal structure of this family needs to be studied in more detail,
since the relationship between Huitoto and Bora is rather remote. Aschmann (1993)
concludes, on the basis of lexical comparison, a denite relationship between the two
main branches, with 20 per cent shared vocabulary.
From the Huitoto Muinane phrases in ILV (1979) it is clear that we are dealing with a
consistent head-nal SOV language with fairly transparent mostly sufxal morphology.
There are prenominal possessors and postpositions; prepositional phrases precede verbs
and adjectives precede nouns. Verbal negation is expressed with a sufx. The form of
the personal afxes is very similar to that of the free forms. According to Petersen
450 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.6 Phoneme inventory of Bora (based on Thiesen 1996)

Coarticulated
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar labiovelar Glottal
Plain stops p t k kp
Aspirated stops p
h
t
h
k
h
Plain affricates c c
Aspirated affricates c
h
c
h
Fricatives x
Nasals m n (n
y
)
Sonorants r (y)
Front Central Back
High i
Mid e o
Low a

Bora has long or doubled vowels, each vowel being potentially tone-bearing, and a
distinction between high tone and lowtone. Most consonants have palatalised allomorphs;
n
y
and y are the palatalised counterparts of n and r, respectively.
and Pati no (2000), the Huitoto verbal complex roughly consists of the following main
components:
(99) Root Predicate Mood/aspect/ Tense/voice Participant
-ta causative negation/ -d/-t (active) -k
w
e (1st person)
verbalisers nominal -ka/-ga (passive) -o (2nd person)
classiers -d
z
(future passive) -e (3rd person)
Thiesens grammar of Bora (1996) gives a good overviewof that language. The phoneme
inventory is as in table 4.6. There are two tones, high and low. Only in word-nal position
can there be two adjacent syllables with low tone. There is palatalisation of a number
of consonants after i, and in some specic cases after a. There are both sufxes and
prexes in the language, but sufxes predominate. The (animate) personal pronouns are
the following (Thiesen 1996: 33).
(100) o o 1.SG m -c
h
i 1.D.MS.EX m a 1.PL.EX
m -p
h
1.D.FE.EX
me e 1.D.IV me e 1.PL.IV
2.SG am -c
h
i 2.D.MS am a 2.PL
am -p
h
2.D.FE
tip
y
e 3.SG.MS tit
hy
e-c
h
i 3.D.MS tit
hy
e 3.PL
ti ce 3.SG.FE tit
hy
e-p
h
3.D.FE
4.7 The Zaparoan languages 451
While the pronouns distinguish for gender, prenominal possessive markers do not
(Thiesen 1996: 512):
(101) t
h
a- 1P.SG t
h
a-x
y
a my house
ti- 2P.SG ti-x
y
a your house
i- 3P.SG i-x
y
a his/her/their (own) house
The third-person possessive prex is used when the possessor is identical to the subject
of the clause; with other third persons a full possessor pronoun is required. The exact
shape of the possessor prex is determined by the sound features of the possessed noun.
One of the most striking features of the language is the nominal classier system,
which is quite complex. The animate classiers are marked for feminine and masculine,
and have a singular, dual, plural distinction, just like the personal pronoun system, to
which they are related morphologically (Thiesen 1996: 102). The inanimate simple
classiers include:
(102) -e trees, plants
-k
h
o sticks, etc.
-a am sheets, books, etc.
-kpa at objects, boards
-pa cartons, boxes, etc.
-x at, thin and round objects, like disks
-m canoes and other vessels
-i
y
o extended objects
-ne objects in general (Thiesen 1996: 1023)
In addition to the animate and inanimate classiers, there are classiers based on verbal
roots that mark the shape or quality an entity has adopted:
(103) me- e-kpay a a
tree-CL:tree-bent.over
a bent over tree (Thiesen 1996: 103)
Finally, some classiers also function as separate nouns, such as k
h
o ox day, which can
function as a classier when augmented with x-, as in t
h
e-x-k
h
o ox that day (Thiesen
1996: 104). The classiers play a pervasive role in the structuring of the grammar and
discourse of the BoraHuitoto language family, ensuring referential cohesion.
4.7 The Zaparoan languages
The Zaparoan languages are all in a precarious state. The following languages remain:
Andoa, Arabela, Cahuarano, Iquito and Z aparo itself. The Z aparo language, which once
was widely spoken, is almost extinct in Ecuador, having been replaced by Ecuadorian
Amazonian Quechua. Some speakers are said to be immigrants from Peru. Apart from
452 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Z aparo, all members of the family are exclusively found in Peru, and all languages have
no more than a handful of speakers, most of thembilingual in either Quechua or Spanish.
The Ecuadorian Z aparo speakers live in the province of Pastaza. The Andoa were brought
into a reducci on in 1701, and in 1737 a Dominican mission was established. The Iquito
were unknown to the colonisers before the eighteenth century, and since 1737 they stayed
in the missions intermittently (Chirif and Mora 1977).
Peeke (1962) provides an interesting sketch of Z aparo morphosyntax. It appears to be
a language with relatively free word order, and no person marking on the verb. Rather
remarkably, it appears that a lexical subject, even an element like no-ka it (third person
singular neutral), is almost always obligatory. Possibly, -ka functions as an impersonal
classier, comparable to Bora -ne (cf. section 4.6):
(104) i a kom a no-k a anawkt-k a naw
very strongly 3.SG-NU hurt-CN 3.SG
It hurts him very much. (Peeke 1962: 132)
(105) no-k a cat -ka
3.SG-NU rain-CN
It rains. (Peeke 1962: 148)
(106) noar no-k a na snt a-ka
after 3.SG-NU F cool-CN
Afterwards it will cool off. (Peeke 1962: 135)
Z aparo has a four-vowel system(i, , o, a), a fairly simple syllable structure, and fourteen
consonants, including c and . In (106) the future auxiliary na precedes the main verb,
as it does in (107). However, other markers are sufxed to the verb:
(107) k ana-ha na in aw-ha no-ka no
1.PL-EM F give-F 3.SG-NU 3.SG
We shall give it to him. (Peeke 1962: 137)
In compounds the nucleus is last:
(108) sawanaw iawka [sawan awka]
cotton thread
cotton thread (Peeke 1962: 150)
The same we see in possessor constructions, (109)(110), and adjectivenoun combi-
nations, (111):
(109) kina nata
2P.PL town
your (plur.) town (Peeke 1962: 152)
4.8 The Tucanoan languages 453
(110) ko- ano ari awko
1P.SG-mother dog
my mothers dog (Peeke 1962: 153)
(111) r oto-ka mar ayha ik- ca
slippery-NU sh be-CN
It is a slippery sh. (Peeke 1962: 158)
Notice that there appears to be no overt subject in (111) (except for the enclitic neuter
element -ka), and that in (110) the person marker is proclitic. Both these phenomena are
illustrated in (112):
(112) ko-nok: ca-ka ik- ca
1S.SG-see-NU be-CN
It is my custom of seeing. (Peeke 1962: 147)
Here the person marker is attached to the nominalised verb. There is double negation:
(113) tayk
w
a ko m-no k ork cirip aka ira [cf. Ec. Quechua kul
y
ki money]
not 1.SG have-NE money papaya B
I have no money for papayas. (Peeke 1962: 1301)
The person marker paradigm is given in (114):
(114) k
w
i / ko(-) /k- 1.SG kana, kano 1.PL.EX
pa /p- 1.PL.IV
ca(-) /k- 2.SG kina, kino 2.PL
naw /no /n- 3.SG na 3.PL
no-ka 3.SG-NU
4.8 The Tucanoan languages
The Tucanoan languages in Peru are Angutero, Orej on or Coto, and Secoya or Pioj e.
Secoya is also spoken in Ecuador. There are several other groups speaking closely related
Tucanoan languages in Ecuador: the Siona and the Tetet e. All these languages belong to
the western branch. The Siona and Secoya are growing into a single community of an
estimated 600 people. Of Tetet e, closely related to Siona, there were only two speakers
left in 1969. Although its speakers have dwindled to an insignicant number, Siona
was once important enough to be considered a lengua general by the Spanish colonial
administration (Ortega Ricaurte 1978); cf. chapter 2.
454 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.7 Phoneme inventory of Huao (based on Saint and
K. L. Pike 1962)

Labial Dental Palatal Velar

Voiceless stops p t ( c) k
Implosive click (p
<
)
Voiced stops b d r y d
y
g
Nasals m n n
y

Implosive nasal (m
<
)
Glide w
Oral Nasal
Front Central/back Front Central/back
High i
Mid e o e o
Low a a

The extra-systemic sounds c, p

<
and m
<
are limited to ono-
matopoeic expressions and exclamations. All sounds are subject
to allophonic variation. The phonemes o and o vary between
back and central and can take the character of a glide ([ ], [])
in non-nuclear position.
4.9 Small families and supposed language isolates in Ecuador
In addition to these larger and smaller language families there are a number of families
with only a few members and language isolates. We will discuss these starting with the
remaining Ecuadorian languages.
In the Ecuadorian oriente several small tribes are found along the Colombian border.
They are the linguistically isolated Cof an and western Tucanoan tribes already men-
tioned in chapter 2. In the Ecuadorian lowland province of Pastaza, another linguistic
isolate is found. It is Huao, the language of a tribe alternatively referred to as Auca,
Huaorani, Sabela or Auishiri. This tribe for long remained hostile to outside contacts.
Most linguistic work on this language has been done by the Summer Institute linguist
Catherine Peeke (1973, 1979), and Rachel Saint has collected a number of Huao texts
(cf. E. G. Pike and Saint 1988). The phoneme inventory has been described by Saint
and K. L. Pike (1962) as in table 4.7. There are three marginal phonemes: / c/, used in
onomatopoetic descriptions; /p
<
/, a labial inverse oral click, used as emphatic negative;
and /m
<
/, inverse pulmonic nasal. There are no syllable-nal consonants and no conso-
nant clusters, while there are numerous vowel clusters. Nasalisation plays an important
role in the language.
4.9 Small families and supposed isolates in Ecuador 455
There is fairly extensive verb sufxing, as in:
(115) ap -ne-ga-d an(i)--pa
speak-CL:mouth-RM-3S.PL-IL-AF
They spoke long ago. (Pike and Saint 1988: 119)
There is evidence of noun classication; the examples given all involve body parts, as
-ne- mouth above, -mi - tail and -po- nger:
(116) bo-t o ta:-mi -k-bo--pa
1.SG-PU cut-CL:tail-IC-1S.SG-IL-AF
I am going to cut off his tail. (Pike and Saint 1988: 125)
(117) deye -ma w e e-n e e-po-k a-ta-pa
spider.monkey this-like long.ago-L exist-CL:nger-3S.SG-PA-AF
Long ago the spider monkey had four ngers and a thumb.
(Pike and Saint 1988: 129)
These forms also illustrate a number of other features of the language: the contrast
between past and remote-past tenses, the presence of aspect categories such as inceptive,
and of evidentials, including an inferential marker, the use of person markers, and case
sufxes.
The sufxal personmarkers differentiate for number (singular, dual andplural), gender
(animate, inanimate) and (feminine) honoric. The second- and third-person dual and
plural forms do not only refer to number, but are also used to denote specic relations
in the kinship system (Peeke 1973: 40). Note that all stop symbols in Peekes inventory
of person markers reproduced below have to be pronounced as nasals when preceded
by a nasal vowel. So -d adi is either pronounced [d ani], or [n ani]; -k a is either [k a] or
[ a], etc.
(118) singular dual plural
1 -bo -b oda -b odi (exclusive)
-b o (inclusive)
2 -bi -bda -bdi
3 animate -k a -da -d adi
3 inanimate
The feminine honoric forms are designed to address mothers and women of an equiv-
alent rank in relation to the speaker. They distinguish between second and third person,
which are -b and -d a, respectively.
456 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
The case markers include:
(119) -ba like
-d e in
-d o toward another, to
-ke limit, until
The case markers in (119) that have voiced initials are subject to nasalisation as
described for the person markers above.
There is no marking for subjects and objects, which are differentiated through the
(fairly strict) SOV constituent order. An indication of the complexities of the interaction
of person marking and subordination is given in (120). (Note that -d ani refers to second-
person plural in permissive complement clauses such as illustrated in the following
example.)
(120) m a-n ani a-te p on o-mni k-m o-e-d ani a-n
y
o- a-te, ba ba a-n ani
have-3S.PL see-SU give-2S.PL eat-1O.PL.EX-PM-2S.PL say-PR-3S-SU
no no say-3S.PL
{When, seeing they had, the (others) said: you give (you permit) us to
eat, they said no no.}
Since they had lots of corn, when the others asked: Can we have some
of your corn to eat, they refused. (Pike and Saint 1988: 115)
The subordination marker -te generally marks identical subjects, but not always.
4.10 Small families and supposed language isolates in Peru
In the northern half of the Peruvian lowlands, the linguistic situation is characterised
by the presence of several language isolates and small families. On the eastern slopes
of the Andes two families are on the verge of extinction, Chol on (discussed in detail
below in section 4.11) and Muniche. Muniche is spoken in the village of Muniches on
the Paranapura river (department of Loreto) (Gibson 1996). The unclassied and nearly
extinct Taushiro language of the Tigre river (department of Loreto) has been mentioned
in connection with Zaparoan (cf. Fabre 2001: 1007). Kaufman (1994) gives evidence for
a possible genetic relation between Taushiro, the extinct Mayna or Omurano language
(once spoken on the Urituyacu river in Loreto) and Candoshi (see below). Another
unclassied and possibly extinct language of the Peruvian lowlands is Au(i)shiri or
Tekiraka, once spoken near lake Vacacocha in the Curaray river area (Tessmann 1930).
In spite of the similarity in the name, the vocabulary given by Tessmann indicates no
relationship with Auishiri, one of the alternative designations of the Huaorani people
(see above section 4.9).
4.10 Small families and supposed isolates in Peru 457
Further north, Candoshi, Shapra or Murato is the last member of a small family; other
members were contacted during the sixteenth century (cf. chapter 3: sections 3.9.1 and
3.9.2). It has often been classied with the neighbouring Jivaroan languages, but David
Payne (1990) argues that this is a misclassication due to borrowing. Shapra also refers
to a variety of Candoshi spoken by a rather isolated subgroup. The Murato were rst
contacted in 1744, but resisted missionary efforts of the Jesuits in 1748 (Chirif and Mora
1977).
Further east in Loreto, Urarina or Simacu is a language isolate with a few thousand
speakers. The group is now also known by its own denomination Kach a. Based on the
sentences given in ILV (1979: 13942), we can draw the following preliminary sketch
of the language. In noun phrases, adjectives (actually stative verbs) follow nouns:
(121) aka helaher: cold water
aka aharot: hot water
Possessors and demonstratives precede the noun, however:
(122) a. i: kra:
your name
i: lureri
your house
b. ka: nenaha kra:
this settlement name
the name of this settlement
c. ka: nke kra:
this river name
the name of this river
We have the order modiermodied:
(123) atawari tahe
chicken egg
The object precedes the verb:
(124) a. kan ama- Atalaya-
1.SG take-IM Atalaya-AL
Take me to Atalaya!
b. karay abio:n sar-- ce
for.me airplane push-IM-PL
Please push the airplane!
458 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Information status is marked with clause-nal particles, such as the question clitic -na
in (125a):
(125) a. kna-a-na
hurt-3S-Q
Does it hurt?
b. kna-to-a
hurt-VE-3S
It hurts.
c. kna-i
hurt-3S.NE
It doesnt hurt.
Question words are fronted. They include:
(126) d
z
a what?, who?
d
z
a-bana when?
d
z
a-el o in which direction?
d
z
a-hia along where?
d
z
a-toan- ey how? [tona compare, - ey gerund]
d
z
where?
There is evidence of a demonstrative paradigm intersecting with the question-word
system (-hia indicates location in a wide sense).
(127) d
z
a-hia whereabout?
ta-hia over there
ka-hia here
It is difcult to gain a good picture of the morphology, except that it is sufxal. There
are a great many sufxes and about twelve sufx positions.
Cajas Rojas (1990) deals with the complex interaction between (progressive) nasali-
sation and nasal weakening in Urarina. The language is currently being studied by Knut
Olawsky.
15
The Zaparoan family, mentioned above, and the PebaYagua family ll part of the
space separating the Amazon river from the Colombian and Ecuadorian border. Peba
Yagua is now represented by a single language, Yagua. Yameo, another language of
the same family, became extinct in the 1960s. Doris Payne (1986) and Payne and Payne
(1990) contain extensive data on Yagua. Near the place where Peru meets with Colombia
and Brazil the isolate Ticuna is spoken (cf. section 2.20).
15
We thank Knut Olawsky for his revision of the Urarina examples given in this section.
4.10 Small families and supposed isolates in Peru 459
There are two languages in the southern Peruvian lowlands which have been mis-
classied as Arawakan: Culina and Harakmbut. The Culina live on both sides of the
Brazilian border. There is a larger Culina population in Brazil. Culina belongs to the
Araw a family; the Culina constituted a warrior group and were rst sighted in 1869 by
the English explorer Chandless; in the 1890s they suffered intensive exploitation and
by the end of the 1940s they established themselves in the Alto Pur us (Chirif and Mora
1977).
Harakmbut (spoken in Madre de Dios) has long been considered a language isolate
known by several names. Adelaar (2000), however, has argued a link with the Katukina
language family in Brazil. There are several dialects which fall into two large clus-
ters (Helberg Ch avez 1990: 2278). Toyoeri and Huachipaeri form one cluster, while
the other is formed by Sapiteri, Arasaeri and Amarakaeri, which is the best known
and has the largest number of speakers. It has been studied by Helberg Ch avez (1984,
1990). After an initial incursion by the Inca Tupac Yupanqui, a new attempt to conquer
Madre de Dios was made by the Spaniards in 1566. The Huachipaeri managed to attack
highland haciendas fromtime to time in the colonial period. Towards the end of the nine-
teenth century the Toyoeri were decimated by the infamous rubber-baron Fitzcarraldo,
an event which resulted in an internecine war between the survivors and other Harakmbut
subtribes (Gray 1996). In 1950 there was successful renewed contact with Dominican
missionaries.
Helberg Ch avez (1990) provides detailed information about the highly complex struc-
ture of the Amarakaeri verb. Verbs canhave bothprexes andsufxes, anda number of se-
mantic categories can be marked on the verb: transitivity, causativity, intensive/extensive,
and person, tense/mood/aspect, and polarity. The personal markers, pronominal and pre-
xal, are (Helberg Ch avez 1990: 2434):
(128) 1.SG
n
do i
h
-
2.SG on i-
3.SG k en o-
1.PL oro o-
2.PL opd
n m
bo- / m o-
3.PL k en- o-my on-
Two examples can serve to illustrate the complexities of Harakmbut verbal morphology,
which includes a complex system of classiers marking shape:
(129) i
h
-wa-pet-
n
da-pi
h
-n o-p o- e-
1S.SG-go-PO-IT-DU 1.SG-CL:centre-CL:round.form-know-1.SG
I think I will go a long time from now. (Helberg Ch avez 1990: 239)
460 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
The classier system has been described in some detail by Hart (1963): morphemes
referring to body parts are often combined with morphemes denoting more abstract
spatial features. These can occur in nouns, but also in adjectives and verbs. An example
of a nominal complex is (130), containing a nominalising classier prex:
(130) wa-pa-pi-k-ti-pi
N-CL:rod-CL:stick-CL:head-CL:extension-CL:stick
shin (Hart 1963: 3)
The data in ILV (1973) allow us to draw some preliminary typological conclusions as
well. Compounds have the order modiermodied, and the same holds for adjective
noun and determinernoun order:
(131) a. baka onw eh cow milk cows milk
b. karg

w e ey cold water cold water
c. n wa-km ai this N-CL:pill this pill
Case is expressed through sufxes:
(132) n-te this-L here
i-m ai-po 2S.SG-drink-IS while you drink . . .
4.11 Chol on
We now will provide a sketch of Chol on, a language of the upper Huallaga valley in
northern Peru, north of the town of Tingo Mara. There was also a language closely
related to Chol on, Hibito. Only a few elderly people remembered Chol on until recently
(reportedlyinSi on, department of SanMartn). BothChol onandHibitoare nowprobably
extinct. Chol on is discussed in some detail below. This language has been documented
in a number of sources:
Pedro de la Matas (1748) Arte de la lengua cholona. The manuscript was
purchased by the British Library in 1863 and has been rather unfaithfully
and only partly transcribed by Julio Tello (1923: 690750). We went back
to a lmed copy of the British Museum text, which has been prepared for
publication by Astrid Alexander-Bakkerus.
Martnez Compa n ons (1985 [178290]) comparative word list of 43 items
gathered from speakers in the same mission areas (conversiones), partic-
ularly the conversi on de Hivitos. The list includes several other languages
besides Chol on and Hivito (see section 3.9.2).
G unter Tessmanns (1930) 30-item word list from his large comparative
study of northeastern Peru, based on data provided by Harvey Baessler
from an old man living in Pachiza.
4.11 Chol on 461
4.11.1 The Chol on lexicon and relationship with Hibito
There is some dispute about the genetic relationship between Chol on and Hibito. Most
scholars, and most convincingly Rivet (1949), have argued that the two languages are
closely related, but Torero (1986: 533) casts doubt on this claim. In our view, the lex-
ical correspondences strongly support the relationship. Pedro de la Mata, at the end of
his Chol on grammar, gives a list of both the Chol on- and the Hibito-speaking towns,
presumably intending his grammar to be used in both. Consider the following items,
taken from Pedro de la Mata (PM), Martnez Compa n on (MC) and Tessmann (T), which
surely belong to the core vocabulary of both languages. This makes Toreros suggestion
that shared lexicon has resulted from extensive language contact less plausible:
(133) Chol on Hibito
tree, stick mech (PM), mees= ngup (MC), mixs (MC),
me

s (T) mit s (T)

water cot (PM), qu ot (MC), k o

ta (T) cachi (MC), ot sj (T)

daughter nu (PM), - nu (MC) noo (MC)
son pul (PM), -pul (MC) pool (MC)
fruit queniya (MC) llagna (MC)
woman ila (PM), yla (MC), hil a (T) etlec (MC), ud u,
alu (T)
man nun (PM), num (MC), l un(o) (T) nuum (MC),
n um, nun (T)
father nguch his/her father (PM) cotc (MC)
mother nguetz, neetz, n guech queec (MC)
his/her mother (PM)
die ngoli=cho (MC), calgesquim (MC)
col- (PM)
black zal, tzal, chal (PM) uts almana (T)
bone chel (PM, MC) chepce (MC)
one an- (PM), ans- (T) ets (T)
two ip- (PM), hips- (T) opt s e (T)
three is- (PM), hies- (T) utsi (T)
house yip, (t)zip (PM), hp(o) (T) p (T)
earth pei, pey (PM), lluspey (MC), puts
16
(T)
p eij (T)
head setch (PM), mutsit s e (T) s ot sa (T)
stone ta (PM), t a (T) t s e (T)
16
Compare Culli pus pos earth.
462 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Sound correspondences may include:
(134) Chol on Hibito
ta ce, ci
c, c c
o a
u o:, u:
There are also a number of items which do not correspond, but part of the non-
correspondence may simply be due to the elicitation procedure. Of Hibito, no
more than fty words are known: those recorded by Martnez Compa n on and by
Tessmann.
A very interesting case involves the Chol on words for father and mother, which
are regularly inected with person prexes except for the suppletive third-person form,
as Pedro de la Mata notes:
(135) father mother
a-pa a-pa 1P.SG
mi-pa mi-pa 2P.SG.MS
pi-pa pi-pa 2P.SG.FE
u c e c 3P.SG
The last two forms, however, can be regularly derived from *-ku c and *-ke c, which
presumably contain the older forms for father and mother, respectively, if we take
the Hibito evidence into account.
4.11.2 Gender-determined language use
Certain forms of Chol on language use are determined by the gender of the (singular)
addressee. Consider rst the contrast between the following examples:
(136) a. in cam-ma
what-MS
What do you say or want (man)?
b. in cam-pa
what-FE
What do you say or want (woman)?
The same contrast with m for masculine forms and p for feminine forms we nd with
second-person-singular prexes:
4.11 Chol on 463
(137) a- 1P.SG a-kcok my box [kacok box]
mi- 2P.SG.MS mi-kcok your (masc.) box
pi- 2P.SG.FE pi-kcok your (fem.) box
We nd p for feminine also in the contrasting address forms: there is an -ey ending for
men, and -pey for women.
4.11.3 Chol on phonology
On the basis of the historical sources it is not easy to get a clear idea of Chol on phonology.
Pedro de la Mata developed elaborate transcription conventions in his Arte, but does
not indicate with which sounds his diacritics correspond. Tessmann, however, uses a
much more uniform and precise system, so that we have a reasonable general idea. The
sound inventory is roughly as in table 4.8. Vowel length is not distinctive, according
to Pedro de la Mata, and there is no contrastive stress. Stress is word nal, except on
certain verb tenses, where we have stress on the penultimate syllable. For the notation
of Chol on we use a spelling based on a reconstruction of the Chol on sound system
developed by Alexander-Bakkerus (in preparation).
17
Doubled consonants, which are
usually presented as alternatives for simple consonants in de la Matas grammar, are
written as single consonants.
There is evidence of harmony for high vowels in the prexes, as can be seen in the
following contrasts:
(138) ki-coc our guinea pig ku-cu c our alfalfa [yoc guinea-pig,
i-coc their guinea pig u-cu c their alfalfa yu c alfalfa]
Syllables tend to be simple, as will become clear from the examples below.
4.11.4 The principal grammatical features of Chol on
As far as the morphology of this language is concerned, a large part of Chol on mor-
phology is clearly sufxal and agglutinative, but person markers are prexal. There is
some compounding as well. There is a complex set of morphophonological adjustment
rules for the third-person prex, as will be shown below.
Chol on has a number of word classes, in addition to nouns and verbs, which are the
two dominant categories in the language and to which we will return below.
17
Much of the morphological analysis underlying the interpretation of the example sentences in
this section is also based on Alexander-Bakkeruss unpublished work.
464 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.8 The sound inventory of Chol on (based on Alexander-Bakkerus,
forthcoming)

Labial Dental Palatal Velar Laryngeal

Voiceless stops p t k
Voiced stops (b) (d) (g)
Fricatives (f ) s s h
Affricates c c
Nasals m n n
y

Vibrant (r)
Laterals l l
y
Glides w y
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid e o
Low a

The elements in parentheses occur only in Spanish loan words. The exact value of
the mid vowels is uncertain; the assumption of a glottal stop phoneme is tentative.
Exclamatives
Just like Quechua, Chol on has a wide variety of exclamatives, some of which resemble
those of that language:
(139) ah neutral exclamation, also: to scare children
aha what a shame!
aku affectionate, pity
alew cold
al
y
aw, atih pain
ampa slen pity
anih empek, ma empek very well! well done!
an
y
iw desire
a admiration
i cay, i cakay disapproval
i ci, i cyey fear
i siw how wicked, how insolent!
onew anger or annoyance
oy concession or assent
u cu, u cuw how hot!
un
y
uw marvel, praise
4.11 Chol on 465
Conjunctions and clausal enclitics
There is a small set of sentential afxes, which includes:
(140) a. -le or, interrogative marker
b. -pit and, also
c. -simal
y
and, also (used with verbs)
d. -(w)a as for (topic marker)
e. -(w)a co and, but
The form sim-al
y
and, etc. may consist of sim, which occurs rarely by itself, and the
delimitative clitic -(a)l
y
. Some examples of sentential afxes are given below.
(141) mi-le ok-le ki-l
y
a-kt-an
18
2.SG-IR 1.SG-IR 1S.PL-go-F-IA
Shall I go, or will you go?
(142) ok a-l
y
a-kt-an mi-na-ha-wa co mu-muta-ha-te [putam village]
1.SG 1S.SG-go-F-IA 2-PU-PL-but 2P.SG-RL.village-PL-L
I will go, but you (plural) (will stay) in your village.
Question words
Question words include the following, where -(a)m is a question marker:
(143) ol-am who?
in ca-m what?
intoko-m which?
ana-mek-am how much/many? [mek all]
They can be modied by the enclitic conjunction -pit also and then have an indenite
meaning:
19
(144) ol-pit someone
in ca-pit something
intoko-pit anyone
18
There is evidence that m and were the only nasals occurring in word-nal as well as root-
nal position in Chol on, and that the imperfective sufx -(a)n was in fact pronounced [(a)].
Likewise, the most likely interpretation for the nal nasal in -muta- ( mutam), in (142), is a
velar nasal.
19
Compare Quechua -pas/-pis with the same meaning.
466 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
For the use of the question words, consider the following cases:
(145) a. in ca-m ma-kot-an
what-Q 2.SG.AP-be-IA
What do you have?
b. in ca-pit-ma a-kot-p-an
what-AD-NE 1.SG.AP-be-NE-IA
I have nothing.
c. a-pa-a ol-am a- sot-a ol-lol-am ce-kt-an-pit
20
1P.SG-mother-TO who-Q 1P.SG-brother-TO who-PL-Q
3S.PL-be-IA-AD
Who is my mother, and who are my brothers?
d. ana-mek-am hayu putam-te i-to
21
how.many-all-Q person village-L 3S.PL-be/sit
How many Indians are there in the village?
It is clear that many question words contain the element -ambut the data are not sufcient
to determine what exactly this form means. Possibly, it has a function comparable with
Quechua -taq (see section 3.2.6).
Pronouns
There is a regular personal pronoun system. Notice that the second-person-plural form
can be derived synchronically from its singular counterpart:
(146) ok I ki-ha we
mi you mi-na-ha you
sa he ci-ha they
These pronouns can be case-marked as well. Some of them also form the basis for the
person prexes, as we will see below.
In addition, there are demonstrative pronouns, encoding three degrees of distance:
(147) ko this here
iko that there
pe that over there
20
The internal vowel of the verb root kot to be is suppressed in order to avoid the occurrence
of a non-initial open syllable; it does not happen in (145a), where the root is preceded by an
applicative prex (Alexander-Bakkerus, personal communication).
21
The verb -to to sit is exceptional in that it does not take the imperfective sufx -(a)n in
non-applicative forms with a third-person subject.
4.11 Chol on 467
Nouns
Nouns can appear inectedor uninectedfor person, and there is some nominal morphol-
ogy as well. There is the possibility of nominal gender marking through compounding
with nun man and ila woman:
(148) nun hayu / hayu nun man [hayu person, Indian]
ila hayu / hayu ila woman
ku ci nun boar [ku ci pig, old Spanish coche]
atel
y
pa nun rooster [atel
y
pa chicken, Quechua atawal
y
pa]
There is a large set of nominal sufxes, which are either derivational, or mark case
distinctions, and are then postpositional in nature. Derivational afxes are:
(149) a. -(a)l
y
only . . .
22
b. -(k)e made of . . ., child of (dead persons),
former, the late . . . (nominal past)
c. -(k)el
y
having excess of . . . [possibly -(k)e +-(a)l
y
]
d. -pu c totally
e. -pul
y
em and natural counterpart
f. -ciw
23
having a lack of . . ., in need of
Examples of these afxes are given below:
(150) cow-nik-al
y
louse-C-DL
with only lice
(151) a. ampal-e [ampal past]
thing of the past
b. ce co-ke [ ce co silver]
(made) of silver
c. Juana-ke u-n
y
u
Juana-NP 3P.SG-daughter
daughter of the late Juana
(152) se c-el
y
[se c head]
big headed
22
Cf. Quechua -l
y
a with the same meaning.
23
In Pedro de la Mata ziu or chiu.
468 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
(153) a-lek-pu c [a- one, -lek ten]
completely ten
(154) a. u c-pul
y
em [ u c 3P.SG.father]
father and son
b. e c-pul
y
em [ e c 3P.SG.mother]
mother and daughter
(155) a. a-le-ciw [a-le 1P.SG-tooth]
without my teeth, I, without teeth
b. a-le-sal
y
-ciw
without any of my teeth, I, absolutely toothless
The expression kamayok person in charge of . . ., from Quechua kamayuq (same
meaning), can also be used as a postposition-like element:
(156) we sa kamayok [we sa sheep, from Spanish oveja]
shepherd
palol kamayok [palol door]
doorman
Case markers and postpositions are sometimes difcult to distinguish because de la Mata
does not indicate word boundaries consistently. They include:
(157) -he for, aim, benefactive case
-(l
y
ak)pat by, because of, instrumental case
-(l
y
ak)tep from, ablative case
-manap between, after
-nik with, company, comitative case
-(pat)le until, up to, limitative case
-te locative case, allative case
-tu motion towards a person, allative case
(158) Examples of -he benefactive:
a. ok-he
1.SG.PU-B
for me
b. Dios-he a-lu.pakt-an [lu entrails, pakot- to be there]
God-B 1S.SG-think/consider-IA
I think of God.
4.11 Chol on 469
c. a-cm-o-k-te-he [yam-/cam- to learn]
1S.SG-learn-TV-N-L-B
so that I can learn
d. ka c-he a-kt-an
maize-B 1S.SG-be-IA
I need maize
e. a-am-o-k-he-na a-ki-an
1S.SG-eat-TV-N-B-QU 1S.SG-feel-IA
I feel like eating.
(159) Examples of -pat instrumental:
a. a-moncey-pat a-hl-an [hil to speak]
1P.SG-tongue-IS 1S.SG-speak-IA
I speak with my tongue.
b. mi-pat
2.SG.PU-IS
because of you
c. a-lek libra kuka-pat a-co cok a-ms-i [pis to buy, to ask for]
one-ten pound coca-IS 1P.SG-trousers 1S.SG-3O.SG.buy-PF
With my ten pounds of coca I bought my trousers.
(160) Example of -tep ablative:
Espiritu.Santo i-cmey-tep hayu -ki-i
Holy.Ghost 3P.SG-creation-AB man 3S.SG-become-PF
Man was born from the Holy Ghost.
(161) Examples of -nik comitative:
a. ce co-nik a-kt-an
money-C 1S.SG-be-IA
I have money. (lit. I am with money.)
b. ki-ha-nik
1.PL-PL.PU-C
with us
c. in cana-m mi-mot-nik me-kt-an
how-Q 2P.SG-name-C 2.SG-be-IA
What is your name? (lit. How are you with your name?)
24
(162) Example of -le limitative:
liman-le
mountain-LI
up to the mountains
24
For the combination -nik-al
y
see the example (150) above.
470 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
(163) Example of -te locative:
ki-cip-te ke-t-an [yip house, to - to sit]
1P.PL-house-L 1S.PL-sit-IA
We are in our house.
(164) Example of -tu allative:
Juan-tu a-l
y
w-an [l
y
a(w)- to go]
Juan-AL 1S.SG-go-IA
I am going to Juans place.
There is a genitive marker -low, which can only occur with a possessive personal
prex.
(165) a. ok a-low ko-wa
1.SG.PU 1P.SG-G this-TO
This is mine.
b. ok a-low -a-l
y
ah-an
1.SG.PU 1P.SG-G 3S.SG-1.SG.AP-take-IA
He takes mine (away).
c. ol i-low-am ko-wa
who 3P.PL-G-Q this-TO
Whose is this?
There is some evidence that the sufx -tup represents an agent-disambiguator or
an ergative case marker. (Unfortunately de la Mata does not contain many example
sentences.)
(166) Juan-tup Pedro i- -lam-i
25
Juan-E Pedro 3S.SG-3O.SG-kill-PF
Juan killed Pedro.
Rivet (1956) draws attention to the numeral classier system of Chol on.
26
The numerals
are prexed to generally monosyllabic morphemes particular to a semantic class. The
25
Compare Mapuche langm- to kill (see chapter 5).
26
Rivet argues on this basis, in our view without enough support, that Chol on was related to the
Chibchan languages.
4.11 Chol on 471
list of classes and classiers is as follows:
(167) - ce round objects, birds, fruit
-cel - cel , -ta humans, horses, hands
- ca bundles, handfuls, bunches
- cup clothing, dresses, axes, machetes, sh, books, feathers,
scissors, knives, combs, shoes, stockings
-hil words, precepts, ordinances, commands
-liw diverse objects, colours, parrots
-pimok skies, ceilings, rooms, divisions of space, folds
-pok times
-po troops, companies, armies, herds
-pu c elds
-puk mouthfuls
- su towns, places, posts, piles
-tip halves, pieces of meat
-tuh pieces, chunks, nodes, joints
Adjectives
Chol on only has substantives that can be used adjectivally, such as waliw something
strong
27
and al
y
hi something sweet.
28
They can either precede or follow the head
noun, according to de la Mata, but the examples given involve adjectivenoun order:
(168) a. i siwah hayu
bad man
b. yamkuyla hayu-he
diligent man-B
for the diligent man
Person prexes
All nouns, verbs, pronouns and even some postpositions are used with prexes. These
are given in (169), together with the full pronouns listed above. For most personnumber
combinations, there is a clear relationship between both. (N- is either n-, or nasalisation
of an initial stop):
(169) 1.SG 2.SG 3.SG 1.PL 2.PL 3.PL
pronouns ok mi sa ki-ha mi-na-ha ci-ha
afxes a- mi- N-/ - ki- mi-..-ha ( c)i-
27
Possibly from Spanish vale it is worth, it is good.
28
Compare Quechua al
y
i(n) good.
472 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
These prexes fuse with their base, and de la Matas grammar gives extensive paradigms,
which at rst sight look quite confusing, particularly where third person singular is
involved:
(170) a-pul my son mul his son [pul son]
a-taka my thighbone taka his thighbone [taka thighbone]
a-coc my guinea pig coc his guinea pig [yoc guinea pig]
a-nl
y
o my pupil nal
y
o his pupil [nal
y
o pupil]
There are several regular processes at work in the process of prex fusion:
(a) before vowels -n- is inserted;
(b) a palatal glide is replaced by the affricate c-;
(c) stem-initial labial stops may become nasal; with some nouns this only
happens to mark third person singular;
(d) stem-initial velar stops become nasal to mark third person singular;
(e) before an alveolar or palatal sound ( c, c, s, s, t, l
y
) the third-person prex
is zero; the same holds before nasals as dened under (a), (c) and (d);
(f) the third-person-plural prex is i- before alveolars and palatals, ci-
elsewhere (or u-, cu- through vowel harmony).
Verbs
The verbal paradigm in Chol on is quite complex. The basic forms for person are the
ones listed above in (169). We have the following present-tense paradigm for the verb
kot-to be; cf. also (145). Notice that the third-person-singular form of an intransitive
verb such as kot- has no personal reference marker.
(171) 1S.SG a-kt-an 1S.PL ke-kt-an
2S.SG.MS me-kt-an 2S.PL me-kt-i-ha-[a]n
2S.SG.FE pe-kt-an
3S.SG kot-an 3S.PL ce-kt-an
Tense and aspect are marked with sufxes. Some are (using the terminology of de la
Mata):
(172) -(a)n present / imperfective
-Vy / -Vw / -i / -yi preterite / perfective
-Vy / -Vw / -i / -yi + +(k)e pluperfect
-(k)t-an future
In addition, there are a number of mood markers, marking optative, exhortative, subor-
dination (gerund). Some of them contain a nominalising element -k- (see below).
4.11 Chol on 473
(173) -(k-)hu gerund (with switch-reference)
-()o-ke / -(k-)te-ke optative
-(k-)he exhortative (third-person-subject imperative)
There is also a negative element -p-, which interacts with tense-agreement marking:
(174) a-kot-p-an
1S.SG-be-NE-IA or 1.SG.AP-be-NE-IA
I am not. or I have not.
Thus we have a basic formula for the verb as in:
(175) rinso -noo1- (ritni-) (io1io-) 1isi/mooo
However, when we consider forms such as the following, we realise that the full com-
plexities of the Chol on verbal system still call for further analysis. (Notice the vowel
harmony in /pakot-o-ke/ > pokot-o-ke.).
(176) a-kt-i pokot-o-ke [pakot be there]
1S.SG-be-PF be.there-FN-NP (optative)
I could have been. (lit. I have been from having to be)
There are very strong and productive patterns of nominalisation in the language;
some involve a nominaliser -k- The locative -te is used here with a directional
meaning:
(177) a. liman a-l
y
a-k-te a-men
y
-an
mountains 1S.SG-go-N-L 1S.SG-3O.SG.want-IA
I want to go to the mountains.
b. Dios-a ol-e-k-te ki-men
y
-an
God-TO 3O.SG.love-TV-N-L 1S.PL-3O.SG.want-IA
We want to love God.
c. Dios-tup i-k-kol-e-k-te i-men
y
-an
God-E 3S.SG-1O.PL-love-TV-N-L 3S.SG-3O.SG.want-IA
God wants to love us.
When we look at the transitions between subject and object marking, things are again
more complicated, however. First of all, there can be a third-person-plural object marker
-po- following the person prexes, so that we would get:
(178) rinso - jo.ri - s1im - ritni - 1isi/mooo
474 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Examples are:
(179) a-po-kol
y
-an 1S.SG-3O.PL I love them.
mi-po-kol
y
-an 2S.SG-3O.PL You love them.
mi-po-kol
y
-i-ha-(a)n 2S.PL-3O.PL You (plur.) love them.
There is also an applicative marker -pa(ha)- for them, in forms such as:
(180) i-sak a-paha-pu c-an
3P.PL-food 1S.SG-3.PL.AP-put-IA
I put the food out for them.
When the plural -la- appears without either -po- or -pa- it means the subject is third-
person plural and the person prexes mark the person of the object. In the following
example, as in (179), the verb contains the perfective marker -i, which in these cases is
semantically void.
(181) a-kol
y
-i-la-n 3S.PL-1O.SG They love me.
mi-kol
y
-i-la-n 3S.PL-2O.SG They love you.
Compound verbs
Another feature worthy of note in Chol on is the fact that nouns or other elements can be
combined with an auxiliary-like verb to form a complex predicate. Consider:
(182) a. a-kul
y
ha a-kt-an [kul
y
ha life; kot- to be]
1P.SG-life 1S.SG-be-IA
I live. (lit. I am my life.)
b. mu-kul
y
ha me-kt-an
2P.SG-life 2S.SG-be-IA
You live. (lit. You are your life.)
There is a verb ki-, which has the meaning to be or to become:
(183) kama a-ki-an I am ill.
mise -ki-an He feels cold.
ciw mi-ki-(e)y-ha-n You (plur.) are needy.
hayu -ki-y He became a man.
Similarly, verbs can be made from nouns. (Note that the root vowel of yip- / cip- to
make a house remains unchanged.)
4.12 Small families and supposed isolates in Bolivia 475
(184) a. a-cip-an [yip house, -cip someones house]
1S.SG-house-IA
I make my house.
b. liw a-lw-e-n [liw painting, liw-e- to write]
letter 1S.SG-write-IA
I write.
4.11.5 The basic word order of Chol on
Chol on has many characteristics of a classical OV language, in addition to fairly con-
sistent verb-nal clauses:
(185) ku ci-le me-kt-an mal
y
a mu- -l
y
up-o-wa
pig-or 2S.SG-be-IA raw.thing 2S.SG-3O.SG-eat-FN-TO
Or are you a pig that you eat raw stuff?
Possessors precede their head noun:
(186) Pedro -n-e stek sa- co -kot-an
29
Peter 3P.SG-RL-clothes old-already 3S.SG-be-IA
Peters clothes are already old.
Modiers precede their head noun as well:
(187) ce co-ke kalo c
silver-NP plate
silver plate
4.12 Small families and supposed language isolates in Bolivia
In the Bolivian lowlands surrounding the northern edge of the Andean high plateau
there is a wide array of small, genetically isolated languages. From west to east, they are
Leco, Moset enChimane, Movima, Cayuvava, Canichana, Itonama and, further south,
Yuracar e. Most of these languages are far frombeing adequately documented at present.
Leco had been considered extinct, but van de Kerke (1998, 1999, 2000, 2002) has found
more than forty-ve speakers. The language has (direct and indirect) object person
prexes but an extensive verbal sufxing system, as well as case sufxes. An example is:
(188) mi:s yo-yo-ki yin-hal-di-ra-no-te wes-ra
tomorrow 1P.SG-mother-RL 1.SG.DA-buy-IC-F-ID.N-DV Guanay-L
Tomorrow my mother will go and buy me (a new one) in Guanay.
(van de Kerke 2002: 246)
29
It could not be determined whether the root for old exemplied here is actually sa or sa co.
476 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
There are a few simple cases: -ki dative, benefactive, -i comitative, instrumental, -ra
locative, instrumental, -rep ablative, as well as bi-syllabic case markers such as the
Quechua or Aymara borrowings -kama until and -ba ca reason.
Gill (undated) and Sakel (2002, 2003) provide detailed studies of Moset enChimane.
It is best to consider this group as a set of three closely related varieties: Santa Ana
Moset en, Covendo Moset en and Chimane proper. Sakel (2002) documents how gender
marking has become grammaticalised as a pervasive feature of a number of grammatical
subsystems of Moset en.
Basic data for Movima have been provided by Judy and Judy (1962, 1967) and
Grinevald (2002), and the language is currently being studied by Katharina Haude.
It has a complex system of classiers (Grinevald 2002). An example from the verbal
domain is:
(189) ona-ra- know (the thing)
ona-mo- know (a bird)
ona-wax- know (a place)
ona-poy- know (an animal) (Judy and Judy 1962: 151)
Aspects of the small isolate Cayuvava have been documented by Key (1967). This
language is in urgent need of further documentation and analysis. Itonama and the prob-
ably extinct Canichana are currently being studied by Mily Crevels. Itonama phonology
has been analysed by Liccardi (1968).
Yuracar e has been documented by Adam (1893) on the basis of a much earlier
manuscript by the missionary de la Cueva. It is currently being studied by Rik van
Gijn. It has complex reduplication patterns, involving either the initial syllable, the nal
syllable, or the entire word:
(190) a. burusa- to get rent burus-bu- to rend
b. sama- to die sama-ma- to kill
c. bene-bene-to be poor, to need (Adam 1893: 468)
Yuracar e is an SOV agglutinative language with both prexes and sufxes. As in Leco,
personal nominal possession and object markers are prexal, while subject markers
are sufxal. Applicatives are prexal, while other verbal derivation markers, includ-
ing causative and reexive, tense/mood/aspect markers, case markers and sentence-
organising elements are sufxal. The following example, adapted from de la Cuevas
work, illustrates some of these characteristics:
(191) ka-n-yuxu-ma ka-la-sa- co-w
3O.SG-AP.GO-tell-IM.2.SG 3O.SG-AP.SO-nish-HO-3S.PL
Tell them to leave it (to stop doing it). (Adam 1893: 11, 37)
4.13 Chiquitano 477
Interesting here is the use of different applicatives to mark motion away from or towards
a reference point, as well as beneciary or purpose. The use of singular third-person
object markers is allowed here because plural is encoded in the complement verb (Adam
1893: 37).
A genetically isolated language, as far as we know (but see below), with a rapidly
decreasing number of speakers for which a modern description is urgently needed, is
Chiquitano in the eastern department of Santa Cruz de la Sierra. Chiquitano being a
former mission language, remnants of other tribes can be found among its speakers. The
sources do not indicate whether these groups have preserved elements of their original
languages.
The remaining language families represented in Bolivia are found in the north of
the country: Chapacuran, with one language called Itene or Mor e (Angenot-de Lima
2001), the PanoTacanan languages (section 4.1), members of the Arawakan family
(section 4.2) and TupiGuaran languages (section 4.3).
4.13 Chiquitano
Now we will try to provide a sketch of Chiquitano. The size of the ethnic group of
Chiquitanos is estimated by Riester (1986a) at 35,00040,000, a minority of which
are speakers of Chiquitano. In the period of Jesuit control over the area (16911767)
Chiquitano was chosen as a lingua franca and imposed in ten reducciones, newly created
settlements. Jesuit policy allowed settlements where other languages with a fewthousand
speakers, such as Zamuco, dominated, as long as these speakers also knew Chiquitano.
Speakers of minor languages, however, were encouraged to become integrated into the
Chiquitano ethnic group. While there must have been extensive multilingualism in the
Chiquitano reducciones in the eighteenth century, Alcide dOrbigny did not nd many
traces of the other languages when he visited the missions in 1831. Riester (1986: 31)
describes the situation in the early nineteenth century as follows: several Arawakan lan-
guages (Paiconeca, Paunaca, Saraveca), Chapacuran languages (Chapacura, Kitemoca,
Napeca) and Otuque (a Bororoan language) were still spoken but were losing ground
in a process of language shift towards Chiquitano. Now only in two communities near
Concepci on do we nd some Chiquitanos who speak Paunaca, and Kitemoca may still
be in existence as well.
The Jesuits effectively created a semi-standardised language, in which quite a fewreli-
gious texts were written: sermons, prayers, catechisms, stories fromthe Scriptures. In ad-
dition, there were several grammars and vocabularies. Most of this material has remained
inmanuscript form(cf. the descriptioninRiester et al. 1986), andmuchof it has beenlost.
Twomanuscripts (containinga grammar, some dialogues anda vocabulary), one of which
is partly based on the other, found in libraries of La Paz, Jena and Paris, were collated and
478 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
published by Adam and Henry (1880) in their Biblioth` eque Linguistique Am ericaine.
A recent brief sketch is provided in Riester et al. (1986) by Barbara Schuchard, who
summarises the Adam and Henry material and confronts it with modern spoken Chiqui-
tano. Max Fuss, who lived in the area for a long time, prepared a manuscript vocabulary,
which was checked and expanded by Riester, and published in Riester et al. (1986). The
Franciscan Jes us Galeote Tormo has written an accessible pedagogical grammar, in fairly
traditional terms (1993; 2nd edn 1996), of the Lomero variety, called Besro. In addition,
the Summer Institute linguists D. and M. Kr usi (1978a, b) have described some aspects
of the Besro Chiquitano spoken in Lomero, and published a number of texts in the
language.
Even though Chiquitano was still known widely enough to be used as a cypher lan-
guage during the Chaco War between Bolivia and Paraguay, now it has lost its role
as a lingua franca to Spanish. It is still widely used, but only in in-group situations,
and has undergone inuence from Spanish. For this reason, according to Riester, most
speakers only know dialectal Chiquitano now; knowledge of the lingua franca form of
the language codied in the Jesuit materials is mostly lost. Galeote Tormo (1993: 18,
30) reports that there is considerable mutual comprehension between the varieties of
Chiquitano, of which the three main ones are referred to as Besro or Lomero, San
Javier and San Miguel (the latter two often taken together). The main difference has
to do with more nasalisation in Lomero. In addition, the latter dialect has word-nal s
.
where the others have h.
Since the eighteenth-century sources analysed by Adam and Henry (1880) are much
more detailed than the twentieth-century ones, we will take the former as a point of
departure, and only note differences where these have been mentioned by Schuchard.
There have been many changes in the language in the last two centuries, which remain
to be studied. Chiquitano remains an isolate genetically.
4.13.1 Gender-determined language use in Chiquitano
Differences related to gender are reported to play a central role in Chiquitano, particularly
in the earlier varieties. Women use the unmarked form, while men use masculine forms
and masculine endings when they speak of Gods or divine persons or angels, demons,
men, false gods; in sum, of everything that painters paint with mens shapes. (Adam
and Henry 1880: 5). Thus, not only does mens speech as such have particular features
(to be listed below), also men make gender distinctions when referring to other entities
while women do not. The only time a woman will make gender distinctions is when she
is quoting or making fun of mens speech; similarly, the only occasion a man will not
use them is when he quotes womens speech.
4.13 Chiquitano 479
Specic features of mens speech reported in the literature include (Adam and Henry
1880: 56, 910):
a. the ending -ti: on forms inected for masculine third person singular, and
the ending -()ma in the plural;
b. the class prex i- in the singular and ma- in the plural for some person
names; men say i- sa:ra s
.
white man and ma- sa:ra-ka white men, women
sa:ra s
.
and sa:ra-ka;
c. the class prex o- for words denoting animals and trees; men say o-peta s
.
turtle, women peta s
.
;
d. pronouns and adverbs limited to men;
e. nouns that men never use;
f. nouns that women use inected, men uninected, and vice versa;
g. almost all kinship terms have an inx for the third-person masculine pos-
sessive form, e.g.:
(192) a. a-to-bo-ti: abo- s
.
her stepson
stepson-MS-LS-3P.MS
his stepson
b. ipak-to- s
.
-ti: ipak- s
.
her mother
mother-MS-P-3P.MS
his mother (Adam and Henry 1880: 6)
We use the termunmarked rather than feminine, in opposition to masculine, because
it includes everything but the specically designated group of masculine entities.
4.13.2 Chiquitano phonology
Chiquitano has the consonantal phonemes presented in table 4.9. It can also be seen
that there are six oral vowels. There is distinctive vowel length, and there can be vowel
sequences, which are pronounced separately and not diphthongised. In addition, all
vowels can be nasalised. When a noun or a verb base is afxed with an element that
contains a nasal or a nasalised vowel, some consonants are nasalised a case of nasal
spread:
(193) b : m
r : n
y : n
y
In speech there are frequent cases of elisions, when one word begins in a vowel and the
preceding word ends in one.
480 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.9 Chiquitano phoneme inventory

Labial Dental Palatal Retroex Velar Glottal

Voiceless stops p t t
y
k
Voiced stop b
Fricatives s s s
.
x
Affricate c
Nasals m n n
y
Vibrant r
Glide y
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid e o
Low a

There is a distinction between short and long vowels. Nasal vowels occur
(Adam&Henry 1880), but have also been interpreted as sequences of a vowel
and a nasal consonant (Galeote Tormo 1993, 1996). In present-day Chiquitano,
stops (not glottal stop) and nasals have palatalised allophones after i.
4.13.3 The principal grammatical features of Chiquitano
Most words in Chiquitano appear to be classiable as either nominal or verbal.
Nouns. There are three classes of nouns (Adam and Henry 1880: 8):
a. nouns that never appear with person marking; this category includes the
names of animals and trees;
b. nouns that are optionally marked for person; this category includes many
inanimate objects;
c. nouns that are obligatorily marked for person: kinship terms, names for
body parts, and names for body parts of plants and trees such as bark
and ower.
In relation to the category of animals, in order to indicate possession, a generic term
with the meaning of animal is introduced that can be marked for person.
30
(194) a. y-au tamoko s
.
1P.SG-animal dog
my dog
b. tamoko s
.
y-au- s
.
-ti:
dog 3P.MS-animal-P-MS
his dog (Adam and Henry 1880: 8)
30
This feature is also found in Guaran.
4.13 Chiquitano 481
Adjectives. There is no class of adjectives properly speaking in Chiquitano. Two
obligatorily inected pronouns are used adjectivally: n
y
etama alone and n
y
aton
y
e self.
Another fairly small group of adjectivally used nouns is largely uninected and refers
to stable properties such as size, colour and quality.
Numerals. Apart from the word etama one, there are no numerals properly speaking
in Chiquitano. Numbers are indicated with quantiers and gestural indexing.
Personal pronouns. Independently used personal pronouns can appear in subject and
in direct-object position. In subject position they are often preceded by the particle a s
.
-,
which Fuss and Riester (1986) gloss as a deictic particle. The forms are:
(195) n
y
1.SG som 1.PL exclusive
on
y
1.PL inclusive
h
31
2.SG an
y
o 2.PL
ti: 3.SG masculine ma 3.PL masculine
in
y
o 3.PL unmarked
There is no third-singular unmarked pronoun; a demonstrative t
y
one is used in this case.
Notice that there is a rst-person-plural inclusive/exclusive distinction.
Other cases of pronominal usage are reected in person marking on nouns, verbs,
postpositions, etc., the topic to which we now turn.
Person marking. Person is marked through prexation. Although there appears to be a
great deal of allomorphic variation in the prexes and the traditional grammars in Adam
and Henry (1880: 12) distinguish ve declensions, the pattern is fairly regular. Thus we
have:
(196) i-po:- s
.
-ma
3P.MS-house-P-MS.PL
their (masc.) house (Adam and Henry 1880: 13)
Compare now the pronoun forms with the (abstract underlying) person prex forms.
The symbol Y indicates weakening or palatalisation (k : s, t : c, : s) of the root-initial
consonant.
(197) pron pref pron pref
n
y
iY- 1.SG som soiY- 1.PL exclusive
on
y
o- 1.PL inclusive
h a- 2.SG an
y
o au- 2.PL
ti: i- 3.SG masculine ma i- 3.PL masculine
- i- 3.SG unmarked in
y
o yo- 3.PL unmarked
31
Galeote Tormo (1996) has ()k instead of h.
482 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
When we denasalise the pronoun forms, several of them are very similar to the prex
form:
(198) pron pref pron pref
**y iY- 1.SG **sob soiY- 1.PL exclusive
**oy o- 1.PL inclusive
h a- 2.SG **ayo au- 2.PL
ti: i- 3.SG masculine **ba i- 3.PL masculine
- i- 3.SG unmarked **iyo yo- 3.PL unmarked
There appears to be a diachronic relation for 1.SG, 1.PL exclusive, 1.PL inclusive, 2.PL,
3.PL unmarked, even though it is impossible to derive the prexes from the pronouns
synchronically.
The pattern under discussion bears much resemblance to the i-, a-, i- pattern for
personal pronominal prexes, which has a much wider distribution in South America.
It is described by Greenberg (1987), who takes Chiquitano as an example.
Postpositions and case markers. The Chiquitano system of case markers and ad-
positions is quite complex. There are a number of elements that can only be used post-
positionally. Some of these can be analysed as case markers; others correspond to body
parts. In addition, there are elements that can be used either with person prexes, or
in uninected form. Finally, there are elements that can only be used transitively, in
uninected form.
There is very extensive use in Chiquitano of postpositions with pronominal prexes
to mark the other relations that pronominal elements can have to the predicate. They
provide further illustration of the allomorphic variation in the person prex system. The
genitive is used for independent possessives glossed mine, etc. but can also be used
periphrastically with nouns. To say my house, there are two possibilities:
(199) i-po: po:- s
.
i-sa
1P.SG-house house-P 1P.SG-possession
my house my house
Combining the two possibilities is ungrammatical, however:
(200) *i-po:- s
.
i-sa
1P.SG-house-P 1P.SG-possession (Adam and Henry 1880: 22)
The dative postposition is used for recipients, as well as benefactive and experiencer
objects:
(201) a. y-a ce-ka a- emo
1S.SG-give-ND 2P.SG-DA
I give you.
4.13 Chiquitano 483
b. i-samu-ka po:- s
.
a- emo
1S.SG-build-ND house-P 2P.SG-DA
I build a house for you.
c. amia a mo-ti:
3S.SG.seem DA-3.MS
It seems to him. (Adam and Henry 1880: 22)
General accusative does not involve case marking but is simply the base pronoun, as
was mentioned already. There is a special case used with verbs of desiring, one used
with the verb y-asa-ka to see, and one used with verbs of waiting. The forms are
not entirely regular, however, as can be illustrated with the forms for the rst person
singular:
(202) n
y
pronoun
iY- prex
in
y
- emo dative
iy-o with verbs of desiring
is-ari with to see (other persons have -kari)
is-ubi with verbs of waiting (other persons have -kubi)
s-obi agentive (also found with unique expressions such as
ane sobi I have)
There are also some oblique cases (termed ablative) in Adam and Henry (1880:
24). One of them is given above, the agentive case, which appears in passive sentences
such as:
(203) s-obi i-kunomo
1P.SG-by 3S.SG-write (passive)
It has been written by me. (Adam and Henry 1880: 24)
It has an active equivalent, but the two verbs are derived from identical stems in this
case:
(204) i-kunomo-ka a s
.
-n
y

1S.SG-write-ND PU-1.SG
I have written. (Adam and Henry 1880: 24)
Only with experiencer verbs such as to love do we get a dative subject:
(205) i-suba-ka in
y
- emo
3S.SG-love-ND 1P.SG-DA
She was loved by me. (Adam and Henry 1880: 24)
484 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Afewof the other morphemes that can be used as postpositions are (Adamand Henry
1880: 258):
(206) a. -aka with, comitative
b. -anene, -a:p about, above
c. -au in the absence of
d. - cepe conjointly with, like
e. -ibi source, from
f. -kuata (-suata) because of
g. -n
y
nana than (in comparisons), oblique object, ablative
h. -(o)pnanaki away from, separation
i. -taku (- caku) for the sake of
j. -ubo with, instrumental
Some examples are:
(207) a-kosi y-aka-bo-ti:
2S-go.IM 3P.SG-company-LS-MS
Go with him! (Adam and Henry 1880: 26)
(208) i-su ce-ka y-au-ti:
1.SG-be.sad-ND 3P.SG-absence-MS
I am sad in his absence. (Adam and Henry 1880: 25)
(209) n
y
- a:ki-ka iyo a-ibi
1S.SG-ask-ND 3.SG 2P.SG-from
I ask it of you. (Adam and Henry 1880: 25)
(210) i-ski soto-ka i-n
y
nana
1S.SG-abhor-ND 3P.SG-OC
I abhor this. (Adam and Henry 1880: 25)
(211) a-kosi-bo n
y
-opnanaki
2S.SG-get.away-F.IM 1P.SG-away.from
Get away from me! (Adam and Henry 1880: 25)
(212) a-aiki soi- caku
2S-pray.IM 1P.PL.EX-sake
Pray for us! (Adam and Henry 1880: 25)
As can be seen in (207, 212), the second-person imperatives are base forms. Case-marked
personal pronouns can be used prepositionally with nouns:
(213) y-a ce-ka n
y
ome pa-ka
1S.SG-give-ND 3.PL.FE.DA woman-PL
I give the women. (Adam and Henry 1880: 27)
4.13 Chiquitano 485
Some prepositions only occur in a xed form, with the third-person prex. We list some
of the locatives:
(214) i-ku on or over at objects
i-kumoeta in the middle of
i-pnana between
i-ta on or over non-at, round objects
-takuisr on or over high objects (Adam and Henry 1880: 27)
Notice, however, that the element they govern can only be an object, and hence the
invariance may be accidental, though presumably this could be plural as well as singular
in reference.
Verbs. The Chiquitano verb consists of a stemwith a person prex, generally identical
to the person prex of nouns and postpositions, and tense and mood sufxes. According
to Galeote Tormo (1996: 14850), the verb can have various forms:
(215) absolute (without an object) pron. prex a-ACTIVE STEM-ka
active transitive pron. prex i-ACTIVE STEM-ta
active with pronominal object pron. prex i-ACTIVE STEM-ka-pron.
sufx
passive pron. prex-PASSIVE STEM-ka
Passive can be distinguished fromthe active forms either by stemmodication (weak-
ening of the initial consonant, the addition of a prex), or the stems can be identical;
absolute and transitive uses of the verb are distinguished by afxes. The sufx -ka does
not normally occur with third-person subject forms, where, depending on the verb, it is
replaced by one out of a set of other sufxes (-o, -bo, -ko, -na, -no, -ra, -ro, -so, -yo) or
some additional modication. The manuscripts edited by Adam and Henry describe the
system as involving a different ending for when the action of the verb is determined by
some reason or not, and depending on the nature of the object. In addition to absolute
(no object), active (a specic nominal object), and reexive (coreferential pronominal
object), they distinguish:
(216) respective 1: masculine pronominal object
respective 2: unmarked pronominal object
Combined with the determined distinction this gives the following paradigm (for
rst-person-singular subject present):
486 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
(217) determined +determined
absolute: n
y
a..ka n
y
a..
active: i..ka i..no
reexive: i..ka-n
y
i..no-n
y

respective 1 i..ka-ti: i..no-ti:

respective 2 i..to i.. (Adam and Henry 1880: 37)
Notice the discrepancy between the different sources: the i .. ta combination in (215) does
not gure in this list. For the reexive and respective 1 usages a pronoun is simply added
in nal position. However, this pronoun may undergo a complex series of allomorphic
changes depending on the shape of the verbal stem.
The fundamental three-way distinction mentioned can be illustrated by the following
forms of tomo e- to tie:
(218) n
y
a-tomo e-ka absolute
i-tomo e-ka active
i- como e-ka passive
Some verbs are inherently transitive: koko- obey, n
y
oko- leave, yabu- open,
n
y
en- hold, n
y
ama- close (Galeote Tormo 1996: 149). Likewise, the number of verbs
that can be passivised is limited, including chop- wound, tomo e- tie. Some verbs,
like go, come and be have irregular or at least untransparent paradigms.
Past tense is marked adverbially or with a prex t- (which precedes person prexes).
Some verbs allow an afx -ki for future tense, but in most cases this is marked adver-
bially (Galeote Torno 1996: 176). The particle -ka is used in indicative contexts, for
different tenses. It can be preceded by the future particle -ra-/-na- (or another one),
and remote future can be expressed by an adverbial element, so that we have forms
such as:
(219) tari i-tomo e-na-ka-ti:
RU 1S.SG-tie-F-ND-3O.MS
Ill tie him up later. (Adam and Henry 1880: 40)
Other time references can be formed in a similar way with pre- or postposed adver-
bial elements. There is a future or subjunctive prex that occurs before the person
marker:
(220) m-i s-ane e [-aka eat]
SJ-1S.SG-eat
so that I eat it (Adam and Henry 1880: 41)
4.13 Chiquitano 487
There are no afxes for nominalised or innitive forms. Gerunds are formed with a
preposition and an article:
(221) au-n-i-tomo e-u
in-DF-1S.SG-tie-3O.SG
when tying it up (lit. in my tying it) (Adam and Henry 1880: 42)
Predicative expressions are formed by adding pronouns as enclitics to the predicate.
Predicates can be nouns, adjectives and interrogative pronouns:
(222) a. riabo s
.
-n
y

captain-1S.SG
I am a captain.
b. riabo s
.
-h
captain-2S.SG
You are a captain. (Adam and Henry 1880: 45)
These essentially stative predicates can be made resultative through the addition of -ka-:
(223) riabo s
.
-ka-n
y

captain-ND-1S.SG
I have become a captain. (Adam and Henry 1880: 45)
Possession can be expressed by prexing a noun with a person marker and adding -ka
at the end:
(224) i-po:-ka
1P.SG-house-ND
I have a house. (Adam and Henry 1880: 46)
Negation is expressed through the addition of -i at the end of the verb, hence:
(225) i-tomo e-to-i
1S.SG-tie-3O.SG-NE
I didnt tie it up. (Adam and Henry 1880: 45)
Verbal derivationandcomposition. There are verycomplexprocesses of verbal deriva-
tion and composition in Chiquitano. An example is the causative:
(226) n
y
otubori-ka to have food
n
y
otumoni-ma-ka-ka to cause someone to have food
(Adam and Henry 1880: 46)
The consonantal changes are due to nasal spreading, as explained above.
488 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
The range of (generally post-stem) derivational afxes is quite wide. The following
list illustrates just a few:
(227) sura-ka to speak
sura-pa-ka to speak to another
sura-taki-ka to speak frequently
sura-sr-ka to speak before others
sura-sipi-ka to talk dirty (Adam and Henry 1880: 50)
4.13.4 Chiquitano word order
Clearly, Chiquitano is an (S)VO language:
(228) i-tomo e-ka n-burika s
.
[cf. non-standard Spanish burrica]
1S.SG-tie-ND DF-mule
I tie the mule. (Adam and Henry 1880: 52)
We also saw that prepositions precede nominal complements:
(229) ipnana n-oseo s
.
between DF-corn
between the corn (Adam and Henry 1880: 27)
The position of the subject is less clear, given the paucity of examples with nominal
subjects. Chiquitano has adopted the Spanish coordinating conjunctions y and and o
or. These, as well as native Chiquitano adverbial subordinating conjunctions, precede
the clause they modify.
4.14 The languages of the Chaco region: Guaicuruan, Matacoan,
Zamucoan and LenguaMascoy
In the Chaco region, which covers part of southeastern Bolivia, western Paraguay and the
northern Argentinian border region, three small language families are spoken: Guaicu-
ruan, Matacoan and Zamucoan. In addition, there are speakers of LenguaMascoy and
of TupiGuaran languages (cf. section 4.3). For LuleVilela, now practically extinct,
see chapter 3 (sections 3.1 and 3.8). Furthermore, Guaicuruan, Matacoan and Lule
Vilela connections have been proposed for the extinct Charr uan languages, once spoken
in Uruguay (cf. section 1.7.3). Censabella (1999) gives a survey of the sociolinguistic
situation in the Argentinian part of the Chaco.
The Guaicuruan family includes Pilag a, Toba, Mocov and the extinct Abip on in
Argentina and Paraguay, while Kadiweu is spoken in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul,
Brazil. There were Toba speakers in Bolivia in the nineteenth century, but from 1916
4.14 The languages of the Chaco region 489
Table 4.10 Phoneme inventory of Toba (based on Messineo 2000)

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal

Voiceless stops p t c k q
Voiced stops d g o
Voiceless fricatives s s h
Voiced fricative z
Nasals m n n
y
Laterals l l
y
Glides w y
Front Central Back
High i
Mid e o
Low a

In Klein (1978), vowel length is distinctive. The voiced stop d has a frequent tap
allophone [r], and Kleins inventory posits a phoneme /r/, instead of /d/. In some
dialects h is absent in word-initial position.
onwards they were pushed out of Bolivia, and now a handful at most are left there,
although there are many more in Argentina and Paraguay. Pilag a is spoken in the province
of Formosa, Argentina, and Mocov in the southern part of the province of Chaco and
northern part of Santa Fe province, Argentina. While Toba language and culture have
been extensively studied (Censabella 1996; Klein 1973, 1978, 1981; Messineo 2000),
Pilag a has been analysed by Vidal (2001). Grammars of Mocov have been written by
Gualdieri (1998) and Grondona (1998). The now extinct language Abip on has been
documented by Najlis (1966).
The phoneme system of Toba has been analysed by Messineo (2000) as in table 4.10.
Syllables tend to be fairly simple. Examples of the most complex syllables include
dayk big (CVCC) and pyoq dog (CCVC). The resonants l and n can be syllabic in
word-initial position. Some prexes and sufxes contain an unspecied vowel which
harmonises with the vowel of the word base. There is frequent palatalisation, of both
vowels and consonants, triggered by the presence of the vowel i. Stress falls on the last
syllable of the word.
The most strikinggrammatical feature of Toba is the so-calledActive valency-marking
system, illustrated by the following contrast (Messineo 2000: 756):
(230) a. s-apaGagen na qom l-aqtaq
1S.SG-teach DC Toba 3P-language
I teach the Toba language.
490 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
b. ma se s-a sek
already 1S.SG-go
I am going already.
(231) a. ayem z-asamn
y
i
1.SG 1.UG.SG-be.tired
I am tired.
b. Romualdo - z-awa-Gan
Romualdo 3S.SG-1.UG.SG-beat-T
Romualdo beat me.
There are two person paradigms for the rst and second persons, A used for transitive
subjects (230a) and subjects of intransitive dynamic verbs (230b), and Bused for subjects
of stative verbs (231a) and direct objects (231b). In addition, there is a nominal possessor
paradigm C (Messineo 2000: 133), and a medial paradigm D.
(232) A. Subject B. Undergoer C. Possessor D. Medial
1.SG s(V)- z(V)- i- n
y
(V)-
2.SG aw- ad- ad- an-
1.PL s(V)- qad- qad- n
y
(V)-
2.PL qaw-...-i qad-...-i qad-...-i qan-...-i
The nominal possessor forms in C are largely identical to the undergoers in B.
Whether a verb enters into paradigm A or B is not only a question of transitivity or the
degree of control of the subject, but also of the dynamicity of the predicate. The verbs
entering into class B are limited to about twenty. The class includes true statives and
descriptives (which may be expressed as adjectives in other languages). Klein (1981)
has provided an interesting analysis of the verbs used with prexes from paradigm D.
She argues that the basic meaning of the /n/-class prexes of paradigm D is adcorporeal
movement, i.e. towards the torso. Metaphorically, this is extended to reexive, reciprocal
and medial uses. Consider the following contrastive pair (Klein 1981: 230):
(233) a. n
y
i-kor-ek
1S.SG.MD-pour-outward
I pour out (perfume, syrup inward motion).
b. se-kor-ek
1S.SG-pour-outward
I pour out (liquid, e.g. from a pail motion away from the body).
4.14 The languages of the Chaco region 491
For the third person, the situation is more complicated (Messineo 2000: 806):
(234) i / y- transitive subjects, subjects of some intransitive verbs
d(V)- subjects of typically intransitive verbs
- inanimate subjects and subjects of locative verbs
n- subjects of medial verbs (reexive, hither)
l- possessors
In addition, there is an optional third-person object sufx -a. In the plural, all third
persons are marked with the sufx -d- (or - in word-nal position).
Several authors, including Klein (1981) and Messineo (2000), have discussed the
locative and directional markers of Toba. These are striking because of the range of
semantic distinctions expressed and their morphological features. They are separated
from the verbal root by the aspectual morphemes, suggesting a status of inectional
element; at the same time, however, they often interact with the meaning of the root,
suggesting a status as derivational element. There are three pairs of strictly directional
markers (Messineo 2000: 114):
(235) a. -(w)ek outward
-wo inward
b. - sigem upward
-n
y
i downward
c. -(a)Gasom toward water
-waq toward re
An example would be:
(236) na ce n
y
i nsoGoy am ya-maG-awaq ze norek
then DC Nsoooy 2.SG 3S.SG-push-DR DC re
Then Nsoooy pushes you toward the re. (Messineo 2000: 121)
Notice that both the prex i- 3S.SG and the directional sufx -waq are separated
from the base by a copied or harmonising epenthetic vowel a. (All the directional ele-
ments, except -(w)ek, receive a connective vowel when they are added to a stem ending
in a consonant.) The directional sufx -waq bears no resemblance to the lexical root
norek re.
492 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
The locational sufxes are not structured in pairs (Messineo 2000: 12231):
(237) -lek above
-gi inside
-ot stuck away underneath
-(a)sop underneath, near
-aoga on the outside
32
-a precisely there
-ta on the side of, at the border of
-i there (deictic)
-ge orientational
-get in confrontation or contact with
In the noun, in addition to possessor, dual, paucal and plural number can be expressed
(Messineo 2000: 1369):
(238) a. ya-pia-te
1P.SG-leg-D
my two legs (dual) (Messineo 2000: 137)
b. alo-l
woman-PC
(a few) women (paucal) (Messineo 2000: 137)
c. waqahn
y
i-pi
star-PL
stars (plural) (Messineo 2000: 138)
There is both alienable and inalienable possession in the language. The latter involves
body parts, kin terms, parasites, diseases, images of the body (like shadow), intrinsic
human properties (like names) and some objects made by humans. There is a system of
nominal classiers, intersecting with masculine and feminine gender marking, indicating
various semantic categories. In addition, there is a system of six deictic roots, which
combine with various other gender and number afxes (Messineo 2000: 157):
(239) na close
so distant
ka absent
da vertical extension
zi horizontal extension
n
y
i not extended, three-dimensional
32
Also recorded as -oga (Klein 1978, 1981).
4.14 The languages of the Chaco region 493
Table 4.11 Phoneme inventory of Bolivian (Noctenes) Mataco (based on
Claesson 1994)

Labial Dental Palatal Velar Labiovelar Uvular Glottal

Stops p t k
y
k
w
q
Affricate c
Fricative s x x
w
h
Lateral l
Nasal m n
Glides w y
Front Back
High i u
Mid e o
Low a

Vocalic length and stress are phonemic. Vowel nasality occurs but is not contrastive.
The sound [k] is an allophone of either k
w
or q. Stops and affricates combine with the
glottal stop and with the glottal fricative h to form glottalised and aspirated conso-
nants, respectively. In the same way, resonants can be preglottalised or postglot-
talised, when they appear in a cluster with ; when followed by h they become
voiceless.
Word order in Toba is relatively free. In transitive clauses, SVO predominates, and
in intransitive clauses VS. Possessors tend to follow possessed elements. There is no
clearly dened class of adpositions, but the few elements glossed as such precede their
complements. The informative grammar of Mocov by Gualdieri (1998) illustrates many
of these aspects of this very interesting language family.
Matacoan or Mataguayan includes Mataco, ChulupAshlushlay, Chorote and Mak a.
The languages of the Matacoan family are mostly spoken in Paraguay and Argentina.
There may be some speakers of ChulupAshlushlay and Chorote left in Bolivia, but
most are in Paraguay and Argentina.
Mataco, Wichi or Weenhayek is the only language with a sizeable number of speakers
in Bolivia, along the southwest bank of the Pilcomayo river in the department of Tarija.
There is no sign of language loss among the Mataco, although the majority of the Mataco
also know Spanish. The Bolivian variety is also referred to as Noctenes (Claesson
1994). An overview of earlier materials and a thematically organised vocabulary list is
presented in Lehmann-Nitsche (1926). Tovar (1981) presents texts and a grammar of
Mataco.
The phoneme system of Mataco is presented in table 4.11.
The language is reported to have a four-person pronominal prex system (Claesson
1994: 710). (The fourth person represents rst person inclusive.) The set of nominal
494 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
possessive prexes is presented below:
(240) o:- 1P (but o- before
# # #
l or t)
33
a- 2P (but - replacing
# # #
l or t)
la- 3P (but - before
# # #
l or t)
(i)
# # #
la:- 4P (also i- before
# # #
l)
Mataco has an elaborate tense system, with a distinction between witnessed and non-
witnessed past. The latter is generally distinguished with - preceding the tense marker
of the non-witnessed past (Claesson 1994: 9):
(241) ne / ne (non)witnessed immediate past
mhe / mhe (non)witnessed habitual action in recent past
m at(hi) / m at(hi) (non)witnessed past of today and the past night
n ax(i) / n ax(i) (non)witnessed past of yesterday and back some
weeks
mh ax(i) / mh ax(i) (non)witnessed habitual action from yesterday
back to remote past
(h)teh / panteh (non)witnessed remote past for single action
Only in the last case are the forms substantially different. At least some tense markers
can also be attached to nouns.
(242) ha-we:t-teh
34
2P-place-RM
your home long ago (Claesson 1994: 8)
There are several case markers:
(243) a. i la-w e:t-eh
3S.be 3P-place-L
(S)he is at home. (Claesson 1994: 4)
b. i-wo ahu:cax-a
3S-do caracara-AC
(S)he dances the caracara (a traditional dance). (Claesson 1994: 4)
ChulupAshlushlay or Nivacl e is spoken in Paraguay (departments of Boquer on
and Presidente Hayes) and Argentina (Salta Province). A detailed dictionary of this
language with sentence examples is available (Seelwische 1980). Chorote is also spoken
33
The voiceless lateral and the glottalised alveolar stop are analysed as sequences lh, t in Claesson
(1994). Stress is not indicated on word-nal syllables.
34
Notice that the possessive prex a- is ha- before a preglottalised consonant.
4.14 The languages of the Chaco region 495
Table 4.12 Reconstructed consonant system of Proto-Matacoan (based on Viegas
Barros 2002)
Labial(ised) Dental Alveolar Palatal(ised) Velar Uvular
Plain stops p t c k
y
k q
Glottalised stops p t c k
y
k
Fricatives x
w
s x x
.
Lateral fricative
#
l
Lateral l
Nasals m n
Glides w y
in Paraguay (department of Boquer on) and Argentina (Salta Province). Mak a, nally, is
only spoken in Paraguay (department of Presidente Hayes), and has been the subject of
excellent studies by Gerzenstein (1994, 1999). This small but vital language is probably
the best-described Chaco language. It is shown to have ergative-like patterning in the verb
morphology and word order (SVO in transitive, VS in intransitive clauses). However,
a detailed reanalysis of the data may well show that typologically it is more Active,
like the Guaicuruan languages. It has a set of mostly locative postpositions. Inalienable
nominal possession is marked by prexes (V is a harmonising vowel; it occurs before
consonants).
(244) yi-, y(V)- 1P
(V-) 2P
# # #
l (V)- 3P
in- 4P (1st person inclusive) (Gerzenstein 1994: 147)
Alienably possessed nouns that refer neither to a body part, nor to a kinship relation, re-
ceive, in addition to the person prex, an element -q(V)-, for instance, in ye-qe-nenek my
spoon (Gerzenstein 1994: 149). Some nouns referring to humans or human attributes are
marked with a sufx -(k)i or -(l)e when feminine, for instance, in pukal-e (female)
blind, maka-ki Mak a woman (Gerzenstein 1994: 152).
Najlis (1984) is a reconstruction of Proto-Matacoan phonology, excluding Mak a.
The data in Gerzenstein (1978, 1979, 1983) show that the two varieties of Chorote have
phonemes very much like these of Mak a. However, the phonological analysis of Claesson
(1994) gives a rather different picture. He analyses the series of glottalised and aspirated
stops and of pre-aspirated sonorants reconstructed by Najlis as consonantal sequences.
In addition, he assumes only six vowels, where Najlis reconstructs eight. Viegas Barros
(2002) reanalyses all the data available and arrives at a new reconstruction of the Proto-
Matacoan consonant inventory, presented in table 4.12.
496 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Table 4.13 Phoneme inventory of Ayoreo (based on Briggs 1973)

Labial Dental Palatal Velar Glottal

Voiceless stops p t c k
Voiced stops b d g
Fricatives s h
Vibrant r
Nasals m n n
y

Voiceless nasals
h
m
h
n
h
n
y
Glides w y
Oral Nasal
Front Centre Back Front Centre Back
High i u u
Mid e o e o
Low a a

Vowel length and stress are contrastive.

Zamucoan includes Zamuco or Ayoreo and the language Chamacoco, spoken in
Paraguay. The majority of the Ayoreo or Ayor eode (ayor e means person) live in Bo-
livia in the department of Santa Cruz, still preserving their nomadic way of life to some
extent. There are also Ayoreo in Paraguay. The language with the same name is seriously
endangered. Fischermann (1988: 111) notes that there is surprisingly little dialect varia-
tion, even if the Ayoreo live rather dispersed. In some southern varieties, intervocalic r is
not pronounced. Thus Ayoreo is pronounced as [ayoweo], and the word parakar a rattle
as [pa:ka:]. The manuscript Zamuco grammar by Ignace Chom e (written between 1738
and 1745) has been published by Lussagnet (1958). In addition, Lussagnet (19612) has
made available vocabulary items from older sources in different Zamucoan languages.
Zolezzi and Riester (1985) present a number of Ayoreo texts.
Although little systematic study has been carried out, Ayoreo may be assumed to have
the phoneme system given in table 4.13, combining information from different sources.
Clearly more work is needed here urgently. There is general agreement that there is a
ve-vowel system, with an oral and a nasal series. The words given in the texts by Briggs
suggest vowel harmony: words generally (though not quite always) contain vowels from
only one of the series. There can be several vowels in a row, but consonant clusters are
not possible.
From Briggs (1973: 156), some insight into the structural properties of Ayoreo can be
gained. There is a masculine/feminine distinction in nouns, as well as a singular/plural
distinction. Adjectives agree in gender and number with the nouns they modify. There
is some derivational nominal morphology, and nouns can be marked for possession. In
4.14 The languages of the Chaco region 497
the verbal system there are derivational afxes, person prexes, and tense and aspect
particles.
Apreliminary analysis of the following narrative fragment presented by Briggs (1973:
157) gives an indication of some of the features of the language:
(245) -uh e: tgre e a he a: c

er ake yu ih t a y-ibatig ai.

1S.SG-kill jaguar and EC jump 1.SG.PU L there 1P.SG-honey.
hunting.trip
I was trying to kill a jaguar, and he jumped me while I was on the
honey-hunting trip.
i- cag u ar an

m u c-
h
n

:m e y- asor e t e a - a
h
n a
1S.SG-lance come.DS but 3S.SG-take.out 1P.SG-lance and 1S.SG-follow
I lanced him as he came, but he took away my lance and I followed him
e a hek i:si-hi t

o:nn
y
eke.
and EC 1S.SG.nd-DR long.ways.away.
and found him a long way away.
-ah o y- asor e tah a m u, bag e t-ua:t d a:y ka:si:k aite
1S.SG-put.down.upon 1P.SG-lance AL but Bagu e FE.DC father late
I went to kill him with my lance but Bagu es late father
c:se yu ih e a c-uh e: ih y-
h
m

a:ne.
3S.SG-nd 1.SG.PU L and 3S.SG-kill L 1P.SG-hand
came right in and killed him under my nose.
or e: c-
h
n

oke ah a deg ui.

3.PL 3S-carry.on.shoulders AL camp
They carried him back to camp.
The rst-person-singular prex i-/y-/- can be used both as a possessive and as a subject
marker with verbs (and may well be related to the pronoun yu rst person singular). It is
not clear that this holds for all persons. The language has relational elements (prepositions
or postpositions), like ih locative and ah a directional. Verbs precede the direct
object (SVO), and in the text given, the possessor precedes the possessed.
LenguaMascoy has been described as an isolate with several dialects, or as a small
language family, Mascoyan (Campbell 1997). Very little systematic linguistic research
has been carried out on this language. A phonological analysis remains to be done, but
it is clear that there is extensive vowel harmony.
Su snik (1977) is a very interesting ethnolinguistically oriented description of Lengua
Mascoy vocabulary, grammar and culture. The LenguaMascoy verb is marked with a
498 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
rich array of verbal classiers, marking such notions as direction and location. Pronomi-
nal object marking only involves the rst person. Subject marking exists for rst person,
second/third person (differentiated for masculine and feminine gender) and rst person
plural (Su snik 1977: 97100). It is not clear whether there is an inclusive/exclusive
distinction. In the unmarked case, the person prexes are:
(246) k- 1S.SG
ap- 2/3S.SG.MS
n- 2/3S.SG.FE
nn- 1S.PL
k
y
el- 2/3S.PL (Su snik 1977: 98)
The independent pronouns are only in part related to these forms:
(247) koo
35
1.SG
-y-p
36
2/3.SG.MS
-y 2/3.SG.FE
n koo 1.PL
k
y
el- l k
y
-p 2/3.PL.MS
k
y
el- l k
y
2/3.PL.FE
Person marking interacts strongly with indicative, future and negation marking on the
verb (Su snik 1977: 99101). On the noun, person marking is obligatory with body
parts and kin terms (Su snik 1977: 11314). Gender distinctions pay an important role
in the language. Nominal possessors precede the possessed element:
(248) kla:na ak-ta- l nama
of.the.woman 3P.SG.F-dress
the womans dress (Su snik 1977: 117)
Nominalised verbs also typically receive person marking, and play an important role
in the formation of complex clauses. Two interesting collections of translated religious
texts in Lengua are Nimpasmo nimpaiwa nelmathnangkama and Nimpaiwa ningmi-
naigm` asch` ama (Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge 1907, 1911).
There have been many population movements in the Chaco during the twentieth
century, both as the result of the Chaco War between Bolivia and Paraguay and of
subsequent socio-economic developments. Stahl (1982: 16) gives a systematic overview
35
Pronunciation suggested in Lowes (1954); Su snik writes k o o.
36
We tentatively represent Su sniks tl as a voiceless lateral affricate (
-
); the symbols c and cl are
interpreted as realisations of a voiceless lateral fricative phoneme (l

); Lowes (1954) writes th

and explains it as a dental fricative.
4.15 Quechua inuences 499
of the distribution of the languages of the Paraguayan Chaco as spoken around 1900. In
the northwest ChiriguanoGuaran was spoken, in the northeast the Zamucoan languages
Chamacoco and Ayoreo, and in the centre west Tapiet e. In the southwest Chulup and
Mak a were spoken, and in the southeast the Mascoyan languages. In the far south Toba
was spoken, just north of Asunci on.
There has been much discussion about the possible relatedness of the languages
of the Chaco (see section 1.7). Now that many detailed dictionaries and grammatical
descriptions have become available, this question can be taken up again. In any case, it is
clear that the languages share a number of grammatical and phonological features, as far
as can be ascertained. There is nasalisation and vowel harmony, and consonant clusters
generally are simple. There often is an Active or ergative system with SVO/VS word
order. Person is marked by prexes, both on the noun and on the verb. In the noun there
often is an alienable/inalienable possession distinction. Once the Zamucoan languages
and LenguaMascoy have been better analysed, a full-scale comparative survey can be
undertaken.
4.15 Quechua inuences on eastern slopes languages
There are a number of instances of Quechua inuence in the Amazon region. Some
scholars seem to feel that the highlands cultures and languages have had relatively little
inuence in the lowlands. The extraordinarily limited inuence of the Highland on
the Monta na is intelligible mainly in terms of unlike environmental conditioning of the
cultures, Steward (1948: 508) writes. This may be so for cultural patterns in general, but
linguistically the inuence of the highlands, in the case of Quechua, is far from trivial.
In addition, later research has pointed to extensive interchanges between monta na and
sierra (Raymond 1988).
Tessmann (1930: 623) claims that Chol on is the only case where a mixed language has
developed from Quechua and the monta na languages.
37
This is not true, in our opinion.
It simply shares a number of features with Quechua, as well as with eastern slope
languages, and shares a limited set of particular derivational morphemes with Quechua.
Other languages such as Yanesha

and Shuar have also adopted some Quechua sufxes,

particularly case markers and clausal markers. However, it is difcult to be certain about
the status of Quechua-like sufxes in Chol on and Shuar because these languages belong
to small language families of which a possible distant genetic relation to Quechua needs
to be studied more. Moreover, there has been no systematic study of the sharing of
grammatical or lexical items between the languages treated in this chapter, and thus the
phenomenon may be much more widespread.
37
der einzige Fall, dass sich eine Mischsprache zwischen Ketschua und Waldlandsprachen
gebildet hat.
500 4 Languages of the eastern slopes
Quechua inuence takes several forms. First, a number of varieties of Quechua are
spoken as native languages in the lowlands. Second, Quechua has functioned and still
functions as a lingua franca in a wide area. Third, many languages have adopted Quechua
vocabulary, for material items, in the numeral system and for certain animals. Examples
include Shuar saya and Muniche saa, fromQuechua sara maize, and Shuar ka ci salt.
Quechua numerals are found in Conibo, Shipibo, Muniche, Tacana, Urarina,Yameo and
Yanesha

.
A particularly striking case of cultural diffusion is analysed by Nordenski old (1922).
The chicken was unknown in pre-Columbian South America, and it was probably in-
troduced into Brazil in 1500. Nordenski old claims that the species was traded up the
Amazon and throughout Brazil, among others by the Arawak, before it reached the Incas
from the Gran Chaco, through the Guaran, who named it uru
w
asu, big uru, where
the uru was a small native fowl. Nordenski old claims the Incas took over the bird and
named it ata-wal
y
pa, where ata is said to be derived from hatun big and served as an
augmentative, similar to
w
asu. There are numerous speculations as to why the last Inca
received this name, but this is unresolved. The Quechua word atawal
y
pa for chicken
then spread from the P aez in Colombia to the Mapuche in central Chile, and into the
jungle as far as the Huitoto. Nordenski old argues that this must have happened before
the destruction of the Inca empire. Later a Spanish word would have been chosen. Much
later Quechua inuence is unlikely because soon the term for chicken became simply
wal
y
pa (in Amazon Quechua walipa), everywhere but in parts of Ecuador. This chapter
ends with a list of words for chicken in a number of pre-Andean Amazonian languages
(the words have been taken from various sources).
Quechua-based terms: Huariapano ihtori
Achuar at a s Huitoto ataba, at aba
Aguaruna at a s, at a su I napari tawari
Amahuaca hatap a Lamista Quechua w al
y
pa
Amarakaeri wa-tawah Napo Quechua atalpa, at al
y
a
Apolista atalpa Nocam an at apa
Campa atawalpa Nomatsiguenga ti ape
Campa Ash aninca atawa, tawalpa, Panobo ixtori
(ta)waripa, tawarina Piro xat
y
awripa
Canelo Quechua at al
y
a Quijos Quechua at alipa, at al
y
pa
Capanahua atapa Setebo it odi
Cashibo ataba, atapa, attapa-awi, at oripa Shipibo/Conibo atapa, atapa
Chamikuro ataw ali Shuar at a s(i)
Chasutino Quechua w ad
y
pa Ticuna ota
Chayahuita at(o)ad, at(o)ar, ata s Urarina atawar, atawari
Chol on at el
y
wa, atel
y
w a Yagua to ari, tawal
y
i, tawariy, tuwariy
Cocama ataw ali, atawari Yanesha

atol
y
op, at olup
Hibito ud
z
pa Yuracar e talipa
Huambisa ata s, siam Z aparo at awali
4.15 Quechua inuences 501
Other:
Andoa karar a, kakar a Muniche kaka, ca can
y

Arabela kakaray a Muinane kat awua, adaba

Bora k
h
arak
h
a Omurana m ata
Candoshi kt a so, kat a su Secoya/Pioje k uda, kur a
Chiquitano kuras s
.
, (o)kurubas s
.
Sensi o cici
Coto/Orej on kur a Tekiraka: Abishira a a, tawaruy a
Iquito kakarra, kakar a Tekiraka: Vacacocha aya u
Jebero wa antk Yameo sekn, seik en
5
The Araucanian Sphere
The term Araucanian Sphere has been chosen to cover the central part of what is
today the Republic of Chile, extending from the Aconcagua river valley to the island
archipelago of Chilo e. At the arrival of the European invaders this area was predomi-
nantly inhabited by a single ethnolinguistic group: the Araucanians. This powerful nation
became partly incorporated within the colonial society, but also included an important
sector which succeeded in preserving its independence until 1882.
In this chapter we furthermore give attention to the central-western part of Argentina,
comprising the hilly region known as the Sierra de C ordoba and the Andean foothills
region known as Cuyo (including parts of the provinces of Mendoza, San Juan and
San Luis). Like the Araucanians, the original inhabitants of central-western Argentina
were agriculturalists. They became involved in the process of colonisation right from
the beginning, and lost their identity and their languages at an early stage (Martnez
Sarasola 1992: 5863). Of the various native languages that were once spoken in central-
western Argentina only the Huarpean languages, Allentiac and Millcayac, have been
documented. They constitute a family of closely related languages. Allentiac was spoken
in the southern part of San Juan and in northern San Luis, whereas Millcayac extended
southward from the culturally important wetlands of Guanacache to the Ro Diamante,
covering most of Mendoza. The native languages of the province of C ordoba were the
languages of the Comechingones (in the sierras of western C ordoba) and the Sanavirones
(in the northern sierra of C ordoba and its eastern lowlands, including the banks of
the lake called Mar Chiquita). These languages are virtually undocumented. Although
Loukotka (1968) includes the Comeching on language (with its presumed dialects Henia
and Camiare) within the Huarpean family, the evidence consists of no more than a
couple of words. In 1594 Barzana (Jim enez de la Espada 1965, II: 79) reported that
more than eight or nine different languages were spoken in the Sierra de C ordoba,
which indicates that the Comeching on language probably did not constitute a unity.
The Sanavir on language is classied as a linguistic isolate in Loukotka (1968), but the
amount of evidence is so small that a possible genetic relationship could not be detected,
even when it existed.
5 The Araucanian Sphere 503
B O L I V I A
PARAGUAY
A R G E N T I N A
Crdoba
Santiago
Temuco
Valdivia
Chilo
TEHUELCHE
Buenos Aires
URUGUAY
PERU
CHILE
B R A Z I L
ABI PN
MILLCAYAC
CHAN
QUERAND
GNNA YAJICH
TEUSHEN
KAINGANG
CHARRA
K
A
W
E
S
Q
A
R
C
H
O
N
O
G
U
A
R
A
N

A
R
A
U
C
A
N
I
A
N
P
E
H
U
E
N
C
H
E
ALL
E
N
T
I
A
C
D
I
A
G
U
I
T
A
C
O
M
E
C
H
I
N
G

N
S
A
N
A
V
I
R

N
Map 11 The Araucanian Sphere: approximate distribution of languages at the time of the Spanish
conquest (sixteenth century)
504 5 The Araucanian Sphere
B O L I V I A
PARAGUAY
A R G E N T I N A
Crdoba
RANQUELCHE
(19th CENTURY)
GNNA
YAJICH()
Santiago
Concepcin
Temuco
Osorno
HUILLICHE
Chilo
TEHUELCHE
MAPUCHE
Buenos Aires
URUGUAY
PERU
C
H
I
L
E
B R A Z I L
M
A
P
U
C
H
E
M
A
P
U
C
H
E
B
i
o
b

o
R
.
Map 12 The Araucanian Sphere: twentieth-century distribution of indigenous languages
5 The Araucanian Sphere 505
An overviewof the Araucanian Sphere would not be conceivable without paying some
attention to the Argentinian pampas and Patagonia (including the provinces of Buenos
Aires, La Pampa, Ro Negro and Chubut), which for centuries constituted an outlet for
the expansion of the freedom-loving Araucanians. Among the native groups of these
sparsely peopled southern extensions were the nomadic Pehuenche, who inhabited the
eastern Andean slopes and foothills south of the Huarpeans, in the province of Neuqu en.
These Pehuenche owed their name to their dependency on the collection of pine-nuts
of the Araucaria tree (pewen in Mapuche). Most early sources agree in afrming that
the Pehuenche had a language and an identity of their own, distinct from those both
of the Araucanians and the Huarpeans. Unfortunately, nothing is known of the original
Pehuenche language. The present-day group called Pehuenche is located in Chile, on
the upper reaches of the Biobo river (between Santa B arbara and Lonquimay) and in
other pre-cordilleran areas further south, between the lakes Icalma and Panguipulli. They
speak a Mapuche dialect and are not necessarily related to the historical Argentinian
Pehuenche. The Querand of Buenos Aires were the rst to become exposed to the
European colonisation of the Ro de La Plata in the seventeenth century. They soon
lost their ethnolinguistic identity. Only two sentences and a few words of their language
were recorded by French sailors around 1555. On the basis of these few data Viegas
Barros (1992) shows that Querand may have been closely related to the language of the
G un una K une or Puelche. If this conclusion is correct, it would identify the Querand as
the northernmost representative of the Chon language family. The Tehuelche complex,
which includes G un una K une and various other representatives of the Chon family,
will be discussed in chapter 6. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries all these
peoples came into contact with the expanding Araucanians, who either subjugated them
by force, or assimilated them through alliance. As a result, a number of Araucanian-
speaking mixed groups came into existence, some of which are still aware of their
non-Araucanian origins. This, for instance, is the case with the Araucanised Tehuelche,
who live in El Chala in southwestern Chubut. The Tehuelche origin of this group is
conrmed by the use of Tehuelche vocabulary items and phonological features, such
as the use of a uvular stop and glottalisation, common in Tehuelche but otherwise
unknown in Araucanian (Fern andez Garay 1997a). For some interesting examples of
Chubut Mapuche usage see also Daz-Fern andez (1992). Some of the mixed groups,
such as the Ranqueles,
1
for a time became powerful nations until they were annihilated
by the Argentinian army in 187981.
In spite of its geographical location, which could be considered peripheral within a
South American context, the Araucanian Sphere belongs to the oldest inhabited areas
1
The Ranqueles (or rakl- ce people of the reeds) originally had their territory in southern
C ordoba. In 1900 they were relocated in Colonia Emilio Mitre, in northwestern La Pampa
(Fern andez Garay 1998a).
506 5 The Araucanian Sphere
of the American continent. Excavations conducted at Monte Verde near Puerto Montt
in the far south of continental Chile have seriously challenged the convictions of ar-
chaeologists that the human occupation of South America must have been posterior
to the Clovis horizon (95009000 BC), when Paleo-Indian big-game hunters roamed
on the North American plains (Fiedel 1992). The existence of a 12,000-year-old pre-
agricultural village in this remote area of South America suggests an earlier arrival of
the rst inhabitants than was held possible so far (Dillehay 198997).
Although the Araucanian Sphere region was neither an area of cultural prestige,
nor of great artistic production, it was certainly not unimportant from a political and a
demographic point of view. In spite of erce resistance of the Araucanians, the Inca rulers
succeeded in conquering the northern part of it, including central Chile and the Cuyo
region, but their control must have remained limited to the existence of military outposts
and probably some mitimaes (see chapter 3). The limit of the Inca military advance, to
either the Maule river (altitude of Talca) or to the Biobo (altitude of Concepci on), is
still a matter of debate. The Incas called the Araucanians Auca (from Quechua awqa
enemy, rebel), a name which the Araucanians proudly adopted as a self-designation.
2
Soon after their rst attempts at colonisation, the Spanish conquerors became ac-
quainted with the stubborn and erce resistance of the Araucanians. The dramatic events
of the mid sixteenth century, when the Spanish conquistador Pedro de Valdivia tried to
establish a colony in central Chile at the cost of many Spanish and Indian lives, are
vividly narrated in Alonso de Ercillas epic poem La Araucana (156989). After these
turbulent beginnings, a status quo arose in which central Chile and the far south (in-
cluding the town of Valdivia and the island of Chilo e) were under Spanish control,
whereas most of the intervening area (including the present-day provinces of Arauco,
Biobo, Malleco and Cautn) remained independent and outside the domain of Christian
inuence. The Araucanians strengthened their position thanks to an unusually effective
military organisation, great strategic experience and dexterity in the use of horses. In the
seventeenth century the Araucanians supported the Dutch in their short-lived attempt of
16423 to establish a colony in Valdivia under the leadership of Hendrik Brouwer. As
soon as it became clear that the newcomers could not live up to the Indians expectations
and started to behave like a colonial power themselves, the Araucanians withdrew their
support.
The dominant group among the unsubdued Araucanians were the Mapuche (people
of the land). Consequently, the denomination Mapuche became almost a synonym of
Araucanian. The latter name was probably derived from that of the town of Arauco,
situated at the northern border of the independent Mapuche territory. This territory was
2
A more specic denomination used in the colonial period is that of promaucaes (from Quechua
purum awqa uncivilised enemy).
5 The Araucanian Sphere 507
known as La Araucana during the colonial period and in the nineteenth century. Outside
its borders the Araucanians were either completelyassimilated(inthe north), or gradually
dwindled in numbers also by assimilation (in the south). After the independence of Chile
(in 1818) the Mapuche in the independent territory retained their autonomy, although
it came gradually under the pressure of a consolidating Chilean state. In 1860 Antoine
Or elie de Tounens, a notary-clerk from the P erigord in France, came to the Araucana
and had himself crowned King of Araucania (and later also Patagonia) under the name of
Or elie-Antoine I. Although many Mapuche recognised and supported him, the Chilean
and Argentinian authorities succeeded in evicting him twice in succession. Some of
Or elie-Antoines relatives still claim rights to the Araucanian throne today.
The nal blow to the Araucanian independence in Chile came in the 1880s when
the Chilean military occupied the area in a campaign known as pacicaci on de la
Araucana (pacication of Araucania). The Mapuche were conned in reserved areas
(reducciones), separated by pieces of land that were handed out to Chilean peasants
andnewlyarrivedimmigrants fromEurope. This policy, aimedat destroyingthe unityand
organisational traditions of the Mapuche, createdmanyantagonisms betweenIndians and
non-Indians. So far, it has proved effective. The Mapuche became a marginal and much
discriminated population, plagued by poverty and internal strife. During the Pinochet
dictatorship of 197389 the Mapuche suffered heavy oppression and adverse legislation
aimed at the dismantlement of the reducciones system. It is estimated that more than
a hundred thousand Mapuche have migrated to Santiago and other towns outside their
native territory.
3
Meanwhile, the provinces of Malleco and Cautn (in the ex-Araucana)
have remained predominantly Mapuche. The Araucanians who entered Patagonia and
the Argentinian pampas did so partly in order to establish colonies, and partly for
raiding expeditions. These raiding expeditions, known by the name of mal on, were
conducted with great efciency and violence. They had a terrifying effect on the white
settlers in these sparsely inhabited regions. Alliances between Indian groups sometimes
also involved adventurers of European extraction, who tried to escape the control of
the young Argentinian state. Some of these groups for some time acted as separate
political entities, a situation which is described by the Argentinian colonel Mansilla in
the account of his visit to the Ranqueles in 1870 (Mansilla 1947). Throughout most of the
nineteenth century southern Argentina remained dominated by Indians, Buenos Aires
being situated close to the frontier. The anti-Indian animosity among the authorities
and citizens of Buenos Aires grew such that the Indians were nally subdued in several
military campaigns, especially those of 1833 and 187981. The latter campaign led by
3
Most of the statistical information in this chapter has been obtained from the website Estado
actual de las lenguas aborgenes de Chile (http://rehue.csociales.uchile.cl) of Gilberto S anchez.
It contains information from the 1988 census.
508 5 The Araucanian Sphere
General Roca, during the government of Sarmiento, is known as conquista del desierto
(conquest of the desert) and was geared towards the total destruction of the Indian
communities in the pampas and in northern Patagonia. The survivors of this campaign
were rounded up in reservations.
Considering that most of the other languages belonging to the domain of this chapter
are extinct and very poorly documented, our attention will mainly go to the Araucanian
language and its local varieties. At the end of the chapter some general features of a
Huarpean language (Allentiac) will be given.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche
At the arrival of the Spanish conquerors, Araucanian was the dominant, if not the only
language spoken in central Chile, the non-insular part of southern Chile and the island of
Chilo e. Luis de Valdivia,
4
the author of the rst description of Araucanian (1606), speaks
of the language which is used in the entire Kingdom of Chile (la lengua que corre
en todo el Reyno de Chile). In a later stage of the colonial period the name Chilidugu
( cili uu language of Chile) came into use (cf. Havestadt 1777). The modern name
of the Araucanian language is Mapudungun, to be analysed as mapu-uu-n language
of the (people of the) land, by analogy with Mapuche (mapu- ce people of the land),
as the Araucanians nowadays prefer to call themselves. Nevertheless, the language too
is often referred to as Mapuche.
Early colonial observers (Bibar 1558) point at the linguistic homogeneity of central
and southern Chile when the area was rst visited by Spanish military expeditions.
There is a marked contrast with the situation of linguistic diversity and multilingualism
emerging from seventeenth-century descriptive accounts of almost any other area in
the Americas. Spanish religious authorities used the Araucanian language in order to
subdue and evangelise non-Araucanian peoples, such as the Chono of the islands south
of Chilo e, to the Christian faith.
Although it appears that dialect differences did not stand in the way of mutual under-
standability, Valdivia gives a more subtle picture of the situation of the language. His
work is of particular interest due to his exposure to a variety of Araucanian that has long
been extinct, the dialect of the bishopric of Santiago. This variety was also known as
Mapocho or Mapuchu
5
after the name of the river that runs through the Chilean capital
today. Valdivia explicitly mentions several distinctive elements of the Santiago dialect,
which are not found in the varieties spoken today. When he mentions such characteristics,
he often contrasts themwith linguistic habits that were prevalent among the Araucanians
4
The Jesuit grammarian Luis de Valdivia is not to be confused with the conquistador Pedro de
Valdivia, who died under Araucanian torture in 1552.
5
The river name Mapocho seems to have no relation with Mapuche, the present-day name of the
Araucanian people.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 509
further south (arriba), to which he often referred as the Beliche (from wil
y
i- ce people
of the south). Some of the characteristics that Valdivia considered typical for arriba
or Beliche speech apply nowadays to the language of the Mapuche heartland in Malleco
and Cautn, in southern Chile. An example is the absence of the pluralising morpheme
y` uca [yka], which, according to Valdivia, was used in the bishopric of Santiago as a
postposed element with non-animate nouns (e.g. ruca y` uca [uka yka] houses), in con-
tradistinction to the prex-like element pu which marked plurality with animate nouns,
as in pu che [pu ce] people. The Beliches apply pu to every sort of thing, says Valdivia
(1606: 10). The modern Mapuche language uses pu for human beings and only excep-
tionally for objects (Augusta 1903: 16), which is roughly in accordance with Valdivias
observation about the Beliche practice. In addition to such explicit mentions, Valdivias
description contains several lexical items and grammatical elements that are not found
in present-day varieties of the language. Examples are the verb cu- [ku] to go (modern
Mapuche amu-) and the verbal derivational sufx -clo- [klo] to help, which has no
equivalent in present-day Mapuche. In part, they may have been specic features of the
Santiago dialect, but we could also be dealing with expressions that became obsolete
during the last four centuries.
During the colonial period all of central Chile north of the Biobo river became
thoroughly Hispanicised. The Mapocho dialect and maybe some other varieties became
extinct. The Araucanian dialects that survived are those of the former Araucana and
those of the territories further south, including Chilo e. The varieties that spread into
Argentina were brought there mainly by refugees or migrants fromthe former Araucana,
which is conrmed by the close linguistic similarity between the Chilean and Argentinian
Mapuche. The one considerably divergent variety of Araucanian still spoken today is
the dialect of the present-day Huilliche, who live in the southernmost provinces of
Valdivia, Osorno and Chilo e, in the Chilean region of Los Lagos. Its local name in
San Juan de la Costa (Osorno), cesuun speech of the people, reects some of its
phonetic characteristics (Alvarez-Santullano Busch 1992).
6
Further characteristics of
the Huilliche dialect are discussed in Salas (1992a: 8692).
In the past several attempts were made at subdividing the Chilean Araucanians into
ethnolinguistic subgroups. Best known is the classication of Lenz (18957) who, in
addition to the Huilliche, distinguished the Picunche (pikum- ce people of the north) in
the northern part of the former Araucana (province of Malleco), Moluche or Ngoluche
(ulu- ce the Chilean Mapuche as they are called by their (eastern) Argentinian kinsmen,
probably related to ul
y
-ant evening) in the southern part of Araucana (province of
Cautn), and the Pehuenche (people of the Araucaria pine), who live near the cordillera.
Croese (1980, 1985) distinguishes eight dialect areas in Chile, two of which correspond
6
The equivalent expression in Mapuche would be ce-uu-n.
510 5 The Araucanian Sphere
to Lenzs Picunche and one of which corresponds to Huilliche. There appears to be
a consensus that, with the exception of Huilliche, all the Chilean dialects are mutually
intelligible. The Picunche dialect stands out by the fact that its interdental and labiodental
fricatives are voiced ([], [v]), whereas they are voiceless ([], [f]) in the Mapuche
dialects further south (Salas 1992a: 92). In this respect, the Picunche dialect coincides
with the extinct northern variety described by Valdivia. Valdivias transcription (<d>,
<b> <v>) suggests that the fricatives in that variety were also voiced.
The Argentinian dialects are only slightly different from their Chilean relatives, with
the exception of occasional substratum inuence from Tehuelche or other local lan-
guages. They may share specic features with one of the Chilean dialects, thus betraying
the homeland from which they once migrated. For instance, the Ranquelino dialect of
La Pampa province shares the use of voiced fricatives with Picunche, which may be its
closest relative in Chile (cf. Fern andez Garay 1991).
Approximately 400,000 Mapuche people live in the Chilean region of Araucana
(provinces of Cautn and Malleco), where they are the majority of the rural population.
There seem to be no reliable gures concerning the number of speakers of the language,
but it may be assumed that a substantial part of the Mapuche population in this area
continue to speak it. Some smaller groups of Mapuche are located in Arauco and Biobo
(region of El Biobo) and in Valdivia (region of Los Lagos). The Huilliche people inhabit
a discontinuous area in the region of Los Lagos, including the coast of Osorno (San Juan
de la Costa), the interior of Valdivia (Isla Huapi in Lake Ranco) and several locations near
Quell on at the southern tip of Chilo e (e.g. the community of Huequetrumao). Referring
to Isla Huapi and San Juan de la Costa, Contreras and Alvarez-Santullano (1989) insist
that only people over sixty can speak the language to a satisfactory degree. Given the
critical situation of the Huilliche language, it is unlikely that there remain more than
a few thousand speakers. Estimates concerning the number of Mapuche in Argentina
uctuate between 27,000 and 60,000 (Martnez Sarasola 1992: 493). The largest group
of Argentinian Mapuche live in Neuqu en, but there are also communities in the provinces
of Buenos Aires, Chubut, La Pampa and Ro Negro. Very little can be said about the
actual number of speakers of Mapuche in Argentina, as in many locations the language
is being replaced by Spanish (Fern andez Garay 1996).
5.1.1 Mapuche studies
The Mapuche language has beenstudiedmore intenselythanmanyother SouthAmerican
Indianlanguages. Agoodoverviewof what has beendone is Salas (1992b). The Mapuche
grammatical tradition begins with Valdivia (1606), whose work was followed in the
second half of the eighteenth century by the grammars of Febr es (1764) and Havestadt
(1777), the latter one in Latin.
At the end of the nineteenth century Rodolfo Lenz (18957) published an extensive
series of studies, known as Estudios Araucanos (Araucanian Studies), including many
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 511
texts in different dialects, accompanied by ethnographic and linguistic observations.
Lenz also became known for his claimthat Chilean Spanish, as pronounced by the lower
class, is essentially Spanish with Araucanian sounds (Lenz 1893: 208; 1940: 249). The
arguments upon which he based this assertion were successfully refuted by Alonso
(1953). Nevertheless, the idea of an Araucanian substratum in Chilean Spanish may
encounter a more favourable ear today.
Approximately in the same period, Bavarian missionaries renewed the Mapuche de-
scriptive tradition. Their most outstanding gure was F elix Jos e de Augusta, known for
his grammar (Augusta 1903) and dictionary of the language (Augusta 1916), by far the
best dictionary of the Mapuche language to date. Augusta also published a collection
of traditional text and ethnographic notes, Lecturas Araucanas (Araucanian Readings),
collected by himself and Sigifredo de Fraunhusl (Augusta 1910). To the same grammat-
ical tradition belongs a grammar by Ernesto de Moesbach (1963). Doubtless, his most
valuable contribution is the edition of the autobiography and memoirs of Pascual Co na,
a Mapuche chief, who lived through the turbulent years of the last great Argentinian
raids and the pacication of the Araucana (Moesbach 1930). Both in content and in
form it is a monument of native American literature.
Among the more substantial contemporary contributions to the study of Chilean
Mapuche, the work of Salas (1979, 1992a, 1992b) occupies a central position. Salas
(1992a) also contains an extensive treatment of the different genres in Mapuche folk lit-
erature, including some annotated and translated texts. Smeetss unpublished dissertation
of 1989 contains the most detailed grammatical description of the Mapuche language
so far, accompanied by analysed and translated texts.
7
Catrileo (1987) is a classroom
textbook for learning Mapuche. Arecent grammatical description of Mapuche is Z u niga
(2000).
Most of the publications concerning the Chilean Mapuche language are in the formof
articles in journals. We will mention just a fewexamples. Important articles on Mapuche
phonology are Su arez (1959), Echeverra Weasson (1964), Echeverra and Contreras
(1965), Lagos Altamirano (1981) and Rivano (1990). The complex system of personal
reference marking in Mapuche is discussed, inter alia, in Fontanella de Weinberg (1967),
Salas (1978, 1979), Grimes (1985), Rivano (1988, 1989) and Arnold (1996). Several
aspects of Mapuche grammar are discussed by Harmelink (1987, 1988, 1990, 1992).
The historical-comparative position of Araucanian is discussed in Key (1978), Stark
(1970) and Croese (1991). In relation to the Argentinian varieties of Mapuche we can
mention the publications of Fern andez Garay on the Ranquel dialect (Fern andez Garay
1989b, 1991, 1998b, 2001), as well as Golberts text edition Epu pe niwen (Two Brothers)
(Golbert de Goodbar 1975).
7
A published version of Smeets (1989) is in preparation.
512 5 The Araucanian Sphere
5.1.2 The sounds of Mapuche
The phonological structure of a Mapuche word is relatively straightforward. It is remi-
niscent of Quechua in that consonant sequences are limited to the intervocalic position
and consist of no more than two consonants.
8
However, in contradistinction to Quechua
and Aymara, vowel sequences are common, as in (1):
(1) leli-a-e-n-ew
watch-F-I-1.SG.ID-3.OV
He will watch me.
The Mapuche vowel inventory consists of six vowels a, e, i, o, u, . Their pronunciation
and analysis do not present any particular difculties, except for . There are no length
distinctions. The vowel has a variable realisation, which can either be a schwa [], or
an unrounded high central vowel [] according to the environment in which it occurs. In
many cases the presence of the vowel has not been perceived at all in the past. In fact, the
recognition of as a unit phoneme is a relatively recent phenomenon. In the publications
of the Bavarian missionaries the different alleged realisations of were distinguished in
writing, either as < u>, or as <>, e.g. w un daybreak, wn mouth (Augusta 1916),
whereas in reality these two words do not differ in pronunciation [w n]. Furthermore,
Valdivia (1606) and Augusta (1903) often write consonant sequences, where contem-
porary descriptions would assume the presence of an intervening .
(2) Valdivia (1606: 10) modern
tva t fa this
(3) Augusta (1903/1990: 29) modern
konn kon- n I entered.
The non-recognition of the intervening vowel is not just an omission. Valdivia
(1606: 9) explicitly states that Araucanian had word-nal clusters.
9
It is the overall word
structure of the Mapuche language that has incited contemporary linguists to assume
the presence of a vowel not recognised so far. The morphophonological behaviour of
8
Occasionally, triconsonantal clusters involving the semi-vowel w occur, as in akafwin I had
him on the back of my horse (cf. Smeets 1989: 55). The element -fwi- is a contraction of -fu-
past tense and -- third-person object marker.
9
Valdivia (1606: 9): . . . y se siguen despues dellas dos consonantes assi de las que en Espa na
solemos juntar, como de las que no solemos, y vna de las consonantes que suelen juntar es la
<g>[] [authorsaddition] que pusimos en el notable seg udo. Yno se deue pensar que entonces
ay nueua sylaba de mas de la vocal, porque no es mas de vna (. . . and after these (vowels) two
consonants may follow, like those we are accustomed to put together in Spain, as well as those
we would not put together. And one of the consonants they are accustomed to put together is
<g>[], which we have treated in our second remark. And one must not think that there is a new
syllable then in addition to (the one of) the vowel, because there is no more than one).
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 513
may have played a role in the way its status was perceived by different authors. As in the
case of the impure vowels of Mochica (section 3.4), it can be used as a full root vowel
(as in w n mouth), but also as a means to avoid non-licensed consonant sequences.
Example (3), kon-n, is a case in point. The rst-person-singular subject ending is
-n; after bases ending in a consonant -- is inserted in order to avoid sequences such
as *-nn.
An additional complication is the fact that the vowel is often accompanied by a
voiced velar glide or semi-vowel [ ]. Although there is some individual variation, the
presence of the glide is on the whole predictable, so that it need not be analysed as a
separate consonant phoneme. However, the rules governing the behaviour of [ ] are so
specic and complicated that it turns out easier to include it with a separate symbol in
the orthography (Smeets 1989: 324). In some environments, i.e. between a full vowel
and a consonant, the semi-vowel is the only possible realisation, e.g. in rele seven.
Elsewhere, is added either before or after the vowel , according to the position in the
word.
(4) y name
kuw hand
Valdivia (1606) is quite consistent in writing < u>(or any of its graphic variants <` u>,
< u>) both for the vowel, and for the semi-vowel (re ule, uj, cu u). Augusta (1916) uses
the symbol <q> for some postvocalic realisations of [ ]: word-internally (e.g. in reqle
[ele]); word-nally in (near) monosyllables (e.g. liq l uq [li ] [l ] white, kuq
[kuw ] hand); and word-nally after vowels other than (e.g. umaq [uma ] sleep).
Elsewhere, including in word-initial position, he does not write the semi-vowel (e.g. u
[ y] name, ant u [ant( )] day).
The relation that holds between the semi-vowels y and wand the vowels i and u, respec-
tively, is somehow comparable to that between and the vowel . However, the position
of y and w as consonant phonemes is much rmer due to their typically consonantal
behaviour. In Mapuche of Cautn the verbal indicative (or third-person subject) ending
-y is obligatorily preceded by a connective vowel after a base ending in a consonant.
(Optionally, this sequence may be replaced by -iy; cf. Smeets 1989: 42, 227.)
(5) lef- y
run-3.ID
He/she ran.
(6) lef- y-mi
run-ID-2.SG
You ran.
514 5 The Araucanian Sphere
It should be observed that in many other varieties of Mapuche, the sequence *y
(iy) is realised as i (e.g. kon-i he entered, kim-i he knows), a state of affairs which
suggests that the consonantal status of y in those varieties may be less pronounced (see,
for instance, Daz-Fern andez 1992; Augusta 1903, 1916). On the other hand, Augusta
does register the word we ny (written wen ui) for friend.
The status of w can best be illustrated with verbs containing the reexive sufx
-(u)w-; they are clearly different in pronunciation from their counterparts without that
sufx.
(7) elu-w-a-n elu-a-n
give-RF-F-1.SG.ID give-F-1.SG.ID
I shall give to myself. I shall give (to someone).
(Smeets 1989: 31)
(8) elu-w-ke-n elu-ke-n
give-RF-CU-1.SG.ID give-CU-1.SG.ID
I usually give to myself. I usually give (to someone).
10
(Smeets 1989: 31)
The Mapuche consonant inventory is characterised by a rather extensive array of
articulatory positions. Valdivia (1606) already observed the existence of a phonemic
opposition between interdental [l

, n] and alveolar [l, n] resonants. He used the symbols

<

l> and < n>, respectively, to represent the interdental sounds. However, Valdivia did
not recognise the interdental stop [
t

], which is also recorded in Mapuche, reserving his

symbol <

t> for the retroex stop (see below).

At present, the different local varieties of Mapuche, both on the Chilean and on the
Argentinian side, have either preserved or lost the distinction between interdental and
alveolar consonants. For instance, in Argentina the Ranquelino dialect of northwest-
ern La Pampa lacks the distinction (Fern andez Garay 1991), whereas the dialect of
Rucachoroy in Neuqu en (Golbert de Goodbar 1975) preserves it. In Chile, the Huil-
liche (cesuun) variety of San Juan de la Costa (Osorno) no longer preserves the
distinction in the nasal and the stop series, but has developed a distinctive retroex
l
.
in addition to a plain l and a postdental (interdental)
l

(Alvarez-Santullano Busch
1992).
11
10
A parallel case with y is leli-e-n you watched me versus leli-ye-n I watched many things
(Smeets 1989: 30).
11
Alvarez-Santullano Busch provides no examples of the postdental
l

. The examples given by

her and by Salas (1992a: 87) suggest a historical correlation between the interdental
l

of central
Mapuche and the retroex l
.
of Huilliche. The matter needs further investigation.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 515
The continued existence of the interdentalalveolar distinction in the Chilean
Mapuche heartland has been the object of conicting observations. Salas (1992b:
5023) insists that the distinction is fully in use. He refers to the work of Lenz (18957),
Echeverra Weasson (1964) and Lagos Altamirano (1981), who conrm this, and states
that three different groups of native language planners and educators have considered
it necessary to include the distinction in the orthography.
12
On the other hand, Croese
(1980: 14), in his Mapuche dialect survey, afrms that the distinction is practically lost,
and that he found no awareness among the natives of its possible relevance. This is con-
rmed by Smeets (1989: 346). She gave the matter special attention but was forced to
conclude that her consultants, all uent speakers of the language, did not make the dis-
tinction.
13
As it appears now, the preservation of the interdentalalveolar distinction in
Mapuche must be related to the individual or family level, rather than to geographically
based dialects.
An additional problem concerning the interdentalalveolar distinction in Mapuche is
the inconsistency of the observations. Lexical items, such as
l

afken

sea, n

amun

foot
and mt

a horn, are usually among those recorded with interdental consonants, but in
other cases there is no such consistency. For instance, Salas (1992a) writes t

ufa this,
an

u day and k ulen

tail, where Augusta (1916) has tfa, ant u and klen, respectively.
Given the frequency of occurrence of at least the two rst items, this is a remarkable
discrepancy.
14
In addition to the alveolar and interdental nasals, all Mapuche dialects distinguish
at least three more nasals: bilabial m, palatal n
y
and velar .
15
The interesting feature
of the Mapuche nasals is not their number, which more or less follows the selection
of obstruent articulations, but rather the fact that, within the limitations of Mapuche
word structure, they can occur in almost any position and combination. Nasal clusters
are frequent even within morphemes. The low level of nasal assimilation (none at all
at morpheme boundaries) is remarkable. The following examples illustrate some of the
12
These groups are the committee responsible for the development of the Alfabeto mapuche
unicado (Unied Mapuche Alphabet), the members of an alphabetisation workshop organised
by the Catholic University of Temuco, and the native authors participating in the workshops of
the Summer Institute of Linguistics.
13
The late Luis Quinchavil Su arez from Nueva Imperial, the principal Mapuche consultant of the
Leiden project underlying Smeetss dissertation of 1989, was aware of the interdentalalveolar
distinction among elder Mapuche speakers but did not make the distinction himself.
14
When Mapuche speakers abandon the alveolarinterdental distinction, it does not mean that the
interdental articulation as such is lost. The overall make-up of the Mapuche sound systemfavours
interdental, rather than alveolar pronunciation. This may explain why present-day observers tend
to record more interdentals than those historically attested.
15
The usual transcription of the n
y
and the is n and ng, respectively. For the latter sound, Valdivia
used the symbol < g>.
516 5 The Araucanian Sphere
positions that nasals can take.
16
(9) lamen
sister, brother of a woman
(10) man
y
ke
condor
(11) man-kuw -l- n
right-hand-T-IF
to give ones right hand to someone
(12) aku-n
y
ma-n we sa u
arrive-DM-1.SG.ID bad word
I got some bad news. (Augusta 1966: xiii)
(13) wel
y
-w n-e-n
imperfect-mouth-CV-IF
to have an imperfect beak (of a parrot) (Augusta 1966: 265)
The fricative series of seventeenth-century Araucanian was remarkable not so much
for what it included, but more so for what it lacked. Valdivia (1606) is very explicit in
his statement that the language had no < c>[s], no <x>[ s], no <j>[h x] and no <f>
[f], in the way Spaniards would pronounce them. Instead, there was a voiced interdental
fricative <d> [], a voiced bilabial or labiodental fricative, written <v> or <b> [v
], and a voiced retroex fricative or glide reminiscent of the English r in to worry,
which was written <r> []. This, at least, is the picture that can be reconstructed by
referring to the situation in the different varieties of the language today.
In the modern dialects the voiced pronunciation of the labial and interdental fricatives
has been preserved in Ranquelino and in the northern (Picunche) half of the Arauca-
nian heartland (especially in Arauco, Biobo and Malleco). In the southern half of the
Araucanian heartland and in the Huilliche area the voiceless fricatives [] and [f] are
preferred over voiced [], [v], [].
17
Fern andez Garay (1991) notes that the Argentinian
varieties of Neuqu en and Ro Negro show variation with a preference for the voiceless
options.
Most contemporary varieties of Mapuche have introduced a voiceless alveodental
sibilant s, a voiceless alveopalatal sibilant s, or both. These sounds are found in borrowed
words and, at least in the Temuco area, in forms that are somehow sound-symbolically
16
With the exception of material taken from Valdivia, all examples borrowed from the literature
will henceforth be transposed into the current notation systemof this book. Given the controversy
on the interdentals, these will be indicated even when the original source does not distinguish
them from the alveolars.
17
In the word muay chicha (an alcoholic drink) voiced [] is found, even with speakers who
normally use the voiceless realisation ([]).
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 517
Table 5.1 Mapuche consonant inventory
Labial Interdental Alveolar Retroex Palatal Velar
Obstruents p
t

t c
.
c k
Fricatives f (s) r [] ( s)
Laterals
l

l l
y
Nasals m n

n n
y

Glides w y ( )
related to words containing r or , e.g. kure wife, ku se, kuse old woman, kue old
woman (despective); cf. Smeets (1989: 38). In several old loan words the Spanish plural
marker -s has been replaced by Mapuche -r (e.g. awar beans from Spanish habas), a
fact which illustrates the difculty that seventeenth century Araucanian speakers must
have experienced when trying to pronounce the Spanish s. The velar voiceless fricative
is still absent from the present-day Mapuche varieties. Its Spanish representative has
been replaced by a stop k in some loan words (e.g. keka-w- to complain from Spanish
quejarse; Smeets 1989: 69).
In Huilliche, the modern reex of the r sound is a retroex sibilant, as in ku s
.
am egg,
Mapuche kuram. A glottal or velar voiceless fricative [h x] is optionally found as a
variant of f, as in kohke bread, Mapuche kofke; and xo s
.
u bone, Mapuche foro (Salas
1992a: 878).
The stops and affricates of Mapuche have the characteristic in common that they can
only occur syllable-initially. The labial and velar stops p and k appear in non-productive
morphophonologically related verb-pairs such as af- to end (intransitive), ap-m- to
end (transitive), and na- to descend (intransitive), nak-m- to take down (transitive),
which indicate an extinct process of fricativisation in root-nal position. There are two
affricates, palatal c and retroex c
.
(traditionally written ch and tr, respectively). The
retroex varies between an affricate and a stop. Valdivias representation of this sound
by means of the symbol <

t> indicates that the stop realisation may have been the only
one possible in the seventeenth-century Santiago dialect.
In summary, the original Mapuche consonant inventory is represented in table 5.1.
Borrowed sounds and sounds of debatable phonemic status are given between brackets.
The obsolescent character of the interdentals is not taken into account. The classication
of the resonant r as a fricative is motivated by its interrelations with the other fricatives.
5.1.3 Grammar
The overall structure of the Mapuche language resembles that of the central Andean
languages Aymara and Quechua as far as the complexity and the transparency of the
morphology, as well as the dependency on sufxes, are concerned. Nevertheless, there
518 5 The Araucanian Sphere
are some notable differences. Whereas the verbal morphology is exceptionally rich,
including, for example, a productive systemof noun incorporation, nominal morphology
is weakly developed.
Although noun incorporation is a frequent phenomenon in the New World, it is
relatively rare in the Andean area. Araucanian noun incorporation drew the attention of
Valdivia (1606), who recorded some very illustrative examples of object incorporation
in the seventeenth-century language, permitting us to observe the difference between an
incorporated and a non-incorporated construction. (The examples are given here in the
original spelling and their phonetic interpretation between square brackets.)
(14) qui ne huinca mo are-tu-bi-n ta ni huayqui
[kin
y
e wika mo are-tu-i-n ta n
y
i wayki]
one foreigner OC lend-LS-3O-1.SG.ID FO 1P.SG lance
I lent my lance to a Spaniard. (Valdivia 1606: 40)
(15) are-huayqui-bi-n ta qui ne huinca
[are-wayki-i-n ta kin
y
e wika]
lend-lance-3O-1.SG.ID FO one foreigner
I lent my lance to a Spaniard. (Valdivia 1606: 40)
Although the two sentences are translated in the same way, Valdivia points out the
syntactic consequences of using either construction. In (14) the noun phrase referring
to the recipient contains the postposition mo (also mu or mew in modern Mapuche),
which indicates an oblique case. The third-person object marker -i- corefers to my
lance, which is the direct object. In (15) the noun referring to the lance is incorporated
in the verb form. The object marker -i- corefers to the next object available, which is
the recipient in this case. Valdivia describes the incorporated variant as an elegant way
of speaking (elegante modo de hablar).
18
In the present-day language noun incorporation is still fully in use (cf. Harmelink
1992). In addition to object incorporation, theme subjects can be incorporated as well,
as in ku c
.
an-loko- to have a headache, from ku c
.
an- to be ill, to be in pain and loko
head. The incorporated noun always follows the verb root. In fact, Mapuche noun
incorporation must be analysed as part of a general tendency of the language towards
compounding, which again is more salient in the verb than in the noun (cf. Smeets 1989:
41620). The possibilities of Mapuche verbal compounding are illustrated in example
(16), which contains a compound of two verb roots and an incorporated object associated
with the second verb root. The incorporated object iyal food (fromi- to eat, -a- future
18
In modern Mapuche the formare-tu- (which includes a lexicalised sufx -tu-) means to borrow,
rather than to lend, for which the causative are-l- is now preferred. The root are- no longer
occurs by itself. We can only conclude that in seventeenth-century Santiago Araucanian are-tu-
was used in the meaning to lend, whereas the root are- was reserved for incorporation.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 519
Table 5.2 Personal and possessive pronouns in Mapuche
Independent personal pronouns Possessive personal modiers
Singular Dual Plural Singular Dual Plural
1 pers. in
y
ce
*
in
y
ciu in
y
cin
y
n
y
i yu yin
y
2 pers. eymi eymu eymn mi mu mn
3 pers. fey fey-eu fey-en n
y
i n
y
i . . . eu n
y
i . . . en
*
In Mapuche studies, the nasal in the rst-person pronouns is usually marked as palatal, but
the palatal element is, in fact, a case of assimilation of the nasal with the following affricate
(Smeets 1989: 129). The sources are not consistent in their treatment of this cluster; Augusta,
for instance, records i nche I (1966: 73), but minche below (1966: 150).
tense, and -(e)l non-subject nominaliser) is itself a nominalised verb form containing
a tense marker.
(16) kim-ewma-iyal-la-y
19
know-make.ready-food-NE-3.ID
He does not know how to cook.
The image of Araucanian as a language entirely depending on sufxation is nuanced
by the fact that it has a unique set of possessive modiers, which play a crucial role
in the grammar. These possessive modiers have no independent referential meaning
and can only occur before nouns and nominalised verbs. They must not be treated
as prexes, however, because there is no phonetic coalescence, and because they can
be separated from the noun by another modier, such as an adjective. The possessive
modiers are formally related to the independent personal pronouns. The grammatical
distinctions expressed in the pronominal system are person (rst, second, third) and
number (singular, dual, plural). Number of a third person is expressed by postposed clitic-
like elements (dual eu, plural en), which can but need not merge with the preceding
noun or pronoun. Table 5.2 contains the inventory of personal pronouns and possessive
modiers in Mapuche.
In a possessive construction the presence of a possessive personal modier is oblig-
atory. When the possessive modier is not preceded by a pronoun or another modier,
an element ta- can be prexed to it without a notable change in meaning, e.g. ta-n
y
i,
ta-mi, etc. The possessive personal modier can be preceded by an independent personal
pronoun for emphasis or disambiguation (in the case of n
y
i, which is used both for rst
person singular and for third person). The pronoun and the possessive modier must
19
Sequences of vowel-nal and vowel-initial stems in compounds may be separated by a pause or
a phonetic glottal stop, as is the case in (16).
520 5 The Araucanian Sphere
agree in person and, if not third person, also in number.
(17) mi ruka eymi mi ruka
2P.SG house you.SG 2P.SG house
your house your house
Number of third person is marked only once, either directly on the pronoun, or by
eu/en following the head (Smeets 1989: 130).
(18) fey-eu n
y
i ruka n
y
i ruka eu
he/she/it-D 3P house 3P house 3.D
the house of the two of them the house of the two of them
The genitive construction in Mapuche patterns in the same way as the possessive con-
structions containing a personal pronoun illustrated in (17) and (18), with the restriction
that the possessive modier must be third person.
(19) t fa- ci wen c
.
u n
y
i ruka
this-AJ man 3P house
this mans house
Whereas in possessive constructions the modier precedes the modied, this may be
the other way round if the genitive relationship is not explicitly marked. Such construc-
tions usually have a part-of-whole interpretation, e.g. me yene amber, literally, whales
dung, fromme dung and yene whale (Augusta 1966: 143). By contrast, noun phrases
in which the modier precedes the modied, e.g. pron fw knotted thread, quipu (cf.
chapter 3), or awkan uu war matter (see the text in section 5.1.5), are more common.
Real compounds, such as mapu- ce also have the latter order of constituents.
Mapuche has only one true case marker, the postposition mew (also mo, mu), which
indicates oblique or circumstantial case. Its uses are so manifold that it is difcult to
reduce them to a single semantic denition. It can refer to any non-specic location
(at, to, from), time (since, after, during), instrument or means (with, by),
cause (because of), circumstance (in), as well as the standard of a comparison (cf.
Harmelink 1987; Smeets 1989: 7683). It can also indicate an indirect object; see (14).
More specic spatial relations can be expressed either by means of adverbs indicating
the position of a referent (20), or by means of verbs which encode such relations in their
lexical meaning (21).
(20) inal-tu l

afke n
shore-AV sea
at the seashore (Augusta 1991: 266)
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 521
(21) inal-k le-y l

ewf mew
be.at.the.edge-ST-3.ID river OC
It is at the banks of the river. (Augusta 1966: 72)
The Mapuche construction that expresses the concept of comitative does not involve
any case marker. Instead, the distinctions of person and number (dual and plural) per-
taining to the personal reference system are exploited. There is a special set of markers
exclusively for use in the comitative construction, in which those referring to rst person
dual and plural are identical to the corresponding personal pronouns (in
y
ciu, in
y
cin
y
); the
markers for second person dual and plural are emu and emn, respectively, and those for
third person, eu and en.
20
The comitative marker species the grammatical person of
the group of referents following a 1 >2 >3 hierarchy and the total number of referents
(Smeets 1989: 1779; Salas 1992a: 99100).
(22) in
y
ce amu-a-n temuko n
y
i pu karukatu
21
in
y
cin
y
I go-F-1.SG.ID Temuco 1P.SG PL neighbour C.1.PL
I shall go to Temuco with my neighbours.
(lit.: I shall go to Temuco my neighbours all of us.) (Salas 1992a: 99)
Characteristic of this construction is that there are always at least two referents in-
volved, but that only one of themneeds to be overtly expressed. In that case the addressee
has to derive person and number of the referent not mentioned by subtracting the per-
son and number features of the overt participant from the person and number features
conveyed by the comitative marker (Augusta 1990: 1257). For instance, in (23) the
unexpressed referent is the childs mother.
(23) ta-mi p n
y
en
y
emu
DC-2P.SG child (of woman) C.2.D
you and your child (addressing a woman)
(lit.: your child, the two of you) (Augusta 1990: 126)
When a verb is part of the construction, it may followthe comitative marker and agree
with it in person and in number (24).
(24) eym n in
y
cin
y
amu-a-yin
y
you.PL C.1.PL go-F-1.PL
You people will go with me.
(lit.: You (plural), we (plural), all of us will go.) (Augusta 1990: 125)
20
Salas (1992a: 99) calls these markers grupalizadores group makers.
21
The word karukatu neighbour has been derived from the expression ka ruka the next house
(from ka other and ruka house).
522 5 The Araucanian Sphere
A prex-like element that serves the purpose of indicating a location is pu. It is
used with nouns referring to places, as in pu ruka at home, pu wariya in town.
Its homophone pu is used mainly with nouns referring to human beings to indicate
plural (25).
(25) n
y
i pu we n y aku-a-y
1P.SG PL friend arrive-F-3.ID
My friends will arrive. (Smeets 1989: 91)
Other nominal plural markers are -ke and -wen. The former is used with modi-
ers, in particular, adjectives. It is a distributive sufx translatable as each (26).
22
Valdivia (1606: 10) considers its use a characteristic of the southern Beliche Indians. The
sufx -wen indicates pairs that generically belong together; the stem refers to one of the
members of the pair (27).
(26) f ca-ke ce
old-DB human
old people
(27) fot

m-wen
son (of man)-GP
father and son (Augusta 1966: 53)
As in Quechua and Aymara, the verb in Mapuche typically consists of a root fol-
lowed by one or more optional derivational afxes and an inectional block. The latter
comprises negation, mood, tense, personal reference and nominalisation. The personal
reference markers in Mapuche are of considerable interest. As in the case of the pronouns
and possessive modiers, there is a three-way distinction both in person (rst, second,
third) and in number (singular, dual, plural). In the case of rst and second person,
number marking is compulsory; with third person it is optional. Person and number of
subject are generally expressed in the verb; if there is an object, person and number of
the object can also be expressed in the verb. The combined codications of subject and
object are traditionally referred to as transitions (transiciones), a concept which goes
back to a sixteenth-century Quechua grammar (cf. section 3.2.6), and which was further
developed by Valdivia (1606).
23
22
The parallelism with the way the afx -kama is used in Quechua is remarkable.
23
The concept of transition as used by Peter S. DuPonceau (17601844) and other founding
fathers of the North American descriptive tradition in linguistics may have been borrowed from
one of the Araucanian grammars (Mackert 1999).
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 523
Table 5.3 Mapuche subject endings
Indicative Conditional Imperative
1 pers. sing. -()n -l-i - ci
1 pers. dual -yu -l-iu -yu
1 pers. plur. -yin
y
-l-iin
y
-yin
y
2 pers. sing. -()y-mi -()l-mi -e
2 pers. dual -()y-mu -()l-mu -mu
2 pers. plur. -()y-mn -()l-mn -mn
3 pers. -()y -l-e -pe
A feature of Mapuche distinct from Aymara and Quechua is that a third-person object
can also be codied within the verb form. When both the subject and the object are third
person, there are two possibilities. These are illustrated in (28) and (29).
(28) l

a m--y
24
kill-3O-3.ID
He killed him. (We are talking about X; X killed Y.)
(29) l

a m-e-y-ew
kill-I-3.ID-3.OV
He killed him. (We are talking about X; Y killed X.)
The third-personobject indicatedby-- in(28) refers toanentityor personwhichplays
a less dominant role in the discourse than the referent of the subject. The latter is in focus
at the moment of speaking. In (29) it is the other way round: the referent of a third person
which is in focus is the patient of an action effectuated by a third-person actor who is not
yet in focus at the moment of speaking.
25
The two third-person categories emerging from
this opposition have been interpreted in terms of a proximateobviative distinction as
known from the grammatical tradition of the Algonquian languages (Arnold 1996). The
third person in focus is the proximate, whereas the one not in focus is termed obviative.
The endings which indicate grammatical person and number of a subject exhibit many
formal similarities with the personal pronouns and possessive modiers. They vary
according to moods, three in number, with which they can be combined: the indicative
mood (marker -y- or --), the conditional mood (if; marker -l-), and the imperative
hortative mood (no specic marker). Table 5.3 shows the subject endings that correspond
to each mood.
As can be seen from table 5.3, the indicative marker -y- is only clearly present in the
second-person endings; in the rst person non-singular and in the third person a fusion
24
After -- the pronunciation of the sufx -y is optional (cf. Smeets 1989: 65).
25
One may be tempted to interpret these forms as passives. However, Mapuche also has a true
passive (sufx -e-), which can only be used when the actor is unexpressed.
524 5 The Araucanian Sphere
of indicative and person markers may have occurred, and in the rst person singular there
is no indicative marker at all. The difference in pronunciation between the non-singular
rst-person conditional endings and those of the other two moods appear to be induced
by the phonological context, rather than by their being different endings.
The third-person endings can be put into dual or be pluralised by means of the elements
eu (dual) and en (plural), respectively, which are located after the verb (30). These
elements can apply to a third-person subject, as well as to a third-person object. When
they indicate plural or dual of the subject, they can be attached directly to the verb after
the loss of their initial vowel e (31).
(30) elu-e-y-ew e n p c
.
em
give-I-3.ID-3.OV 3.PL tobacco
He gave them tobacco. (Augusta 1966: 39)
(31) c
.
ipa-ke-y- n pu n
go.out-CU-3.ID-3.PL night
They go out at night. (Smeets 1989: 461)
When the subject is either rst or second person, a third-person object can be marked
straightforwardly by means of the sufx --. This marker is used with denite, known
objects; if the object is indenite it can be left out.
(32) n -n mapu
take-1.SG.ID land
I took land. (Smeets 1989: 19)
(33) n --n mapu
take-3O-1.SG.ID land
I took the land. (Smeets 1989: 19)
When a third-person actor is combined with a rst- or second-person patient, the
latter is indicated by means of the corresponding subject ending. At the same time,
two elements must be added: a sufx -e-, which occupies a position to the left of the
subject ending, and an element -ew or mew, which appears immediately after the subject
ending. When the rst- and second-person markers are singular and in the indicative,
-ew is added directly to these markers; the second-person marker -y-mi loses its nal
vowel. When the markers are dual or plural the added element is -mew or -mu.
(34) leli-e-n-ew
watch-I-1.SG.ID-3.OV
He watched me. (Salas 1992a: 120)
(35) leli-e-y-m-ew
watch-I-ID-2.SG-3.OV
He watched you. (Salas 1992a: 121)
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 525
(36) kul
y
i-e-yin
y
-mu
pay-I-1.PL.ID-3.OV
He paid us. (Smeets 1989: 195)
(37) pe-e-y-mu-mew
see-I-ID-2.D-3.OV
He saw the two of you. (Salas 1992a: 125)
(38) leli-e- ci-mu
watch-I-1.SG.IM-3.OV
May he watch me! (Smeets 1989: 235)
As we have seen in the example of
l

am-e-y-ew(29), a similar formation to the above

obtains when an obviative third-person actor is combined with a proximate third-person
patient. All the forms in -e . . . (m)ew have in common that they involve a third-person
actor which is considered to be lower than the patient in a saliency hierarchy dened by
Arnold (1996: 26) as 1 >2 >3 proximate >3 obviative (cf. also Salas 1992a: 125). The
sufx -e-, which is present in all these forms, has been interpreted as an inverse marker
(Arnold 1996: 30).
26
The inverse marker -e- also plays a role in the combination of a second-person actor
with a rst-person patient. When the inverse marker -e- is accompanied by a rst-
person-singular subject ending (-n, -l-i), the resulting form refers to the transition of
a second-person actor to a rst-person patient with the restriction that both must be
singular. In this case the imperative and indicative forms are identical (Smeets 1989:
235; Salas 1992a: 1278).
(39) leli-e-n
watch-I-1.SG.ID(IM)
You watched me. Watch me! (Salas 1992a: 128)
When either the actor or the patient is non-singular, another inverse sufx, -mu-, takes
the place of -e-. Number distinctions are indicated in the rst person (the patient), but
are left implicit in the second person (the actor); the imperative endings are used where
relevant (cf. Smeets 1989: 199).
(40) leli-mu- ci
watch-I-1.SG.IM
Watch (dual or plural) me! (Salas 1992a: 127)
26
Grimes (1985) is reported to have been the rst to treat the Mapuche personal reference
transitions as an inverse system.
526 5 The Araucanian Sphere
(41) leli-mu-yu
watch-I-1.D.ID
You (any number) watched the two of us. (Salas 1992a: 128)
In the combination of a rst-person actor and a second-person patient the inverse sufx
plays a limited role, possibly because the requirement of the actor being hierarchically
lower in saliency than the patient is not met. Nevertheless, a form in -e-yu is used to
denote the combination of a rst-person actor with a second-person patient when the total
number of participants is no more than two; hence the presence of the rst-person-dual
ending -yu. If the sum of the participants is more than two, the reexive sufx -(u)w-
27
is used in combination with the rst-person-plural ending -yin
y
.
(42) leli-e-yu
watch-I-1.D.ID
I watched you. (Salas 1992a: 128)
(43) leli-w-yin
y
watch-RF-1.PL.ID
I watched you (more than two). We watched you.
We (more than two) watched each other. (Salas 1992a: 128)
The situation outlined above is that of the Mapuche heartland (former Araucana).
Valdivia (1606) recorded a very different use of the marker -e- in the seventeenth-century
Santiago dialect. In that variety the inverse system was apparently not checked by any
considerations of hierarchy, the inverse sufx -e- being freely combined with the second-
person subject endings in order to indicate any combination of a rst-person actor with
a second-person patient. There were number distinctions only for the (second-person)
patient, not for the (rst-person) actor: elueymi I/we give to thee, elueymu I/we give
to you two and elueymn [elueymn] I/we give to you all.
28
A similar situation was
recorded for the Indians of the South, presumably the Huilliche, by Augusta (1990:
84); cf. also Salas (1992a:128).
The Mapuche language has an elaborate systemof verbal nominalisations, which play
a central role in the formation of complex sentences, relative and temporal clauses, etc.
The nominalisation in -()n, as in lef-n run, running or aku-n arrive, arrival, has
many characteristics of an innitive. It is limited in its morphological possibilities, in
27
The marker -(u)w- in its transitional function is to be kept apart from -(u)w- in its truly reexive
function, because the order andcombinational possibilities of the twodiffer considerably(Smeets
1989: 3856).
28
Strangely, with a singular second-person object, the imperative form (elueymi) was identical to
its indicative counterpart, but when the object was dual or plural, there was a difference: eluemu
let me/us give to you two, eluemn [eluemn] let me/us give to you all.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 527
particular in relation to tense, but it is used in a wide range of syntactic constructions.
The actor corresponding to the event can be indicated by a possessive modier (44).
(44) ramtu-e-yu chew n
y
i m le-n
ask-I-1.D.ID where 3P be-IF
I asked you where he lives. (Smeets 1989: 238)
Stative and agentive nominalisations can be formed by adding the afxes -el and -lu,
respectively. Both types of nominalisation can be combined with tense (see later) and
have an extensive range of syntactic uses. Nominalised verbs in -el can refer either to
the event denoted by the base itself, or to any entity which is not the actor of that event.
It can be used in relative clauses or when referring to occurrences in general. The actor
can be indicated by a possessive modier.
(45) kim-nie-n cem mi entu-el
know-CN-1.SG.ID what 2P.SG take.out-SN
I know what you took out. (Smeets 1989: 239)
(46) fali-y ta-m n kel
y
u-el [Spanish valer to be worth]
be.worth DC-2P.PL help-SN
It is good that you helped. (Smeets 1989: 257)
The agentive nominalisation in -lu refers to the actor or theme of the event denoted
by the base (the one who . . . ), especially in relative clauses. It can also act as the verb
in a temporal clause. In one specic combination, with the future marker -a-, it can be
used as a nite verb, thus competing with the future indicative.
(47) l

a-lu el-el-e-ke-y ko kin

y
e metawe mew
die-AG put-BN-PS-CU-3.ID water one jug OC
The deceased is provided with water in a jug. (Augusta 1990: 192)
(48) pi ci ce kim-nu-lu
small human know-NE-AG
a child that does not know (Smeets 1989: 282)
(49) pe--lu n
y
i caw amu-tu-y
see-3O-AG 3P father go-RS-3.ID
When he saw his father, he went back. (Smeets 1989: 287)
(50) fey f t

a-e-a-lu
he/she husband-CV-F-AG
She will be married some day. (Smeets 1989: 290)
In the Mapuche of the Araucana an adjectivising sufx - ci takes the place of -lu in
relative clauses of which the verb precedes the antecedent immediately. Interestingly, this
528 5 The Araucanian Sphere
must be the result of relatively recent restructuring. Valdivia (1606) describes relative
clauses in -lu followed by ci, and then by the antecedent. It appears that in such cases ci
was a deictic element.
29
(51) el
y
a p ra-pa- ci k ye n mew
a.little rise-H-AJ moon OC
at the time when the moon had risen only a little
(was in its rst quarter) (Augusta 1990: 191)
(52) huya acu-tu-lu chi Patiru vey may ta inche
[wiya aku-tu-lu ci patiru ey may ta in
y
ce]
yesterday arrive-RS-AG DC Father that then FO I/me
The Father who arrived yesterday, that was me. (Valdivia 1606: 478)
Although the syntactic uses of -el and -lu nominalisation are complementary, one
remarkable anomaly has to be mentioned. In temporal clauses, a form in -el can replace
the verb form in -lu when the subject of the verb is a rst person singular (cf. Smeets
1989: 262, 290). The replacement is optional. With any other person or number it would
be impossible. Example (53) illustrates the use of rst person singular -el (in amu-el).
It further contains an instance of -el, shortened to -l, as required after the future-tense
marker -a- (in umaw-tu-a-l); such forms in -a-l indicate a goal.
(53) fey-e n ay -w- y- n in
y
ce amu-el n
y
i umaw-tu-a-l
he/she-3.PL enjoy-RF-3.ID-PL I go-SN 1P.SG sleep-V-F-SN
They were glad when I went to sleep. (Smeets 1989: 262)
As in Quechua (but unlike Aymaran), the personal reference transitions of Mapuche
have been copied onto the nominalisations. Although not all the possible combinations
can be marked explicitly, the directinverse distinction is reected by the use of different
forms (cf. Arnold 1996: 35). In the direct (non-inverse) transitions, as well as in the
(inverse) transition of a second-person actor with a rst-person patient, a special ending
--el takes the place of -el in the present-day dialect of the Araucana heartland. In this
ending the element -- no longer has its original function of a third-person object marker.
In the seventeenth-century Santiago dialect --el did not occur; instead of it, the ending
-bi-n [in] was used.
(54) ta-mi elu-bi-n
[ta-mi elu-i-n]
DC-2P.SG give-3O-IF
what I give to you (Valdivia 1606: 28)
29
This state of affairs still exists in the Argentinian Ranquelino dialect (Fern andez Garay, personal
communication).
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 529
The possessive modier which must precede the --el nominalisation normally refers
to the subject (actor) of the nominalised verb. There is one notable exception, however.
In the interaction between a rst and a second person the possessive modier always
marks second person, even when it corefers to the object (1S.2O), rather than to the
subject of the nominalised verb. The example fromValdivia (54) illustrates this anomaly.
Disambiguation of the actor and patient roles is effectuated by the addition of personal
pronouns located on either side of the construction, following the SVO pattern (Smeets
1989: 272).
(55) in
y
ce mi pe--el eymi
I 2P.SG see-3O-SN you
that I see you (modier refers to patient)
(56) eymi mi pe--el in
y
ce
you 2P.SG see-3O-SN I/me
that you see me (modier refers to actor)
The inverse transitions that have a third-person actor are expressed in the nominalisa-
tion by means of the ending -e-t-ew, which, among other elements, contains the inverse
marker -e-. In this case it is the patient that is identied by the possessive marker.
(57) n
y
i pe-e-t-ew
3P see-I-N-3.OV
the fact that an (obviative) third person sees him/her/them
(58) n
y
i pe-e-t-ew
1P.SG see-I-N-3.OV
the fact that (any) third person sees me
(59) yu pe-e-t-ew
1P.D see-I-N-3.OV
the fact that (any) third person sees the two of us
Another nominalisation strategy in Mapuche involves the sufx -m, which refers to a
place, an instrument, or a tense-marked event. It is used for specic events with known
participants. It does not occur by itself but is found in combinations with temporal
elements, namely -a-m future place or means, aim, -mu-m past place or means,
past innitive and -pe-ye-m usual place or means (cf. Smeets 1989: 26371). The
sufx -we indicates a place or instrument with general value (no specication of tense or
participant).
30
The sufx -fe (-voe in seventeenth-century Santiago Araucanian) indicates
an actor without any specication of tense or situation.
30
The sufx -we in Mapuche is reminiscent of Aymara -(:)wi, which has almost exactly the same
function. Both are frequently used in place names.
530 5 The Araucanian Sphere
(60) meta-we jug [meta- to carry in arms]
(61) meta-we-fe
31
jug maker (Augusta 1966: 145)
Several other strategies are in use to form adjectives from verbs, e.g. -fal in ay-fal
lovable from ay- to love. A non-productive formation is the sufx -en, which forms
both adjectives and nouns fromintransitive verb stems ending in --, e.g. ray-en ower,
from ray- to ower, and ak-en ( ak-n) dry, from ak- to dry (cf. werk-en in
section 5.1.5).
The verbal tenses of Mapuche are particular in that there is no real present tense. If the
verb represents an event, the unmarked tense is normally translated as a preterit. If, on
the other hand, it refers to a state or quality, a present-tense interpretation is preferred.
32
This state of affairs seems to be typical for the Mapuche of the Araucanian heartland.
There is no sign of it in Huilliche (Contreras and Alvarez-Santullano 1989), nor was it
common practice in the Mapocho dialect of Santiago. Valdivia (1606: 13) describes it as
a characteristic of the southern Indians (Beliches), but adds that they would preferably
include a sufx -lle- [l
y
e] in the verb form (elullen I gave it). In modern Mapuche
-l
y
e- is an emphatic sufx not related to tense. Valdivia also afrms that the Indians of
Santiago were in the habit of adorning their verb forms with an inxed element -po-
and a postposed element -che [ ce]; e.g. pe-po-n-che I see. Some basic examples of the
unmarked tense in Araucana Mapuche are:
(62) k pa-n
come-1.SG.ID
I came.
(63) kim- n
know-1.SG.ID
I know.
There are explicit markers which indicate past (-fu-) and future (-a-). These tense
markers can occur in most combinations, although not in the imperative, nor with certain
nominalisers. They can also be used cumulatively (-a-fu-) in order to indicate a future of
the past. Since the unmarked tense refers to past actions as well, the use of -fu- implies
that an event is completed and that its results are no longer valid, nor relevant. Very
often it refers to actions that failed (cf. Smeets 1989: 3003). After a vowel a the future
sufx usually takes the shape -ya-. The sufx -()wye- indicates previousness and can be
31
Null verbalisation is found with verbs of manufacturing; compare ilo- to slaughter (ilo meat),
kofke- to make bread (kofke bread).
32
Smeets (1989: 2035) assigns perfective aspect meaning (implying successful completion) to
the unmarked tense form, but makes an exception for the verbs meke- to be busy and e- to
be, to exist. In this perspective, the verbs kim- to learn, to know and nie- to get, to have
are ambivalent.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 531
followed by other tense markers in anterior past and anterior future constructions. The
sufx -()wma can indicate a perfect tense or previousness, but it does not take personal
reference markers. The resulting form can be interpreted both as a verb and as a noun
(Augusta 1903: 44; Smeets 1989: 2912).
(64) aku-a-n
arrive-F-1.SG.ID
I will arrive. (Augusta 1990: 29)
(65) aku-fu-n
arrive-PA-1.SG.ID
I was arriving/did arrive (but that is no longer relevant).
(Augusta 1990: 28)
(66) aku-la-ya-fu-n
arrive-NE-F-PA-1.SG.ID
I was not going to arrive (I did not have that intention).
(Augusta 1990: 29)
(67) l

a-wye-ya-n
die-PV-F-1.SG.ID
I will be dead by then. (Augusta 1990: 44)
(68) n c
.
am-ka-e-n-ew cum-e-wma ti walon
33
conversation-V-I-1.SG.ID-3.OV how-LS-PE DC war
He told me how the war had been. (Smeets 1989: 292)
In order to describe ongoing events explicitly linked to the present, the Mapuche
language has a series of options which are partly morphological and partly syntactic.
The sufx -nie- is homophonous and probably historically identical to the verb nie- to
have. It is used with transitive verbs, where it conveys the meaning of a continued or
ongoing transitive action (45), (69). The sufx -(k)le- (-kle- after consonants, -le- after
vowels) is used either to denote a state resulting from an event, or, with intransitive
verbs, an ongoing event, depending on the (telic or atelic) semantics of the verb (21),
(70), (71); cf. Smeets (1989: 36875). The sufx or root -meke- can indicate an event in
progress with any verb of action (72). Finally, the adverb petu still located before the
verb also has the effect of referring to present tense (73). Without further indication all
verbs carrying these elements are interpreted as present tense.
(69) ay -nie-e-yu
love-CN-I-1.D.ID
I love you (Smeets 1989: 388)
33
Walon: a variant of malon raid.
532 5 The Araucanian Sphere
(70) aku-le-y
arrive-PR-3.ID
He is arriving. (Smeets 1989: 370)
(71) an -m-k le-y
sit-T-ST-3.ID
It is planted. (Smeets 1989: 369)
(72) i-meke-n
eat-PR-1.SG.ID
I am eating.
(73) petu i-n
PN eat-1.SG.ID
I am eating.
The verbal sufx -ke- indicates a customary action. It can be combined with other
elements, including tense and aspect markers. Without further-tense specication it
refers to a habit in the present, as in (47), (74) and (75).
(74) k pa-ke-y-mi
come-CU-ID-2.SG
You always come. (Augusta 1990: 40)
(75) i-ke-fu-y- n
eat-CU-PA-3.ID-PL
They used to eat. (Augusta 1990: 40)
Negation is indicated morphologically in Mapuche. There are three different markers:
-la-, -nu- (or -no-) and -ki-l-. In modern Mapuche, the distribution of the negative markers
is relatively straightforward. The marker -la- is used in the indicative mood, as in (16),
(66) and (76); -ki-l- (or -ki-nu-l-) is used in the imperative (77); and -nu- is used in the
conditional mood (78), in all nominalisations (48), and in nominal expressions such as
negative pronouns (79) and negative nominal predicates (80). In the latter case nu is a
free element or a clitic, rather than a sufx.
(76) amu-la-yu
go-NE-1.D.ID
The two of us did not go. (Smeets 1989: 236)
(77) amu-ki.l-yu
go-NE-1.D.IM
Let us not go (the two of us)! (Smeets 1989: 236)
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 533
(78) amu-nu-l-iu
go-NE-CD-1.D
if the two of us do not go (Smeets 1989: 236)
(79) cem nu rume
what NE ever
nothing
(80) fey omo nu
he/she/it woman NE
He is not a woman.
The ending -ki-l- consists of two elements, which can be separated by the inverse
marker -e- and by the third-person object marker --. In some transitional combinations
requiring the inverse marker, the endings following -l- are those of the conditional mood,
rather than those of the imperative. This is the case in the transition of a second-person-
singular actor to a rst-person-singular patient:
(81) leli-ki-e-l-i (not:

leli-ki-e-l- ci)
watch-NE-I-CD-1.SG
Do not watch me! (Smeets 1989: 237)
The formal relationship between the negative imperative marker and the condi-
tional mood marker is strongly conrmed by Valdivias observations concerning the
seventeenth-century Santiago dialect. In that dialect the negative imperative marker
-qui- [ki] was entirely embedded in the conditional mood paradigm (82), although some
hybrid forms were also recorded (83).
(82) elu-qui-l-mi (not:

elu-qui-l- ge)
[elu-ki-l-mi]
give-NE-CD-2.SG
Do not give! (Valdivia 1606: 24)
(83) elu-qui-l-e elu-qui-le-pe
[elu-ki-l-e] [elu-ki-l-e-pe]
give-NE-CD-3 give-NE-CD-3-3.IM
That he may not give! That he may not give! (Valdivia 1606: 24)
Valdivia (1606: 24) also reports the use of -no-, in competition with -la- in indicative
forms such as elu-po-no-n-che I do not give.
The Mapuche verb can contain a large variety of derivational extensions. Among
them are valency-changing afxes, as well as spatial, modal and aspectual afxes. Some
534 5 The Araucanian Sphere
aspectual afxes have already been mentioned in connection with the present tense. The
following overview is not meant to be exhaustive.
Among the valency-changing afxes, the following may be mentioned: a reexive
-(u)w- (-uw- after consonants), cf. (7), (8); a passive -e- (with an unspecied agent),
cf. (47); a benefactive -(l)el- (-el- after consonants, -l- or -lel- after vowels), cf. (47);
a detrimental -(n
y
)ma- (-ma- or -n
y
ma- after consonants), cf. (12); and a causative
transitiviser -(e)l- (-el- or -l- after consonants). A further non-productive formation
used for causative transitivisation is the sufx -()m- (cf. section 5.1.2). Example (84)
illustrates three of the valency-changing extensions mentioned here:
(84) l

a-- m- n
y
ma-e-y n
y
i c
.
ewa
die-EU-CA-DM-PS-3.ID 3P dog
He was affected by the killing of his dog.
Among the spatial markers of Mapuche, -me-, -pa- and -pu- occupy a central posi-
tion. Whereas -me- indicates motion away from the speaker to another location, with
a connotation of temporariness (itive, thither), -pa- indicates motion towards the
speaker or location near the speaker (ventive, hither). The third element indicates a
location remote from the speaker without a previous motion. Both -pa- and -pu- can be
preceded by an element -()r- yielding meanings, such as on the way here and on the
way there. Circular motion can be indicated by means of the sufx -yaw- (-kiaw- after
consonants).
(85) fey-pi-e-r-pa-n
that-say-PS-MT-H-1.SG.ID
I was told on my way here. (Smeets 1989: 338)
(86) k la c
.
ipantu- -me-n
34
arxentina
three year-V-TH-1.SG.ID Argentina
I spent three years in Argentina. (Smeets 1989: 342)
(87) lef-kiaw- n
run-CR-IF
to run around (Augusta 1966: 118)
Among the remaining modal and aspectual sufxes that are worth mentioning
is -()rke-, which combines the meanings of a reportative and a sudden discovery form
(cf. section 3.2.6 on Quechua grammar). The sufx -knu- indicates to leave the patient
in a situation.
35
The sufx -tu- indicates restitution of an original situation; a second
34
A case of null verbalisation: c
.
ipantu- to be/spend a year, from c
.
ipantu year.
35
The function of -knu- is reminiscent of that of -rpari- in Quechua; cf. section 3.2.7.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 535
application of -tu- is that of a non-causative transitiviser. The sufx -fal- can be in-
terpreted as must or, as a transitiviser to order; -faluw- indicates simulation. The
sufxes -fem- immediately and -we- already, again have time-related functions.
(88) wen
y
e-nie-n
y
ma-rke--y- n n
y
i mapu
steal-CN-DM-SD-3O-3.ID-3.PL 3P land
They kept robbing them of their land without them
being aware of it. (Smeets 1989: 323)
(89) c
.
ana-k nu-y
36
n
y
i l

a kawel
y
u
lie.down-LB-3.ID 3P dead horse
He left his dead horse behind (and continued his way).
(Augusta 1966: 236)
(90) n -tu-a-yin
y
mapu
take-RS-F-1.PL.ID land
We will take land back! (a land reform slogan)
(91) tofk -tu-n
spit-T-IF
to spit at someone (Augusta 1991: 150)
(92) wiya c
.
ipa-fal-fu-y-mi
yesterday leave-OB-PA-ID-2.SG
You should have left yesterday. (Augusta 1990: 292)
(93) in
y
ce il
y
a-fal- n kamisa
I buy-OB.T-1.SG.ID shirt
I had a shirt bought. (Smeets 1989: 359)
(94) l
y
a al
y
k -n, welu al
y
k -w-faluw-la-n
half hear-1.SG.ID but hear-RF-SI-NE-1.SG.ID
I heard half of it, but I pretended not to hear. (Smeets 1989: 349)
(95) kintu-fem-fu-y ka omo
look.for-M-PA-3.ID other woman
He immediately looked for another woman. (Smeets 1989: 345)
(96) k pa-we-la-ya-y
come-CM-NE-F-3.ID
He will not come anymore. (Augusta 1966: 261)
In spite of the large choice of morphological options of the Mapuche verb, several
modal functions are indicated by means of preverbal adverbs, rather than by afxes. Two
examples of such adverbs are kpa want and pepi can.
36
To lie down, to lie bare is c
.
ana-le-; cf. c
.
an- to fall.
536 5 The Araucanian Sphere
(97) k pa amu-la-y
want go-NE-3.ID
He does not want to go. (Augusta 1966: 113)
(98) pepi amu-la-ya-n
can go-NE-F-1.SG.ID
I wont be able to go. (Augusta 1966: 180)
The expression of nominal predicates in Mapuche is realised in different ways. One
option is to verbalise the noun either by means of zero verbalisation (99), or by a verbal
derivational afx used for that purpose, as in (100) and (101).
(99) l - - y
white-V-3.ID
It became white. (Smeets 1989: 204)
(100) l -k le-y
white-V.ST-3.ID
It is white.It has become white. (Smeets 1989: 34)
(101) ki su-le-y
alone-V.ST-3.ID
He is (left) alone. (Smeets 1989: 156)
Another option is to afx the element -e-. This element, which is homophonous
with the verbal passive marker, is historically derived from *e- to be, to be there.
Although still used independently in the seventeenth century (cf. Valdivia 1606), the
verb e- is now limited to negative (e-la-) and spatially marked (e-me-, e-pa-) verb
forms (cf. Smeets 1989: 15960). The sufx -e- indicates a property of the subject. Its
base may be a noun, as well as an adjective (102). In some cases it refers to possession
(to have, to get), as in (103), and it can also refer to existence, as in (104).
(102) nor-e-y
straight-CV-3.ID
It is straight (always). (Smeets 1989: 156)
(103) kure-e-n
wife-CV-IF
to be married, to marry (of men) (Augusta 1966: 107)
(104) k r f-e-y
wind-CV-3.ID
There is wind. (Smeets 1989: 158)
Still another option for expressing a nominal predicate relation is by juxtaposing the
nouns. This option indicates that two entities are identical, rather than that one is the
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 537
property of the other (105). For an example with a negation see (80). For a seventeenth-
century example, in which the nominal predicate is introduced by the focus marker ta,
see (52).
(105) fey- ci omo n
y
i inan lamen
that-AJ woman 1P.SG next.in.line sister
That woman is my youngest sister. (Smeets 1989: 182)
Deixis in Mapuche comprises a system of demonstratives, which includes three
degrees: tfa this, (t)fey that (near addressee) and tye that (distant). When used as
modiers, these deictic elements must be followed by the adjectivising sufx - ci. Valdivia
(1606) records these same forms, but adds that Santiago dialect speakers preferred ma
and ma-chi to tva [ta] and tva-chi [ta ci], respectively. The word fey is also used
for he, she and it, Mapuche having no grammatical gender distinctions. There are
special deictics for here (faw) and there (tyew, yw) and a deictic verb root fem-
to do like that (cf. Quechua hina-).
Two deictic elements, ta and ti, are widely used for different purposes. Smeets (1989:
10814) analyses them as anaphoric elements, of which the rst one appeals to knowl-
edge shared by the speech participants, and the second one to general knowledge. One
of the functions of ta is to focalise a noun or noun phrase that occupies the nal position
in a sort of cleft construction; see (52). For an example of ti, see (68).
Interrogative elements are partly derived from a verb root cum- as in cuml when?,
cum-e- ci how? and cum-e-lu why?. The related roots cem and cew refer to what?
and where?, respectively.
37
Note also iney who?, tu- ci which? and tun
t

e(n) how
much? (Smeets 1989: 1325). Indenite pronouns are formed by adding rume to the
interrogative root, negative pronouns by adding nu rume; cf. (79).
Mapuche has a fair number of sentence particles with functions that are reminiscent
of those of the sentential sufxes in Aymara and Quechua; e.g. ci expresses doubt, kay
a pivotal question, and may provokes an afrmative answer (Smeets 1989: 43149).
(106) in
y
ce amu-tu-a-n, eymi kay
I go-RS-F-1.SG.ID you how.about
I am going back, how about you? (Smeets 1989: 435)
5.1.4 Lexicon
The root lexicon of the Mapuche language is rich and varied, as is witnessed by Augustas
authoritative dictionary (1916). It is the lexicon of a people that regarded prociency
37
There is a striking analogy with the Aymara interrogative roots kam(a)- and kaw(ki); cf.
section 3.3.7.
538 5 The Araucanian Sphere
in rhetoric as a prerequisite for leadership and one that succeeded in staying aloof
from European cultural inuence and forced Christianisation until a relatively recent
date. Its pride and spirit of independence will certainly have played a role. The Mapuche
lexicon may have remained more intact than that of other languages. However, Valdivias
grammar contains terms referring to military activity, which are no longer viable today
(e.g. queta-cara-n to destroy cities).
Borrowed elements from Aymara, Quechua and Spanish are clearly discernible but
do not play a dominant role. The inuence of Aymara (not Quechua) in the numeral
system (pataka hundred) is worth mentioning. Quechua loans are a cawal
y
chicken,
rooster (Quechua atawal
y
pa name of the last Inca ruler), awka rebel (Quechua awqa),
cal
y
wa sh (Quechua cal
y
wa), cil
y
ka-tu- to write (Quechua qil
y
qa), migako- to hire
farm-hands (Quechua minka-ku-, probably through Spanish), wampo boat (Quechua
wampu). Spanish loans were often adopted in the early contact period when the phonetic
permeability between the two languages was not yet very advanced. They include some
very characteristic cases, such as al
y
pea (Spanish arveja), kapra goat (Spanish
cabra), man sun ox (Spanish mans on big tame one), napor turnips (Spanish nabos)
and u sa sheep (Spanish oveja); cf. Smeets (1989: 6871).
The numbering system of Mapuche is decimal. The rst ten numbers do not
show any inuence from other known languages: kin
y
e one, epu two, kla three,
meli four, ke cu ve, kayu six, rele seven, pura eight, ayl
y
a nine, mari
ten. Multipliers precede the higher units, whereas units follow them, e.g. epu mari
twenty, mari kin
y
e eleven. Hundred (pataka) and thousand (waraka) are from
Aymara (pataka, waranqa), although originally fromQuechua. Valdivia (1606: 50) men-
tions the existence of a system of month names, which have long since fallen into
oblivion.
The Mapuche kinship system remained well preserved until relatively recently. Au-
gusta (1990: 2514) and Moesbach (1963: 1935) provide an insightful inventory of
Mapuche kinship terms. Kinship terms may differ according to gender of ego, except
for the terms for father ( caw) and mother (n
y
uke), which are the same for both. Where
a man distinguishes son (fo
t

m) and daughter (n
y
awe), a woman uses one term for both
(pn
y
en
y
). The terminology for in-laws (cover term il
y
an
y
) is nearly as complex and
specic as that for blood relatives (cover term moeyel). Many terms have double or
complementary functions. For instance, a woman calls her paternal grandmother kuku,
but also her sons children. The term lamen means sister of man, but also brother or
sister of woman. Additionally, a woman calls lamen her cousins by an uncle on her
fathers side, and by an aunt on her mothers side.
The colour terms of Mapuche are of interest in that most of them seem to t in a
single phonological model, which consists of an initial k, a variable vowel, a resonant
or fricative (in one case a cluster), and a high vowel : kal
y
f blue, kar green, ka s
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 539
grey, kel red, kol brown, kur black.
38
White (l) and yellow( co) do not t
this pattern.
Mapuche is rich in verbal expressions involving reduplicated roots, which in many
cases have an onomatopoeic character; e.g. nuf=nuf-tu- to sniff, wir=wir- to screech,
wirar=wirar-e- to cry constantly (Smeets 1989: 4038).
5.1.5 Mapuche sample text
Mapuche oral literature is rich and varied. Salas (1992a) distinguishes two types of genre:
the epew or apew, which relates mythical events and traditions, and the n c
.
am or c
.
am,
which is supposed to have a historical content. A well-known example of a traditional
myth is Manquian, the story of a man who changes into a rock in the ocean. Appertaining
to daily life is the series of narratives known as Federico ni n utram (Federicos Stories)
by Segundo Llamn Canulaf (1987). Most narratives are characterised by an abundant
use of direct speech accompanied by the verb pi- or fey-pi- to say. The embedding
of direct speech in direct speech can attain great complexity and may result in long
sentences. Hearsay is frequently indicated, either by means of the reportative (verbal
sufx -rke-), or by the expression pi-am it is said.
39
The following text fragment is
taken fromPascual Co nas Testimonio de un cacique mapuche (Testimony of a Mapuche
Chief) (Co na 1984: 2701), rst published in Moesbach (1930). It describes the climate
which eventually led to the last great uprising of the Mapuche chiefs in 1881.
40
1. kuy t fa- ci mapu- ce m t

e-we e-ke-fu-y pu wika.

in.old.times this-AJ land-people much-LS hate-CU-PA-3.ID
PL non-Indian
In old times these Mapuche people used to hate the Huincas very much.
The term huinca is used by the Mapuches for all non-Indian people, including white
Argentinians and Chileans, but also Spanish-speaking mestizos. The adverb m
t

e means
much; its longer variant m
t

e-we indicates a very high degree too much. The combi-

nation -ke-fu- refers to a habit in the past.
2. cem-ye-la--yin
y
fey- ci pu wika-n
y
ma ce.
what-V-NE-3O-1.PL.ID that-AJ PL non.Indian-LS human
We are not related to those half-foreign people.
38
A similar persistent pattern for colour terms is found in Arawakan languages (cf. Payne 1991a).
The reason for this remarkable similarity remains to be explored. Cf. also Atacame no cka ala
yellow, cka ari green (Vasse et al. 1896) and Quechua qil
y
u yellow.
39
Not attested in the sample text.
40
Direct speech is indicated by means of double quotation marks (); embedded direct speech
by single quotation marks (); and second degree embedded direct speech by pointed brackets
(<>).
540 5 The Araucanian Sphere
The verbalising element -ye- can be translated as to have (someone) in a (type of
relationship); cf. Smeets (1989: 164). It may be derived from the verb ye- to carry.
The combination cem-ye- with a negation is to be interpreted as not to have any rela-
tionship (by blood or other) with someone. The term wika-n
y
ma Hispanicised Indian
(Augusta 1966: 276) contains a sufx -n
y
ma, which is formally identical to the verbal
detrimental sufx. It is often found in adverbs, but here it means something like pseudo-
or half-.
3. ka mol
y
f n
y
t fa ye n, pi-ke-fu-y- n.
other blood this 3.PL say-CU-PA-3.ID-3.PL
They are of a different blood, they used to say.
The word ka means other, another; the expression ka mol
y
fn
y
means of different
blood, not related. After a vowel the third-person plural element en can be preceded
by y-.
4. kin
y
e-ke mu c
.
r- m-ke-fu-y- n malon u t fa- ci l
y
ek -le- ci
pu loko pu wika mew.
one-DB OC be.equal-CA-CU-PA-3.ID-3.PL raid thing this-AJ
close-ST-AJ PL chief PL non-Indian OC
Sometimes these chiefs who were neighbours to the Huincas
used to organise some raid against them.
The word kin
y
e-ke (from kin
y
e one) means some, one by one; followed by mu
or mew it is translated as sometimes, on some occasions. The verb c
.
r-m- to make
equal, to compensate is also used in the meaning to organise, to set up. The
expression malon u, literally raid-thing, is translated by Augusta (1966: 33) as
some raid. The continuative sufx -(k)le- in l
y
ek-le- ci acts as a verbaliser.
5. fey mew c
.
aw-lu e n kewa-tu-ke-fu-y- n, inaw-tu-ke-fu-y- n.
that OC unite-AG 3.PL ght-LS-CU-PA-3.ID-3.PL
close-T-CU-PA-3.ID-3.PL
Then they would come together and ght, and they would suffer a
disaster.
The verb kewa-tu- to ght, to hit is derived from kewa-, which has the same
meaning. The verb inaw-tu- (or in
y
aw-tu-) means to suffer a disaster; its semantic
relation to ina next and inaw vicinity is not transparent.
6. fey mew oy e-wika-ke-fu-y- n.
that OC more hate-non.Indian-CU-PA-3.ID-3.PL
After that they used to be even bigger Huinca-haters.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 541
7. fem-e- ci n
y
i m t

e-we e-wika-ke-n e n c
.
r-rke-y i c
.
o-kom
mapu mew en n
y
i awka-n
y
-pe-e-a-l kom wika.
act.thus-LS-AJ 3P much-LS hate-non.Indian-CU-IF 3.PL be.equal-SD-
3.ID right-all country OC 3.PL 3P revolt-EU-see-PS-F-SN all
non.Indian
Because they had such hatred of the Huincas, they had agreed that all
Huincas everywhere in the country would be faced with an uprising.
The expression fem-e- ci means in that way, thus; it is derived from the deictic
verb fem- to act thus. The innitive with incorporated noun e-wika-ke-n is used
without a marker as a causal complement, because of their strong hatred, being such
their hatred. The verb c
.
r- means to be equal; here it has the connotation of plotting.
The sudden discovery marker -()rke- may indicate that the preparations had been car-
ried out in secret. The word i c
.
o-kom means all without exception (kom all). The verb
awka-n
y
-pe- means to rise in rebellion against someone, to riot against someone;
it is derived from awka- to rebel, to rise. For the interpretation of the element
-n
y
-pe-, the following option is the most likely: -n
y
- can be a euphonic element which
is often found at the division of compounds before -k- and -p- (as in tofk-n
y
-pra-m-
to spit upwards); in that case pe- may be identied as the verb to see. There are
two more derived verbs which contain -n
y
-pe-, il
y
ku-n
y
-pe- (from il
y
ku- to become an-
gry) and l
y
ak-n
y
-pe- (from l
y
ak- to become sad) both meaning to scold (Smeets
1989: 66).
8. w ne werk -l-pa-rke-y u pu pewen. ce loko nekulman
y
ulu mapu
loko mew forowe m le-lu n
y
i c
.
r-a-m awka-n t fa- ci ulu mapu
mew cum-e- ci n
y
i c
.
r- m- n pu pewen. ce loko arxentina mew.
rst send-CA-H-SD-3.ID word PL Pehuenche chief Neculma n west
country chief OC Boroa be.there-AG 3P be.equal-F-GR rebel-IF
this-AJ west country OC act.how-PS-AJ 3P be.equal-CA-IF PL
Pehuenche chief Argentina OC
The rst to send word over here were the Pehuenche chiefs in a message
to the Chilean chief Neculma n, who resided in Boroa, calling on him
to prepare an uprising in Chile that would match the preparations of
the Pehuenche chiefs in Argentina.
The intransitive/transitive verb pair c
.
r- to be equal and c
.
r-m- to make equal,
to compensate have the connotation of plotting and arranging. Augusta (1966: 252)
translates c
.
r-m uu as stratagem or trick.
542 5 The Araucanian Sphere
9. ka werk -le-rke-y p ron f w e n n
y
i tunt

e.n mew n
y
i nie-a-l t fa- ci
malon l
y
-p le.
further send-ST-SD-3.ID knot thread 3.PL 3P how.much OC 3P
hold-F-SN this-AJ raid every-side
Furthermore, they had sent a knotted thread establishing the date when
this general rebellion was to take place.
The word ka other can further be interpreted as also, furthermore. The expression
tun
t

e(n) means how much, how big, etc.; when followed by mew, it means when.
The expression l
y
-ple everywhere has been translated as general here. The knotted
thread pron fw refers to the Araucanian equivalent of the Peruvian quipu.
10. aku-lu fey- ci werken pewen. ce tuw-lu, fey w l-pa-y u:
arrive-AG that-AJ messenger Pehuenche come.from-AG he/she/it
give-H-3.ID word
When the messenger arrived, coming from the Pehuenche,
he brought the following news.
The noun werken messenger is derived from werk- to send. The verb tuw- means
to proceed from; its complement is always the place of origin; a relation with tu-
to get is doubtful. Mapuche has two verbs to give, elu- and wl-: with the former
object markers are interpreted as recipients, whereas with the latter object markers are
interpreted as real objects and no recipient can be expressed. We interpret fey wl-pa-y
u as: This is the message he came to deliver.
11. werk -e-n, pi-pa-y.
send-PS-1.SG.ID say-H-3.ID
I was sent, he came to tell.
12. werk -e-n-ew chayweke loko, ka n
y
amu nkura loko, ka foyel
y
loko, ka aka c
.
r loko.
send-I-1.SG.ID-3.OV Chaihueque chief and Namuncura chief and Foyel
chief and Ancatrir chief
I was sent by chief Chaihueque, chief Namuncura, chief Foyel and
chief Ancatrir.
These are names of Argentinian caciques.
41
The spelling of Namuncura is a bit odd,
as the etymology of this name is doubtless namu n kura leg of stone.
41
See Vignati (19426) for historical data regarding some of these indigenous leaders.
5.1 Araucanian or Mapuche 543
13. pe-lel-a-e-n n
y
i pu ulu loko pi-e-n-ew n
y
i pu loko.
see-BN-F-I-1.SG.ID 1P.SG PL west chief say-I-1.SG.ID-3.OV
1P.SG PL chief
My chiefs said to me: You will see for me the chiefs of Chile.
This sentence contains two instances of the possessive modier which do not seem
to have a clear possessive function; as an alternative, the rst n
y
i could be interpreted as
his, their, but this would make little sense; imaginably, a rhetorical device or a marker
of respect is involved. The Spanish translation speaks of the, not my Chilean chiefs.
Note also the use of the singular in pe-lel-a-e-n, although four chiefs are involved.
14. fey mew k pa-n.
that OC come-1.SG.ID
Therefore I have come.
15. m le-y may pu wika, kom may awka-n
y
-pe-a--yin
y

pi- may n
y
i loko.
be.there-3.ID yes PL non.Indian all yes revolt-EU-see-F-3O-1.
PL.ID say-3.ID yes 1P.SG chief
As we know well, there are Huincas here; we all intend to rise against
them, dont we?, so my chief said.
The primary meaning of may is yes; as a particle, it is used to provoke the approval of
the addressee (cf. Smeets 1989: 4367). After a root ending in -i- (pi-), the third-person
indicative sufx -y is often not pronounced.
16. pi-me-a-- -mi fey- ci ulu loko, pi-e-n.
say-TH-F-3O-ID-2.SG that-AJ west chief say-PS-1.SG.ID
I was told: You will go and say it to those Chilean chiefs.
The indicative sufx -y- is not pronounced after the sufx --.
17. <in
y
cin
y
may yin
y
pewen. ce-e-n ap- m-a--yin
y
t fa- ci pu
wika>, pi-ke-yin
y
.
we yes 1P.PL Pehuenche-CV-IF end-CA-F-3O-1.PL.ID this-AJ PL
non.Indian say-CU-1.PL.ID
<We, being the Pehuenche, we will nish off these Huincas>,
that is what we intend to do.
The element -e-n, innitive of the copula verbaliser (originally to be), is used here
to characterise the Pehuenche as a collectivity; this collectivity is viewed as if it were
owned by the Pehuenche, hence the possessive modier. The transitive verb ap-m- to
bring to an end is correlated to intransitive af- to come to an end. The use of -ke- in
544 5 The Araucanian Sphere
pi-ke-yin
y
points at a rm and constant intention; in addition to to say, pi- also has the
meaning to want.
18. <fey-e n ka fem-nie-a-y n
y
i wika ye n.
he-3.PL also act.thus-CN-F-3.ID 3P non.Indian 3.PL
<And they will be doing the same to their Huincas.
19. ka fem-e- ci nie-l--pe malon e n.
also act.thus-LS-AJ have-BN-3O-3.IM raid 3.PL
And thus may they keep them (those Huincas) under attack.
The sufx -l- is here interpreted as a benefactive, in spite of the rather negative
connotation. Alternatively, it may be an instance of a more involved object marker, as
described by Smeets (1989: 3779).
20. fey mew kin
y
e-w- n nie-a-yin
y
awka-n u> .
that OC one-V.RF-IF have-F-1.PL.ID revolt-IF thing
So united we shall have a war at hand.>
The reexive sufx -(u)w- here takes the function of a verbaliser, as it often does. The
expression kin
y
e-w-n is used adverbially together, in unity. For the interpretation of
awka-n u compare malon u in sentence 4.
5.2 The Allentiac language
A reasonable amount of documentation exists on the Huarpean languages Allentiac and
Millcayac. All of it is due to Luis de Valdivia, who also authored the rst grammar
of the Araucanian language. Two samples of the original edition of Valdivias work
on Allentiac, containing a doctrina, a catechism with instructions for confession, a
grammar and a SpanishAllentiac word list (1607) were preserved until the twentieth
century, one in Lima (subsequently lost) and one in the National Library at Madrid.
The work was re-edited by Medina in 1894 and discussed in Mitre (19091910, volume
I). Mitre expanded the vocabulary with an AllentiacSpanish word list and altered the
original spelling in several respects, substituting the symbol j for Valdivias <x> on
the (unmotivated) assumption that the latter represented a velar fricative, rather than a
palatal sibilant.
42
Valdivias work on Millcayac grammar remained lost for a long time,
leading to doubt as to whether it had ever been published, until in 1938 a copy of it
was discovered in the University Library of Cuzco by M arquez Miranda. He had it
photographed by the Cuzco photographer Chambi and published its contents (M arquez
Miranda 1943). We will give an impression here of Allentiac.
42
The alternative use of the forms acasllahue and acaxllahue for virgin in Valdivias Allentiac
catechism speaks in favour of a (palatal) sibilant interpretation for <x>. The alternation of x
and ch in the verbal morphophonemics points in the same direction.
5.2 The Allentiac language 545
The absence of explanation concerning the pronunciation of Valdivias symbols makes
it a hazardous task to reconstruct the Allentiac sound system. On the morphological and
syntactic level a fuller picture of the language may eventually be obtained by a thorough
analysis of the religious texts that accompany the grammar (a rst attempt is Bixio
1993). The Allentiac language apparently had a six-vowel system, similar to that in
Araucanian. Valdivia uses the symbol <` u> or < u> for the sixth vowel, which may
have been an unrounded high back or central vowel, as in chal` u [ cal]
43
arrow. It is
possible that Valdivia did not always write the sixth vowel, which could explain the
presence of occasional word-initial consonant clusters, e.g. in pxota [p() sota] girl and
qleu [k()lew] on top of. In one case both spellings are found: qtec and q` utec [k()tek]
re. To be noticed is the frequent occurrence of what was apparently a syllabic lateral,
as in lpu` u [l

pu] nger. The language had a series of sibilants or assibilated affricates,

of which the exact value can only be guessed on the basis of the information given by
Valdivia. They are written <s>, <x>, <z> and <zh>, respectively. The symbol <s>
is limited in its distribution. It is found at the end of a syllable, usually before another
consonant (e.g. in taytayes-nen I vanquish), and in the word huss u [hus] ostrich.
44
Examples of <x>, <z>and <zh>are xapi [ sapi] death, hueze [weze] leg and zhuc na
[ zukn
y
a] frog. The interpretation of the symbols <z> and <zh> as voiced fricatives
([z], [ z]) is tentative and, in the case of <z>, partly based on the fact that there seems
to have been an opposition between <z> and <ss> in intervocalic position. In other
positions <z> may have had the value [s].
Allentiac is presented by Valdivia as an agglutinating, dominantly sufxing language.
It differs from Araucanian in having a well-developed set of case markers and post-
positions (e.g. -ta locative; -tati causal; -tayag beneciary; -ye dative; -yen instrumental;
-ymen comitative). Person of possessor is indicated by adding the genitive case marker
-(e)chor -(i)chtothe personal pronouns cuI, cayou andephe/she/it, viz. cu-chmy,
ca-ch your, ep-ech his. The same holds for the corresponding plural forms, which are
obtained by adding -cha to the personal pronouns, e.g. ep-cha they, ep-cha-ch their.
However, in pronouns associated with forms of the verbal paradigm the plural marker is
noted as -chu, rather than -cha (cu-chu, ca-chu, ep-chu). No inclusiveexclusive plural
43
Self-evidently, the phonetic transcriptions proposed in this paragraph are merely suggestive.
The combination gu can be interpreted as [w] before a, o, u; before i and e, the combination
hu serves that purpose. The symbol g alone and the combination gu before e and i may have
referred to a voiced velar stop, but more likely to a voiced velar fricative. The voiceless velar
stop [k] is written qu before e and i, q before silent ` u or u, and c elsewhere. The symbols ch, ll
and n were almost certainly as in Spanish.
44
The form huss u (with nal u) is explicitly mentioned in Mitre (1909, I: 374), whereas Medinas
edition has hussu. We assume that in this case Mitres observation is correct because of his
having had direct access to the original edition, notwithstanding the fact that the word list in
Medinas edition is a lot more trustworthy than Mitres.
546 5 The Araucanian Sphere
Table 5.4 Unmarked verbal paradigm in Allentiac
quillet- to love
1 pers. sing. quillet-c-a-nen I love, want.
plur. quillet-c-a-c-nen We love, want.
2 pers. sing. quillet-c-a-npen You (sing.) love, want.
plur. quillet-c-a-m-ne-c-pen You (plur.) love, want.
3 pers. sing. quillet-c-a-na He/she loves, wants.
plur. quillet-c-a-m-na They love, want.
distinction has been recorded. Plural of substantives is indicated by means of the element
guiam, e.g. in pia guiam fathers.
The verbal morphology of the Allentiac verb appears to be quite rich. Valdivia of-
fers an overview of the endings referring to person-of-subject, tense, mood, voice,
interrogation, nominalisation and subordination. There is also evidence of some deriva-
tional morphology which is not described systematically. The root of Valdivias model
verb quillet- to love, to want is followed by a lexical extension -(e)c- in all of
its paradigms except for the future tense and its derivates. This extension is found
with a number of other verbs as well. Its function remains unexplained. The per-
sonal endings are preceded by a thematic vowel -a-, which can be left out as a re-
sult of morphophonemic adaptations (see below). In the endings the pluralising el-
ements -c- (for rst and second person) and -m- (for second and third person) can
be recognised. The unmarked paradigm (present or preterit) of quillet- is shown in
table 5.4.
The same endings are found in the imperfect or habitual past, where an element -yalt-
is inserted after -(e)c-: quillet-ec-yalt-a-nen I used to love, want. Future is indicated by
the element -ep- (-ep-m- for the plain future), with elimination of the -(e)c- extension:
quillet-ep-m-a-nen I shall love, want. Verb roots which do not have the -(e)c- extension
in their paradigms may be subject to morphophonemic adaptations, such as the loss of the
thematic vowel a and other modications, e.g. pacax-nen I remove, but pacach-a-npen
you remove.
The endings of the imperative and interrogative paradigms differ considerably from
their afrmative counterparts. An example of the unmarked tense of the interrogative is
given in table 5.5.
Negation is indicated by means of a free element naha,
45
as in naha quillet-c-a-nen
I dont want, but for the imperative there are special negative markers, as can be seen
45
The negative marker naha is sometimes found as a prex or proclitic na-, for instance, in
na-cu-ymen without me (cu I, -ymen with).
5.2 The Allentiac language 547
Table 5.5 Interrogative verbal paradigm in Allentiac
quillet-
1 pers. sing. quillet-c-a-lte Do I love, want?
plur. quillet-c-a-c-lte Do we love, want?
2 pers. sing. quillet-c-a-n Do you (sing.) love, want?
plur. quillet-c-a-m-ne Do you (plur.) love, want?
3 pers. sing. quillet-c-a-nte Does he/she love, want?
plur. quillet-c-a-m-te Do they love, want?
in (107) and (108):
(107) quillet-ec-gua, quillet-ec-xec
love-VE-2S.IM
Love!
(108) quillet-ec uche
love-VE 2S.IM.NE
Dont love!
In some parts of the verbal paradigm only number, not person, is morphologically
distinguished, as in the subordinative form called gerundio de ablativo by Valdivia
(109):
(109) quillet-ec-ma-ntista
love-VE-SU-SU
When I/you/he/she wants . . .
quillet-ec-ma-m-nista
love-VE-SU-PL-SU
When we/you (plural)/they want . . .
Active participles are formed by adding the elements yag this or an-tichan to the
verb stem, passive participles by adding el-tichan. According to Valdivia, the el-tichan
nominalisation can serve as the basis for a passive construction in combination with the
verb m(a)- to be, but he also mentions an alternative construction consisting of the
active form preceded by the element quemmec.
(110) quillet-ec el-tichan m-a-npen
love-VE PS-N be-TV-2S
You are loved.
548 5 The Araucanian Sphere
(111) quemmec quillet-c-a-npen
PS love-VE-TV-2S
You are loved.
The verbal transitions (object marking) are indicated by means of special pronominal
elements which precede the verb root and which are inserted between the pronominal
subject (if any) and the verb root itself. The rst-person singular object marker is either
cu-ye (pronoun I + dative case), or in a contracted form que; its plural counterpart
is either quex, xque, or cuchanen. The second-person-singular object marker is ca-ye
(pronoun you +dative case); its plural counterpart is either cax, xca or xcaummi. The
third-person object marker is pu or p` u for the singular, and either pux or p` ux, or xpu or
xp` u for the plural. In the transition 1S-2O the object marker can either precede the verb,
or be inxed, so that we have the following alternatives:
(112) cu ca-ye quillet-c-a-nen
I you-DA love-VE-TV-1S
I love you (singular).
(113) quillet-ec-ca-nen
love-VE-2O-1S
I love you (singular).
The transition 2S-1O can be expressed in two ways, either as described above, or by
special endings:
(114) ca-chu que quillet-c-a-m-ne-c-pen
you-PL 1.SG.DA love-VE-TV-PL-2S-PL-2S
You (plural) love me.
(115) ca-chu quillet-ec-quete
you-PL love-VE-2S.PL.1O.SG
You (plural) love me.
Reexivity is indicated by means of the root ychacat [i cakat] self, which can be
used with a pronoun, as in cu ychacat I myself. Alternatively, it can be inxed in the
verb (before the extension, if any).
(116) Pedro quillet-ychacat-c-a-na
Pedro love-RF-VE-TV-3S
Pedro loves himself.
Valdivias Allentiac lexicon contains very few terms referring to nature and envi-
ronment. Mitre (1909, I: 349) attributes this to the fact that Valdivias consultants were
emigrated Huarpeans who had preferred the relative security of Spanish rule in Chile
5.2 The Allentiac language 549
to their original habitat, surrounded as it was by warlike neighbours. The language has
a decimal system of numerals: lcaa one, yemen two, ltun three, tut four, horoc
ve, zhillca six, tucum ten; the numbers for seven, eight and nine are com-
pounds, respectively, yemen-qlu, ltun-qleu, tut-qleu. The word for hundred is pataka,
a loan from Aymara or Mapuche. Interesting is the shape of colour terms; they all con-
sist of a reduplicated element followed by the ending -niag: hom=hom-niag black,
zas=zas-niag red.
Valdivias Allentiac lexicon contains a few loan words, such as, y naca princess
(Aymara in
y
aqa young lady), mita time, turn (Quechua mita), mucha-pia-nen I
kiss (Quechua mu ca- to kiss) and quillca-tau-nen I write (Quechua qil
y
qa- to
write). The functions of the elements -pia- and -tau- in the last two examples are not
known; they may reect either cases of derivation, or compounds containing the roots
pia father (or another element yet to be identied) and tau- to put. Interesting cases
are the word for house ut(u), reminiscent of Aymaran uta, and the word for bread
kupi. Mitre (1909, I: 382) afrms that this is an arbitrary, transcultural translation of
Valdivia, because kupi referred to a staple food of the Huarpeans, the dried roots of
reed-plants from the lakes. The resemblance with Mapuche kofke bread is noteworthy.
6
The languages of Tierra del Fuego
On Tierra del Fuego, the archipelagos surrounding it and the neighbouring mainland,
Patagonia, nine indigenous languages were spoken, of which only a few have survived
to the present day. With respect to the peoples of Tierra del Fuego, a distinction is made
traditionally between the canoe nomads, including the Chono, the Kawesqar and the
Yahgan, and the foot nomads, including the Haush and the Selk

nam. In the latter group

the G un una K une, the Tehuelche and the Tehues or Teushen are also included (Clairis
1985).
As Guyot (1968) notes, the area of Tierra del Fuego had already been visited by eighty-
one exploratory expeditions by the time the HMS Beagle, carrying Charles Darwin,
passed through the area. Different visitors projected different images onto the nomadic
groups they encountered. Thus Darwin writes: The language of these people, according
to our notions, scarcely deserves to be called articulate ([1906] 1983: 195). The Fuegians
could be seen as a decidedly lower step in human development, in his perception.
It was against this view that Thomas Bridges, a missionary in the area from 1869
to 1887 on behalf of the South American Missionary Society, argued with his mas-
sive 30,000-word YahganEnglish dictionary. On the basis of it he is quoted by Guyot
(1968) as having written in an Argentinian newspaper that Incredible though it may
seem, the language of one of the poorest tribes, without literature, nor poetry, nor
songs, nor science, has nonetheless, owing to its structure and its functions, a list of
words which surpasses that of tribes much more evolved with respect to their art and
the satisfaction of their needs (translated from French in Guyot 1968: 8). The large
speculative and impressionistic literature on these groups has not automatically led to
very thorough descriptions and profound analyses, however. Here we try to give a sketch
of some of the linguistic properties of the languages involved, building on the recent
careful historical, descriptive and comparative work of scholars such as Casamiquela,
Clairis, Fern andez Garay and Najlis, and on the monumental earlier studies of Bridges,
Cooper and Gusinde, among others.
Cooper (1946a) tries to give a general description of the traditional cultures of Tierra
del Fuego, partly on the basis of accounts of travellers who came into contact with
6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego 551
SELK'NAM()
HAUSH()
TEHUELCHE
Punta
Arenas
Ushuaia
A R G E N T I N A
TEUSHEN()
Puerto Edn
C
h
i
c
o
R
.
C
H
I
L
E
TEHUELCHE
YAHGAN
K
A
W
E
S
Q
A
R
C
H
O
N
O
(

)
Map 13 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
these generally nomadic groups. The people living at this end-point of the world had
gathering economies; cultivated plants were only found in the north, at the margins of the
Araucanian Sphere. Their only domestic animals were the dog and for some groups
the horse. Dogs were for some groups only adopted in the colonial period, and horses
came in during the eighteenth century. They had moveable shelters, and no raised beds
or hammocks. Their weapons were made of stone, wood or bone. Metal weapons and
tools were introduced after contacts with Europeans. The canoe nomads lived mainly
on seals, sh and shellsh; the pedestrian nomads hunted land animals such as the
guanaco (a relative of the llama) and the rhea (an ostrich-like creature). On the Atlantic
552 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
side the emphasis was on land hunting, while on the Pacic side the early inhabitants
lived from shing and sea hunting, supplemented by shellsh gathering and hunting of
sea birds (Rivera 1999: 754). The area shows 6,000 years of continuous occupation,
made possible by low population density and enormous maritime resources (Rivera
1999: 756).
The people lived in well-organised families and monogamy was prevalent. Social
organisationwas interms of bands, without clearlydistinct chiefs, correspondingperhaps
to extended families. Land-tenure was organised along the lines of the family hunting-
ground system. When food was becoming scarce in one place, the family or band would
move on to a different area and settle temporarily. There is no evidence of cannibalism,
and people held theistic or shamanistic beliefs.
We will now turn to a brief description of the distribution of the different language
groups in the area.
6.1 The languages and their distribution
A schematic representation of the traditional areas of the Fuegian languages is given on
the map at the beginning of this chapter. Turning counter-clockwise along the coast of
Chile, the northernmost group is the Chono or Aksan as (the Kawesqar word for man),
now extinct, who lived in the area from the Corcovado Gulf, south of Chilo e, to the
Gulf of Pe nas. Cooper (1917) has carefully summarised all that can be gathered from
accounts of the Chono, from Jesuit missionaries in 1612 to an English ship captain in
1875. Canoe nomads, they had adopted a few Araucanian elements (Cooper 1946b):
sporadic gardening (e.g. potatoes) and herding, the polished stone ax and the plank
boat (dalca). Below we will briey present the available data about possible numbers of
Chono speakers.
Cooper (1917) concludes from a survey of the ways the language of the Chono is
described in the sources, including accounts of interpreting etc., that Chono was cer-
tainly distinct from Mapuche and Tehuelche, and more probably than not also from
Kawesqar. An independent Chono group gured already in Chamberlains classication
of 1913. Clairis (1985) bristles at the idea of speaking of a language that we know al-
most nothing about, except for some ethnohistorical accounts. Here we will be more
audacious and try to sift through the information there is, particularly the eighteenth-
century catechism found in Rome archives and published by Bausani (1975), with a
tentative interpretation. A similar attempt has been undertaken by Viegas Barros (to
appear a). In table 6.1 we give the correspondences between lexical elements tenta-
tively identied by Bausani and their equivalents in the data presented by Skottsberg
(1913) and Clairis (1985). Skottsberg claimed to have discovered a group of West
Patagonian Canoe Indians distinct from the Kawesqar and presumably identical to
the Chono. The word lists presented suggest that this is not the case, however. On
6.1 The languages and their distribution 553
Table 6.1 The relation between putative Chono words identied by Bausani (1975) and
their possible equivalents in the Alacalufan materials of Skottsberg (1913) and Clairis
(1987) (supplemented by Viegas Barros 1990)
Bausani
*
Skottsberg Clairis
sky acha arrx
h
acaqsta warm, good weather
acayes sun
father sap c ca:r cecar
man yema ak se s aqsenes, aqsanas yema white man,
Chilean
three tas t aw-kl(k) tow, taw other, wokst ow
uklk-at-tawlk three (Aguilera 1978)
good lam l a:yip layep, layeq
yes jo aylo ayaw
believe [credere] jo-cau ksti s
y
speak afsaq
h
as speak
son cot k
y
awt baby eyx
y
ol son
one ue nec t akso taqso
d akuduk
no yamchiu t axli, k
y
ip q
y
ep, q
y
eloq
*
The Bausani spellings are the original ones.
the whole the words given by Skottsberg correspond to those presented by Clairis.
Only rarely do the words given by Bausani correspond directly with those provided by
Clairis and Skottsberg, although Viegas Barros (to appear a) argues that 45 per cent
of the Chono lexical and grammatical elements resemble those of Kawesqar and/or
Yahgan.
The Kawesqar (also referred to as Qawasqar) or Alacaluf traditionally occupied the
territory from the Gulf of Pe nas to the islands west of Tierra del Fuego, and lived
mostly from shing, like the Chono. Bird (1946) estimates that there may have been
maximally a few thousand Kawesqar at the time of rst contact; according to Clairis
(1985) there were forty-seven Kawesqar left in 1972, living on the bay of Puerto Eden
on the east coast of Wellington Island. The 1984 census gives twenty-eight speak-
ers. There was some original confusion about this language. Clairis (1985) criticised
Loukotka for distinguishing two linguistic isolates among the sea nomads who in-
habited the southern Chilean archipelago between Chilo e and Tierra del Fuego. Fol-
lowing Hammerly Dupuy (1947), Loukotka recognised a separate group, Aksan as or
Kaueskar, that would have been different from Alacaluf. Clairis observes that Qawasqar
(Kaueskar) is the autodenomination of the Alacaluf, whereas Aksan as means man
(male) in their language. It appears fromthe listing of languages included in Loukotkas
Aksan as group that he attributed some of the ethnonyms referring to the Alacaluf to the
554 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
extinct Chono or Guaiteca Indians, who lived in the province of Ais en, north of the
Alacaluf.
Aguilera (1978) and Clairis (1987) are the most recent descriptions of the language,
and particularly Aguileras work (e.g. 1988, 1997, 1999) provides reliable data. Viegas
Barros (1990) has done a comparative analysis of all available sources and given a
dialectological survey of the language, concluding that there are three recognisably
distinct varieties: northern, central and southern Kawesqar.
The Yahgan (also Yagan) or Yamana occupied the southern coast of Tierra del Fuego
and the archipelago surrounding it, extending to Cape Horn. While there were still
between 2,500 and 3,000 Yahgan in 1875 (Cooper 1946c), Clairis (1985) mentions
six to eight elderly speakers of Yahgan living on Navarino island. There were two in
1994. The principal traditional sources on Yahgan are Thomas Bridges, who produced
a large dictionary in 1879 (1933) and wrote a set of notes (1894), Adam (18845), and
Gusinde (1937). Golbert de Goodbar (1977, 1978) presents glossed sentences with brief
grammatical descriptions.
In contrast with these three groups, that all represent canoe nomads, the Selk

nam or
Ona were a land people. The Selk

nam were also much taller than the Chono, Kawesqar

and Yahgan, averaging six feet or 1.80 cm. Their traditional habitat was the northern
and central part of the island of Tierra del Fuego proper (Cooper 1946d). There was
only one (older) person who could still speak the language in the 1980s, according to
Clairis (1985), while Najlis (1973, 1975) mentions several speakers. The Selk

nam were
a hunting nation, living mainly on guanaco meat.
Of the Haush or Manekenkn the last speakers died around 1920; they lived on the east-
ern point of the island of Tierra del Fuego, and shared their lifestyle with the Selk

nam.
Guyot (1968: 12) suggests that they were earlier settlers than the Selk

nam, and were

subsequently pushed to the southeast. It is even possible that the Haush in turn had taken
over the island from the Yahgan.
In Patagonia, on the continent proper, the people have been designated traditionally as
Patagones or Tehuelche. Clairis (1985), following Casamiquela, divides the Patagones
into four groups. The northernmost group died out early in the nineteenth century, and
nothing is known about their language. The group slightly to the south is known as
G un una K une, and also as Gennaken and Pampa. The last speaker of their language,
referred to as G un una Yajich [gnn a yax

c], died in 1960, and Casamiquela (1983)

provides a very useful sketch of it.
The group known as Tehues or Teushen, yet further to the south, also died out in
recent history. Some early twentieth-century materials have been published by Lehmann-
Nitsche (1913). The one group still surviving is called Aonekenk or Tehuelche (as
mentioned above, also the name for all the indigenous groups of continental Patagonia).
According to Clairis (1985) about thirty members of the group are alive (more recent
6.2 Ethnohistory 555
Table 6.2 Historical demographic data for the canoe nomads
(summarised)
Chono Kawesqar Yahgan
until 1850 21 fam. 4,000 2,900
1875 1 fam 2,500+
1900 130945
1925 150400 50
1950 100 40
1985 28 68
Table 6.3 Historical demographic data for the hunter nomads (summarised)
Selk

nam Haush G un una K une Tehues Tehuelche

until 1850 3,600 300 some 500600 9,00010,000
1875 2,000 2,0006,000
1900 <1,500 <300
1925 70100 13 1012
1950 20 40
1975 23 100
1985 1 29
estimates give 200), of whom three to four are reasonably uent speakers. Fern andez
Garay has provided a detailed description of this language (1993a, b, 1995, 1998c).
G un una Yajich is the sole documented member of the northern branch of the Chonan
family. The proportion of common vocabulary between G un una Yajich and Tehuelche
does not exceed 11 per cent (Clairis 1985).
6.2 Ethnohistory
The contact with Europeans was disastrous for the indigenous peoples of Tierra del
Fuego. Tables 6.2 and 6.3 give an overview of the available population data, culled from
Cooper (1917, 1946a, b, c, d), Bird (1946), Guyot (1968), Najlis (1973) and Clairis
(1985).
While these tables give a false sense of precision, based as they are on many differ-
ent sources of various types, the overall pattern presented is clear. Particularly in the
nal part of the nineteenth century, the indigenous populations declined rapidly. In the
case of the canoe nomads, who originally lived in rather inaccessible and undesirable
surroundings (fromthe point of viewof colonists), the causes of decline were newconta-
gious respiratory diseases, measles and smallpox. The contagion was aggravated by the
556 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
colonial and missionary policy of concentrating these originally nomadic and dispersed
peoples on certain sites.
Wilbert and Simoneau (1984: 13) and Fern andez Garay (1989a) outline several
phases in the post-Columbian history of the Patagones. Originally a strong and numerous
people, they had only incidental contacts with Europeans from 1520 until the eighteenth
century, when the Jesuits started missions. The Patagones adopted horses and other
cultural elements of either Spanish or Mapuche origin, and became a group of hunters
on horseback. Horses changed their lifestyle drastically, as they had in the case of
the Plains Indians in North America. In the second half of the eighteenth century, the
Mapuche started taking over the Tehuelche territories, and after 1800 they defeated the
Tehuelche. Afterwards came the attempted extermination campaigns by white settlers,
who wanted the lands of Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego. The decisive wars against
the land nomads were the Pampa Wars, waged by the Argentinian army against the
Mapuche and Patagones from 1879 to 1883. After 1883 Indian resistance was broken,
and white colonisation entered into full swing. From 1898 onward several reserves were
created, most of which were reclaimed again by the government in the 1960s, and two
of which remained (Fern andez Garay 1989a). These reserves were not large enough
for the indigenous population to continue its original way of life as hunters, and the
reserve inhabitants were forced to seek low-paying jobs as farm-hands on neighbouring
estates. As to their current social position and cultural function, it is clear that by now
the languages have a quite marginal function, inasmuch as they have survived at all.
6.3 Problems in classication
Quite aside from problems of classication, a problem has been that of the identication
of the different languages and ethnic groups. The major efforts are by Lehmann-Nitsche,
Cooper, Casamiquela and Clairis, and the results are by no means conclusive. The
consensus so far is that the languages of the hunter nomads Selk

nam, Haush, G un una

Yajich, Teushen and Tehuelche are related (and together classied as the Chonan
family) and share between 10 and 55 per cent of their (core?) vocabulary, depending on
their geographical distance.
Little is known yet about relations between the languages of the canoe nomads,
although Key and Clairis (1978) brought forward the possibility of a genetic relationship
between Kawesqar and the Chonan languages, a hypothesis which awaits further testing.
Viegas Barros (1998, to appear a) is exploring the possibility that Chono, Kawesqar and
Yahgan are all related. More systematic work in this area is needed. Clairis (personal
communication 1988) found Y amana (Yahgan) genetically more isolated than any other
language of the region.
To what extent the sharing of vocabulary between the languages of Tierra del Fuego
is indicative of a genetic relationship and to what extent it is due to borrowing is not dis-
cussed. A problem is that we have only a few reliable grammatical descriptions, and that
6.3 Problems in classication 557
these descriptions are done in maximally divergent grammatical traditions. Nonetheless,
there are some morpheme correspondences in the personal inection system:
(1) Selk

nam G un una Yajich

1 pers. sing. y- y-
2 pers. sing. m- m-
For Selk

nam these forms are straightforward and given as such by Najlis (1973: 21).
Consider, for instance, the pronoun system and the personal prexes (rst and second
persons singular):
(2) a. yah mah
I you
b. y- l
y
m- l
y
my clothes your clothes
c. y-sh
y
mx :n mer xo n m-sh
y
mx :n mer xo n
1O.SG-cured DT.PX witch- 2O.SG-cured DT.PX witch-
doctor doctor
The (female) witch-doctor cured The (female) witch-doctor cured
me. you.
For G un una Yajich, however, the matter is slightly more complicated. We nd the m-
frequently occurring in the subject and object inection paradigms and it is present in
the personal pronoun for you. For the rst person we nd y, also - s, and c, in some
forms:
(3) a. pronouns (Casamiquela 1983: 51):
1 2 3
koa k maw sa s singular
k saw k maw waw dual
k san k man sa s plural
b. most frequent subject markers (Casamiquela 1983: 69):
1 2 3
ku ca- mu- na-/ku-/wa- singular
s ka- mu- kuwu- dual
naka- k ma- ka-/wa- plural
c. object marking (Casamiquela 1983: 801):
1 2 3
-ya -ma -a singular
-yup -mup - p dual
- s n -m n - n plural
558 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
The fact that the object inection is the most regular, and that there is no clear alternative,
makes it more plausible to reconstruct -y for G un una Yajich. This said and done, however,
it is hard to nd other direct evidence for a genetic relationship between the two languages
inspecic grammatical morphemes. We will consider other possible resemblances below.
Before going on, it may be worthwhile pointing out that for the other languages, the
rst- and second-person elements do not appear to correspond directly, although there
is some possible resemblance among the second persons:
(4) Chono Kawesqar Yahgan
1 pers. sing. (?) ce ha-, hey hay
2 pers. sing. te- (?) caw s-, sa
6.4 Linguistic features
Since some of the Tierra del Fuego languages have been described only partially, some
not at all, it is difcult to give a detailed picture of their linguistic characteristics. We
will try to give some idea of the typological features of the languages involved, as far as
these can be reconstructed from the published sources, and then describe one language,
Yahgan, in slightly more detail. Given that we have several sources for Yahgan, it is not
surprising that the evidence is somewhat contradictory. We return to this in much more
detail below. However, we begin by rst looking at the languages of the Chonan family,
then at Chono and Kawesqar, and nally we turn to Yahgan.
The amount and types of information available on the languages of Tierra del Fuego
differ widely, and therefore it is difcult to compare them typologically. We will begin
by looking at the sound systems of the languages involved, then turn to their basic
morphological patterns and categories, and conclude by describing basic word-order
patterns. In a summarising section we give a comparative sketch of the phonological
characteristics of these languages.
6.4.1 The Chonan languages
Of the Chonan languages, some information is available on Selk

nam (Najlis 1973),

G un una Yajich (Casamiquela 1983) and Tehuelche (Fern andez Garay 1998c). Selk

nam
has a highly articulated consonantal system, and a relatively simple vowel system, rep-
resented in table 6.4. In Najliss analysis (1973: 100), vowels followed by h are both
lengthened and lowered; by consequence, V: in Viegas Barros (1993) corresponds to
Najliss Vh. Selk

nam syllables can be quite complex, as in sqht to gather and

hamqn [hamxqn] coast (Najlis 1973: 95).
Viegas Barros (1993) shows that the alternation between /r/ and /l/ in Selk

nam
sometimes reects free variation (5a), sometimes geographical variation (5b) or even
6.4 Linguistic features 559
Table 6.4 Phoneme inventory of Selk

nam (based on Najlis 1973)

Labial Dental Apical Palatal Velar Uvular Laryngeal
Plain stops p t c k q
Glottalised stops p t k q
Fricatives s s s x h
Nasals m n
Lateral l
Vibrant r
Glides w y
Front Central Back
High Close e o
Open
Low Close a
Open
variation between different branches of the Chonan family (5c), and sometimes sound-
symbolism (6):
(5) a. o:tr o:tl eye
b. :sr (central and southern) / :sl (northern) forehead
c. p r (Selk

nam) / pole (Tehuelche) / pal (Haush) (to be) black

The sound-symbolic weight of the alternation /r//l/ shows up in a series of minimal
pairs with related meanings.
(6) a. wer foam wel saliva, phlegm
b. ayru Kawesqar man ayle Yahgan man
c. t r nger tel little nger
d. ur peak, point ul nose
In the analysis of Najlis (1973), Selk

nam verbal roots, of which there are only a

limited number, have the form (C)V. There are six prexes, which are inectional and
may actually be proclitics. They all have the form C-. The number of sufxes is much
larger, and they may have the forms -C, -V, -CV, -VC, or -CVC. There is vowel inxation,
leading to double vowel sequences. The analysis of Viegas Barros (1993) may have
consequences for Najliss analysis of Selk

nam roots, however, since what are separate

morphemes in Najliss analysis may actually be part of the root. Most words have quite
a complicated morphological structure.
560 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
In the description of Najlis (1973), Selk

nam is an objectverbauxiliary (verb)

subject language, with the head noun in nal position and with postpositions:
(7) y pr t :n han s telqn
meat eat CU girl
The girl usually eats meat. (Najlis 1973: 15)
(8) t wr xey w s- s mah
perhaps come can NE-DU 2.SG
Perhaps you cannot come. (Najlis 1973: 8)
(9) xe-nn mer conn
come-AF.MS DC man
The man came. (Najlis 1973: 8)
This latter example also illustrates two other features of Selk

nam: a partially gender-

sensitive evidential system and a complex nominal deixis system. The evidential system
involves a three-way distinction:
(10) a. afrmative/certitive: -nn (masculine), - n (feminine), -n (neutral);
cf. (9)
b. dubitative: - s; cf. (8)
c. surprise: -y
The deictic system involves a sequence of optional elements which refer to different
semantic categories (Najlis 1973: 226):
(11) rosi1io ritni ois1ci cnoii nsici ot
There are eight positional elements:
(12) han displacement respective to speaker
a displacement of other, dispersion of individuals
q dispersion of mass
on shapeless substance
tam xed
ay vertical
xa horizontal
pe balanced, seated
The category of plural distinguishes between general plural, and m y collective
plural. Distance involves three categories.
(13) na near speaker
mer separate from speaker but not distant
may distant but in view
6.4 Linguistic features 561
Five cardinal directions are distinguished:
(14) y south
qn north
ahwqn west
hht east (heights)
qn east (plain)
Finally, absence may be indicated. In one variety there appears to be a distinction made
between the absence of an animate (h s) and an inanimate (hy) entity. An example of
a complex Selk

nam deictic expression is:

(15) pem y h na
seated south behind woman
that woman seated to the south (Najlis 1973: 25)
In G un una Yajich we nd, according to Casamiquela (1983), something like the
phoneme inventory in table 6.5. Syllables can be closed or open, but are fairly simple in
structure, as words such as cqall star and yakal c help show. It is not made clear to
what extent all sounds listed are also phonemic; there is no analysis in terms of minimal
pairs.
In G un una Yajich there are both sufxes and prexes or proclitics, in Casamiquelas
(1983) description. In addition, there may be compounds; compound-like structures tend
to contain a linking particle a. Reduplications may be iconic in nature, e.g. gap=gap
dust or hal=hal fast.
G un una Yajich has postpositions:
(16) a. kawal-hna [Spanish: caballo]
horse-L
on the horse (Casamiquela 1983: 58)
b. puk-kan
stick-IS
with a stick (Casamiquela 1983: 44)
In other respects, word-order patterns are less clear, however. There are compound-like
prenominal modiers, as in (17):
(17) atek a gamakya
mountain LK chief
God or chief of the mountains (Casamiquela 1983: 42)
562 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
Table 6.5 Phoneme inventory of G un una Yajich (based on Gerzensteins 1968
interpretation of Casamiquelas eld data)
*
Labial Dental Alveolar Apical Palatal Retroex Velar Uvular Laryngeal
affricate
Plain stops p t c c c
.
k q
Glottalised stops p t c c c
.
k
Voiced stops b d g
Fricatives s s s x h
Nasals m n
Voiced laterals l l
y
Voiceless lateral l

Vibrant rr
Glides w y
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid e o
Low a
*
The consonants c
.
, c
.
, and s are characterised as apico-prepalatal in Gerzenstein (1968). The
explanation of the two affricates in Casamiquela (1983) is contradictory, but their retroex nature
is made plausible (partly on historical grounds) in Viegas Barros (1992). The spelling of c
.
as tr
in personal names and place names (e.g. in Tretruill) suggests that Viegass interpretation is
correct. In contrast, Casamiquelas description of s as similar to the s of Castilian Spanish
suggests an apical, rather than a retroex interpretation for this sound.
Both Gerzenstein and Casamiquela report an additional distinction between open and closed
high central vowels. The distinction appears to be marginal and of a low contrastive value (if any
at all), so it is not taken into account in the examples.
Adjectives tend to occur postnominally, however:
(18) atek a bahai
mountain LK big
big mountain (Casamiquela 1983: 43)
Striking is the number of VOS sentences in the texts, as in (19), although SVO also
occurs, as in (20):
(19) k cug n y h ca-ka s c
.

did business-3P mouse
The mouse made his declaration. (Casamiquela 1983: 105)
(20) koa nubanal sa sa s c
.

I kill that mouse
I kill that mouse. (Casamiquela 1983: 106)
6.4 Linguistic features 563
Table 6.6 Phoneme inventory of Tehuelche (based on Fern andez Garay 1998c)
Labial Dental Palatal Velar Uvular Laryngeal
Plain stops p t c k q
Glottalised stops p t c k q
Voiced stops b d g o
Fricatives s s x x
.
Nasals m n
Lateral l
Vibrant r
Glides w y
Front Central Back
Mid Short e o
Long e: o:
Low Short a
Long a:
In Fern andez Garays analysis, Tehuelche has the phoneme inventory given in table 6.6.
This is very similar to that of Selk

nam. The syllable structure is complex, and con-

sonants can be the nucleus of a syllable. Sequences of three consonants can oc-
cur, as in k sxaw to borrow. Stress is initial, and there are some lexical tone dis-
tinctions conditioned by the presence of a glottal stop. These may have been bor-
rowed from another language, possibly G un una Yajich. Final consonant devoicing is
obligatory.
There is extensive sufxing in Tehuelche, but only a fewverbal prexes are mentioned.
In addition there is compounding and there are possibly some cases of incipient noun
incorporation, which may be due to Mapuche inuence. The latter often follows an OV
pattern, as can be seen from examples such as:
(21) kay-xolen-naon-ko
cloak-sew-for-thing
needle to sew cloaks (Fern andez Garay 1998c: 136)
Case relations are expressed with afxes and enclitic postpositions. In addition, there
is a complex system of person agreement markers, which show sometimes an ergative
and sometimes an accusative pattern, for reasons not clear. Possibly there is an ongoing
change. When both subject and object are pronominal, we generally nd SOV ordering.
There are also some other cases of SOV.
564 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
(22) sewla s waten ma:te-k- o

Sewla S sash make-RD-DV

Sewla makes a sash. (Fern andez Garay 1998c: 409)

In clause-second postion we often nd a subject marker. In (22) it is preceded by the
lexical subject, but in (23) by a time adverb:
(23) ma s e-t- o:mke- s-k
now S 1S.SG-3O.SG-know-PD-RD
Now I know her. (Fern andez Garay 1998c: 342)
In imperatives, the clitics occur after the verb.
Returning briey to the issue of the relationship between Selk

nam, Tehuelche and

G un una Yajich within the Chonan family, the very brief typological comparison made
here is not conclusive. The phonological inventories of the languages are not dissimilar
(especially taking into account that Casamiquela may well be making more distinc-
tions than warranted by phonological oppositions), and the languages have complex
morphologies involving both prexing and sufxing. The word orders of the three lan-
guages do not correspond, but this may be a matter of external syntactic inuences, an
issue to which we return below.
6.4.2 Chono and Kawesqar
From the data available in Bausani (1975) the sound pattern of Chono can be re-
constructed roughly as follows. Syllables are often closed, but need not be. There
are only a few consonant clusters, but vowel clusters are frequent. From the Spanish
transcription, which may of course have been highly inadequate, we arrive at the
tentative sound inventory in table 6.7. The following sample forms, in the origi-
nal orthography and with Bausanis tentative translation if available, illustrate these
patterns:
(24) quentaumet exist zuquena true
jeyeulam do+good vla for the sake of
ue nec one jaguaitau
cot son agic
sap father eyuic
About Chono morphology, little can be said, except that it does not appear to be a
highly agglutinative language. Question particles, etc, appear to be enclitic. Sometimes
they are written as part of the preceding word, sometimes they appear separately. There
appears to be one reduplicated form: lam=lam very good.
6.4 Linguistic features 565
Table 6.7 Tentative sound inventory of Chono (based on the materials in Bausani 1975)
Labial Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Voiceless stops p t c k
Voiced stops b g
Fricative f z (?)
*
s x h
Nasal m n n
y

Lateral l l
y
Glide w y
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid e o
a
Diphthongs: aw, ew, ow, ay, yu, wa, we, wi
*
For the symbol <z>various possible pronunciations are imaginable: [], as in Mapuche, [z], [t
s
]
or [s].
Chono, as far as it can be established from Bausanis tentative deciphering of the
catechism manuscript, was OV and had postpositions or postnominal case markers:
(25) lam jeyeu lam toquieu?
good do good wish
benecient and benevolent? (Bausani 1975: 108)
(26) acha-tau met Dios?
heaven-L be.there God
Is God in heaven? (Bausani 1975: 108)
Viegas Barros (to appear a) presents a highly informed listing of the lexicon and of
individual endings plausibly attributable to Chono, on the basis of the text in Bausani
(1975), place names and travellers accounts.
The sounds of Kawesqar are presented in table 6.8. However, in the Kawesqar alphabet
adopted in Aguilera (1984a, b) a number of sounds do not occur. These are put in brackets
in the array in table 6.8. Consonant clusters may occur in both syllable-initial and -nal
position: awspena tired, yetapaks weave, and fte fear illustrate this.
Clairis (1987) does not give an explicit description of Kawesqar morphology, but
from his description it appears there are (a) free forms; (b) sufxes; (c) enclitic
566 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
Table 6.8 Phonemes of Kawesqar (based on Clairis 1987 and Aguileras website
http://www.kawesqar.uchile.cl 2002)
*
Labial Dental Palatal Velar/Uvular Glottal
Plain stops p t c c (k) q
Glottalised stops p t c c k q
Aspirated stops (p
h
) (t
h
) (k
h
q
h
)
Fricatives f s x x
.
h
Nasals m n
Lateral l
Vibrant r rr
Glides w y
Front Central Back
High (i) (u)
Mid e o
Low () a
*
Clairis treats the uvular andvelar stops (k, q) as realisations of a single phoneme, whereas Aguilera
considers this distinction to be contrastive. Aguilera treats the aspirated stops as allophones of
their non-aspirated counterparts. Clairis identies a three-vowel system (a, e, o), whereas
Aguilera recognises six vowels.
elements; (d) optionally enclitic elements (e.g. person markers). In addition, there is
some reduplication (aswalaq=aswalaq the day after tomorrow), and there may be
compounding.
Aguilera (1997: 275) shows that the language contains a number of time and as-
pect sufxes. Time is organised on a continuous axis, marked by the following verbal
sufxes:
(27) -seku e future (seqwe in Clairis 1987
1
)
-yen ak present
-pas inmediate past
-afq at recent past
-h oraras remote past
-h oyok narrative or mythical past
Kawesqar, from the sentences presented in Clairis (1987), frequently has an SOV
order with a postverbal auxiliary (SOV Aux), although there is considerable word-order
1
Clairis (1987, part III) does not accept Aguileras distinction between velar k and uvular q and
uses q in both cases.
6.4 Linguistic features 567
freedom:
(28) manteqa qyexena [cf. Spanish manteca]
butter want
I want butter. (Clairis 1987: 456)
(29) aswalaq ce qoteyo . . . yetas seqwe
tomorrow 1.SG again weave F
Tomorrow I am going to weave again. (Clairis 1987: 461)
(30) caw-nowaq cefalay-q
h
ar cefalay seqwe yemase
2-C drink-N drink F boat
Let us go and drink wine together in the boat. (Clairis 1987: 464)
In addition, it seems to be postpositional:
(31) qalpon alewe [cf. Spanish galp on]
dormitory inside
inside the dormitory (Clairis 1987: 459)
Head nouns occur at the end of the nominal complex:
(32) nawareno-s qwaseq
Navarino-G board
on board the Navarino (Clairis 1987: 459)
6.4.3 Yahgan
We will now turn to one particular Fuegian language, Yahgan, and try to describe it in
more detail, basing our descriptions on the main sources available for this language:
Adam (18845), Bridges ([1879] 1933, 1894), Gusinde (1926, 1937), Golbert de
Goodbar (1977, 1978, 1985), and Poblete and Salas (1999). Adam has reconstructed
aspects of the grammar of Yahgan from various printed sources, without any eldwork
of his own. We referred to Bridgess monumental work in the introduction to this chapter.
In addition to his dictionary, he wrote a brief but illuminating grammatical sketch of
the language. In his enormously detailed monograph on the Yahgan (1937), Gusinde
describes the life and culture of the group in nearly 1,500 pages, but relatively little
space is devoted to their language. In an earlier article (1926) he just describes the
phonological system of Yahgan and the other Fuegian languages. Golbert de Goodbar
worked in 1973 with the one surviving speaker of the language in Ushuaia, Argentina,
someone who had grown up and lived on a Protestant mission, and whose speech was
consequently inuenced by English. Her articles deal with basic syntax and with verbal
and nominal morphology. Poblete and Salas (1999), nally, have worked with the two
surviving speakers on Navarino Island.
568 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
Table 6.9 Phoneme inventory of Yahgan (based on Golbert de Goodbar 1977 and
Poblete and Salas 1999)
*
Labial Dental Palatal Retroex Velar Laryngeal
Obstruents p t c ( c
.
) k ()
Fricatives f s s x
Nasals m n
Lateral l
Vibrants r
Glides w y ()
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid e o
Low () a ()
*
The three consonants that only occur in Poblete and Salas are placed between parentheses. Notice
that in some of Golbert de Goodbars examples is not represented in the phoneme inventory.
Her unspecied lateral

l has not been included either. It does not seem to coincide with the
voiceless lateral (l

) of the earlier sources Adam and Bridges.

For Golbert de Goodbar and are allophones of a single phoneme, the former occurring under
the accent, the latter in non-accentuated position. Poblete and Salas treat the vowels and as
phonemically distinct. Apparently, their fronted low vowel corresponds to the back low vowel
of Golbert de Goodbar. All authors coincide in that the place of the accent in Yahgan is not
phonologically predictable.
The sound inventory of contemporary Yahgan is presented in table 6.9, which is
based on Golbert de Goodbar (1977) and Poblete and Salas (1999). The phonological
description of Golbert de Goodbar (1977) and Poblete and Salas (1999) is roughly the
same, except that the latter source mentions an additional distinctive vowel, as well as
a glottal stop and a retroex series (
c
.
, ). By contrast, it lacks a special lateral sound
represented as l, which was noted by Golbert de Goodbar.
2
In Adam(1885), however, a more complex inventory is given, particularly for the con-
sonants, as shown in table 6.10. In this table a series of preaspirated glides is postulated:
h
w,
h
y,
h
r, in addition to dental fricatives and voiced stops. Adams description cor-
responds roughly to that of Bridges (1894), so it may well be that the language has
been simplied phonologically in the century intervening between the earlier studies
and Golbert de Goodbars work. The fact that Gusinde (1926) describes an intermediary
2
Golbert de Goodbar (1977) reports that it was not possible to determine the phonetic character-
istics of Yahgan l, due to the fact that her consultant missed her teeth.
6.4 Linguistic features 569
Table 6.10 Phoneme inventory of Yahgan (based on Adam 1885)
*
Labial Interdental Alveolar Palatal Retroex Velar Laryngeal
Voiceless obstruents p t c k
Voiced obstruents b d d
z
g
Voiceless fricatives f s s x h
Voiced fricatives v z
Nasals m n
Pre-aspirated nasal
h
n
Lateral l
Voiceless lateral l

Vibrants r
Pre-aspirated vibrant
h
r
Glides w y
Pre-aspirated glides
h
w
h
y
Front Central Back
Short Long Short Long Short Long
High i i: u u:
Mid e e: o o: [:]
Low a a:
Diphthongs: aw, ow, ay, oy
*
The t
s
present in some of Bridgess examples is not represented. Adam records two different
palatal sibilants (written sh and sch, respectively). The corresponding phonetic difference is
not known.
phonological system in which the voiced stops occur, but the dental fricatives and the
coarticulated velar fricatives do not, supports this hypothesis, which must remain tenta-
tive until a full-scale lexical analysis is undertaken.
In what remains we will follow Golbert de Goodbars analysis and transcription. The
opposition in length in the vowel system is allophonic, according to her, conditioned
by stress. She describes syllable structure as being quite simple. According to Golbert
de Goodbar onsets consist of at most two consonants, of which the second must be
a sonorant. However, the data presented show several clusters involving sounds other
than sonorants, and Bridges (1894: 54) shows sequences of complex consonants in his
data, as in tstwi:a: paint brush. Codas consist of one consonant at most. There may be
extra-long vowels in stressed positions. Bridges (1894: 54) claims that the Yahgan stress
system is rather irregular, but that in bisyllabic words penultimate stress is prevalent,
while in longer words (very frequent) ante-penultimate stress is prevalent. Poblete and
Salas (1999), however, claim that penultimate stress is prevalent throughout. There is a
570 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
complex set of morphophonemic alternations evident when words are combined. Bridges
(1894: 55) gives the following pairs of sounds:
(33) r s ra cry / ku smu:ta she is crying
t,d
h
r ata take / annu: gu
h
r he has taken
p f a:pu: pull up by the roots / fga:mata pull up the wrong one
g x ta:gu: give / t xl bata to give several
k x yi:ku: scrape / k nna yixgaye:te: who is scraping?
As in Kawesqar, some lexical elements belong to several grammatical categories,
but for the rest there is a clear opposition between verbs and nouns. Adjectives often
resemble nouns, and both classes may be marked with the predicate marker -a(ki):
(34) a. ur atur lf wl c- a s x up ay
3
[cf. English leaf; Spanish
some plant good-PD illness for valer be worth]
Some plants are good for illness. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 24)
b. parkan- oyna y s- a
break-IM.2S hand-PD
Break it with your hands. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 7)
While generally predicate phrases are marked with verbal inection, this predication
marker -a(ki) either marks secondary predication, as in (35), or appears in basic pred-
icative constructions on the predicate, as in (36):
(35) antp- aki ha-w st ak-oan at ama
meat-PD 1.SG-make-F meal
I am going to prepare a meal with meat. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 7)
(36) hpay wl c yh (ki)
1.D good boy.PD
We two are good boys. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 7)
Nominal compounds are right-headed:
(37) tala-glas [cf. English glass]
eye-glass
spectacles (Guerra Eissmann 1995: 273)
Yahgan verbal morphology, as we will see, contains compounding, derivational pre-
xes, proclitic pronouns and enclitic tense markers. Nominal morphology is mostly
3
In Golbert de Goodbars example sentences the symbol stands for a low back vowel when
stressed; elsewhere it is [].
6.4 Linguistic features 571
limited to a few case sufxes. One of the most striking features of Yahgan is its verbal
morphology. Singular, dual, and plural verbs are a specialty in Yahgan, and simplify
its syntax. The dual verbs are an inection of the singular, but the plural verbs are to a
very large extent totally different from their singular forms, Bridges (1894: 67) writes.
What is remarkable about the suppletive pattern is that it seems ergative in nature in that
objects pattern with intransitive subjects. Consider the paradigm in (38):
(38) singular dual plural
ta:gu: ta:gu:pay yatu: to give 1, 2, more things
ata ata:pay tu:mi:na to take 1, 2, more things
at pi at pipay wa:gu:pi to put 1, 2, more things on board
---------------------------------------------
ap na ap na:pay ma:maya 1, 2, more die
k na k na:pay a:lu: 1, 2, more are aboard, are on the
water
ka:taka ka:taka:pay u:tu su: 1, 2, more go on foot
(Bridges 1894: 68)
With transitive verbs the number of the object determines the shape of the verb, with
intransitives the number of the subject.
Another feature of Yahganverbal morphologyworthmentioning, andwhichresembles
Selk

nam and many Algonquian and northwest-coast languages of North America, is

verb compounding and verb classication, which has led to an enormous lexicon in the
language. Bridges (1894) gives a number of examples; we will illustrate the process with
the derivatives of the verb kwissa to pull:
(39) kwisseta to pull along, to draw on to some place
kwissakaya to pull up
kwissa:mana:tsikari to pull out
kwissa:mu ci to drag in
kwissa:teka to drag one thing to another, so as to be on it
kwisso:ara:gu: to drag ashore
kwisso:anari to pull into the water
kwissa:pu:ku: to pull into the re
kwisso:ana to drag past
kwissa:ku: ci to pull into a boat any living object
kwissa:t pi to hoist on board
kwissu:aka:na to pull down, as trees down a steep bank
572 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
kwissu:ala to pull out, undo, as a piece of knitting
kwissaya sa / kwissa:taya sa to pull over and cove
kwissu:ara:pu to pull up, as a boat up a creek, by a line
kwissu:ispe:ata to pull awry, so as to be no longer straight
kwissmma / kwiss mmata to rend, tear, pull to pieces, as a garment
kwissu:a:turi to pull down, as, for instance, the higher
yards and masts
kwissu:unna to draw, as a horse does a cart
and so on, ad libitum
4
(Bridges 1894: 70)
Bruce Chatwin gives the following characterisation in his In Patagonia (1983: 1289)
of the Yahgan derivations, to support his view of Man as the Essential Wanderer:
The Yahgan tongue and by inference all language proceeds as a system
of navigation. Named things are xed points, aligned and compared, which
allow the speaker to plot the next move.
Bridges gives many examples of the way meanings are formed, through often complex
chains of metaphorisation. The root yi:nara to gnaw yields yenu syella to continue
gnawing, which in turns gives rise to ci:nu syella to leave unconsumed by gnawing, as
dogs the skeleton of an animal. The latter form then comes to mean simply skeleton
(Bridges 1894: 70).
The verbs of motion in Yahgan can be prexed and, in many discourse contexts, must
be prexed with directional particles. These include the following:
(40) k -, ka:g- upward, the upper end of the wigwam, westward
ku:-, kwi- westward
ku:t-, ku:ta:- southward, to go out, as on a bowsprit, or to the edge
of a cliff or branch to do anything, to go out from
shore, whatever the direction
ku:p-, ku:pa- downward
ma:n-, mana- outward
ma-, ma:t- northward, to go or come ashore, to remove from
off the re to its connes, as the hob
m t-, m ta- eastward, inward, to get to do anything well from
custom
(Bridges 1894: 71)
4
The forms taken fromBridges (1894) that are listed in (39) and elsewhere are based on a tentative
interpretation of his rather idiosyncratic orthography and have to be considered with reserve.
6.4 Linguistic features 573
Adam (1885: 26) notes that some of these prexes may also be sufxed to noun phrases:
(41) k
h
r-ku
house-west
to the west of the house (Adam 1885: 26)
It is clear from Bridgess description that these elements may also be used referentially:
(42) a. hawa-m - ci
1.SG-east-side
the person to the east of me
b. si-m - ci
2.SG-east-side
the person to the east of you (Bridges 1894: 59)
From a syntactic perspective, the Yahgan inection system can be characterised as
follows:
(43) stnic1 (txiiinv io1io mooi) vinn
Modals, such as k ay can, k uru want and m ay habitual, are never inected for person
and tense, and their complement is innitive:
(44) hpay k ay una p ok su y en m o la
1.D can walk fast L day
We can walk fast during the day. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 40)
(45) h ay k uru m uru an ci w r s
1.SG want climb that tree
I want to climb that tree. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 41)
(46) kr k mi-a m ay il ana
house wood-PD CU build
Houses are generally built from wood. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 41)
The modal t eynik(), marking external obligation, can either function as an impersonal
verb, taking the clause as its complement, as in (47), or it can occupy the customary
modal position, as in (48):
(47) l kx t r t eynik hpay una ut s
night during it.is.necessary 1.D walk slowly
At night we must walk slowly. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 55)
574 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
(48) s an t eynik at ama erli [cf. English early]
2.PL it.is.necessary eat early
You must eat early. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 42)
The following tense and mood markers occur, as verbal sufxes:
(49) -oan -ona -oa -on -o future
-te -ute -ote -ite -utey past I
-r -ar past II
-ina -oyna -wina 2nd person imperative
The forms in (49) are given by Golbert de Goodbar (1977, 1985: 422). She distinguishes
two types of future marking ona and oa without being able to differentiate them
semantically. Given the other forms encountered, however, it is likely that we are dealing
with allomorphs here. In Bridges (1894) future is indicated by -(y)u:a or -o:a, past by
-ude: or -ara / -

ra, and imperative by -i:na.

In the present, there is no tense marking, and generally timeless statements are also
without marking, as are innitives. Often, past tense is not marked overtly either. It is
not clear from the texts what the difference is between the te tense and the r tense;
both are simply glossed and translated as past tenses.
There is also a set of aspectual sufxes, related to motion particles, described by
Golbert de Goodbar (1985: 422):
(50) -k ata arrive / continuative
-tikila make steps / imprecision, movement
-y ata lie down / durative, stative
When the subject is third person (generally a full noun phrase), the verb tends to be
inected, through a prex:
(51) an ci y s la-n-t an ka-wunorsn-ote l kx
that dog-LK-PL 3S-bark-PA night
Those dogs barked last night. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 9)
With rst- and second-person pronominal subjects, it rarely is:
(52) h ay tn-k ata n ayf [cf. English knife]
1.SG have-CN knife
I have a knife. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 13)
Table 6.11 summarises the distribution of pronouns and inection in the sentences pre-
sented in the materials in Golbert de Goodbar (1977), disregarding structures involving
6.4 Linguistic features 575
Table 6.11 Person inection in Yahgan (based on
the materials in Golbert de Goodbar 1977)
noun (phrase) 3-V 21
noun (phrase) (3) -V 5
null 3-V 3
pronoun 1, 2-V 5
pronoun (1, 2) -V 33
null 1, 2-V 5
null -V 2
modals. The subject can remain empty, e.g. with expletive subjects or with weather
verbs:
(53) hen k uka s a t eri
very like 2.SG cold
It seems you are cold. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 12)
(54) t u la p alax ana ur atur k-ayn- ona
if rain few 3S-come-F
If it rains, few people will come. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 25)
Similarly with pronominal subjects in certain discourse contexts:
(55) h ay t u la t eke ha-t-ay- ona
1.SG if see 1S.SG-3O-call-F
I will call him if (I) see (him). (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 58)
The basic word order of Yahgan is rather difcult to determine from the data in
Golbert de Goodbar (1977). Yahgan basically has subjectauxiliaryverbobject order,
with some variations. The system in the noun phrase is predominantly head-nal
(56ac), although some determiners can optionally occur postnominally, as shown
in (57):
(56) a. wl c y h good boy good boy
(Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 7)
b. an ci y amana that man that man
(Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 8)
c. h awa t uko 1P.SG wife my wife
(Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 8)
576 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
(57) y s la an ci
dog that
that dog (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 8)
There are two prepositions, t esa like and y en in, at, on, glossed here as locative (L):
(58) a. h aw u ska p a k ukan t esa sin a
1P.SG clothes not equal like 2P.SG
My clothes are not like yours. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 51)
b. h aw u ska y en p ok s [cf. English box]
1P.SG clothes L box
My clothes are in the box. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 52)
Postpositions are much more common, however:
(59) a. y muhk st uwk ata h awan t w lo
far city here from
The city is far from here. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 53)
b. ant pa ps y en s ospi
meat without L pot
There is no meat in the pot. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 54)
c. l kx t r t eynik hpay una ut s
night during it.is.necessary 1.D walk slowly
At night we must walk slowly. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 55)
Subordinate clauses always occur to the right of the matrix clause:
(60) h ay k atak- oa sn tin p lx ana [cf. English it is nothing]
1.SG go.out-F although rain
I will go out even though it rains. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 57)
Conjunctions, such as t eke that(?< Spanish de que that), asta until (< Spanish
hasta), and t u la if precede their clause:
(61) a. h ay k uru t eke s a at ama
1.SG want that 2.SG eat
I want you to eat. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 57)
6.4 Linguistic features 577
b. x
w
an k- k -k ata asta s a mat amati
Juan 3.SG-sleep-CN until 2.SG arrive
Juan is asleep till you arrive. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 57)
c. h ay t u la t eke ha-t-ay- ona
1.SG if see 1S.SG-3O-call-F
I will call him if I see (him). (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 58)
Adverbs either follow or precede the verb phrase:
(62) x
w
an ka-tup oan-ote wi ut s
Juan 3.SG-throw-PA stone slowly
Juan threw the stone slowly. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 45)
(63) h r s p ok su t ato [cf. English horse]
horse fast run
Horses run fast. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 37)
The fundamental order of object and verb is likewise not unproblematic. Generally
objects follow the verb, both in main clauses and in subordinate clauses:
(64) s an at- r m ani p oket-n t aw lo [cf. English money, pocket]
you.PL take-PA money pocket-LK from
You (plur.) took money from the pocket. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 28)
(65) x
w
an ka-k alek- ar p edro-n- ci.k a: akup ana h awan ys la
Juan 3.SG-order-PA Pedro-LK-AC kill 1P.SG dog
Juan ordered Pedro to kill my dog. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 36)
There are a number of objectverb sequences, however:
(66) lam a y amana h a-k a: ka-ksit at-ote
drunk man 1.SG-AC 3.SG-accompany-PA
The drunk accompanied me. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 27)
(67) h awa t uku w ata k-k atak-ute u sk a t uk si p ay
1P.SG wife before 3.SG-go-PA clothes wash for
My wife went (away) to wash clothes. (Golbert de Goodbar 1977: 56)
It is not clear from the texts what causes this alternation. The cases where the
object precedes the verb include indenite noun phrases (without determiner) and
pronouns.
578 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
Question words include the following:
(68) k ana/kan who
kan of whom, with whom
k un ci which
k un ci pl eys where [cf. English place]
kunt a which, how, which class of
k owtu what, what kind of
Questioned elements tend to be fronted, but this does not appear to be obligatory:
(69) sin u ska kunt a-m alak ana
2P.SG clothes how-LK look
What did your clothes look like? (Golbert de Goodbar 1978: 20)
(70) k un ci pl eys tumu-t atata a s ukar
which place CA-buy sugar
Where do they sell sugar? (Golbert de Goodbar 1978: 20)
This concludes our very brief sketch of Yahgan. A more detailed analysis, particularly
of the very rich nineteenth-century materials, including New Testament translations and
the Bridges dictionary, will be very worthwhile.
6.4.4 Areal-typological features of the Fuegian languages
The question arises, naturally, whether Tierra del Fuego and Patagonia are one linguistic
family and, if not, form a linguistic area. These questions need a more careful treatment
than is possible here, where we can only make a few preliminary observations. More
complete descriptions and more detailed comparative studies are needed before we can
draw a rm conclusion. Nonetheless, Clairis (1998: 24) ventures the hypothesis that all
the languages in the area are related. He stresses the shared phonological characteristics
of the Fuegian languages, presented in table 6.12. These inventories are fairly similar in
terms of the number of vowels and consonants distinguished, although there are differ-
ences inthe actual inventories, andthe data inAdamsuggest that the original systems may
have been more divergent than what we encounter in the recent sources. Voiced and glot-
talised consonants are present but not widespread, and retroex articulations are not fre-
quent. These data do not differentiate between areal and genetic relations by themselves.
A similar general supercial correspondence is evident in the morphologies shown in
table 6.13, where sufxation and encliticisation are widespread, as well as compound-
ing and reduplication. Prexation and procliticisation are also present in a number of
languages, while suppletion appears to be rare. A big caveat here is that much more
detailed morphological analysis is needed before rm conclusions can be drawn.
6.5 Linguistic features 579
Table 6.12 Phonological features of the Fuegian languages
*
Chono Kawesqar Yahgan Selk

nam G un una Yajich Tehuelche

#C 19 20/21 15/31 21 30 25
#V 6 3/6 6/12 6 7/8 6
Syl CVVC CCVVCC CCVVC CCVCCC CVVC CCVCC
*
#C = number of consonant phonemes; #V = number of vowel phonemes; Syl = maximal
syllabic complexity
Table 6.13 Morphological features of the Fuegian languages
Chono Kawesqar Yahgan Selk

nam G un una Yajich Tehuelche

Sufx + + + + + +
Prex + + + +
Proclitic + + ? +
Enclitic + + + + ? +
Compounding ? + + + + +
Suppletion ? +
Reduplication + + + ? + ?
Table 6.14 Constituent order features of the Fuegian languages (NP = noun
phrase; P = postposition)
Chono Kawesqar Yahgan Selk

nam G un una Yajich Tehuelche

Postpositional NP P NP P NP P NP P NP P NP P
phrase
Noun phrase ? AJ N AJ N N AJ N AJ N AJ
Clause OVS/SOV SOV SVO/SOV OVS VOS/SVO SOV
Turning now to the word order of the languages of Tierra del Fuego, again there are
certain widespread basic word-order patterns, as shown in table 6.14. Most languages
appear to be of the OV type, but the position of the subject varies considerably, and
table 6.14 oversimplies matters somewhat.
While these observations certainly tend to underline the similarities between these
languages, it would be premature to conclude on their basis that we are dealing with a
linguistic area here. A wider range of more specic features needs to be compared for
this cluster of languages.
580 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
6.5 Oral literature
There is a rich tradition of oral literature for most of the groups mentioned. Wilberts
work includes edited English-language versions of the folk tales collected by Martin
Gusinde in the 1920s among the Selk

nam (Wilbert 1975) and Yahgan (Wilbert 1977).

Wilbert and Simoneau (1984) bring together Tehuelche folk tales from a wide variety of
sources, mostly Argentinian, and the publication of a volume of Kawesqar folk literature
is announced. A collection of Tehuelche texts with translation and notes is available in
Fern andez Garay (1997b).
Guyot (1968) analyses and compares Selk

nam and Yahgan myths, again on the basis

of the Gusinde materials, within the tradition of L evi-Strauss. She notes the many par-
allels between the mythology of these unrelated but neighbouring peoples, suggesting
prolonged cultural contact.
6.6 Language contact
Reports about contacts between the canoe nomads are mixed. Gusinde (1937: 233
46) argues that geographical conditions inhibited contacts between the Yahgan and
their neighbours: Kawesqar in the west, and Haush and Selk

nam in the east. Only in

late colonial times were contacts more frequent. Viegas Barros (1993) argues that the
amount of linguistic borrowing suggests much closer ties between the Selk

nam and
the Kawesqar than between the Selk

nam and the Yahgan. There was barter of artifacts

and raw materials, and some exchange marriages. Knowledge of each others language
was limited and rare, however. Eastern Yahgan took over some Selk

nam words, and the

reverse happened as well. The Selk

nam were driven into Yahgan territory during the

extermination raids of the late nineteenth century.
Contacts between the Yahgan and the Kawesqar were somewhat more frequent, in
part because both groups had a similar economic basis. Lucas Bridges ([1948] 1987: 61)
suggests that there were incidental marriages betweenthe Kawesqar andthe Yahganinthe
latter half of the nineteenth century, and reports cases of YahganKawesqar bilingualism
(1987: 131). Bilingualism was rare, however. There was no occasion for barter. Gusinde
(1931: 1423) notes that meetings between the Selk

nam and the Kawesqar were rather

more frequent, but again limited to barter. There was no evidence of people knowing the
language of the other groups, except for some borrowings. Lucas Bridges (1948: 132),
however, mentions an encounter with Chono speakers where one Kawesqar knew that
language.
5
The foot nomads showed more evidence of multilingualism. The Tehuelche moved
around in a large territory, and intermarried with Mapuche and Europeans of different
5
We are indebted to H el` ene Brijnen for calling our attention to this passage in Bridgess book.
6.6 Language contact 581
nationalities. At one point, some Tehuelches knew Spanish, Mapuche, G un una Yajich
and Teushen in addition to Tehuelche. DOrbigny mentions one quadrilingual Tehuelche
woman, Lunareja, around 1830 (dOrbigny 1945). Fern andez Garay (1998c: 4950)
stresses the fact that linguistic taboo, the prohibition among the Tehuelche of using
words resemblingthe name of a deceasedpersonfor a year, mayhave stimulatedlinguistic
borrowing.
Viegas Barros (to appear b) interprets a word list collected by Olivier van Noort
in the Strait of Magellan in 1599, arguing that it represents the speech of a group
of foot nomads who had adopted (or possibly maintained from an earlier period) ca-
noe transport, and while speaking a Chonan language, adopted a number of Kawesqar
words.
The mirror image of this group is that of a group of Kawesqar living on the Brunswick
Peninsula who had adopted part of the foot nomad culture and a number of Tehuelche
words in the nineteenth century (Viegas Barros, to appear b). Viegas Barros argues on
the basis of a number of borrowings and of a shared term for the Kawesqar in Selk

nam
and Tehuelche that contacts between the foot and canoe nomads must have dated back
to prehistoric times.
Summing up, the various forms of contacts in the whole region reported (sometimes
without much substantiation) by the various authors took the form of:
mixed marriages, particularly in the late colonial period;
barter between the Selk

nam on one side and the Yahgan or Kawesqar on

the other;
slaving raids (e.g. by the Chono in Kawesqar territory);
shared shing grounds (e.g. between the Kawesqar and the Yahgan);
capture of Kawesqar women by the Tehuelche;
migration of groups of Selk

nam across the Strait of Magellan and integra-

tion of the latter into the Tehuelche,
migration of Tehuelches across the Strait of Magellan;
extensive migration of Mapuche Indians into Patagonia.
Europeans were rst looked upon with some awe, and were later much hated and
despised. Gusinde reports that Europeans were called palala by the Yahgan. Bridges
(1894) gives as the meaning of a possibly related word upalalana to make a noise by
vibrating the tongue in the mouth violently; thus the term would refer to the incompre-
hensible way of speaking of Europeans. Another possible source is patalsala, according
to Gusinde, which means something like incomprehensible people. In any case, it is
clear that the contacts with the Europeans meant the end of the peoples and languages
of Tierra del Fuego.
We now turn to the effect these contacts had on the languages of the area. It should
be clear that what follows is highly tentative, incomplete and preliminary. Much more
582 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
work is needed, for instance, on the lexical inuence that the different languages had on
each other.
Both Yahgan and Kawesqar contain a substantial number of European borrowings.
Yahgan tends to have borrowed more from English than from Spanish, Kawesqar almost
exclusively from Spanish. English borrowings in Yahgan include: m aykl Michael,
m ari Mary, p eyper paper, n ayf knife, h ar s horse, m ani money, pl eys place,
k rpntr carpenter, erli m oniearly morning, lf leaf. Spanish borrowings include
x
w
an John, a s ukar sugar, r uta route, wl c good, and m aytro teacher.
Particularly in the case of Kawesqar, words have been extensively adapted phono-
logically. Words largely, but not exclusively, refer to borrowed culture items. In the
Kawesqar texts in Clairis (1987) only borrowed nouns appear, while in the Yahgan
material in Golbert de Goodbar (1977) we nd conjunctions as well:
(71) b t but [English but]
sn tin even though [English it is nothing]
bif or before that [English before]
i and [Spanish y]
o or [Spanish o]
asta until [Spanish hasta]
p orke because [Spanish porque]
Remarkably, no elements have been incorporated as verbs or prepositions, with the
possible exception of the modal operator t eynik() obligation, which could be derived
from Spanish tiene que has to.
G un una Yajich contains a number of Mapuche and Spanish borrowings. Tehuelche
and G un una Yajich have taken over the Aymara words for hundred and thousand
from the Araucanians.
Casamiquela speculates that the G un una Yajich word order he recorded from the last
speaker of the language was inuenced by Mapuche, and Viegas Barros (1995) suggests
that the orginal person system of the Chonan languages has been restructured under the
inuence of Mapuche. Fern andez Garay (1998c) gives a very detailed description of
processes of language attrition that have affected Tehuelche.
6.7 A Tehuelche text
Several spontaneous texts have been published in the languages of Tierra del Fuego.
We include here a southern Tehuelche ood myth, part of the Elal cycle, told shortly
after 1920 by Kopach us to J. C. Wolf, who called himself encargado of the Linguistics
section of the Museo de la Plata (G. Hern andez 1992: 115). The myth is reproduced
in G. Hern andez (1992: 1323, 138). Below the original orthography in the source
text we present in curly brackets an approximate phonetic rendition and analysis, based
6.7 A Tehuelche text 583
on Fern andez Garay (1997b, 1998c, personal communication). Casamiquela (1992)
provided additional notes.
1. Tsh onke tsh aink t aRnk a k! a-u;
{ co:nk cay-n-k ter-n-k kew}
people be.big-N-MS be.tall-N-MS formerly
They were tall, big people formerly.
2. m atshke tschonk, t! aRosh
{ma:- s-ke co:nk tero- s}
kill-PD-RD.MS
6
people be.bad-PD
They were man-killers and bad.
3. m ashke tsh onkie, wllum n au oiyu,
{ma:- s-ke co:nk, welom na:w oyo}
kill-PD-RD.MS people all guanaco ostrich
They killed people. All the guanaco, the ostrich,
4. tsh aRo
7
oienkl, m ashke tsh onke.
{karo oygl ma:- s-ke co:nk}
hawk condor kill-PD-RD.MS people
the hawk, the condor used to kill people.
5. K anuknkon dos tsh ait g atken ashke,
{qenkenken dios cay-t(o) ga:nkene- s-ke}
sun god be.big-AV be.angry-PD-RD.MS
The Sun God became very angry
6. k a- ut ashk a l a- a t aRnk a.
{k-e:wete- s-ke le ter-n-k}
3O.MS-send-PD-RD.MS water be.high-N-MS
and sent a big ood.
7.

O-ukt a w anken x ono sh ahuen k on l a- a aintke,
{e:w-k t-wan-kn xono sanwen
8
ko:n le ayn-t-ke}
upward-AL 3S-go-RD.NU sea spring river water rise-MD-RD.MS
Upwards came the sea, the springs and rivers; the water rose,
8. willum tsh aR ak an g a-ut a. Willom x amtsh.
{welom t- sa:re-kn ge:wte welom xa:m- c}
all 3S-be.lled-RD.NU land all die-PL
until all the land was covered. Then they all died.
6
The endings of the realis mood (RD) encode a gender distinction; the gender indicated is that of
a following noun (Fern andez Garay 1998c: 275).
7
The form tsh aRo (probably [ carro]) may represent a dialectal variant of karo hawk.
8
Both the pronunciation and interpretation of sh ahuen are incertain. The word sanwen whirlpool,
mentioned in Fern andez Garay (1998c: 98), seems to t the context here.
584 6 The languages of Tierra del Fuego
9. P ain u aitshk a u ait a
{pa:y(n) w-ayt- s-ke w-ayte}
consequently RF-get.lost-PD-RD.MS RF-get.lost
So then they disappeared, they disappeared.
10. K an uknkon dos k a- ut ashke kaRuya g a-ut ak anu;
{qenkenken dios k-e:wete- s-ke karo . . . ge:wt ay ke-n naon}
Sun god 3O.MS-send-PD-RD.MS hawk . . . land L look.around-IF BN
The Sun God then sent the hawk to look around on earth,
11. g omshkent tu al k aRo
{kom- s-kn t-wa:l karo}
not-PD-RD.NU 3S-come.back hawk
but the hawk did not come back.
12. g omshkent x an a-uk; tsh ait x atkan k or.
{kom- s-kn t-xen e:w-k cay-t(o) xa:te-kn ko:r}
not-PD-RD.NU 3S-y upward-AL, be.big-AV eat-RD.NU grass
He could not y any more; he had eaten too much grass.
13. K an uknkon k a- ut ashken k amk om;
{qenkenken k-e:wete- s-kn kamkom}
sun 3O.FE-send-PD-RD.FE dove
Then the Sun God sent the dove.
14. k or an ashk a-uk k amk om.
{ko:r a:ne- s-k e:w-k kamkom}
grass bring-PD-RD upward-AL dove
The dove brought (a leaf of) grass upwards.
15. G a-ut arshk an
{ge:wt a:r- s-kn}
land be.dry-PD-RD.NU
Then the land was dry.
7
The Spanish presence
Manuel Tenorio, over sixty years old, and a Quechua peasant from central Ecuador,
recounts how he learned Spanish as a boy, on the job at the hacienda and during visits
to the market town. When a white man came by on horseback, Manuel was obliged to
say the greeting alabado sacramento blessed (be the) Sacrament or alabado evangelio
blessed (be the) Gospel, and was answered back alabado hijo blessed (be the) Son
(perhaps also blessed, sonny). However, as a Quechua speaker he had great difculties
with the vowels [e] and [o] (often pronouncing them as [i] and [u], respectively), and
the punishment for mispronunciation was erce, so he used to dive into the irrigation
channel when he heard a horse approaching. Almost at the end of his life, in spite of
years in the capital as a construction worker, his Spanish still shows many traces of his
Indian background.
The Spaniards have imposed their language in all their former colonies in the New
World. Not only the immigrants from Europe speak Spanish, but the descendants of the
African slaves and Chinese coolies, and a large part of the native Amerindian population
as well. Nonetheless, the transplanted forms of the language have undergone many
modications, as in the speech of Manuel Tenorio, and the relationship between Spanish
and the dominated Amerindian languages is a complex one.
Inthis chapter we discuss various aspects of the relationbetweenSpanishandthe native
languages of the Andes. We rst look at Andean Spanish froma number of perspectives,
and then at various dimensions of language planning and bilingual education.
Other immigrant languages, such as Mennonite German and Japanese in Bolivia,
Chinese in Peru, and Lebanese Arabic in different Andean countries, will not be dis-
cussed: they are characteristic of the New World as a whole rather than of the Andean
nations.
7.1 Characteristics of Andean Spanish
Andean Spanish can be approached from many perspectives. We will briey discuss the
relation of this variety to the dialects of the metropolis, before turning to issues such as
the inuence it may have undergone from Quechua and other Amerindian languages.
586 7 The Spanish presence
7.1.1 Demography and Iberian dialectal origins
The question of which Iberian dialects contributed most to New World Spanish is a
vexed one, but a modicum of consensus emerged in the 1970s, mainly due to work by
Boyd-Bowman (e.g. 1973). There are several main issues:
(a) The varieties of Spanish in the New World are much more homogeneous than the
ones in Spain itself, in spite of the much wider geographical spread, the lack of inter-
regional communication, the potential diversifying inuence of Amerindian substratum
languages, etc. This is part of a general phenomenon noticed by the anthropologist
George Foster in his Culture and Conquest (1960), namely that export varieties of a
culture represent only a limited subset of the cases of variation present in the source
culture. Boyd-Bowman (1973) points to the fact that in the early period, 14901520,
there may have been extensive dialect levelling in the Antilles, and that the mainland
was populated from the islands. Also, the Canary Islands may have been a site for
dialect levelling intermediate between Spain and the New World. From other studies
of export varieties of European languages and from creole studies we know that of-
ten the early period in colonisation is decisive for the establishment of new linguistic
norms. The levelling process may already have been started in Seville, the Spanish port
through which the emigration stream was funnelled, and this brings us to the second
issue.
(b) A classic problem has always been that Latin American Spanish resembles the
southern varieties of peninsular Spanish, particularly Andalucian Spanish, more than the
standard in the sixteenth century, which was surely that of the court in Toledo and later
Madrid, i.e. Castilian. We have already pointed to the role of Seville as the Atlantic port,
but Boyd-Bowmans main contribution lies in establishing that indeed the main body
of emigrants to the New World was from the south. For the whole period 14931579,
35.8 per cent of the settlers came from Andalucia and 16.9 per cent from neighbouring
Extremadura. The two Castiles together only provided 29.5 per cent.
For the early period, the gures are even more striking. Thus between 1493 and 1519
the Seville province provided six times as many (1,259 of a total of 5,481) emigrants
as the province of Toledo (208), and the nearby provinces Huelva, Badajoz and C aceres
provided another 1,174. If we look at women settlers, who may have played a crucial
role in creating the new linguistic norms, between 1509 and 1519, when the New World
society was being given shape, over half (of 308 total) were from Seville.
This type of gure is fairly constant for the different Andean regions, although it is
noted by Boyd-Bowman that Colombia and Venezuela had a somewhat higher proportion
of settlers from the two Castiles than Peru.
(c) A third main issue concerns the somewhat surprising fact that the lowland coastal
areas tend to resemble Andalucian speech more directly than the highland areas, actually
throughout Latin America. Boyd-Bowman (1973: 67) tentatively explains this in terms
7.1 Characteristics of Andean Spanish 587
of a vast maritime empire the ports of which were linked by sea to Seville (and to
each other) along trade routes controlled and maintained predominantly by Andalucian
sailors and merchants. The ensuing network may have had a more direct and enduring
inuence on the coastal areas around the ports than on the highland regions.
7.1.2 Linguistic features
It has been said many times before, but systematic and reliable studies on varieties of
South American Spanish are few and far between; cf. the critical evaluation by Lipski
(1994) of a number of studies, as well as Fontanella de Weinberg (1976). The discussion
of specic Andalucian dialect features has focused on phonology. The most striking
feature, of course, shared by Latin America and southern Spain is the absence of the
[]/[ s] contrast (ceceo versus seseo) so characteristic of Castilian. Other features,
such as aspiration and loss of word-nal /s/, loss or weakening of intervocalic /d/, and
merger of /l
y
/ and /y/ (yesmo) can also be mentioned, but are characteristic of the
coastal areas, not of the highlands. In addition, these features are not realised uniformly
either in southern Spain or in Latin America, and in many places need more detailed
study.
The most immediately striking difference in the domain of morphosyntax concerns
the second-person pronouns. Very roughly, the present situation in some places is as
follows:
(1) Spain South America
2.SG familiar: t u 2.SG familiar: vos
2.SG polite: usted 2.SG intimate: t u
2.PL familiar: vosotros/as 2.SG polite: usted
2.PL polite: ustedes 2.PL ustedes
Here intimate refers to respectful address in a close relationship, and with familiar
no particular respect is implied.
The form vos was present in older peninsular Spanish as a polite second-person-
singular pronoun, but has largely disappeared in Spain and in parts of Latin America,
such as coastal Peru and Ecuador. In some areas (e.g. Argentina), t u has been replaced
almost entirely by vos, and there the original verbal inections associated with the
latter pronoun are preserved as well. Elsewhere, vos is used with the verbal inections
associated with t u. In areas where both t u and vos occur, the former is used in more
formal contexts and the latter is often considered a sign of lack of a proper education.
In parts of Colombia, nally, usted, the polite second-person-singular form elsewhere,
is often called for in non-intimate but familiar contexts.
There are a great many lexical differences both between the varieties of Spanish in
the different countries of South America, and between this continent and Spain. These
588 7 The Spanish presence
Table 7.1 Major isoglosses in the Andean areas of Latin American Spanish (based on
Zamora Munn e and Guitart 1982)
/s/ /x/ vos
IV. Colombia except the coast +
V. Pacic coast of Ecuador and Colombia
VI. Coast of Peru, except the extreme south
VII. Rest of Ecuador and Peru, west and centre of Bolivia, + +
northwest Argentina
VIII. Chile +
need not concern us at the moment, although we will return to items borrowed from
Amerindian languages.
Zamora Munn e and Guitart (1982) provide a fairly balanced and comprehensive
account of some of the major dialectal divisions in Latin American Spanish. They
base themselves on three diagnostic features, which constitute major isoglosses: (a) the
retention (+) versus loss or aspiration () of nal /s/; (b) the velar (+) or glottal ()
realisation of /x/; (c) general use of vos (+), of t u (), of both (). For the regions that
concern us most, they distinguish the ve major dialect areas (with their numbering)
listed in table 7.1. Surely other or ner divisions are imaginable, but the dialect splits
outlined in table 7.1 correspond fairly well to global impressions of speakers of varieties
of Andean Spanish.
It should be stressed that thorough descriptive work of Andean Spanish dialects is
uneven in quality and coverage (Bolivian Spanish, for instance, has been barely in-
vestigated); in addition, different studies have focused on widely different features. A
classical study remains Kanys (1945) survey of regional grammatical features in the
different varieties of Latin American Spanish, based on written sources. Lipski (1994)
provides an excellent country-by-country account of available studies. Perl and
Schwegler (1998) survey the evidence for African inuences on Ibero-American lan-
guage varieties.
Colombian Spanish is fairly well described, starting with the pioneering work of
Runo Jos e Cuervo (1867) on the speech of Bogot a. More recent studies include, for in-
stance, de Grandas interesting study of Afro-Hispanic speech varieties of the Colombian
Pacic coast area (1977).
Present-day Ecuadorian Spanish has been described most completely by Toscano
Mateus (1953). There are considerable lexical and phonological differences between
Coastal and Highland Spanish, on the one hand, and between educated urban Spanish
and different rural varieties on the other. On the whole Ecuadorian Spanish conforms to
the generalisation that holds for all varieties of South American Spanish: many archaic
7.2 Amerindian substratum inuence 589
Peninsular features have been preserved, and the dominant dialectal inuence has been
the Andalucian dialects of southern Spain.
The major source for Peruvian Spanish remains Benvenutto Murrieta (1936), although
numerous articles and monographs have appeared on individual phenomena. Ana Mara
Escobar (2000) surveys much current research on Peruvian Spanish, paying particular
attention to semantic factors, and Rivarola (1985a, 1985b, 1986, 1987) has investigated
the origins and development of Peruvian Andean Spanish. Another good general source
is Klee (1996).
Reliable information about Bolivian Spanish is rather limited. Building on an earlier
study by Kany (1947), there is a brief but detailed phonetic study by Gordon (1980),
showing that Bolivian Spanish cannot be simply subsumed under the varieties of neigh-
bouringcountries, dialectologically. Further, work by Herrero (1969) and Laprade (1981)
argues that different varieties of Bolivian Spanish have undergone Quechua and Aymara
substrate inuence, respectively. The complex lexical interactions between Bolivian
Quechua and Spanish are studied in Van Hout and Muysken (1994). Alb o (1988b)
documents the llapuni Spanish of highland migrants to the tropical Santa Cruz area.
For Chile the best recent source remains Oroz (1966). A dialect atlas of southern
Chile was compiled under the direction of Guillermo Araya (Araya et al. 1973). An
interesting study of mining vocabulary in northern Chile, which reveals the presence
of several Quechua and Aymara words, is Parada et al. (1976). Mining vocabulary,
incidentally, has also been studied, albeit in a rather amateurish way, in Bolivia, but
this extremely rich subject, revelatory of the shaping of a mixed AmerindianHispanic
technology and culture, still awaits a more denitive study.
Quechua inuence on the Spanish of northwestern Argentina has recently been studied
by de Granda (1995, 1996, 1997a, b).
7.2 Amerindian substratum inuence
The possibility of various Amerindian languages inuencing Andean Spanish has been
a long-standing issue in Hispanicist scholarship, with important cultural implications as
well. When the newrepublics gained independence fromSpain in the 1830s, an important
link to the old metropolis, but also something linking the young nations themselves, was
the Spanish language. This led to a set of contradictory attitudes. On the one hand, the
unity of Latin America, the old dream of Sim on Bolvar, was best maintained through a
unied Spanish, and thus directly a continuation of the metropolitan norm. If each new
nationwere left toits owndevices, it was felt, the Spanishof the Americas wouldfragment
just as Vulgar Latin had in the Dark Ages. On the other hand, the Latin Americans felt
a need to express, in their language, both a distance from Spain and the many particular
features of the New World and of the area they inhabited and were trying to forge into
a country.
590 7 The Spanish presence
Table 7.2 Types of speakers of Spanish that may
show inuence from Quechua
(A) Quechua speakers learning Spanish
(B) Stable QuechuaSpanish bilinguals
(C) Spanish monolinguals living in bilingual communities
(D) Spanish monolinguals living in bilingual regions
(E) Spanish monolinguals living in bilingual countries
It is against this background that we must see the debates about possible Amerindian
inuences on Andean Spanish (for a general account of the role of language ideology
see Woolard and Schieffelin 1994). But there is more. The Spanish colonial empire was
founded on the assumption that what is Hispanic has inherent value, and what is native
is worthless if not downright ungodly. It is not until the indigenista movements of the
1920s that the Amerindian heritage was recognised as worthwhile, not just for the Indian
peasants themselves, but for the countries in general.
There have been discussions in the literature about various cases of Amerindian lan-
guage inuence on Spanish. Araucanian inuence on Chilean Spanish, was proposed
by Lenz (1893) (cf. chapter 5). Similarly, several studies have focused on Aymara inu-
ence on the Spanish of the Bolivian altiplano (Hardman 1981). Nonetheless, the main
debate has focused on Quechua inuence, and this is what we will concentrate on here,
mentioning Aymara only in passing. Given the many structural and semantic parallels
between these two languages (cf. chapter 3), it would be surprising if the inuence of
Quechua and Aymara on Spanish in southern Peru and Bolivia had not led to mutual
reinforcement.
When we consider Quechua inuence on Spanish, the picture is quite complex, since
much depends on which variety of Spanish is meant: the Spanish of the whole central
Andes, of the areas where Quechua is or was spoken, of lower-class mestizos in those
areas, or of QuechuaSpanish bilinguals? Taking the whole central Andes is too wide,
yet taking just bilinguals is too narrow, we believe. There are also considerable regional
and national differences. Finally, it depends what aspect of the language is considered.
Schematically, the Spanish of the different speaker types is shown in table 7.2. On the
whole, these categories are arranged implicationally: if a Quechua feature occurs with
speakers of type (D), it will also occur in (B), but not necessarily vice-versa. However,
we will see that in some cases Quechua inuence exerts itself in the Spanish speech
of stable bilinguals, while the same feature is not present in the speech of incipient
bilinguals.
Lexically, the inuence of Quechua on Spanish has been slight, limited to the domains
of agriculture, food, ora and fauna, the household and clothing, musical folklore,
7.2 Amerindian substratum inuence 591
Table 7.3 Sprachbund phenomena in the pronunciation of liquids and vibrants in
different varieties of Quechua and Spanish in Ecuador
Quechua Spanish Quechua Spanish
North [ z] [ z] [a zi] good [po zo] chicken
South [l
y
] [l
y
] [al
y
i] [pol
y
o]
North [ z
.
], [r] [ z
.
], [ r] [ z
.
iri], [ rinri] ear [pe z
.
o], [pero] dog
South [rr] [rr] [rriri] [perro]
popular religion and illnesses. The vast majority of borrowed elements are nouns, such
as llama, alpaca and chacra eld. There are a handful of derived verbs, such as yapar
to add a bit (in a sales transaction), chimbar to cross, pircar build a wall of stones
and adobe and chancar to atten, an occasional adverb such as pite pite bit by bit,
and exclamatives such as achachay brrr, cold (Buesa Oliver 1965).
A few Quechua words have gained acceptance beyond Spanish, such as English jerky
from charki dried meat and Louisiana French la-gnappe small added bit from the
above-mentioned yapa. Mejas (1980) has shown that there were Quechua lexical items
used in Spanish fromthe sixteenth century onwards; their number gradually increased, at
least until the eighteenth century. Lexical inuence is the only type of Quechua inuence
of type (E) in the scheme above. Of course, it varies a great deal in terms of region, type
of speaker, setting and domain, etc.
The lexical inuence of Aymara has been somewhat more limited in its diffusion. In
La Paz Spanish many Aymara words are used, such as chusca square carrying cloth,
imilla girl, colla inhabitant of the altiplano and cala stone (Laprade 1981), but
these are not known much outside the region. An important issue mentioned by Laprade
concerns lexical semantic inuence exercised by Amerindian languages on Spanish. A
case in point is pie, which in metropolitan Spanish means foot, but under the inuence
of Aymara kayu has come to refer to most of the leg. This same phenomenon merits
detailed investigation in the case of Quechua inuence on Spanish as well.
On the phonological level, the one case of Quechua inuence on Spanish reported by
all authors is the pronunciation of /o/ as [u] and of /e/ as [i]. More precisely, we encounter
fusion of /e/ and /i/ into something varying between [e] and [i], and of /o/ and /u/ into
something varying between [o] and [u]. Quechua-speakers may pronounce pero but as
[piru], but also cubicar make into a cube as [kobekar], due to hypercorrection. This
inuence, though general in the whole Quechua-speaking Andes, is limited, however,
to (A) and (B). Even lower-class mestizo monolinguals do not have it.
In Ecuador, there are two interesting sprachbund or convergence phenomena, both
involving liquids, as shown in table 7.3. In the northern part of the Ecuadorian high-
lands the palatalised [l
y
], which is widely found in Andean Spanish and in Quechua,
592 7 The Spanish presence
is pronounced as a voiced palatal sibilant in the local dialects of both languages, and
the Spanish trilled [rr] (with its Quechua equivalent in word-initial position) is a voiced
retroex fricative or an assibilated retroex vibrant. Notice that it cannot be plausibly
claimed that Quechua inuenced Spanish here, since the more conservative varieties
of Quechua (here represented by the south of Ecuador) do not possess the features in
question.
Syntactically and semantically, Quechua may have had some inuence on the mono-
lingual highlandvarieties of rural Spanish(CandD), inadditiontostampingthe bilingual
varieties. If we try to imagine howthis inuence was exerted, the most plausible scenario
is one of second-language learning by Quechua speakers in a sociolinguistically com-
plex environment. The particular stratication of variable elements within the Spanish
target-language speech community affects the process of acquisition of these elements.
This stratication is crucial because it may reect, in part, stages of interrupted or in-
complete L2 acquisition at an earlier point in time. As time goes on, the products of
intermediate and advanced interlanguage grammars (A and B) are incorporated into
the native speech community (C and D), but most often as vernacular, non-standard
forms. In a synchronic perspective, then, native speakers of the target vernacular end up
producing outputs which seem like interlanguage outputs. The particular interlanguage
features which come to be adopted as non-standard features in the Spanish target speech
community serve as models, at a later stage, for new learners. L opez and Jung (1989)
show how non-standard features are present in primary school in the speech of the local
teachers with bilingual backgrounds.
The process of selection and adoption of these features, however, may be gov-
erned by factors such as supercial resemblance to native language features. This
selection and adoption may result in a situation in which two speech communities
may have different vernacular varieties, while they result from the interaction and
contact of the same L1 and L2. We will illustrate this by comparing the acquisi-
tion of Spanish by Quechua speakers in different regions of the Andes. Quite dif-
ferent forms of Spanish vernacular have emerged in the different contexts, making
a simple prediction on the basis of a contrastive analysis of Quechua and Spanish
implausible.
The existing literature on non-standard Spanish, as used in regions with Quechua
Spanish bilingualism, is by now quite extensive, but little of it is based on ac-
countable and rigorous data. Most studies deal with Peru. We will take the situ-
ation of Peruvian Andean Spanish as our frame of reference and contrast it with
what is known of other areas. The main grammatical constructions and semantic fea-
tures mentioned are listed in table 7.4. We will discuss the features in table 7.4 one
by one.
7.2 Amerindian substratum inuence 593
Table 7.4 Features claimed to be due to Quechua in different
varieties of Spanish
a. Double possessives
b. Clitic usage
c. Objectverb sequences
d. Irregular gender and number concord, and irregular verb morphology
e. The redundant use of the preposition en in in locative expressions
f. The frequent use of gerunds
g. Sentential particles and discourse organisation
h. Semantics of tense, notably of the sudden discovery tense
A. Double possessives are a good case to start with. They occur in examples such as
(Lozano 1975):
(2) Era su amiga de Juan.
it.was 3P girlfriend of John
It was Johns girlfriend. (Type I)
(3) Se quem o del joven su pantal on.
RF it.burned of.the young.man 3P trousers
The young mans trousers burned. (Type II)
Note that in the rst example the possessor noun, Juan, follows the possessed noun,
amiga, while in the second one the order is the reverse. In both, there is a possessor noun
as well as the possessive pronoun su. Lozano (1975), based on material from Ayacucho,
south-central Peru, is not very explicit about his data base, and describes different aspects
of Ayacucho rural Spanish deviant fromLima standard Spanish, focusing on the question
of possible inuence from Quechua. Lozano does not report on the frequencies of the
constructions described or on the issue of whether they typify monolingual vernacular
or bilingual Spanish. He concludes (1975: 304) that all cases are traceable, at least
indirectly, to Quechua interference. However, the ways in which the innovations have
been formed are varied and complex.
While Lozano (1975) makes strong claims concerning the inuence of Quechua on
bilingual Spanish, Puente (1978) would like to limit this inuence to subordinate bilin-
guals, more procient inQuechua thaninSpanish. Puentes workis basedonobservations
from Huancayo, central Peru, and Ayacucho, south-central Peru. Puente claims that type
II sentences are more frequent with compound bilinguals.
Rodrguez Garrido (1982) argues that type I, with a following possessor noun, is
characteristic of Peruvian Spanish in general, and an archaic construction. It is absent
594 7 The Spanish presence
with anything but persons or at least animate beings, and then limited to the third person.
We do not nd:
(4) a.

su ladrillo del muro
3P brick of.the wall
the brick of the wall
b.

mi casa de m
my house of me
my house (of mine)
These restrictions are absent in type II, which is limited to the strong Quechua area of the
southern highlands, and surprisingly, to Amazon Spanish, and here Rodrguez Garrido
claims that Quechua inuence is likely.
In Ecuadorian Spanish the situation is quite different. In recordings of an early
bilingual we nd twenty-six cases of possessed NP de possessor NP, as in vecino
de Francisco neighbour of Francisco. In addition there was one case of posses-
sor/possessed: Francisco casa (rather than la casa de Francisco) Franciscos house,
and one case of a noun preceded by the noun it is supposed to identify, but without the
preposition de: diez Tigua ten from Tigua (rather than diez de Tigua). Other speak-
ers in the recordings sample show a large predominance of standard structures, and
very few deviant examples. Interestingly enough, the construction mentioned in the
Peruvian research literature involving the redundant possessive pronoun su is entirely
lacking.
It is very possible that the absence of the double genitive in Ecuadorian Spanish is
due to its absence in Ecuadorian Quechua. Compare the following examples:
(5) a. Peru
Juan-pa mama-n de Juan su madre
John-G mother-3P of John 3P mother
Johns mother Johns mother
b. Ecuador
Juan-pak mama la madre de Juan
John-G mother the mother of John
Johns mother Johns mother
In the Peruvian case, the possessed noun receives a third-person marker -n, which cor-
responds semantically to the redundant su. This marker is absent in Ecuador.
The differences within Quechua do not explain the differences between the two coun-
tries, however, for possessor/possessed order, unless we would argue that the presence
of su makes it possible in Peru to interpret the possessor phrase de Juan as sort of left-
dislocated within the whole nominal constituent containing the possessed phrase, thus
7.2 Amerindian substratum inuence 595
maintaining a seeming parallelism with the Quechua word order. Similar left-dislocated
possessors are found in many other languages, e.g. Papiamentu Wanchu su kas Johns
house. De Granda (1997a) claims that the Peruvian pattern is found in northwestern
Argentina as well.
B. Clitic usage is a more complicated issue. While deviant object clitic usage has
often been linked to Quechua inuence, neither the phenomenon itself nor the possible
Quechua source are very well circumscribed. The phenomenon includes redundant lo
object clitics in relative clauses, as in:
(6) el hombre que lo v
the man that 3O.MS.SG I.saw
the man that I saw
The use of a resumptive pronoun rather than a gap strategy in relative clauses may well
be a result of surface simplication in a context of extensive bilingualism.
A second type of example involves lo in main clauses, marking emphasis. Haboud de
Ortega (1985), a rich but mostly descriptive study based on material from San Pedro de
Casta, Huarochir, Peru, contains examples such as:
(7) Usted lo siembra la papa con su abono y todo.
you.CS 3O.MS.SG sow the potato(FE.SG) with 3P fertiliser and all
You sow the potatoes with their fertiliser and everything.
Godenzzi (1986), an analysis of object clitic usage based on recordings from Puno,
southern Peru, gives many examples as well (see also Godenzzi 1992):
(8) Lo vea las armas.
3O.MS.SG (s)he.saw the weapons(FE.PL)
(S)he saw the weapons.
Cerr on-Palomino (personal communication) suggests that redundant lo in Central Peru-
vian Spanish is both formally and semantically related to the Quechua perfective verbal
sufx -rqu-, which is pronounced as [lu] in some dialects (cf. section 3.2.6). The sufx
-rqu- often has a telic interpretation, implying some action with respect to an object.
The formal similarity is limited to the Huanca region, but the semantic similarity may
have caused a correspondence in a much wider area.
Athird cluster of phenomena includes the absence of an object clitic when its referent
has been mentioned immediately before, in the same clause or in the discourse context:
(9) Nuestra m usica no podemos dejar de lado. [compare dejarla
our music(FE.SG) not we.can to.leave of side to.leave.3O.FE.SG]
We cannot leave our music aside.
596 7 The Spanish presence
Stratford (1989: 115) states that this is common for all kinds of speakers, monolingual
and bilingual, urban and rural, alike. She also notes that the presence of another clitic, for
instance, se, is a favourable environment for direct object omission. De Granda (1996)
argues that absence of object clitics is frequent in northwestern Argentinian Spanish as
well.
There is frequent clitic doubling:
(10) Lo veo a Juan. [compare Veo a Juan.
3O.MS.SG I.see DA John I.see DA John
I see John. I see John.]
Furthermore, gender (lo/la) and number (le/lo, les/los) distinctions are often confused:
(11) Lo veo a Maria. [compare La veo . . .
3O.MS.SG I.see DA Mara 3O.FE.SG I.see . . .
I see Mara. I see her (Mara).]
Note that here the doubled clitic lo, which is analysed as masculine in standard Spanish,
does not agree with the object, Mara, in gender. Ana Mara Escobar (1990), in a study
of deixis, location, and object marking in the speech of bilinguals from Ayacucho,
south-central Peru, looks at clitics in some detail, as well.
Camacho et al. (1995) argue that the clitic lo in inalienable possessor constructions
in Andean Spanish, as in (12), is a case of genitive clitic doubling:
(12) Lo amarran su pata del condor.
3O.SG.MS they.tie 3P leg(FE) of.the condor
They tie the condors leg.
In Ecuador we nd that clitics are used rather unsystematically in rural Spanish,
and particularly that third-person object clitics such as le are often absent. This fea-
ture is characteristic of the vernacular in general, and corresponds to Lozanos ob-
servation that third-person clitics are absent when their referent has been previously
mentioned.
Again, -rqu- is not present in Ecuadorian Quechua, which could lead to an explanation
for the absence of lo in interlanguage and in the vernacular. Still, Cerr on-Palominos
explanation is too dialect-specic and does not cover all the occurrences of lo. More
probable is that the fact that Ecuadorian Spanish is extremely leista, i.e. does not have lo
as a verbal clitic at all, accounts for the absence of lo in Ecuadorian QuechuaSpanish
interlanguage.
7.2 Amerindian substratum inuence 597
It is clear from the discussion so far that the use of lo in Andean Spanish is a multi-
faceted phenomenon, and needs more investigation.
C. Objectverb sequences have been frequently noted. Very characteristic of Andean
Spanish are sentences such as:
(13) A Juan conoc.
DA John I.knew
I knew John. (I made his acquaintance.)
Here the object often precedes the verb, which is a marked pattern in standard Span-
ish. Luj an, Minaya and Sankoff (1981), using data from Cuzco, southern Peru (cf. also
Minaya and Luj an, 1982), primarily study word-order phenomena such as the OVorders
inthe light of typological universals. Incontrast toLozanoandPuente, their studyis based
on childrens speech (three 5-, three 7- and three 9-year-olds, recorded one hour each, in
an informal classroom setting) and provides quantitative data. The variables studied are
both verb/object, adjective/noun, and possessor/possessed order. The results show that
the 5-year-olds in the sample show 51 per cent SOV, 64 per cent possessor/possessed,
and 91 per cent adjective/noun order, as in la bonita casa the pretty house. Fur-
ther, for the other age groups there is a regular decrease of these word orders, which
are slowly being replaced by the word orders characterising the regional standard: the
9-year-olds show only 30 per cent SOV, 33 per cent possessor/possessed and 38 per
cent adjective/noun orders. Luj an et al. claim that the pattern they nd is the only one
possible, given the typological characteristics of both Quechua and Spanish and the
universal consistency hypothesis proposed by Hawkins (1979). Crucial is that the tran-
sition from possessor/possessed to the reverse cannot take place without a transition
from SOV to SVO; otherwise implicational universals are violated. Finally, Luj an et al.
mention a type of construction where the verb is doubled, producing a type of SVOV
order:
(14) Conozco a los cabritos conozco.
I.know DA the little.goats I.know
I know the little goats.
Courtney (2000) argues that this duplication pattern is visible in Quechua itself, and
is in fact a pragmatic strategy to denote emphasis. It occurs with elements other than
verbs:
(15) Y ya no es loco ya.
and already not he.is crazy already
And he isnt crazy any more.
598 7 The Spanish presence
It is even possible to duplicate the element in a different language. In (16) kan is taken
from Quechua, while the form it duplicates, hay, is Spanish:
(16) Hay bastante-s esta-s ka-n.
there.is enough-PL holiday-PL be-3S
There are many holidays.
In recorded Ecuadorian spoken Spanish, there is also a tendency for highly frequent
OVorders to be associated with QuechuaSpanish bilinguals, and VOorder with middle-
class Spanish monolinguals (Muysken 1984). This accords, in principle, with the main
thrust of the ndings of Luj an et al., but it is striking that in all the recorded material
there is no single case of a true SOV sequence, i.e. one with both subject and object
present. What we nd is OVS, OV, OSV, i.e. all cases where the order of the object
preceding the verb could be due to object fronting, for focus:
(17) a. Papas comi o.
potatoes he.ate
He ate potatoes.
b. Papas Juan comi o.
potatoes John he.ate
John ate potatoes.
c. Papas comi o, Juan.
potatoes he.ate John
John ate potatoes.
d.

Juan papas comi o.
John potatoes he.ate
John potatoes ate.
Example (17d) is excludedbecause it is not possible in Spanish, eventhough it directly re-
ects the usual Quechua order. Thus the word-order correspondence between rural Span-
ishandQuechua maybe one of supercial resemblance (inthe OVsequences), rather than
of deap-seated structural congruence. The case could still be made for Quechua inu-
ence, through the increased incidence of word orders permitted in Spanish that are similar
to Quechua. No cases of verb doubling have been noted so far in Ecuadorian Quechua.
D. Irregular gender andnumber concordandirregular article usage are highlyfrequent,
particularly in bilingual or lower-class monolingual speech. In Ecuador as well as Peru,
plurals are only infrequently marked. Note that in Quechua, in contrast to Spanish, plural
marking is optional.
Denite andindenite articles are frequentlynot present where theywouldbe expected
in regional standard contexts. This feature, while needing much more study, appears to
be characteristic of vernacular Spanish in the area in general.
7.2 Amerindian substratum inuence 599
Verb marking is highly irregular. In clear rst-person-singular contexts, we nd third-
person forms, rst-person-plural forms and irregular forms for I went:
(18) ju- e went-3S.SG he went
jui-mos went-1S.PL we went
jui-ndo went-GR going (lit. went-ing)
While other bilingual speakers in the community also show some cases of irregular verb
marking, this is not a feature of non-standard Spanish on the whole, and it disappears
rapidly with more advanced speakers.
E. Preposition usage shows seemingly contradictory tendencies for different groups
of speakers. Puente (1978) notes cases such as (19), in which a locative adverb is
redundantly preceded by a locative preposition:
(19) En all est a creciendo la le na.
in there is growing the rewood
There trees for rewood are growing.
The Ecuadorian recorded Spanish data suggest that this feature may be due to Quechua
semantic inuence, but it is not present in early interlanguage. 36 per cent of the pre-
positions obligatory in Spanish (39 out of 109 cases) have been deleted. This concerns
primarily locative en (16 out of 33 cases) and directional a (17 out of 22 cases). This
tendency diminishes quickly for the more advanced bilinguals, who may well extend the
locative use of Quechua, where place adverbs (non-distinct from deictics) are marked
with the demonstrative as well, to Spanish all there. In Quechua we have chay-pi
(oimos1n1ivi/ovinn-L)
F. Gerunds have been frequently noted, e.g. by Toscano Matteus (1953), Muysken
(1984), Ni no-Murcia (1995) and Haboud (1996, 1998), who documents the use of the
gerundive perfective construction by broad sectors of the population for Ecuador, by
Cerr on-Palomino (1972, 1976c, 1981) for Peru, and by de Granda (1995) for northwest-
ern Argentina. Examples from incipient bilinguals in Ecuador are:
(20) Ya desyerbar terminando, a la yerba lo llevado a la casa.
already to.weed nishing, DA the weed(FE) 3O.SG taken to the house
Having already nished weeding, I took the weeds to the house.
(21) Yo saliendo de la escuela mi de entrar en colegio.
I leaving of the school me/my of to.enter in high.school
After leaving school I am going to enter high school.
Menges (1980), the rst bilingual acquisition study carried out in Ecuador, is based on
the application of a culturally adapted and expanded bilingual syntax measure to twelve
600 7 The Spanish presence
Indian and twelve non-Indian rst graders. The variable studied is the form and function
of the main verb, whether in inected, innitive, or gerund form. The analysis of the
interview data indicated that the Indian L2 learners were operating with a simplied
verb system having the gerund as its base form (1980: 105).
For stable bilinguals, the gerund is not so much the base form for main-clause verb
usage, but rather a marker for adverbial clauses.
G. A number of studies draw attention to sentential particles. There are cases of the
Quechua topic marker -ka occurring in Ecuadorian Spanish:
(22) Ah-ka barrio chiquito.
there-TO village small
Over there is a small village.
(23) Quedamos-ka lo que da la gana come hago.
we.stay-TO 3O.SG what gives the feeling eat I.make
If we stay, I will prepare to eat whatever comes to our minds.
More prevalent are Spanish sentential particles used in a Quechua-derived or Quechua-
like fashion. We nd enclitic tan (from Spanish tambi en also) as a negative emphatic
marker or as an indenite marker in Ecuador:
(24) a. nada m as-tan
nothing more-AD
nothing else
b.
?
Onde-tan has ido?
where-AD you.have gone
Wherever did you go to?
This use of tan directly resembles the semantic range of Quechua -pis/-pas and, also,
indenite, emphatic. It may well be that the way tan is used is a calque on Quechua. Just
like the topic marker -ka, this phenomenon is not limited to bilinguals, but it certainly
is stigmatised as lower-class rural speech.
Laprade mentions a number of particles occurring in La Paz Spanish the use of which
may have been inuenced by Aymara (1981: 21619), such as no m as just, and pues
then. An example of the latter would be:
(25)
?
Qu e cosa pues quieres?
what thing then you.want
What then do you want?
The trouble is that these elements have such a wide diffusion in rural Spanish that much
more specic argumentation than given would be needed to make their Aymara base
conclusive.
7.2 Amerindian substratum inuence 601
Another problem is that Aymara and Quechua have so many structural and semantic
parallels, as was shown in chapter 3, that the use of many elements in Spanish could
be inuenced by both or either language. A case in point is the Spanish pluperfect to
mark the sudden discovery tense, something to which we will turn shortly, and the use
of siempre always in the sense of after all, as in:
(26) Tengo que irme siempre.
I.have that to.go.away.1O.SG always
I have to go after all.
This feature has been reported for La Paz Spanish by Laprade (1981: 218), as modelled
on the Aymara emphatic marker -pini/-puni, and for Cochabamba Spanish by Herrero
(1969), as modelled on Quechua -puni. In this case, substrate inuences from various
languages may have reinforced one another. Another source for the use of siempre
could be the Quechua sufx -raq, generally glossed as still. On the precise meaning
of siempre and other discourse markers in different Andean regions more comparative
study is needed.
A case where specic Aymara inuence may be involved is the use of pero but in
sentence-nal position (Laprade 1981: 219), as in:
(27)
!
Ya hablas aymara pero!
already you.speak Aymara but
But you speak Aymara already!
The source for this usage would be the Aymara objector sufx -raki.
H. In all varieties of Quechua there is a special tense to mark events which took place
unbeknownst to the speaker; Adelaar (1977) terms this the sudden discovery tense,
marked with -sqa or a similar form. It is used in narrative but also to express surprise,
etc. In Andean Spanish the category is expressed with present perfect haber with past
participle (Ecuador) or pluperfect haber with past participle (Peru and Bolivia):
(28) a. (Ecuador) b.(Peru and Bolivia)
!
Qu e rico ha sido!
!
Qu e rico haba sido!
how good it.has been how good it.had been
This is really good! (said to the host)
This concludes a preliminary survey of possible Amerindian features in Andean Spanish.
The data are sometimes contradictory between different studies and a far from clear
picture emerges. This may be due to differences in focus of research and data-collection
procedures, to differences between the varieties of Quechua involved, or to differences
in the selection of interlanguage features which are absorbed into the vernacular.
602 7 The Spanish presence
The convergence process, which results from bilingualism over a long period of time,
provides a way for the L2 learner to structure his interlanguage grammar. Where no
linguistic convergence between Quechua and Spanish has taken place (e.g. person
number marking, marking of grammatical relations, subordination), the L2 learner will
produce idiosyncratic andirregular forms of interlanguage structures, involvingdeletion,
overgeneralisations, paratactic structures and the like. Where we do nd convergence
phenomena (word order, gerunds, tense marking to some extent), the acquisition process
is more regular: the L2 learner falls quickly into the groove as it were, and starts to behave
as a member of a speech community. We hope the discussion of individual variables has
substantiated this distinction.
7.3 Language mixture and pidginisation in the Andes
and the Amazon basin
Several contact varieties have emerged out of the intermixing between Spanish and the
native languages. We will briey mention two of them here: Media Lengua, spoken in
various parts of Ecuador, and Amazon Spanish pidgin.
The variety of Media Lengua (lit. half language or halfway language) described
here is spoken in parts of the province of Cotopaxi in central Ecuador (Muysken 1979,
1981b, 1986, 1997a). Other varieties have been documented for Ca nar and Saraguro
in southern Ecuador. Linguistically speaking, Media Lengua is essentially Quechua
with the vast majority of its stems replaced by Spanish forms. This process of replace-
ment is commonly called relexication. Two examples of Media Lengua utterances are
given below, with the (b) examples presenting the regional Quechua equivalent, and the
(c) examples the regional Spanish equivalent.
(29) a. Unu fabur-ta pidi-nga-bu bini-xu-ni. (Media Lengua)
one favour-AC ask-FN-B come-PR-1S.SG
I come to ask you a favour.
b. suk fabur-da man
y
a-nga-bu samu-xu-ni. (Quechua)
one favour-AC ask-FN-B come-PR-1S.SG
I come to ask you a favour.
c. Vengo para pedir un favor. (Spanish)
I.come in.order.to ask.IF one favour
I come to ask you a favour.
It is clear that (a) has resulted from putting the phonological shapes of the words in
(c) into the lexical entries in (b). Thus suk is replaced by unu, man
y
a- by pidi-, etc. Several
things should be noted. First, we get an emphatic form of the indenite article in Media
Lengua, unu, rather than Spanish unemphatic un. Second, the Spanish irregular verb
7.3 Language mixture and pidginisation 603
form vengo appears in a regularised stem form bini. Third, the Quechua rule voicing the
accusative case marker -ta to -da after fabur has not applied in Media Lengua; Quechua
dialectological evidence suggests that this is a recent rule. Fourth, what is peculiar
about Media Lengua is not so much that it contains Spanish words (many dialects of
Quechua do as well), but that all Quechua words, including all core vocabulary, have
been replaced. Fifth, the Spanish forms have been adapted phonologically to Quechua;
mid vowels have been replaced by high vowels. Quechua word order and morphology
have been retained.
A similar example is:
(30) a. Kuyi-buk yirba nuwabi- ska (Media Lengua)
guinea.pig-B grass not.be.there-SD.3S.SG
There turns out to be no grass for the guinea-pigs.
b. Kuyi-buk k
h
iwa il
y
a- ska (Quechua)
guinea.pig-B grass not.be.there-SD.3S.SG
There turns out to be no grass for the guinea-pigs.
c. No hay hierba para los cuyes (Spanish)
not there.is grass for the guinea.pigs
There is no grass for the guinea-pigs.
Note that the Quechua word kuyi guinea-pig appears in the local Spanish as well. The
Media Lengua verb maintains the Quechua-specic sudden discovery tense marking
- ska. The Quechua negative existential verb stem il
y
a- has been relexied with a newly
formed frozen stem nuwabi-, derived from Spanish no and haber have. The Spanish
verb have has an impersonal form hay which also has existential meaning. These
examples illustrate that:
(a) Media Lengua is essentially the product of replacing the phonological
shapes of Quechua stems with Spanish forms, maintaining the rest of the
Quechua structure;
(b) The Spanish forms chosen have undergone regularisation and adaptation
to Quechua morphophonology.
(c) Media Lengua is conservative in sometimes reecting earlier stages in
Quechua pronunciation.
(d) It is not made up on the spot every time it is spoken.
(e) The occurrence of Spanish strong alternants such as unu in stead of un,
and of frozen composites such as nuwabi- is an indication that we do not
have a simple process of vocabulary replacement here.
The Amazon Spanish pidgin, although clearly showing non-Spanish (possibly Shuar)
features, is more the result of simplication than of relexication. There were and are
Spanish pidgins spoken in the western Amazon basin, and also by the Cayapa on the
604 7 The Spanish presence
Pacic coast in northern Ecuador. Simson (1886) in a travel account and Gnerre (1975)
have provided some data on varieties of this pidgin. Sample sentences are:
(31) Ese canoa andando Consacunti cuando ser a llegando ese
Tonantins tiene?
that canoe going (to) Consacunti when will.be arriving that Tonantins
has.got
(roughly) This canoe going along to the Consacunti when will it be
reaching the Tonantins?
(32) Ese Consacunti, Carapan a llegando, m as.lejos ser a tiene ese
Carapan a, Tonantins llegando?
that Consacunti Carapan a arriving farther will.be has.got that Carapan a
Tonantins arriving
(roughly) Arriving in Consacunti and Carapan a, will it be further from
Carapan a to Tonantins?
(33) Tuyo no sabiendo le na cortando.
yours not knowing wood cutting
You do not know how to cut wood.
Features that can be identied on the basis of Gnerres and Simsons pidgin data are that
the verb is in the gerundive formand a verb formest a meaning to be, to be characterised
by. In Simsons data it is not the verb estar that is overgeneralised in its use, but rather
the future of the verb ser, i.e. ser a lit. he will be. There is SOV word order, with the
main sentence verb following the subordinate sentence verb (consistent with SOV basic
order). Prepositions tend to be absent. We nd the generalised use of Spanish tiene has
got, probably as an emphatic marker. The Spanish demonstrative pronoun ese that
is used as denite marker. While in Gnerres data the second-person pronoun is vos
(informal) you, Simson has tuyo (intimate) yours.
7.4 African inuences
From the very beginning, the Spanish conquistadores brought African slaves with them
to the Andes. While the black population did not become the dominant one, as in the
Caribbean, Africans were forcibly settled in most Andean countries. This includes not
only Venezuela and Colombia, where their presence and inuence is clearest, but also
the coastal regions of Peru and Ecuador, and, for instance, the silver mines of Potos in
Bolivia, at an altitude of over 4,000 metres.
While only one clearly distinct new language emerged out of African slavery in the
area we are concerned with, Palenquero, other varieties of Spanish in different regions
clearly display African traits. Romero (1988) shows that this inuence on the Peruvian
Spanish lexicon has been quite extensive.
7.5 Language planning and bilingual education 605
Palenquero is spoken in one village near Cartagena in northern Colombia, San Basilio
del Palenque (Friedemann and Pati no 1983; Megenney 1986). It descends from the
language spoken by the slaves who built the fortications of Cartagena during the late
sixteenthandearlyseventeenthcenturies, anda groupof whomescapedin1603. Isolation
has helped maintain the language, but now all remaining speakers are bilingual. Indeed,
many utterances contain Spanish elements (given in capitals in the fragment presented
here; Bickerton and Escalante 1970):
(34) no. malo mi kel e nu. EL NO ME kel e mi asna. w eno ki i par un
mon a TO LOS A . . . anda, panda gana, ke ta kum e to al o
no. husband me want not. he not me want me like that. good that I bear a
child all the y . . . go on, scare hen, that is eat all rice
No. My husband does not want it. He does not like me like that. It is
good that I bear a child every year. . . . Go on, chase the hen away, it
eats all the rice.
It is clear that the basic vocabulary derives from Spanish, but there is also an important
Bantu component (Bickerton and Escalante 1970).
In the coastal regions of southern Colombia and northern Ecuador, Nari no and Es-
meraldas, respectively, non-standard Afro-American varieties of Spanish, are spoken.
Lipski (1987) considers these as non-creoles; they are only different fromother varieties
of local Spanish in non-core lexicon and pronunciation, and even in the latter have many
features of coastal (Andalucian) Spanish in general. However, the variety spoken by
descendants of slaves of highland Jesuit plantations in the Chota valley, Imbabura and
Carchi provinces in northern Ecuador, does exhibit a few remnants which point to a cre-
ole or partly creolised antecessor. First, -s is often deleted word-nally, but not in other
contexts, while in coastal Spanish it is frequently aspirated or deleted in all contexts.
At the same time, the non-Afro-American surrounding varieties of highland Spanish
exhibit no s-deletion to speak of. Furthermore, there are cases of improper agreement
both in the noun phrase and in the verb phrase. These are characteristic of Quechua
Spanish bilinguals, as we have seen, but not of monolinguals such as the chote nos. From
all this, Lipski (1987) concludes that we must distinguish between traits which Afro-
American Spanish may simply have inherited fromcoastal Spanish in general, and cases
where there is evidence for antecedent creole varieties, the case in point being the Chota
valley.
7.5 Language planning and policy with respect to the Amerindian
languages and to bilingual education
The various Andean countries differ in the legal status of the native languages, both due
to the ethnic constitution of the different nations and to their political systems and degree
of ethnic mobilisation. Nonetheless, it should be clear that everywhere the Amerindian
606 7 The Spanish presence
languages are oppressed, to use Alb os term (1977). In spite of the secondary role that
some Amerindian language may play, the dominant role is reserved for Spanish (see
L opez and Jung 1998 for a useful overview).
It should not be forgotten, and this is stressed again by Jung (1991), that a so-called
minority language problem is really a problem of the majority, and of the degree to
which this majority is willing to accommodate and respect other languages. Bilingualism
is all too often a one-sided affair, with speakers of a dominated language learning the
dominant one, and not the other way around.
When we talk about bilingual education for native groups in the Andes, two distinc-
tions are quite important. (a) Projects are experimental in status, and cease when the
evaluation has been completed or when the funding has dried up. Programmes are more
permanent, and reect the commitment of educational planning authorities towards a
given practice. (b) In transitional models the non-dominant language has an intermediate
role, primarily to help the child adjust to the dominant national culture and language,
which are diffused through the schools. Often use of the Amerindian language will be
limited to a few subjects in the rst three years or so. In maintenance models the educa-
tional programme is geared towards the stimulation of the non-dominant language and
culture. Use of the Amerindian language will be much more extensive and continues
through the years of schooling.
This requires both more widespread literacy in the Amerindian languages and the
development of these languages as written languages (L opez and Jung 1987, 1998).
Hornberger (1988, 1989) discusses the complex role of education, even if conducted in
the native language, in Amerindian communities.
We will return to some general issues after surveying the situation in the different
Andean countries.
Venezuela. In Venezuela roughly 1 per cent of the population speaks an Amerindian
language. Spanish is the only ofcial language, but since 1979 there is legislation that
supports bilingual educationprogrammes (vonGleich1989a: 35763; Toledo1989). The
ofcial policy is towards transitional programmes, stressing linkage to la vida nacional
the life of the nation, but there are initiatives, particularly in the Upper Amazon basin
(Eguillor 1989; Jim enez Tur on 1989), for maintenance programmes, with the support
of church groups and tribal organisations (Mosonyi 1972, 1987).
Colombia. As in Venezuela, Spanish is the only ofcial language of Colombia, where
about 2 per cent speaks an Amerindian language (von Gleich 1989a: 21529).
Legislation dating from 1978 outlines a type of bilingual education geared towards
language maintenance, with strong community input. There are two centres for the
training of Indian teachers. Under the general denominator of etnoeducaci on there are a
number of programmes, run by Amerindian organisations, in part in collaboration with
church groups. The constitution of 1991 has provided new rights for indigenous groups.
7.5 Language planning and bilingual education 607
Two organisations have been quite active in promoting the further study and documen-
tation of the Colombian Amerindian languages: the Summer Institute of Linguistics and
the CCELA(Centro Colombiano de Estudios de Lenguas Aborgenes) at the Universidad
de los Andes (cf. chapter 2).
Ecuador. In Ecuador perhaps as many as a quarter of the population may consider
itself to be Indian, but not all speak an Amerindian language. While Spanish is the ofcial
language, the constitution recognises Quechua and the other Amerindian languages as
part of the culture of the nation. Alawdating from1981 formally acknowledges the need
for bilingual intercultural education in predominantly Indian areas, and it is safe to say
that in Ecuador bilingual education is more advanced than in the other Andean countries.
Educational programmes are functioninginmost Indianareas inthe country, andthere are
four teacher trainingcolleges specialisinginbilingual education: twoin the lowlands, and
two in the highlands. There is a standardised variety termed quichua unicado unied
Quechua. King (2000) suggests that tensions emerge between this unied variety and
local varieties, perceived as more authentic. These tensions are probably inherent in
any standardisation effort, but are of particular importance in the fragile situation of the
standardisation of an Amerindian language variety. An important role in the propagation
of a unied Quechua was played by radio stations such as La Voz de los Andes (The
Voice of the Andes).
Peru. In Peru the ofcial language is Spanish, while Quechua and Aymara can also be
used ofcially, and the other native languages form part of the cultural heritage of the
nation as well, according to article 83 of the constitution (L opez 1990). Discrimination
on the basis of language is specically prohibited, and each person has the legal right
to use her or his own language in dealings with the judiciary system. Thus, for a while,
Peru accorded the highest legal status to the Amerindian languages of all of South
America (von Gleich 1989a: 31855; see Mannheim 1984 for a historical account of the
development of language policies in Peru). Nonetheless, daily life is different for most
of the almost four million speakers of Amerindian languages in Peru. In fact, languages
such as Quechua are rarely used ofcially, though it is spoken widely, even in migrant
neighbourhoods in urban centres. Myers (1973) is an interesting early study of the use
of Quechua in the barriadas (popular neighbourhoods) of Lima and her results have
been conrmed in later research. Gugenberger (1995) illustrates the mixed feelings that
bilingual migrants to the city of Arequipa have about their native language and Spanish.
Von Gleich (1989b) reports on a study in which attitudes towards Quechua and Spanish
in the Ayacucho area are studied, conjointly with W. W olck, with ten-year intervals from
1968 onward.
In 1984 legislation was passed which made bilingual education possible, leading to
the progressive Hispanicisation of the Indian children. There are three centres for the
training of bilingual teachers: in Iquitos, supported by CAAAP (Centro Amaz onico de
608 7 The Spanish presence
Antropologa y Aplicaci on Practca); Puno, founded by the German-funded Proyecto
Experimental de Educaci on Biling ue; and Yarinacocha, founded by the Summer In-
stitute of Linguistics. A number of bilingual education projects have been set up. In
Ayacucho there have been QuechuaSpanish activities, with some interruptions, since
1964, directed primarily at the early grades of schooling. In 1983 a project started on
the Ro Tambo, directed at the Ash aninca. Finally, in Puno a project ran between 1977
and 1988 which was one of the largest in the Andes, in terms of staff, publications, etc.
(cf. section 3.2.12). It has been amply documented; an external evaluation of the project
is presented in Hornberger (1988, 1989).
Bolivia. Even though almost half of the population usually speaks a different lan-
guage in Bolivia (Alb o 1980), the only ofcial language is Spanish (von Gleich 1989a:
20414). An impression of the complex QuechuaSpanish bilingual setting in the
Cochabamba area is given in Alb o (1968, 1974), and Alb o (1995) provides an ex-
haustive survey, based on census-data, of the multilingual situation in the early 1990s.
Present-day legislation only mentions Amerindian languages with respect to (adult) al-
phabetisation and basic education programmes. Nonetheless, educational planning does
include bilingual programmes as one of its objectives. There are three centres for the
training of bilingual teachers, one focusing on Aymara, one on Quechua and one on
Guaran.
Chile. There are large groups of speakers of Amerindian languages, particularly Ma-
puche, but Spanish is the only ofcial language in Chile. Such legislation as there is
specically referring to native groups focuses on integration in national society. There
are no specic training programmes for bilingual teachers. In the rural education pro-
gramme for the Mapuche area the language itself is not taught (von Gleich, 1989a:
2304).
Argentina. Argentina has a small but sizeable minority (over 300,000) of speakers
of Amerindian languages. Spanish is the ofcial language. There is legislation that
supports a generally transitional model of bilingual education, but there are no training
programmes for bilingual teachers (von Gleich, 1989a: 198202). Messineo (1989)
describes a programme training auxiliary Toba teachers, in order to set up bilingual
schools.
7.6 Andean languages in the modern world
Nelly Ramos Pizarro (1989: 40) writes in an article on the bilingual competence of
Mapuche secondary school students: In what will Mapudungun be useful for a girl
that will develop her whole life in a huinca (white) context? This is the problem in a
nutshell facing bilingual education in the Andes. Schools cannot be thought of as islands
in a society otherwise hostile to native languages and cultural values, and neither can
educational reform replace social and cultural reform.
7.6 Andean languages in the modern world 609
In a number of articles in the journal Pueblos Indgenas y Educaci on mathematics
classes in native languages are discussed in great detail. How do we adapt the numerical
systems of the native languages to the requirements of modern mathematics teaching?
How do we develop a new meta-vocabulary in these languages? Some authors struggle
on with the set-theoretical mathematics already abandoned in the western school systems
from which it was imported into the Andes in the 1970s. Ingenious though the solutions
presented are, the question is how the mathematical knowledge inculcated in Shuar or
Aymara will serve an adolescent negotiating in the local Sunday feria (market). Arelated
issue is how the reading knowledge in the Amerindian languages will be put to use in
primarily oral societies.
An ever larger group of Indian children grows up learning poor Spanish at home,
rather than the Amerindian languages. For this group a transitional model does not
make much sense, since their primary language is the nationally dominant one. Thus
we need to think of different models, perhaps maintenance or recovery models, when
we think of bilingual intercultural education. Some such models have been sketched for
North America, e.g. in Craig (1991) and Watahomigie and Yamamoto (1992).
Talking about Andean languages in the modern world runs the risk of making the
error sketched in the beginning of this book, when we discussed the train image from
L evi-Strausss Race et histoire. Of course, the Andean languages are as much in history
and part of history as the European languages. Chiquito was used by the Bolivian army
as a secret code in the Chaco War between Bolivia and Paraguay. Similarly, Aymara is
being promoted in La Paz as an ideal computer language, due to its highly regular and
transparent agglutinative morphology, by Ivan Guti errez.
Still, there can be no doubt that for many Andean languages, to be part of the modern
world simply means not to be there at all. We have listed enough cases of linguistic
decay and threatened ethnic and physical survival in this book to make the grim picture
sketched in Michael Krauss (1992) applicable to South America as well: about 90 per
cent of the languages spoken nowmay disappear in the next century, and indeed many of
the languages are disappearing at an alarming rate. However, there are some cases where
Amerindian communities have managed to regain sufcient control of their environment
and local autonomy to ensure that their language has at least a chance of surviving.
Appendix
Inventory of languages and language
families of the Andean region
The following list contains an overview of the languages and language families rep-
resented in the Andean region (including the Paraguayan languages and some other
languages not systematically treated in this book). For some languages it also includes
alternative names and names used by ethnolinguistic groups for referring to themselves.
Approximative speaker numbers (s.) are given for languages still in use, but it should
be remarked that many sources do not make a specic distinction between the number
of speakers of a language and the number of members of an ethnic group. For instance,
the Colombian statistics usually refer to the totality of ethnic communities and may be
too high when used as an indication of language retention. By contrast, Peruvian gures
may well be too low because they are based on the results of a census involving ques-
tions on language use, of which the answer depends on the willingness of individuals
to supply the requested information. Most importantly, both the estimates of speaker
numbers and of ethnic group membership may differ widely according to the sources. In
this overview, minimum and maximum estimates (separated by a hyphen) are given in
cases of contradiction. For very specic high estimates, round gures may be given
instead of the original numbers.
Sources that have been consulted for the statistical information are, for Argentina,
Censabella (1999); for Colombia, Arango and S anchez (1998), in an extract kindly
provided by Jon Landaburu, and the website Etnias de Colombia (http://www.
indigenascolombia.org); for Ecuador, Juncosa (2000); for Paraguay, Meli a (1997); for
Peru, Brack and Y a nez (1997), Pozzi-Escot (1998) and Chirinos Rivera (2001); for
Venezuela, Gonz alez

N a nez (2000) and Mosonyi and Mosonyi (2000). For Bolivia,
Ecuador and Peru, we have furthermore used the online information collected by Mily
Crevels for the UNESCO Red Book of Endangered Languages (http://www.tooyoo.l.
u-tokyo.ac-jp/Redbook/SAmerica). An online source for Chile was the website Lenguas
y Culturas de Chile (http://rehue.csociales.uchile.cl). More specic sources, such as
the online information of the Cabeceras Aid Project (http://www.onr.com/cabeceras),
administrated by Christine Beier and Lev Michael, have been consulted for particular
languages. (Online sources updated for May 2003.)
610
Inventory of Andean languages and language families 611
Aguano: unclassied. Peru (Loreto); extinct.
Andaqu or Aguanunga: isolate. Colombia (Caquet a, Huila); reportedly extinct; possibly
related to P aez.
Andoque: isolate. Colombia (Amazonas): 518 s.
Araucanian: language family, two languages.
Huilliche: Chile (Los Lagos); a few thousand speakers.
Mapuche or Mapudungun: Argentina (Buenos Aires, Chubut, La Pampa, Neuqu en,
RoNegro), c. 40,000 s.; Chile (Araucana, Biobo, Los Lagos), speaker estimates
range from 200,000 to 500,000 s.
Araw a: language family, one language in Per u; more in Brazil.
Culina: Peru (Ucayali): 250400 s.; more in Brazil.
Arawakan: language family.
Achagua: Colombia (Meta): 280 s.; extinct in Venezuela.
Amuesha or Yanesha

: Peru (Hu anuco, Junn, Pasco): 1,7507,000 s.

Ash aninca (including Ash eninca and Gran Pajonal Campa): Peru (Ayacucho, Cuzco,
Junn, Pasco, Ucayali): 30,15052,000 s.; more in Brazil.
Baniva del Guaina: Colombia (Guaina): a few; Venezuela (Amazonas): 1,130 s.
Bar e: Venezuela (Amazonas): a few; more in Brazil (probably extinct).
Baure: Bolivia (Beni): 13 s. (in ethnic group of 630).
Cabiyar: Colombia (Vaup es): 277 s.
Campa Caquinte or Poyenisati: Peru (Cuzco, Junn): 230300 s.
Campa Nomatsiguenga: Peru (Junn): 4,0005,530 s.
Chamicuro: Peru (Loreto): 2 s. (in ethnic group of 126).
Curripaco (includes Baniva del Isana): Colombia (Guaina): 7,066 s.; Venezuela
(Amazonas): 2,7604,000 s.; more in Brazil.
Guajiro or Wayuunaiki: Colombia (Guajira): 144,000 s.; Venezuela (Zulia): 180,000 s.
(cf. Alvarez 1994).
I napari: Peru (Madre de Dios): 4 s.
Kugapakori or Pucapacuri or Nanti: Peru (Cuzco, Madre de Dios): 250 s., possibly
more uncontacted (information Cabeceras Aid Project).
Machiguenga: Peru (Cuzco, Madre de Dios): 5,9108,680 s.
Machineri: Bolivia (Pando): 140 s.; more in Brazil.
Mashco-Piro: Peru (Madre de Dios): limited contact, no data.
Mojo (includes the varieties Ignaciano and Trinitario): Bolivia (Beni): over
10,000 s.
Paraujano or A nun or A nuu: Venezuela (Zulia): 2030 s.
Paunaca: Bolivia (Santa Cruz): a few.
Piapoco: Colombia (Meta, Guana, Vichada): 4,466 s.; Venezuela (Amazonas):
1,1673,000 s.
612 Appendix
Piro or Yine: Peru (Cuzco, Loreto, Madre de Dios, Ucayali): 2,1503,500 s.
Resgaro: Peru (Loreto): 11 s. in 1971 (in mixed group with Bora and Huitoto).
Tariana: Colombia (Vaup es): ethnic group of 332; more in Brazil; 100 s. in both
countries (Aikhenvald 1999).
Warekena: Venezuela (Amazonas): 400500 s.; more in Brazil.
Yavitero: Venezuela (Amazonas): 1 s.; similar to Baniva del Guaina.
Yucuna: Colombia (Amazonas): 500 s.
Presumably extinct languages belonging to this family:
Amarizana: Colombia (Casanare).
Apolista or Lapachu: Bolivia (La Paz).
Caqueto: Venezuela (Apure, Falc on, Lara, Yaracuy); Dutch Antilles (Aruba, Bonaire,
Cura cao).
Chan e: Argentina (Salta); Bolivia (Santa Cruz); language shifted to Chiriguano.
Gar u or Guar u: Colombia (Amazonas).
Maipure: Colombia (Vichada).
Paiconeca: Bolivia (Santa Cruz).
Saraveca: Bolivia (Santa Cruz).
Atacame no or Kunza: isolate. Argentina (Salta); Chile (Antofagasta); possibly also
Bolivia (Potos); possible subgroups in Argentina: Apatama, Casavindo,
Churumata, Cochinoca; reportedly extinct.
Aymaran: language family, three languages.
Aymara: Bolivia (Cochabamba, La Paz, Oruro, Potos): 1,600,000 s.; Chile (Tarapac a):
16,000 s.; Peru (Moquegua, Puno, Tacna): 466,000 s.
Cauqui: Peru (Lima): 11 s. in larger community.
Jaqaru: Peru (Lima): 725 s.
Bagua or Patag on de Bagua: unclassied. Peru (Amazonas, Cajamarca); extinct.
Barbacoan: language family, ve languages.
Awa Pit or Cuaiquer: Colombia (Nari no): ethnic group of 13,000; Ecuador (Carchi):
2,0003,000; percentage of speakers unknown.
Cha

palaachi or Chachi or Cayapa or Nigua: Ecuador (Esmeraldas): 7,600 s.

Guambiano: Colombia (Cauca): ethnic group of 20,780, mostly speakers.
Totor o: Colombia (Cauca): 4 s. in community of 3,600.
Tsaki or Colorado: Ecuador (Pichincha): 2,000 s.
Extinct languages belonging to this family:
Barbacoa: Colombia (Nari no).
Cara: Ecuador (Imbabura, Pichincha); afliation uncertain.
Coconuco: Colombia (Cauca).
Pasto (including Muellamues): Colombia (Nari no); Ecuador (Carchi).
Sindagua or Malla: Colombia (Nari no).
Inventory of Andean languages and language families 613
Betoi: language family. Colombia (Arauca, Casanare); Venezuela (Apure); several ethnic
groups: Airico, Betoi, Ele, Jirara, Lolaca, Situfa, etc.; the languages are extinct.
Bora-Huitoto: language family consisting of two distinct subfamilies.
Boran:
Bora: Colombia (Amazonas): 646 s.; Peru (Loreto): 2,000 s.
Mira na: Colombia (Amazonas): 660 s.
Muinane: Colombia (Amazonas): 547 s.
Huitotoan:
Huitoto (subgroups M-in-ica, Murui, N-ipode): Colombia (Amazonas, Caquet a,
Putumayo): 6,245 s.; Peru (Loreto): 1,1331,917 s.
Nonuya: Colombia (Amazonas): 2 s.
Ocaina: Colombia (Amazonas): 126 s.; Peru (Loreto): 54188 s.
Cahuapanan: language family with two surviving languages; possibly related to
Jivaroan.
Chayahuita: Peru (Loreto, San Martn): 7,87513,717 s.
Jebero: Peru (Loreto): 5002,500 s.; language becoming obsolescent.
Probably extinct language belonging to this group:
Cahuapana: Peru (Loreto).
Canichana: isolate. Bolivia (Beni). 3 semi-speakers in community of 583 (eld data
Crevels).
Candoshi: language family with one surviving language.
Candoshi or Murato or Shapra: Peru (Loreto): 1,9003,000 s.
Extinct languages belonging to this family:
Chirino: Peru (Amazonas, Cajamarca).
Rabona: Ecuador (Zamora-Chinchipe); afliation uncertain.
Ca nar-Puruh a: putative language family; two languages, both extinct.
Ca nar: Ecuador (Azuay, Ca nar, Chimborazo, El Oro, Loja).
Puruh a: Ecuador (Bolvar, Chimborazo, Tungurahua).
Cariban: language family.
Carijona or Guaque or Hianacoto or Umaua: Colombia (Amazonas, Guaviare): 30 s.
Japreria: Venezuela (Zulia): number included in Yucpa.
Yukpa or Yuco or Motilones mansos: Colombia (Cesar): 3,529 s.; Venezuela (Zulia):
1,5003,500 s.
Extinct languages belonging to this family:
Op onCarare: Colombia (Santander); probably extinct; maybe two languages.
Patag on: Peru (Amazonas, Cajamarca).
Extinct languages which may have belonged to this family:
MuzoColima: Colombia (Boyac a, Cundinamarca).
Panche: Colombia (Cundinamarca, Tolima).
614 Appendix
Pijao: Colombia (Tolima); strong Cariban inuence, but language probably not
Cariban.
Cayuvava: isolate. Bolivia (Beni): 2 semi-speakers in group of 800 (eld data Crevels).
Chacha: unclassied. Peru (Amazonas, possibly also in La Libertad and San Martn);
extinct.
Chapacuran: language family; one language in Bolivia.
Mor e or Itenez: Bolivia (Beni): 76 s., including 21 active speakers (eld data Angenot
de Lima).
Extinct languages that belonged or may have belonged to this family:
Chapacura or Huachi: Bolivia (Santa Cruz).
Herisebocona: Bolivia (Santa Cruz).
Kitemoca: Bolivia (Santa Cruz); possible speakers left.
Napeca: Bolivia (Santa Cruz).
Rocorona: Bolivia (Santa Cruz).
Charr uan: language family (languages: Chan a, Charr ua, Guenoa or Minuane):
Argentina (Entre Ros); Uruguay; all extinct; possibly related to Guaicuruan.
Other extinct ethnic groups of Entre Ros and Santa Fe (Argentina) that may
have been associated with this language family: Carcara n a, Colastin e, Corond a,
Mbegu a, Mepene, Quiloaz a, Timb u.
Chibchan: language family; more languages in Costa Rica, Honduras, Nicaragua and
Panama.
Bar or Dobocubi or Motilones bravos: Colombia (Cesar, Norte de Santander):
3,530 s.; Venezuela (Zulia): 1,500 s.
Chimila or Ette taara: Colombia (Magdalena): 900 s.
Cuna or Tule: Colombia (Antioquia, Choc o): 1,166 s.; more in Panama.
Damana or Arsario or Guamaca or Malayo or Marocasero or Sanj a or Wiwa:
Colombia (Cesar): 1,850 s.
Ika or Arhuaco or Bntukua: Colombia (Cesar, Magdalena): 14,300 s.
Kogui or K aggaba: Colombia (Magdalena): 9,765 s.
Uw Cuwa or Tunebo: Colombia (Arauca, Boyac a, Norte de Santander, Santander):
7,000 s.; Venezuela (Apure): some.
Extinct languages belonging to this family:
Cato Chibcha: Colombia (Antioquia).
Duit: Colombia (Boyac a).
Kanku or Kankuamo or At anquez: Colombia (Cesar).
Muisca: Colombia (Cundinamarca, Distrito Capital).
Nutabe: Colombia (Antioquia).
Chiquitano or Bes-iro: isolate. Bolivia (Santa Cruz): 5,855 s. in ethnic group of c. 47,000;
varieties: Churapa, Sansimoniano, Tao.
Inventory of Andean languages and language families 615
Chocoan: language family; two languages.
Ember a or Cato or Cham or Saija: Colombia (Antioquia, Caldas, Cauca, Choc o,
C ordoba, Risaralda): 71,400 s.; Ecuador: 60 s.; more in Panama.
Waunana or Wounaan or Noanama: Colombia (Choc o, Valle del Cauca): 7,960 s.
Chon: language family with one surviving language.
Tehuelche or Aonekenk: Argentina (Santa Cruz): 4 s.
Extinct languages belonging to this family:
G un una Yajich or Puelche: Argentina (Chubut, Ro Negro).
Haush: Argentina (Tierra del Fuego).
Selk

nam or Ona: Argentina (Tierra del Fuego); Chile (Magallanes).

Tehues or Teushen: Argentina (Chubut, Santa Cruz).
Extinct language that possibly belonged to this family:
Querand: Argentina (Buenos Aires, La Pampa).
Other language names associated with this group: Chechehet, Divihet, Het, Hongote,
Taluhet, etc.
Chono: unclassied. Chile (Ais en); extinct; afliation with Kawesqar suggested.
Cof an or Ainga e: isolate. Ecuador (Sucumbos): 800 s.; Colombia (Nari no, Putumayo):
1,457 s.
Comeching on: unclassied. Argentina (C ordoba); extinct; possibly a cluster of lan-
guages, rather than a single one; subgroups: Camiare, Henia; afliation with
Huarpean suggested.
Copall en: unclassied. Peru (Amazonas); extinct.
Cueva: unclassied language of eastern Panama; extinct.
Culli: unclassied. Peru (Ancash, Cajamarca, La Libertad); presumably extinct.
Diaguita or Kak an: unclassied language or language family. Argentina (Catamarca, La
Rioja, Salta, Santiago del Estero, Tucum an); Chile (Atacama, Coquimbo). Many
subgroups (Calchaqu, Capay an, Hualfn, Pular, Quilme, Tolomb on, Yacampis,
etc.); extinct; extent of internal diversication unknown.
Esmeralde no or Atacame: isolate. Ecuador (Esmeraldas); extinct.
Guahiboan: language family, four languages.
Cuiba: Colombia (Arauca): 2,275 s.; some in Venezuela (Apure).
Guayabero: Colombia (Meta, Guaviare): 1,060 s.
Hitn u or Macaguane: Colombia (Arauca): 542 s.
Sikuani or Guahibo or Hiwi (includes Amor ua, Chiricoa, Masiguare and Tsiripu):
Colombia. (Arauca, Casanare, Guaina, Meta, Vichada): 21,410 s.; Venezuela
(Amazonas, Apure): 9,220 s.
Guaicuruan: language family, three languages (and one in Brazil: Kadiw eu).
Mocov: Argentina (Chaco, Santa Fe): 3,0005,000 s.
Pilag a: Argentina (Formosa): 2,0005,000 s.
616 Appendix
Toba: Argentina (Chaco, Formosa, Salta, Santa Fe) 36,00060,000 s.; Paraguay (Pres-
idente Hayes, San Pedro): 755 s. (EmokToba or Toba Qom).
Extinct languages belonging to this family:
Abip on: Argentina (Chaco, Corrientes, Santa Fe).
Mbay a: Argentina (Chaco).
Payagu a: Paraguay (on the Paraguay river).
Guamo: language family. Venezuela (Apure, Barinas, Gu arico, Portuguesa); all extinct.
Harakmbut or Hate: Language with some internal variety, located in Peru (Cuzco, Madre
de Dios): 8001,600 s.; several subgroups: Amarakaeri, Arasairi, Huachipairi,
Kisamberi, Pukieri, Sapiteri, Toy(o)eri or Tuyuneiri; it has been linked to the
Katukinan family in Brazil (Adelaar 2000); further connections with Macro-Ge
and Tupi possible.
Hibito-Chol on: language family, two languages both probably extinct; the name
Cholona, from Spanish la lengua cholona (Loukotka 1968), is in error.
Chol on or Seepts a: Peru (San Martn).
Hibito: Peru (San Martin).
Huancavilca: unclassied. Ecuador (Guayas); extinct; it may have included the language
of the island Pun a.
Huarpean: language family; all extinct.
Allentiac: Argentina (San Juan, San Luis).
Millcayac: Argentina (Mendoza).
Huaorani or Huao or Auca or Auishiri or Sabela: isolate. Ecuador (Napo, Pastaza):
1,200 s.
Humahuaca: unclassied language or language family. Argentina (Jujuy); all extinct;
subgroups: Fiscara, Humahuaca, Jujuy, Ocloya, Osa, Purmamarca, Tiliar; pos-
sible overlap with Atacame no inuence sphere.
Itonama: isolate. Bolivia (Beni): less than 10 aged speakers in an ethnic group of 5,000
(eld data Crevels).
Jirajaran: language family; all extinct.
Ayam an or Ayom an: Venezuela (Lara).
Gay on: Venezuela (Lara).
Jirajara: Venezuela (Lara).
Jivaroan: Language family, four languages.
Aguaruna or Awahun or Aents: Peru (Amazonas, Cajamarca, San Martn): 34,000
45,000 s.
Achuar (including Shiwyar) or Aents: Ecuador (Zamora-Chinchipe): 4,000 s.; Peru
(Loreto): 2,8004,700 s.
Huambisa: Peru (Amazonas, Loreto): 4,0008,000 s.
Inventory of Andean languages and language families 617
Shuar: Ecuador (ZamoraChinchipe, Morona-Santiago): 35,000 s.; Peru (Loreto): a
few.
Extinct languages associated with this family:
Malacato: Ecuador (Loja).
Palta: Ecuador (Loja).
Xoroca: Ecuador (ZamoraChinchipe).
Kams a or Sibundoy or Coche: isolate. Colombia (Putumayo): 4,022 s.
Kawesqar or Alacaluf or Aksan as: isolate. Chile (Magallanes): less than 20 s.
Leco or Rika or Buruwa: isolate. Bolivia (La Paz): c. 50 speakers living in dispersed
locations (eld data van de Kerke).
LenguaMascoy: language family, ve closely related languages.
Angait e: Paraguay (Boquer on, Concepci on, Presidente Hayes): 971 s.
Guan a: Paraguay (Concepci on, Presidente Hayes): 24 s.
Lengua (or Enxet): Paraguay (Boquer on, Presidente Hayes): 9,387 s.
Sanapan a: Paraguay (Presidente Hayes): 789 s.
Toba Mascoy: Paraguay (Alto Paraguay, Boquer on, Concepci on, Presidente Hayes):
1,312 s.
LuleVilela: language family with one surviving language.
Vilela: Argentina (Chaco, Santa Fe): possibly a few speakers left; community merged
with Mocov and Toba.
Extinct languages belonging to this family:
Lule: Argentina (Salta, Santiago del Estero, Tucum an).
Tonocot e: Argentina (Santiago del Estero, Tucum an); may be related to Lule, or
independent; no data.
Mac uPuinave: language family, three languages; more in Brazil.
YuhupHupd a: Colombia (Vaup es): 363 s.; more in Brazil.
Kaku a-Nukak (Nukak is Mac u del Guaviare): Colombia (Guaviare, Vaup es): 525 s.;
more in Brazil.
Puinave: Colombia (Guaina, Vichada): 5,380 s.; Venezuela (Amazonas): 774 s.
Macro-Ge: Widely extended language phylum with a few representatives in the pre-
Andean region.
Bororo family:
Bororo: Bolivia (Santa Cruz): 4 s.; migrants from Brazil; more in Brazil.
Otuque (includes Covareca and Curuminaca): Bolivia (Santa Cruz): extinct.
Ge family (Kaingang subgroup):
Guayana: Argentina (Misiones): extinct.
Ingain: Argentina (Misiones): extinct.
Guat o: Isolate. A few in Brazil near the border with Bolivia (Santa Cruz).
618 Appendix
Matacoan: language family, four languages.
Chulup or Ashlushlay or Nivacl e: Argentina: 2001,200 s.; Paraguay (Boquer on,
Presidente Hayes): 7,780 s.
Chorote or Manjui or Yofuaha: Argentina (Salta): 1,2002,100 s; Paraguay (Bo-
quer on): 208 s.
Mak a: Paraguay (Alto Paran a, Asunci on, Caaguaz u, Central, Concepci on, Itap ua,
Presidente Hayes): 990 s.
Mataco or Wich or Weenhayek (varieties: Guisnay, Noct en, Vejoz): Argentina (Chaco,
Formosa, Salta): 35,00060,000 s.; Bolivia (Tarija): 1,800 s.
Mochica or Muchik or Yunga: isolate. Peru (La Libertad, Lambayeque); presumably
extinct.
Mosetenan: language family, two closely related languages.
Chimane or Tsimane: Bolivia (Beni): 4,0008,000 s. (Sakel 2003).
Moset en: Bolivia (La Paz): 750800 s. (Sakel 2003).
Movima: isolate. Bolivia (Beni): 1452 s.
Munichi or Otanabe: isolate. Peru (Loreto): 3 s. (in 1988).
Omurana or Mayna: isolate. Peru (Loreto): extinct.
Otomaco or Taparita: language family. Venezuela (Apure): extinct.
P aez or Nasa Yuwe: isolate (with variety Paniquit a). Colombia (Cauca, Huila): at least
40,000 s. within ethnic group of 119,000.
PanoTacana: language family consisting of two distinct branches.
Panoan:
Amahuaca: Peru (Madre de Dios, Ucayali): 247 s.; more in Brazil.
Capanahua: Peru (Loreto): 120 to 267 s.
CashiboCacataibo or Uni: Peru (Hu anuco, Ucayali): 1,5001,800 s.
Cashinahua or Junikuin: Peru (Ucayali): 9001,000 s.; more in Brazil.
Ch acobo or No

iria: Bolivia (Beni): 550 s.

Isconahua: Peru (Ucayali): 50 s.
Marubo: Peru (Loreto); now only in Brazil.
MayoPisabo: Peru (Loreto): 100 s.
MayorunaMats es: Peru (Loreto): 1,1772,500 s.; more in Brazil.
Nahua or Yora or Parquenahua: Peru (Cuzco, Madre de Dios, Ucayali): c. 170 s.;
uncontacted groups associated with the Nahua: Chandinahua (300), Chiton-
ahua (50), Maxonahua or Cujare no (100), Morunahua (100); closely related to
Yaminahua.
Pacaguara: Bolivia (Beni): 918 s.
Sharanahua or Onicoin: Peru (Ucayali): 450500 s.; associated groups: Marinahua
(50150), Mastanahua (150); more in Brazil.
Inventory of Andean languages and language families 619
ShipiboConibo (includes extinct Shetebo): Peru (Loreto, Ucayali): 16,000
27,000 s.
Yaminahua: Bolivia (Pando): 137 s.; Peru (Ucayali): 3801000 s.; more in Brazil.
Extinct languages belonging to this subfamily:
Arazaire: Peru (Cuzco); the name seems to coincide with Arasairi, one of the
neighbouring Harakmbut groups.
Atsahuaca or Chaspa: Peru (Madre de Dios).
Nocam an: Peru (Ucayali).
P anobo or Huariapana: Peru (Loreto).
Remo: Peru (Loreto); also in Brazil (Amazonas).
Sensi: Peru (Loreto).
Yamiaca or Ha au neiri: Peru (Madre de Dios).
Tacanan:
Araona: Bolivia (La Paz): 81 s.
Cavine na: Bolivia (Beni, Pando): 1,180 s.
Ese

ejja or Chama or Huarayo: Bolivia (Beni, La Paz, Pando): 225 s.; Peru (Madre
de Dios): 500600 s.
Reyesano: Bolivia (Beni): possibly a few elderly speakers within ethnic group of
4,000.
Tacana: Bolivia (La Paz): 1,820 s.
Toromona: Bolivia (La Paz): 25200 s.
Panzaleo: unclassied. Ecuador (Cotopaxi, Pichincha, Tungurahua): extinct.
Puquinan: language family with only one surviving member.
Callahuaya: Boliva (La Paz); professional language predominantlybasedonPuquinan
lexicon, only used as a second language; a few users.
Extinct language:
Puquina: Bolivia (La Paz); Peru (Arequipa, Cuzco, Moquegua, Puno, Tacna); Coli
may have been the name of the coastal variety of Puquina formerly spoken in
Moquegua and Tacna.
Quechuan: language family with an undetermined number of local varieties usually
referred to as dialects.
Quechua I: Peru (Ancash, Huancavelica, Ica, Hu anuco, Junn, La Libertad, Lima,
Pasco): 750,000 s.
Quechua II: Argentina (Jujuy, Santiago del Estero; formerly also Catamarca
and La Rioja): 70,000130,000 s.; Bolivia (Cochabamba, La Paz, Oruro,
Potos, Santa Cruz, Sucre, Tarija): 2,400,000 s.; Chile (Antofagasta): a few;
Colombia (Caquet a, Nari no, Putumayo; formerly also Cauca and Huila):
17,855 s.; Ecuador (Azuay, Bolvar, Ca nar, Chimborazo, Cotopaxi, Imbabura,
620 Appendix
Loja, MoronaSantiago, Napo, Pastaza, Pichincha, Sucumbos, Tungurahua):
1,400,0002,000,000 s.; Peru (Amazonas, Apurimac, Arequipa, Ayacucho,
Cajamarca, Cuzco, Huancavelica, Lambayeque, Lima, Loreto, Madre de Dios,
Moquegua, Piura, Puno, San Martn): 2,675,000 s.
Quingnam: unclassied. Peru (Ancash, La Libertad): extinct; possibly identical with the
Lengua (Yunga) Pescadora mentioned in colonial documents.
Sacata: unclassied. Peru (Cajamarca): extinct.
Saliban: language family, two languages.
Piaroa or Dearuwa or Woth uha: Colombia (Vichada): 800 s.; Venezuela (Amazonas):
9,00011,000 s.
S aliba: Colombia (Arauca, Casanare): 1,300 s.
Sanavir on: unclassied. Argentina (C ordoba, Santiago del Estero): extinct.
Sechuran: language family, all extinct.
Olmos: Peru (Lambayeque).
Sechura or Sec: Peru (Piura).
Tabancale or Aconipa: unclassied. Border area of Ecuador (Zamora-Chinchipe) and
Peru (Cajamarca): extinct.
Tall an: language family, all extinct; possibly related to Sechuran.
Catacaos: Peru (Piura).
Col an: Peru (Piura).
Taushiroor Pinche: unclassied. Peru(Loreto): 7s. in1975; possiblyrelatedtoZaparoan.
Tekiraka or Abishira or Auishiri (with variety: Vacacocha): isolate. Peru (Loreto): pre-
sumably extinct.
Ticuna or Tucuna: isolate. Colombia (Amazonas): 6,585 s.; Peru (Loreto): 1,787 s.; more
in Brazil (c. 32,000 s.).
TimoteCuica: language family or isolate with internal variation. Venezuela (M erida,
Trujillo); presumably extinct, but possible language survival in Mut us (M erida)
to be veried.
Tiniguan: language family with one surviving language.
Tinigua: Colombia (Meta): 2 s.
Extinct languages belonging to this group:
Majigua: Colombia (Meta).
Pamigua: Colombia (Meta).
Tucanoan: language family.
Angutero: Peru (Loreto): 100 speakers, mixed with the Secoya (Wheeler 2000).
Bar a or Waimaj a: Colombia (Vaup es): 96 s.
Barasana(includingTaiwanoor Eduria): Colombia (Vaup es): 1,910s.; more inBrazil.
Carapana: Colombia (Vaup es): 412 s.; more in Brazil.
Cubeo: Colombia (Vaup es): 6,035 s.; more in Brazil.
Inventory of Andean languages and language families 621
Desano: Colombia (Vaup es): 2,136 s.; more in Brazil.
KoreguajeTama: Colombia (Caquet a): 2,100 s.
Macuna or Sara: Colombia (Vaup es): 922 s.; more in Brazil.
Makaguaje: Colombia (Putumayo): 50 s.
Matap: Colombia (Amazonas): 200 s.
Orej on or Maijuna or Coto: Peru (Loreto): 288 s.
Piratapuyo: Colombia (Vaup es): 630 s.; more in Brazil.
Pisamira: Colombia (Vaup es): 25 s. (in ethnic group of 54).
Secoya (or Pioj e): Ecuador (Sucumbos): 350 s.; Peru (Loreto): 678 s.; also known as
Pai Coca in Ecuador.
Siriano: Colombia (Vaup es): 715 s.; more in Brazil.
Siona: Colombia (Putumayo): 700 s.; Ecuador (Sucumbos): 250 s.; also known as
Pai Coca in Ecuador.
Tanimuca-Letuama (also Retuar a): Colombia (Amazonas): 1,800 s.
Tatuyo: Colombia (Vaup es): 294 s.
Tetet e: Ecuador (Sucumbos): probably extinct.
Tucano or Yepa Masa: Colombia (Vaup es): 6,837 s.; more in Brazil.
Tuyuca: Colombia (Vaup es): 570 s.; more in Brazil.
Wanano: Colombia (Vaup es): 1,172 s.; more in Brazil.
Ya(h)una: Colombia (Amazonas): 95 s.
Yurut: Colombia (Vaup es): 610 s.; more in Brazil.
Presumably extinct groups (no recent data):
Coret u or Curet u: Colombia (Amazonas).
Icaguate: Colombia (Putumayo).
Encabellado: Peru (Loreto).
Yupua or Sok o or Uri or Durin a: Colombia (Amazonas); cf. Landaburu (1996a).
Tupi: widely extended language stock, represented in the area by one family; Tupi is
possibly related to Cariban and to Macro-Ge (Rodrigues 2000).
TupiGuaran:
Ach e or Guayak: Paraguay (Alto Paran a, Caaguaz u, Caazap a, Canindey u): 538 s.
Chiriguano or Ava or Guaran Boliviano: Argentina (Salta): 15,000 to 20,000 s.;
Bolivia (Santa Cruz, Sucre, Tarija): 33,670 s. (a local variety in Bolivia is called
Izoce no); Paraguay (Boquer on): 24 s. (the local variety is called Guarayo).
Chirip a or Av a-Guaran: Paraguay (Alto Paran a, Amambay, Caaguaz u, Canindey u,
Concepci on, San Pedro): 1,930 s.; more in Brazil (Nhandeva).
Cocama-Cocamilla: Peru (Loreto): 11,000 to 18,000 in ethnic group; language
becoming obsolete; some in Brazil.
Guaran Correntino or Goyano: Argentina (Corrientes, Formosa, Misiones, Santa
Fe): 100,000500,000 s.
622 Appendix
Guaran or Paraguayan Guaran: Paraguay: c. 4,648,000; more in Brazil.
Guarayo: Bolivia (Santa Cruz): 5,93310,029 s.
Guarasugw e or Pauserna: Bolivia (Beni, Santa Cruz): 4 s. in 1974; probably extinct;
may be extinct in Brazil as well.
Jor a: Bolivia (Beni): 5 s. in 1974; possibly extinct.
Mby a: Argentina (Misiones): 2,5003,500 s.; Paraguay (Alto Paran a, Caaguaz u,
Caazap a, Canindey u, Guair a, Itap ua, Misiones, San Pedro): 2,435 s.; more in
Brazil.
Omagua: Peru (Loreto): ethnic group of c. 600; language nearly extinct; more in
Brazil (Cambeba).
Pa Tavyter a: Paraguay (Amambay, Canindey u, Concepci on, San Pedro): 500 s.
Sirion o or Mbia: Bolivia (Beni, Santa Cruz): 400 s.
Tapiet e: Bolivia (Tarija): 70 s.; Paraguay (Boquer on): 123 s.; Argentina (Salta):
384 s.
Yeral (from Portuguese lngua geral ) or

Nengat u: Venezuela (Amazonas): 730
2,000 s.; more in Brazil; some in Colombia (Guaina, Vaup es).
Yuqui or Bia: Bolivia (Cochabamba): 125 s.
Urarina or Kacha or Simacu or Itucale: isolate. Peru (Loreto): 5643,000 s.
UruChipaya: language family with two surviving languages; historical varieties com-
monly referred to as Uruquilla.
Chipaya: Bolivia (Oruro): 1,000 s.
Uchumataqu or Uru of Iru-Itu: Bolivia (La Paz): 2 s.
Extinct languages belonging to this family:
Murato: Bolivia (Oruro); no data.
Uru of Chimu: Peru (Puno).
Yaguan: language family with one surviving language.
Yagua or Yihamwo: Colombia (Amazonas): 294 s.; Peru (Loreto): 7604,000 s; some
in Brazil.
Extinct languages belonging to this family:
Peba: Peru (Loreto).
Yameo: Peru (Loreto).
Yahgan or Yamana: isolate. Chile (Magallanes): 2 s.
Yaruro or Pum e: isolate. Venezuela (Apure): 5,000 s.
Yuracar e: isolate. Bolivia (Cochabamba): 2,675 s.
Yur: unclassied. Colombia (Amazonas): 200 s.
Yurumangu: isolate. Colombia (Cauca, Valle del Cauca): extinct.
Zamucoan: language family, two languages.
Ayoreo or Moro: Bolivia (Santa Cruz): 771 s.; Paraguay (Alto Paraguay, Boquer on):
815 s.
Inventory of Andean languages and language families 623
Chamacoco: Paraguay (Central, Boquer on): 1,187 s.
Extinct languages belonging to this family (possibly Ayoreo dialects):
Guara noca: Bolivia (Santa Cruz).
Zamuco: Bolivia (Santa Cruz).
Zaparoan: language family (information Cabeceras Aid Project).
Andoa or Shimigae: Peru (Loreto): 5 s. in 1975; reportedly extinct.
Arabela: Peru (Loreto): 3040 s. to 100 s.
Cahuarano: Peru (Loreto): 5 s. in 1976; reportedly extinct.
Iquito: Peru (Loreto): 2226 s., 1520 semi-speakers.
Z aparo or Kayapi: Ecuador: 14 s.
Extinct languages: Gae, Coronado, Oa, etc. (Ecuador).
Languages which cannot be classied for absence of data:
Arma-Pozo: Colombia (Caldas, Risaralda).
Atunceta: Colombia (Cauca, Valle del Cauca).
Anserma (incl. Caramanta, Cartama): Colombia (Antioquia, Risaralda).
Bolona: Ecuador (Loja, ZamoraChinchipe).
Campaces: Ecuador (Manab, Los Ros, Pichincha).
Canelo: Ecuador (Pastaza).
Carabayo: Colombia (Amazonas); uncontacted group.
Chancos: Colombia (Choc o, Valle del Cauca).
Chango: Chile (Antofagasta, Tarapac a).
Chitarero: Colombia (Norte de Santander).
Chono: Ecuador (Guayas, Los Ros).
Ciaman: Colombia (Cauca, Valle del Cauca).
Colima: Ecuador (Guayas?).
Gorgotoqui: Bolivia (Santa Cruz).
Guaca and Nori: Colombia (Antioquia, C ordoba).
Guane: Colombia (Santander).
Guanaca: Colombia (Cauca, Huila).
Hacaritama: Colombia (Norte de Santander).
Idabaez: Colombia (Choc o).
Jamund: Colombia (Valle del Cauca).
Jitirijiti: Colombia (Valle del Cauca).
Irra: Colombia (Caldas, Risaralda).
Lache: Colombia (Boyac a, Santander)
Lili: Colombia (Valle del Cauca).
Malaba: Ecuador (Esmeraldas).
624 Appendix
Malib u: Colombia (Atl antico, Bolivar, Magdalena).
Manta: Ecuador (Manab); possibly a cluster of languages.
Mocana: Colombia (Atl antico, Bolvar).
Morcote: Colombia (Boyac a).
Pacabuey: Colombia (Bolvar, Cesar, Magdalena).
Panatagua: Peru (Hu anuco).
Pant agora: Colombia (Caldas).
Pehuenche: Argentina (Neuqu en).
Pubenza: Colombia (Valle del Cauca).
Quijo: Ecuador (Napo).
Quimbaya: Colombia (Caldas, Quindo, Risaralda).
Quindo: Colombia (Quindo).
Sin u or Zen u: Colombia (C ordoba, Sucre); subgroups Fincen u, Pancen u, Sinufana.
Sutagao: Colombia (Cundinamarca, Meta)
Tegua: Colombia (Boyac a, Casanare).
Timan a: Colombia (Huila).
Yalc on: Colombia (Huila).
Yames: Colombia (Antioquia).
Yar: Colombia (Caquet a); uncontacted group.
Yarigu or Yarig u: Colombia (Santander).
Yumbo: Ecuador (Pichincha).
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AUTHOR INDEX
Acosta, A. 255
Acosta, J. de 234, 48
Acosta Orteg on, J. 83
Acosta Saignes, M. 130
Adam, L. 83, 91, 47688, 554, 56773,
578
Adelaar, W. F. H. xv, 21, 39, 43, 87, 170, 173,
186, 18890, 193, 203, 2245, 227, 242,
262, 398, 402, 459, 601, 616
Aguilar P aez, R. 191
Aguilera Fa undez, O. 5534, 5656
Aguil o, F. 356
Aguirre Licht, D. 5760
Aikhenvald, A. Y. 2, 21, 39, 164, 411, 612
Albis, M. M. 140
Alb o Corrons, X. 14, 176, 2612, 2967, 357,
363, 589, 606, 608
Alderetes, J. R. 221
Alencastre, A. 255
Alexander(-Bakkerus), A. 460, 4634,
466
Allaire, L. 8
Allin, T. R. 39, 162
Alonso, A. 511
Altieri, R. 32246
Alvar, M. 82
Alvarez, E. 433
Alvarez, J. 11523
Alvarez-Brun, F. 170
Alvarez-Santullano Busch, M. P. 50910, 514,
530
Andagoya, P. de 49, 53
Andrade Ciudad, L. F. 401
Angenot-de Lima, G. 477, 614
Animato, C. 254
Ans, A.-M. d 176, 41819
Appel, R. 19
Arango Ochoa, R. 56, 66, 75, 80, 109, 112,
116, 141, 151, 164, 610
Araya, G. 589
Arcila Robledo, G. 60
Ardila, O. 162, 164
Arguedas, J. M. 256
Ari, M. 296
Armellada, C. de 80, 116
Arnold, D. 296
Arnold, J. 511, 5235, 528
Arocha Rodrguez, J. 62
Arriaza, B. T. 2
Aschmann, R. P. 164, 449
Asher, R. E. 21
Augusta, F. J. de 509, 51116, 51922, 524,
52641
Avila, F. de 174, 255
Bacelar, L. N. 376
Baessler, H. 460
Balmori, C. H. 31, 386
Barzana (B arcena, B arzana), A. de 20, 351,
408, 502
Bastian, A. 57
Bastien, J. 356
Bausani, A. 5523, 5645
Beier, C. 610
Belleza Castro, N. 171, 260, 265, 267, 281,
3016, 31315, 31719
Bendor-Samuel, J. T. 4489
Benvenuto Murrieta, P. M. 589
Berm udez, G. 81
Bertonio, L. 16, 20, 191, 259, 264, 266,
270, 2768, 2805, 287, 28990,
2936
Betanzos, J. de 1789
Beuchat, H. 141, 433, 436, 438
682 Author index
Bibar, G. de 22, 409, 508
Bickerton, D. 605
Bird, J. 553, 555
Bixio, B. 545
Bonilla, V. D. 151
Borman, M. B. 161
Bouysse-Cassagne, T. 171, 176, 263,
362
Bowman, I. 376
Boyd-Bowman, P. 5867
Brack Egg, A. 610
Branks, J. 1423
Branks, T. 1423
Bravo, D. A. 177, 193
Brend, R. M. 142
Bresson, A. 176
Bridges, L. 580
Bridges, T. 550, 554, 56774, 578, 581
Briggs, J. R. 4967
Briggs, L. T. 168, 262, 2646, 268, 271, 273,
275, 2778, 2805, 28790, 293, 2956,
298, 300, 496
Brijnen, H. B. 580
Brinton, D. G. 20, 256, 141
Brundage, B. C. 167
Br uning, E. 321, 400
Buchwald, O. von 400
Buesa Oliver, T. 591
B uttner, T. T. 194, 260, 2789
Cabello Valboa, M. 320, 350
Cabral, A. S. A. C. 432
Cabrera, P. 409
Caillavet, C. 3934
Cajas Rojas, J. 458
Calancha, A. de la 320, 400
Calle Restrepo, H. 49
Calvache Due nas, R. 57, 1425,
148
Calvo P erez, J. 255
Camacho, J. 596
Camp, E. L. 421
Campbell, L. 21, 35, 38, 42, 497
Canals Frau, S. 409
Canto, J. del 401
Captain, D. 117, 120, 121
Carlin, E. B. 115
Carpenter, L. K. 192
Carrasco, V. 260
Carrera Daza, F. de la 16, 84, 31946
Casamiquela, R. M. 550, 554, 5568, 5614,
5823
Casanova, V. 315
Castellanos, J. de 48, 124
Castro de Trelles, L. 401
Catarroja, F. de 80
Catrileo, M. 511
Celed on, R. 67, 117, 124
Cenepo Sangama, V. 193
Censabella, M. 21, 41, 4889, 610
Cerr on-Palomino, R. M. xv, 13, 201, 35,
16870, 1789, 182, 189, 1924, 197,
2014, 210, 213, 257, 25960, 2656,
270, 2734, 276, 2802, 2856, 3012,
305, 317, 3204, 327, 36374, 5956,
599
Chamberlain, A. F. 26, 552
Chandless, W. 459
Chaparro, C. 207
Chatwin, B. 572
Chaumeil, J.-P. 417
Chaves, M. 114
Chaves Mendoza, A. 49, 52, 75
Ch avez, A. 193
Chirif, A. 41617, 419, 423, 431, 433, 452,
457, 459
Chirinos Rivera, A. 13, 168, 187, 258, 262,
402, 610
Chom e, I. 496
Cieza de Le on, P. de 22, 489, 179, 3924,
404
Claesson, K. 4935
Clairis (Clair-Vassiliadis), C. 21, 265, 379,
550, 5526, 5657, 578, 582
Cobo, B. 22, 24, 178
Cohen, M. 26
Cole, P. 17, 1934
Comrie, B. xv, 224
Condori Cruz, D. 260, 2789
Condori Mamani, G. 249, 255
Constenla Uma na, A. 30, 378, 4953, 558,
612, 70, 734, 80, 828, 11415, 12830,
142, 145, 1556, 161
Contreras, C. 510, 530
Contreras, H. 511
Co na, P. 511, 539
Coombs, D. 193
Coombs, H. 193
Cooper, J. M. 5506
Corbera Mori, A. 438
Author index 683
Cordero, L. 192, 255
C ordova, L. 243
Correal Urrego, G. 8
Cotari, D. 260, 27880, 290
Courtney, E. 597
Creider, J. 201
Cr equi-Montfort, G. de 39, 175, 191
Crevels, M. 476, 610, 61314, 616
Crickmay, L. 17
Croese, R. A. 40, 509, 511, 515
Cuba Manrique, M. del C. 401
Cuervo, R. J. 588
Cueva, R. P. G. de la 476
Curnow, T. J. xv, 38, 57, 1418, 150, 397
Cusihuaman, A. 193, 250, 252
Dadey, J. 83
Darwin, C. 550
Davidson, J. O. 35
Davis, I. 34, 40
Dedenbach(-Salazar S aenz), S. 16, 192, 292,
296
Derbyshire, D. 21, 423
Daz Fern andez, A. E. 505, 514
Dickinson, C. 147
Dietrich, W. 4312
Diez de San Miguel, G. 259, 264
Dillehay, T. D. 1, 506
Dixon, R. M. W. 2, 21, 411
Duff(-Tripp), M. 42430
Dum ezil, G. 34
D ummler, C. 16, 83
DuPonceau, P. S. 522
Duque G omez, L. 49
Durbin, M. 38, 53, 11216, 161
Duviols, P. 191
Ebbing, J. E. 260, 285
Echeverra, M. S. 511
Echeverra y Reyes, A. 376
Echeverra Weasson, S. 511, 515
Eckstein, S. 10
Eguillor, M. I. 606
England, N. C. 27881, 299
Ercilla, A. de 506
Escalante, A. 605
Escalante Guti errez, C. 249, 2556
Escobar, A. 201
Escobar, A. M. 589, 596
Escribens Trisano, A. 192, 207
Espejo Ayka, E. 296
Espinoza Soriano, W. 259, 404
Esquivel Villafana, J. 192
Fabre, A. 21, 171
Fals Borda, O. 62
Farf an, J. M. B. 192, 305, 31519
Faron, L. C. 278
Fast, P. W. 424
Fawcett, P. H. 417
Febr es, A. 510
Febr es Cordero, T. 124
Fern andez Garay, A. V. xv, 505, 51011, 514,
516, 528, 550, 5556, 558, 5634, 580,
5823
Fern andez de Oviedo y Valdez, G. 116
Ferrario, B. 41, 181
Ferrell, M. A. 171, 2612
Fiedel, S. J. 12, 506
Figueredo, J. de 181
Firestone, H. L. 431
Fischer, M. 56
Fischermann, B. 496
Flores Reyna, M. 401
Flornoy, B. 433
Fonseca, A. 1245
Fontanella de Weinberg, M. B. 511, 587
Fornaguera, M. 114
Foster, G. 586
Frank, P. S. 6670, 724
Fraunhaeusl, S. de 511
Friede, J. 13840
Friedemann, N. S. de 62, 605
Furlong, G. 386
Fuss, M. 478, 481
Galeote Tormo, J. 478, 481, 4856
Garca Hierro, P. 417
Garca Tom as, M. D. 447
Garcilaso de la Vega, Inca 23, 172, 17881,
397
Gelles, P. H. 249, 254
Gerzenstein, A. 391, 495, 562
Gibson, M. L. 456
Gijn, R. van 476
Gilij, F. S. 24
Gill, W. 476
Girard, V. 39, 171, 419
Girault, L. 35661
Gleich, U. von 258, 6068
684 Author index
Gnerre, M. 172, 396, 433, 604
Godenzzi, J. C. 595
Golbert de Goodbar, P. 511, 514, 554, 56778,
582
G omez-Imbert, E. 1624
Gonzales de Barca Carballido y Z u niga, A. 32
Gonz alez, T. A. 401
Gonz alez Holgun, D. 1618, 20, 191, 199,
219
Gonz alez

N a nez, O. 610
Gonz alez de P erez, M. S. 21, 55, 59, 81, 835,
87109, 164
Gordon, A. M. 589
Goulet, J. -G. 117
Granda, G. de 177, 5889, 5956, 599
Grasserie, R. de la 3515
Gray, A. 3, 417, 459
Greenberg, J. H. 269, 3745, 57, 612, 142,
175, 380, 482
Grimes, B. F. 125, 416
Grimes, J. 511, 525
Grinevald (Craig), C. 102, 476, 609
Grondona, V. M. 489
Groot de Mahecha, A. M. 53
Grosboll, S. 393
Gualdieri, C. B. 489, 493
Guaman Poma de Ayala, F. 174, 254, 261,
296
Guardia, J. 236
Guerra Eissmann, A. M. 570
Gugenberger, E. 607
Guillaume, A. 422
Guitart, J. M. 588
Gusinde, M. 550, 554, 5679, 5801
Guti errez, C. 80
Guti errez, I. 609
Guyot, M. 550, 5545, 580
Haboud (de Ortega), Marleen 595, 599
Hammen, Th. van der 8
Hammerly Dupuy, D. 553
Hamp, E. P. 38
Hardman (-de-Bautista), M. J. 21, 34, 1701,
174, 211, 260, 2645, 269, 272, 2837,
2903, 30117, 590
Harmelink, B. L. 511, 518, 520
Harms, Ph. L. 5960
Harner, M. 433
Harrington, J. P. 26, 34
Harris, O. 262
Harrison, W. 379
Hart, H. 447
Hart, R. E. 460
Hartmann, R. 182, 3923
Haude, K. 476
Havestadt, B. de 508, 510
Hawkins, J. A. 597
Hayes, B. 118
Headland, E. R. 11012
Helberg Ch avez, H. 459
Hemming, J. 3, 468, 75, 179
Henry, V. 47888
Hermon, G. 192, 194
Hern andez, G. B. 582
Hern andez, I. 408, 410
Herrero, J. 193, 260, 265, 275, 589, 601
Herv as y Panduro, L. 17, 245
Hildebrandt, M. 117, 122
Hoff, B. J. 24, 113, 115
Holmer, N. M. 56, 625, 67, 117
Holt, D. 73
Hooykaas, E. M. 53
Hornberger, N. 194, 606
Hos okawa, K. 176
Hout, R. van 589
Hovdhaugen, E. 321, 324, 3267
Howard, L. 56, 1514
Howard(-Malverde), R. 2567, 262, 364,
395
Howkins, D. W. 197
Hoyos, F. 376
Hoyos Bentez, M. E. 59
Huayhua Pari, F. 171
Huber, R. Q. 55, 85
Humboldt, W. von 18
Husson, J.-Ph. 254
Hvalkof, S. 417
Ibarra Grasso, D. 41, 176, 376
Imbelloni, J. 41
Isbell, W. H. 165
Itier, C. 168, 183, 236
Jackson, S. 164
Jahn, A. 12430
Jamioy Muchavisoy, J. N. 152
Jaramillo G omez, O. 112
Jensen, C. 431
Jij on y Caama no, J. 267, 368, 41, 49, 61,
1559, 172, 321, 3925, 397
Author index 685
Jim enez de la Espada, M. 174, 261, 385,
3937, 405, 408, 502
Jim enez Turr on, S. 606
Jones, P. 164
Jones, W. 164
Juajibioy Chindoy, A. 1525
Juank, A. 43343, 4457
Judy, J. 476
Judy, R. A. 476
Julien, C. J. 175
Juncosa, J. E. 610
Jung, I. 1318, 140, 592, 606
Jusay u, M. A. 117, 120, 122, 124
Kany, C. F. 5889
Karsten, R. 4336, 439, 447
Kaufman, T. S. 2, 21, 26, 2934, 38, 40, 43,
61, 142, 188, 456
Keatinge, R. W. 7
Kensinger, K. M. 418, 419
Kerke, S. C. van de 21, 192, 4756, 617
Key, H. 476
Key, M. R. 21, 28, 31, 39, 419, 511, 556
Kilku Waraka 255
King, K. A. 607
Kingsley Noble, G. 39, 175
Kirtchuk, P. 197
Klee, C. A. 589
Klein, H. E. M. 21, 177, 48992
Kramer, F. 56
Krauss, M. 609
Kr usi, D. 478
Kr usi, M. 478
Krzanowski, A. 404
Ladefoged, P. 117
Lafone Quevedo, S. A. 386
Lagos Altamirano, D. S. 511, 515
Lanchas de Estrada, S. 601
Landaburu, J. 34, 545, 6771, 73, 114,
1624, 610, 621
Landerman, P. N. 185, 1879, 1923, 197, 200
Laprade, R. 589, 591, 6001
Lara, J. 193, 2545
Lares, J. I. 124
Larran Barros, H. 188
Larrucea de Tovar, C. 21
Lastra, Y. 193
Lathrap, D. W. 27, 182, 419
Layme, F. 261, 2967
Lefebvre, C. 17, 19, 192, 226
Lehmann, W. 321, 3448, 363, 401
Lehmann-Nitsche, R. 41, 493, 554, 556
Lehnert Santander, R. 3769
Lemle, M. 431
Lengerke, G. von 114
Lenz, R. 50911, 515, 590
L evi-Strauss, C. 4, 37, 580, 609
Levinsohn, S. H. 19, 193
Liccardi, M. 476
Liddicoat, A. J. 38, 57, 1415, 150
Liedtke, S. 34
Lindskoog, C. A. 142, 145, 14750
Lindskoog, J. N. 142, 145, 14750
Lipski, J. M. 587, 605
Lira, J. A. 192, 255
Llamn Canulaf, S. 539
Llerena Villalobos, R. 49, 579, 626
Loewen, J. A. 579
Long, V. 1423, 145, 150
Longacre, R. E. 35, 38, 195
Loos, B. 42021
Loos, E. 41921
L opez, Lorenzo E. 129
L opez, Luis E. 194, 296, 592, 6067
L opez Garca, A. 83
Loukotka,

C. 21, 26, 304, 37, 52, 56, 62,
142, 159, 162, 176, 180, 392, 395, 397, 410,
502, 5534, 616
Lowes, R. H. G. 498
Lozano, A. G. 593, 5967
Lozano, E. 31, 178, 391, 4089
Lozano, P. 4089
Lucca, M. de 260, 363
Lucena Salmoral, M. 823, 87, 98
Lugo, B. de 16, 828, 95, 979, 102,
1067
Luj an, M. 5978
Lumbreras, L. G. 165
Lussagnet, S. 496
Lynch, T. F. 2, 8
Lyon, P. J. 22
Macera, P. 1
Machoni de Cerde na, A. 38590
Mackert, M. 522
MacNeish, R. 1
McQuown, N. A. 278, 30, 180
Maglio, B. 376
Malone, T. 76
686 Author index
Mannheim, B. 3, 24, 175, 17980, 1835,
1915, 200, 2612, 607
Mansen, R. 117, 1201
Mansilla, L. V. 507
Maque Capira, A. 262
Margery Pe na, E. 38, 578
Markham, C. R. 192
M arquez Miranda, F. 544
Martn, E. H. 408
Martin, L. 259, 269, 271
Martn, M. D. 194
Martnez Compa n on B. J. 20, 173, 320,
398402, 4602
Martnez Escobar, G. 249, 254
Martnez Sarasola, C. 386, 502, 510
Martins, S. 163
Martins, V. 163
Mason, J. A. 26, 30, 35, 180, 376
Masson, P. 363
Mata, P. de la 20, 46075
Matisoff, J. 43
Matteson, E. 39, 423
Medina, J. T. 5445
Megenney, W. W. 605
Meggers, B. J. 27
Meira, S. 161
Meillet, A. 26
Meja, J. 260
Meja Fonnegra, G. 59
Mejas, H. A. 591
Mel endez Lozano, M. 75, 110, 1525,
1634
Meli a, B. 610
Meneses Morales, T. 254
Menges, P. A. 599
Mera, J. L. 255
Messineo, M. C. 48993, 608
M etraux, A. 363
Miccinelli, C. 254
Michael, L. 610
Middendorf, E. W. 1819, 25, 83, 192, 261,
32050
Migliazza, E. C. 21, 37, 40
Millones, L. 9
Minaya, L. 597
Miranda Mamani, L. 362
Mithun, M. 42
Mitre, B. 5445, 548
Moesbach, E. W. de 511, 5389
Mogoll on P erez, M. C. 801
Mogrovejo, T. de 401
Molina, C. de 254
Mongu S anchez, J. R. 1512, 1545
Monta no Arag on, M. 422
Montes Rodrguez, M. E. 164
Montoya, R. 256
Moore, B. R. 1425, 147, 394
Moore, T. H. 376, 383
Mora Bernasconi, C. 4167, 419, 423, 431,
433, 452, 457, 459
Morales G omez, J. 49
Moseley, C. 21
Mosonyi, E. E. 117, 120, 124, 606, 610
Mosonyi, J. C. 117, 124, 606, 610
Mostny, G. 377, 3835
Murra, J. V. 6
Mur ua, M. de 178
Mutis, J. C. 54, 82, 140
Muysken, P. C. xv, 17, 19, 192, 226, 239,
3568, 3635, 367, 3704, 589,
5989
Myers, S. K. 607
Najlis, E. L. 489, 495, 550, 5545, 55761
Nardi, R. L. J. 1778, 192, 376, 380, 4089
Nebrija, A. de 16
Neira, A. de 162
Neweld, M. 195
Newson, L. A. 392
Nieves Oviedo, R. 1305, 138
Ninaling on, S. 404
Ni no Murcia, M. 599
Noort, O. van 581
Nordenski old, E. 5, 48, 56, 418, 430, 500
Nowak, E. 17
Obando Ord o nez, P. 142
Oblitas Poblete, E. 35661
Olawsky, K. xv, 458
Olaya Perdomo, N. 67, 734
Olson, R. D. 38, 43, 175, 3636, 372,
375
Olza Zubiri, J. 117, 120, 122, 124, 422
Oramas, L. R. 129
Orbigny, A. D. d 25, 477, 581
Or e, L. J. de 322, 3516
Oroz, R. 589
Orr, C. J. 35, 195
Ortega Ricaurte, C. 545, 4539
Ortiz, S. E. 55, 61
Author index 687
Ortiz Ricaurte, C. 6770, 72
Ossio Acu na, J. M. 9
Ostler, N. xv, 52, 55, 824, 87, 8996,
98102, 1069, 111
Pab on Triana, M. 141
Pach on, X. 1301
P aez, J. 116
Pallares, J. M. 155
Paniagua Loza, F. 296
Pantoja Alc antara, I. del R. 4013
Parada, E. 589
Pardo Rojas, M. 578
Park, M. 193
Parker, G. J. 34, 181, 1856, 1923, 195, 203,
205, 207, 20910, 216, 223, 232
Parker, S. G. 39, 353
Pati no Rosselli, C. 164, 450, 605
Patte, M.-F. 11618
Payne, David L. 3940, 116, 162, 42230,
457, 539
Payne, Doris L. 21, 34, 40, 164, 458
Payne, T. E. 164, 458
Paz y Mi no, L. T. 172, 3926
Peeke, M. C. 452, 4545
Pellizzaro, S. M. 4336, 43841
Perea y Alonso, S. 41
P erez de Barradas, J. 22
P erez van Leenden, F. 115
Perl, M. 588
Petersen de Pi neros, G. 449
Phelan, J. L. 155, 416
Philippi, R. A. 376, 379
Piedrahita, L. F. de 52
Pigafetta, A. 15
Pike, E. G. 4546
Pike, K. L. 454
Pineda Giraldo, R. 114
Piossek Prebisch, T. 408
Pizarro, P. 181
Poblete Mendoza, M. T. 265, 56770
Polo, J. T. 363
Porterie-Guti errez, L. 260, 265, 272, 364,
375
Posnansky, A. 363
Pottier, B. 21
Pozzi-Escot, I. 13, 171, 258, 610
Preuss, K. Th. 56, 67
Proulx, P. 189
Puente Baldoceda, B. 593, 597, 599
Pullum, G. 21
Pyle, R. C. 294
Queixal os, F. 21, 162, 164
Quesada Castillo, F. 193, 403
Quesada Pacheco, M. A. 82, 87, 100101,
106
Quijano Otero, J. M. 82
Quinchavil Su arez, L. 515
Quispe Huam an, A. 249
Rabinowitz, J. 320
Raimondi, A. 170
Ramos Cabredo, J. 320, 398, 4001
Ramos Pizarro, N. 608
Raymond, J. S. 6, 499
Reed, R. B. 55, 85
Reichel-Dolmatoff, A. 114
Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. 8, 53, 56, 67, 75,
114
Remy, P. 403
Renault-Lescure, O. 21
Reuse, W. de 202
Ribero, J. 162
Ricardo, A. 182, 191, 219
Rick, J. W. 1
Riedmayer, O. 433, 435
Riester, J. 4778, 481, 496
Rivano, E. 511
Rivarola, J. L. 167, 182, 589
Rivera, M. A. 552
Rivet, P. 26, 34, 369, 41, 49, 545,
57, 61, 80, 116, 1248, 138, 1401,
161, 173, 175, 191, 320, 3978,
4001, 4056, 433, 436, 438, 449,
461, 470
Robayo Moreno, C. A. 11214
Rochereau, H. 110
Rodrigues, A. D. 34, 3940, 4312, 621
Rodrguez, G. 377
Rodrguez Baquero, L. E. 115
Rodrguez Garrido, J. A. 5934
Rodrguez Gonz alez, S. P. 163
Rodrguez de Montes, M. L. 21, 55, 59, 164
Rojas Curieux, T. 1326
Rojas de Perdomo, L. 8
Romero, F. 604
Romoli, K. 3, 62
Rona, J. P. 41
R osing, I. 356
688 Author index
Rossi, P. A. 254
Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M. 403
Rouby, A. 433, 435
Rowe, J. H. 16, 56, 62, 180, 258, 320
Ruz, G. 32
S aez Godoy, L. 377, 379, 385
Saint, R. 4546
Sakel, J. 375, 476, 618
Salas, A. 21, 265, 50911, 51417, 521,
5256, 539, 56770
Salas, J. A. 321
Salas, J. C. 125
Salomon, F. 255, 3934, 406
San Pedro, J. de 401
San Rom an, F. 37685
S anchez, G. 507
S anchez Guti errez, E. 56, 66, 75, 80, 109,
112, 116, 141, 151, 164, 610
S anchez de Lozada, F. 193
Sankoff, D. 597
Santa Gertrudis, J. de 53
Santacruz, M. de 296
Santo Tom as, D. de 1618, 174, 179, 181,
187, 191, 198, 261
Sapir, E. 36
Sayritupac Asqui, D. 296
Schieffelin, B. 590
Schleicher, C. O. 432
Sch ottelndreyer, M. 56
Schreiber, K. J. 165
Schuchard, B. 478
Schuller, R. 376
Schumacher de Pe na, G. 321
Schwegler, A. 588
Seelwische, J. 494
Seely, M. 125
Seijas, H. 38, 53, 11216, 161
Seler, E. 34, 1559
Serrano, A. 408
Shady Sols, R. 2, 165
Shafer, R. 39, 66
Shell, O. 39, 418
Sherzer, J. 56, 626
Silva Santisteban, F. 401
Sim on, P. 223, 48
Simoneau, K. 556, 580
Simson, A. 604
Skottsberg, C. 5523
Smeets, I. 511, 51344
Sol a, D. F. 193, 197
Sols Fonseca, G. 192, 194
Sorensen, A. P. 164
Soto Ruz, C. 193, 216
Spruce, R. 400
Stahl, W. 498
Stark, L. R. 21, 38, 182, 188, 192, 200, 321,
3568, 361, 511
Stevenson, W. B. 155
Steward, J. H. 278, 416, 499
Stratford, B. D. 596
Strom, C. 164
Su arez, J. A. 31, 32, 3941, 511
Su arez Roca, J. L. 16
Su snik, B. J. 41, 4978
Swadesh, M. 2930, 34, 39, 423, 376
Swisshelm, G. 193
Szemi nski, J. 178, 404
Tastevin, C. 449
Tate, N. 294
Taussig, M. T. 3, 417
Taylor, A. C. 140, 397, 41118, 423
Taylor, D. 116
Taylor, G. 173, 186, 189, 1923, 198, 207,
221, 255, 4067
Tello, J. C. 39, 460
Tenorio, M. 585
Tessmann, G. 456, 4603, 499
Thiesen, W. 164, 4501
Ticona, A. E. 363
Tobar Ortiz, N. 161, 164
Toledo, D. 606
Toliver, R. 197, 202
Torero Fern andez de C ordova, A. A. xv, 21,
34, 170, 1725, 178, 181, 1856, 18990,
192, 1945, 199, 207, 256, 2613, 320,
3234, 326, 328, 3507, 362, 364, 375,
397403, 461
Torres Rubio, D. de 18, 259
Toscano Mateus, H. 588, 599600
Tovar, A. 21, 39, 40, 391, 493
Triana y Antorveza, H. 3, 46, 53, 55, 163
Trillos Amaya, M. 669, 713, 759
Trivi no Garz on, L. 142, 146, 150
Troiani, D. 16
Tschopik, H. 263, 296
Tschudi, J. J. von 192, 3767, 37985
Author index 689
Turner, C. G. 42
Turner, G. D. 4336
Uhle, M. 25, 37, 52, 3634, 3667
Uricoechea, E. 48, 54, 813, 91, 100, 103,
10910, 130
Urioste, G. L. 255
Vasse, E. 37685, 539
Valderrama, R. 249, 256
Valdivia, L. de xvi, 16, 50810, 51218, 522,
52630, 533, 5368, 5449
Valenti, D. 39
Valenzuela Bismarck, P. M. 421
Valera, B. 254, 3978
Varese, S. 13, 418, 423
Vargas Llosa, M. 411
V asquez, J. 260
V asquez de Ruz, B. 1423, 146
Velasco, J. de 192, 392, 394, 397
Vellard, J. A. 3624, 3715
Vidal, A. 489
Viegas Barros, J. P. 41, 386, 495, 505, 5523,
556, 5589, 562, 565, 5802
Vienrich, A. 192
Vignati, M. A. 542
Villareal, F. 3225, 333, 335, 338, 3412
Vink, H. 173
Vittadello, A. 1412, 145
Voegelin, C. F. 38
Voegelin, F. M. 38
Wachtel, N. 1756, 259, 362
Wagner, E. 124
Wass en, S. H. 56
Watahomigie, L. J. 609
Weber, D. J. 17, 164, 189, 1923, 197, 2567
Weber, N. 193
Weber, R. 193
Weisshar, E. 37
Wheeler, A. 1525
Whiffen, Th. 417
Whitehead, N. L. 62
Wilbert, J. 30, 556, 580
Willey, G. R. 156
Wilson, P. J. 164
Wipio Deicat, G. 397
Wise, M. R. 22, 39, 118, 418, 42330
W olck, W. 1923, 607
Wolf, J. C. 582
Wolf, T. 155
Woolard, K. A. 590
Yamamoto, A. 609
Y a nez, C. 610
Yapita Moya, J. de D. 260, 265, 268, 2703,
2756, 28193, 2967
Yapu Mamani, E. 296
Yokoyama, M. 19
Yule Yatacu e, M. 1323
Zamora Munn e, J. C. 588
Zamponi, R. 161
Zegura, S. 42
Zevallos Qui nones, J. 320, 406
Zimmermann, K. 16
Zolezzi, G. 496
Z u niga, F. 511
Z u niga Cazorla, N. 255
Zwartjes, O. 17
INDEX OF LANGUAGES AND
ETHNIC GROUPS
abajero (dialect of Guajiro) 115, 121
Abip on 4889
Achagua 24, 55, 116, 162, 164, 423
Achual, Achuar 4323
Aconipa, see Tabancale
Afro-American Spanish 605
Agatano 52
Aguaruna 173, 397, 406, 4325, 438
Aimara (historical nation) 179, 259
Aimara ayacuchano 262
A

i-ngae, see Cof an

Airico (Betoi subgroup) 161
Aksan as 303, 5523
Akuriyo 161
Alacaluf, Alakaluf, Alakuluf, see Kawesqar
Alacalufan 32, 553
Algonquian languages 523, 571
Allentiac xvi, 16, 42, 44, 352, 502, 508, 5449
Alto PativilcaAlto Mara n onAlto Huallaga
(Quechua dialect group) 185, 193
Amahuaca 41719
Amarakaeri (Harakmbut subgroup) 417, 459
Amazon Spanish 416
Amazon Spanish pidgin 6024
Amazonas (Chachapoyas) Quechua 193, 200,
207, 213
Amazonian Quechua 500
Amerind 26, 423
Amerindian languages 5856, 591, 6059
Amuesha, see Yanesha

Ancash Quechua (dialect group) 168, 180,

1923, 2027, 22431, 235
AncashHuaylas (regional standard dialect)
193, 256
Andalucian Spanish 5867, 589, 605
Andaqu, Andaqui, Andaki 26, 2830, 33,
378, 44, 48, 54, 13841, 161
Andean 28, 42, 44
Andean A 28
Andean B 28
AndeanEquatorial 28, 42
Andean Spanish 160, 206, 217, 224, 585602
Andoa 4512
Andoque, Andoke 31, 334, 44, 164, 417
Angutero 453
Anserma (language of ) 49
Antioquia (languages of ) 44, 49
A n un, see Paraujano
Aonek

enk, see Tehuelche

Apatama 410
Apolista 28, 39, 44, 4223
Apolo (Quechua dialect) 200
Arabela 44, 451
Araona 418
Arasaeri (Harakmbut subgroup) 459
Araucana Mapuche 52630
Araucanian xvi, 14, 223, 28, 3940, 434,
77, 89, 176, 50844, 552, 590
Araucanians 3, 9, 5028, 582
Araucanised Tehuelche 505
Araw a, Arawa, Araw an, Araua (group) 289,
31, 33, 3940, 44, 459
Arawak (group) 28, 31, 33, 411, 42230, 500
Arawakan 22, 24, 2630, 32, 36, 3941, 44,
53, 66, 11516, 125, 1289, 162, 175, 353,
405, 41617, 42230, 459, 477, 539
Arawakan languages of the Caribbean islands
116
Arawakan languages of the Lesser Antilles
11638, 141
Arequipa (Quechua dialect) 35, 195, 199
Arhuacan 28, 37, 44, 6674, 76
Arhuaco, see Ika
Arma and Pozo (language of) 49
Index of languages and ethnic groups 691
arribero (dialect of Guajiro) 115
Arsario, see Damana
Aru (group), see Aymaran
Aruaco, Aruak (group), see Arhuacan
Ash aninca 423, 608
Ash eninca 423
Atacame, see Esmeralde no
Atacame no, Atacameno, Atacama 279, 31,
33, 34, 42, 44, 120, 1768, 37585, 409,
539
Ataguitan 27
Atall an 392
Atallana 392
Atunceta 49
Auca, see Huao
Auishiri, see Huao
Auishiri, Auixira, Auixiri, Aushiri,
see Tekiraka
Australian languages 36
Awa 141
Awa Pit 26, 28, 38, 44, 53, 54, 57, 1418, 150,
160, 393, 397
Ayacucho Quechua 168, 187, 188, 1923,
198202, 20832, 2356, 258
Ayacucho rural Spanish 593
AyacuchoChanca (regional standard dialect)
193, 256
Ayam an, Ayom an 12930
Aymara, Aymar a, Aimara 2, 5, 1314,
1618, 205, 27, 2931, 34, 38, 41, 44, 103,
16779, 182, 1878, 191, 195, 214, 243,
259319, 321, 328, 35062, 3657, 3725,
377, 402, 409, 411, 436, 442, 445, 512, 517,
5223, 529, 5378, 549, 582, 58991,
6079
Aymara, Aimara (group) 28, 313, 42,
44
Aymara of Guaman Poma de Ayala 261
Aymaran 5, 22, 33, 346, 145, 168, 1701,
1734, 181, 199, 259319, 375, 528
Ayoreo, Ayor eode 4967, 499
Bagua 405
Baniva del Guaina 162, 423
Baniva do I cana 162
BanivaYavitero 423
Bantu 605
Bar a 164
Barasana, Barasano 164
Barbacoa, Barb acoa (group) 30, 33, 44
Barbacoan, Barbak oan 26, 33, 378, 43, 534,
57, 14151, 155, 159, 171, 3924, 397, 437
Bar 37, 44, 50, 801, 112, 117
Basque 326
Baud o river (dialect of Ember a) 58
Baure 4223
Beliche 509, 522, 530
Besro (dialect of Chiquitano) 478
Betoi 161
Betoi (group) 30, 33, 37, 38, 44, 130, 161
Bntukua, see Ika
BoliviaParan a (division of Southern
Arawakan) 423
Bolivian Aymara 2601
Bolivian Quechua (dialect group) 168, 180,
1878, 1923, 195206, 214, 221, 231, 235,
270, 357, 361
Bolivian Spanish 5889
Bolona 393, 397
Bora 162, 164, 417, 423, 44951
Bora (group) 313, 44
BoraHuitoto, BoraUitoto 44, 44951
BoraHuitotoan 32
BoraMuinane 449
Boran, B oran 26, 29, 334, 164
Bororo, Bor oro (group) 28, 31, 33, 44
Bororoan, Bor oroan 29, 334, 477
Bribri 73
Cab ecar 73
Cabiyar 162, 423
Caca, see Diaguita
Cahuapana (group) 28, 313, 44, 4479
Cahuapanan 40
Cahuarano 451
Caingang (group), see Kaingangan
Cajamarca Quechua 167, 193, 198, 2001,
213, 221, 261, 4034
CajamarcaCa naris (regional standard dialect)
193, 256
Cajatambo Quechua 207
Calchaqu (Diaguita subgroup) 407
Caldono (dialect of P aez) 1302
Californian Penutian 43
Callahuaya 5, 30, 334, 44, 175, 3502,
35662, 400, 411
Callej on de Huaylas Quechua 197, 2013
Camiare (Comeching on subgroup) 502
Campa 29, 39, 411, 417, 4223
Campaces 392
692 Index of languages and ethnic groups
Campan 29
Cams a, see Kams a
Candoshi 33, 37, 40, 44, 397, 4056, 4567
Canichana 289, 31, 33, 44, 4756
Ca nar, Ca nari 29, 167, 172, 237, 321, 3923,
3957
Ca nar Quechua 160
Capanahua 41721
Capay an (Diaguita subgroup) 407, 409
Caqueto 129
Cara, Caranqui 38, 44, 142, 172, 3934
Carangas (Aymara dialect) 2656, 271
Car aquez Bay Indians 394
Carapana 164
Carare 114
Carib (group) 28, 44, 173
Cariban 22, 24, 29, 313, 38, 40, 50, 57, 80,
11215, 125, 161, 405
Caribbean (division of Northern Arawakan)
423
Carijona 161, 406
Casabindo 410
Cashibo 41819
CashiboCacataibo 418
Cashinahua 41819
Castilian Spanish 181, 243, 325, 398, 562,
5867
Catacao, Catacaos 28, 31, 33, 44, 398400,
403
Catalan 293
Catamarca and La Rioja (Quechua dialect)
187
-cat(e) (hypothetical language) 405, 407
Cato (Choc o) 567
Cato Chibcha 37, 44, 49, 57
Catuquina (group), see Katukina
Cauca valley (tribes of the) 49
Cauqui 27, 2930, 34, 171, 259, 2646, 306,
315
Cautn (Mapuche dialect) 513
Cavine na 418, 422
Cayapa 26, 38, 44, 54, 14151, 155, 15960,
603
Cayuvava 28, 31, 33, 44, 4756
Cayuvavan 29
Central Aimara, see Tupino Aimara
Central Arawakan 423
Central Peruvian Quechua 17, 191, 286, 301,
31415, 318, 424
Central Peruvian Spanish 595
Central Quechua 185
Cerro de Pasco Quechua 258
cesuun, see Huilliche
Chacha 167, 173, 406
Chachapoya 4067
Chachapoyas (Amazonas) Quechua 186, 194,
198, 407
Chachi, see Cayapa
Ch acobo 418
Chamacoco 496, 499
Cham 57, 59
Chamicuro 289, 39, 44, 41617, 423
Chancos (language of the) 49
Chandinahua 419
Chan e 4223, 430
Chango 176
Chapacura 477
Chapacura (group) 31, 33, 44
ChapacuraUanhaman 28
Chapacuran, Chapak uran 29, 33, 477
Cha

palaachi, see Cayapa

Charrua (group) 28, 313
Charr uan, Charruan 29, 33, 40, 44, 488
Chayahuita 44, 4478
Chayma 112
Chechehet 29, 312
Chetilla (Quechua dialect) 404
Chibcha 16, 468
Chibcha (group) 313, 37, 44
ChibchaDuit 28
Chibchan, Chbchan 22, 256, 2930, 324,
368, 40, 42, 44, 46, 4953, 556, 61112,
114, 125, 130, 140, 142, 1456, 151, 159,
470
Chibchan proper 28
ChibchanPaezan 42, 44
Chicha (historical nation) 176
Chilean Aymara 2656, 365, 379
Chilean Diaguita 409
Chilean Quechua 188
Chilean Spanish 379, 511, 590
Chilidugu 508
Chillao (historical nation) 405
Chimane 476
Chimila 37, 44, 48, 52, 55, 7580, 856
Chim u, Chimu 28, 31, 33, 378, 44,
320
Chim uan 33
Chinchaisuyo 181
Chinese 585
Index of languages and ethnic groups 693
Chipaya xv, 33, 389, 43, 175, 36275, 379,
420
Chiquitano, Chikitano, Chiquita, Chiquito
289, 31, 33, 34, 44, 64, 416, 422, 47788,
609
Chiriguano 8, 14, 422, 430
ChiriguanoAva 4301
ChiriguanoGuaran 499
ChiriguanoTapyi 4301
Chirino 29, 406
Chitarero 52
Choc o, Choco, Chok o (group) 289, 313, 44,
57
Chocoan 38, 50, 54, 5661, 65, 111,
117
Chol on xvi, 20, 21, 97, 173, 352, 398, 405,
407, 416, 456, 46075, 499
Cholona (group) 31, 33, 37, 44
Chol onan 33
Cholones 398
Chon (group) 29, 313, 36, 39, 41, 44, 505
Chonan 55564, 5812
Chongos Bajo (Quechua dialect) 202, 217
Chono (Chile) 508, 550, 5524, 5568,
5645, 580
Chono (Ecuador) 392
Chorote 4935
Chubut (Mapuche dialect) 505
Chucuito (Aymara dialect) 265, 272
Chulup, ChulupAshlushlay 4934, 499
Chupaca (Quechua dialect) 202
Churumata 410
Ciaman 49
coastal dialect of Quechua 182, 185, 187, 191,
198, 207, 261
Cobara (dialect of Tunebo) 10910
Cocama 164, 419, 4312
Cocamilla 431
Cochabamba Quechua 43, 193, 236
Cochabamba Spanish 601
Coche, see Kams a
Cochinoca 410
Coconucan 26, 29, 38, 1412
Coconuco 141
Coconuco (group) 9, 30
Cof an, Cofan 26, 289, 31, 33, 37, 42, 44, 50,
141, 161, 454
Col an, Colan 28, 398400, 403
Coli (historical nation) 175, 350
Colima (Colombia) 38, 48, 11415
Colima (Ecuador) 392
Colla (historical nation) 234, 350
Collavino Aimara 170
Collavino Quechua 170, 187
Colombian Chibchan 37, 55
Colombian Quechua 208
Colombian Spanish 61, 588
colonial Cuzco Quechua 213, 228
Colorado, see Tsaki
ColoradoCayapa 28
Comeching on 502
Comechingones 502
Compi, La Paz (Aymara dialect) 275
Concepci on (Quechua dialect) 2015
Conibo 41819, 500
Conima, Huancan e (Aymara dialect) 266
Copall en 302, 4067
Copiap o valley (Indians of the) 409
Coquimbo valley (Indians of the) 409
Coto, see Orej on
Cotopaxi (Ecuadorian Quechua dialect) 204
Covendo Moset en 476
Cuaiquer, see Awa Pit
Cubeo 164
Cueva 3, 57, 62
Cuiba 162
Cuica 1249
Cuitlatec 42
Cujare no 418
Culina 459
Culli, Culle 25, 28, 31, 33, 44, 161, 1723,
398, 4015, 461
Cullian 29
Cumanagoto 112
Cuna 26, 37, 4850, 556, 616, 79, 856,
111
Cuna (group) 44
CunaCueva 28
Cundinamarcan Chibchan 37
Curripaco 162, 423
Cuzco (alternative name for the Quechua
dialect of Santiago del Estero) 180
Cuzco Quechua 17, 20, 35, 167, 168,
1803, 1878, 191206, 20831, 2356,
24954, 2567, 270, 292, 352, 3578, 360,
361
CuzcoBolivian (Quechua dialect group)
195
CuzcoCollao (regional Quechua standard
dialect) 193
694 Index of languages and ethnic groups
Damana 44, 50, 55, 6674, 117
-den (hypothetical language) 404
Desano 164
Diaguita, Diaguit 20, 27, 302, 1778, 376,
380, 4079
Dobocub, see Bar
Dorasquean 37
Duit 23, 37, 44, 46, 50, 812, 85
Duitama (language of ) 82
Easter Island language 41
Eastern Apurimac (Quechua dialect) 200
Eastern Tucanoan 1634
Eastern Yahgan 580
Ecuadorian Amazonian Quechua 186, 451
Ecuadorian Coastal Spanish 605
Ecuadorian Highland Quechua 131, 149, 172,
186, 195204, 20831
Ecuadorian Highland Spanish 605
Ecuadorian Quechua 168, 1923, 207, 218,
235, 23742, 289, 395, 594, 5968
Ecuadorian Spanish 588, 594, 598600
Ele (Betoi subgroup) 161
Ember a 50, 5460, 62
English 16, 66, 324, 360, 516, 56770, 5748,
582, 591
Equatorial 28, 42, 44
EquatorialTucanoan 42, 44
Ese

ejja 41718
EskimoAleut 42
Esmeralde no, Esmeralda, Ezmeralda 2830,
334, 42, 44, 54, 15561, 172
Ette Ennaka, see Chimila
Ette Taara, see Chimila
European languages 586
Ferre nafe (Quechua dialect) 186, 189, 193,
198, 200, 207, 2201
Fiscara (Humahuaca subgroup) 410
Fishermans language 320
French 103
Fuegian languages (languages of Tierra del
Fuego) xvii, 5, 21, 31, 41, 55082
Fuegians 3, 550
Galibi 113
Gay on 129
Ge (group) 289, 324, 163
GeKaingan 44
GePanoCarib 28, 42, 44
General Language of the Inca 179, 186
Gennaken, see G un una K une
German 16, 323, 378
Gorgotoqui, Gorgotoki 303
Grau, Apurimac (Quechua dialect) 199
Guach 29
Guachian 29
Guahibo, see Sikuani
Guahibo (group) 323, 44
GuahiboPamigua 28
Guahiboan 2930, 33, 162
Guaicuru (group) 313, 44
Guaicuruan 14, 29, 33, 401, 178, 386,
48893, 495
Guaiteca, see Chono (Chile)
Guajiro xvi, 534, 11524, 162, 423
Gualaquiza (Shuar dialect) 438
Guallatire, northern Chile (Aymara dialect)
266
Guamaca, see Damana
Guambiano 26, 38, 434, 545, 57, 131,
14150
Guamo 31, 33, 44, 163
Guan a 423
Guanaca 138, 142
Guanano 164
Guanca (historical nation), see Huanca
Guane 52
Guaque, see Carijona
Guaran 24, 351, 431, 480, 500, 608
Guarayo 4302
Guat o, Guato 289, 31, 334, 44
Guatuso 26, 86
Guayabero 55, 162, 164
Guaycur uCharruan 32
GuaycuruOpaie 28
G un una K une 5, 289, 31, 33, 44, 505, 550,
554
G un una Yajich 5548, 5614, 5812
Hacaritama 116
hahuasimi 174, 261
Haki (group), see Aymaran
Harakmbut, Har akmbut 2, 28, 313, 39, 434,
163, 422, 45960
Haush 41, 550, 554, 556, 580
Hawaiian 41
Henia (Comeching on subgroup) 502
Het, see Chechehet
Hianacoto, see Carijona
Index of languages and ethnic groups 695
Hibito, Hivito 44, 173, 398, 407, 4602
HibitoChol on 289, 407
Highland Jivaroans 418
Hirah aran, see Jirajaran
Hitn u 162
Hvaro (group), see Jivaroan
Hivito, Hivitos, see Hibito
Hokan 28, 34, 36, 42, 44, 61
HokanSiouan 37
Hongote 29
Huachipaeri (Harakmbut subgroup) 459
Hualfn (Diaguita subgroup) 407
Huallaga (Quechua dialect) 189
Huamachuco (language of ) 401
Huambisa 4323
Huanca (Quechua dialect group) 179, 181,
188, 1923, 196, 2016, 21031, 236,
2568, 261, 595
Huancan e (Aymara dialect) 283
Huancavilca 3923
Huancayo (Quechua dialect) 197, 2025, 208
HuangascarTopar a (Quechua dialect group)
185
H uanuco Quechua (Quechua dialect group)
1923, 2001, 21731, 257, 424
Huao, Huaorani 28, 303, 44, 4546
Huarayo, see Ese

ejja
Huaraz (Quechua dialect) 207
Huari 29
Huarochir manuscript (Quechua dialect of
the) 192, 198, 231, 318
Huarpe (group) 28, 31, 33
Huarpean 29, 42, 5025, 508, 544, 548
Huasco valley (Indians of the) 409
HuaylasConchucos (Quechua dialect group)
185
Huilliche 50910, 514, 51617, 526, 530
Huitoto 56, 162, 164, 423, 44950, 500
HuitotoBoraZ aparo 37
Huitoto Muinane 449
HuitotoOcaina 449
Huitotoan 26, 289, 314, 162, 164
Humahuaca 27, 302, 177, 410
Hupda 163
Iberian dialects (of Spanish) 5867
Idabaez 312, 56
Ignaciano 422, 423
Ika 50, 55, 6674, 76, 93
Ilinga 401
Imbabura Quechua 193, 199, 204, 393
Inca 16
Inca (general) language 182, 1912, 198
Incas (secret language of the) 178
Inga, Ingano (Colombian Quechua dialect) 53,
151, 17980, 186, 193, 202
inga simi 180
I napari 353, 423
Iquito 44, 4512
Irapa (dialect of Yukpa) 11213
Iroka (dialect of Yukpa) 112
Irra (language of) 49
Isconahua 418
Italian 24, 380
Itene 477
Itonama 289, 313, 44, 4756
Itucale, see Urarina
ItucaleSabela 44
Izoce no 4301
Jabutan 376
Japanese 585
Japreria 52, 11213
Jaqaru 27, 34, 44, 171, 25960, 26470,
2756, 281, 287, 290, 293, 295, 30019,
352
Jaqi (group), see Aymaran
jaqi aru, see Aymara
Jaruro, see Yaruro
Jauja (Quechua dialect) 197, 2015
JaujaHuanca (Quechua dialect group) 185
Je (group), see Ge
Jebero 44, 4479
JeberoJivaroan 32
Jbaro, Jibaro (group), see Jivaroan
JibaroKandoshi, see JvaroCandoshi
Jicaque 37
Jirajara 129
Jirajara, Jirajira (group) 28, 31, 33, 44, 129
Jirajaran 29, 33, 37, 52, 12930
Jirara (Betoi subgroup) 130, 161
jitano 82
Jitirijiti 49, 53
Jvaro, see Shuar
JvaroCahuapana, JivaroanCahuapanan 29
JvaroCandoshi 28, 40, 42, 44
Jivaroan 313, 40, 44, 1723, 3967, 406,
416, 43247, 457
Jopoqueri (Aymara dialect) 293
Jor a 4301
696 Index of languages and ethnic groups
Jujuy (Humahuaca subgroup) 410
Juli (Aymara dialect) 293
Junn (Quechua dialect group) 281, 424
JunnHuanca (regional Quechua standard
dialect) 193
Jur 33, 178
Kach a, see Urarina
Kadiweu 488
Kagaba, K aggaba, see Kogui
Kahuapana (group), see Cahuapana
KahuapanaZaparo 44
Kaingan, Kaing an (group) 313, 44
Kaingang 163
Kaingangan 289
Kak an, see Diaguita
Kakua 163
kamnc
.
a, see Kams a
Kams a 2830, 33, 378, 44, 534, 56, 1515,
161
Kandoshi, see Candoshi
Kanichana, see Canichana
Kankuamo, Kanku 50, 67
Kano e 29, 34, 376
Kapishana, Kapishan a, see Kano e
Karaib (group), see Cariban
K ariban, see Cariban
KaririTupi 44
Katak aoan 334
Katio, see Cato Chibcha
Katukina (group) 29, 39, 43, 459
Kaueskar, see Chono (Chile)
Kawap anan, see Cahuapana
Kawesqar, Kaw eskar 2833, 41, 44, 550,
5524, 5568, 5647, 5802
Kayuvava, see Cayuvava
Kechua (group), see Quechua
Kechumaran, see Quechumaran
Kitemoca 477
Kof an, see Cof an
Kogui 44, 50, 556, 6674, 86
Kolyawaya, see Callahuaya
kot-su n, see Uru
kougian, see Kogui
Kugapakori 423
Kulyi, see Culli
Kunza, Kunsa, see Atacame no
La Paz (Aymara dialect) 2656, 2707,
2834, 286, 289, 293
La Paz Spanish 591, 6001
Lache 52
Lamista Quechua 186
languages of Andean tribes 30
languages of the Amazonian lowlands
xvii
languages of the Cauca valley 4950
languages of the Gran Chaco 48899
languages of the Magdalena valley 50
languages of PaleoAmerican tribes 30
languages of the Sierra Nevada the Santa
Marta, see Arhuacan
languages of Tropical Forest tribes 30
languages of the Upper Magdalena region
13841
Lapachu, see Apolista
Laraos (Quechua dialect) 186
Latin 16, 24, 344, 510
Latin American Spanish 5868
Lebanese Arabic 585
Leco, Leko 21, 289, 31, 33, 44, 4756
Lenca 37, 50
Lengua 498
Lengua (group) 31, 33, 44
lengua general (del Inga) 179, 182
lengua del Inga 53, 401
lengua linga 53
lengua de los Llanos 392
lengua pescadora 320
lengua yunga pescadora 320
LenguaMascoy 29, 40, 488, 4979
Letuama, see TanimucaRetuar a
lican antai, see Atacame no
Lili 49
Lima standard Spanish 593
Limar valley (Indians of the) 409
Lincha (Quechua dialect) 186, 189
Linga, see Ilinga
Lpez (historical nation) 176
llapuni 589
Llata (Quechua dialect) 193
Lokono 11617
Lolaca (Betoi subgroup) 161
Lomero (dialect of Chiquitano) 478
Louisiana French 591
Low German 416
Lule 2834, 44, 1778, 380, 38591
Lulean 312
LuleTonocot e 385
LuleVilela 41, 44, 386, 488
Index of languages and ethnic groups 697
Lupaca (historical nation, Aymara dialect)
264, 266
Macaguane, see Hitn u
machaj juyay, see Callahuaya
Machiguenga 29, 39, 411, 417, 4223
Macoita (dialect of Yukpa) 11214
Macro-Arawakan 29, 44
Macro-Carib 28, 29, 42, 44
Macro-Chibchan 28, 32, 368, 42
Macro-Ge, Macro-J e 28, 32, 34, 3940, 42, 44
Macro-Hokan 30
Macro-Mayan 29, 32
Macro-PanoTacanan 32
Macro-Panoan 28, 42, 44
Macro-Penutian 38
Macro-Quechuan 29
Macro-Tucanoan 28, 42, 44
Macu (Venezuelan) 29
Macuan 29
Macuna 164
Made an (Quechua dialect) 186
Madi (group), see Araw a
Magdalena valley (tribes of the) 48
Magdalena valley Cariban 11215
Maipuran 24, 39, 44, 422
Maipure 162, 423
Maip urean 33
Majigua 161
Mak a 493, 495, 499
Mak u (group) 31, 33, 163
Mak uPuinave, Mac uPuinave 29, 163
Mak uan 163
Malacato 172, 393, 396
Malayo, see Damana
Malibu (group) 44
Malib u 52
Mandarin Chinese 147
Manekenkn, see Haush
Manta 392
Mapocho, Mapuchu (Santiago dialect of
Araucanian) 5089, 51718, 5267,
52830, 533, 537
Mapuche xvi, 23, 5, 9, 14, 16, 21, 28, 31,
33, 38, 401, 103, 123, 171, 321, 470,
500, 50544, 551, 552, 563, 565, 5802,
608
Mapuchean 29
Mapudungu, Mapudungun, see Mapuche
Marinahua 419
Marocasero, see Damana
Mascoy (group) 28
Mascoyan, Mask oian 33, 4979
Mashco 33
Mashub 29, 376
Mastanahua 419
Mataco 4934
Mataco (group) 28, 31, 33, 44, 430
MatacoGuaicuru 44
Matacoan, Mat akoan 14, 29, 33, 401, 386,
391, 488, 4935
Mataguayan, see Matacoan
Matanau 29
Mayan 312, 389, 321, 329, 364
Mayna 2831, 33, 40, 44, 447, 456
Mayo 418
Mayoruna 41819
Media Lengua 5, 6023
Mennonite German 585
Millcayac 16, 44, 502, 544
Mnka (dialect of Huitoto) 164, 449
Mira na 164, 449
Mirrip u (dialect of Timote) 125
Misumalpa (group) 30, 334, 37, 50
Mobima, see Movima
Mocana 52
Mochica xvi, xvii, 2, 16, 223, 289, 378,
61, 84, 120, 1723, 31950, 3512, 392,
3978, 403, 513
Mocoa, see Kams a
Mocov 4889, 493
Moguex 142
Mojo 16, 411, 4223
Moluche, see Ngoluche (Mapuche subgroup)
Mor e 477
Morocomarca, northern Potos (Aymara
dialect) 283, 287, 310
Morocosi, see Mojo 16
Morunahua 418
Mosca, see Muisca
Moset en, Moseten, Mosetene 289, 313, 39,
44, 375, 476
Moset enChimane 4756
Motilon, see Bar
Motilones 38, 80, 112
Movima 289, 31, 33, 44, 4756
Muchic, Muchik 172, 320
Mucuch (dialect of Timote) 1258
Muellamu es 393
Muinane 164
698 Index of languages and ethnic groups
Muisca xvi, 3, 18, 23, 37, 46, 50, 52, 545,
81109, 11112, 352, 397
Munchique (dialect of P aez) 1301
Muniche, Munichi 28, 301, 33, 44, 456, 500
MuraPirah a 29
Muran 29
Murato (Candoshi) 31, 33, 37, 457
Murato (UruChipaya) 362
Murui (dialect of Huitoto) 164, 417, 449
Mut us 125
muysc cubun, see Muisca
Muzo 38, 48, 11415
NaDene 42
Nahua 418
Nambikwara (group) 29, 37
Napeca 477
Napip river (dialect of Ember a) 59
Nasa, see P aez
Nasa Yuwe, see P aez
Neuqu en (Mapuche dialect) 516
New World Spanish 586
Ngoluche (Mapuche subgroup) 509
Npode (dialect of Huitoto) 164, 449
Nivacl e, see Chulup
Noctenes (dialecto of Mataco) 493
Nonuya 164
North Amazon (division of Northern
Arawakan) 423
North Barasana 164
Northern Bolivian Quechua 35, 200, 357
Northern Amerind 44
Northern Andean 44
Northern Arawakan 423
Northern Aymara 265
Northern Junn (Quechua dialect group) 189,
194, 2016, 21033, 237, 257
Northwest-Coast languages 571
Nuclear Chibchan 44
Nuclear Paezan 44
Nukak 163
nuna simi 179
Nutabe 37, 44, 49
Ocaina 164, 449
Ochosuma, see Uru
Ocloya (Humahuaca subgroup) 410
Ofai eXavante 29
Old Cato, see Cato Chibcha
Olmos (language of ) 320, 400
Omagua 24, 41718, 431
Omaguaca, see Humahuaca
Omasuyos (Aymara dialect) 275
Omurano, see Mayna
Ona, see Selk

nam
Op on 114
Op onCarare 38, 53, 112, 11415
Orej on 453
Oristin e 386
Osa (Humahuaca subgroup) 410
Otavalo Quechua 445
Ot 29
Otomac, Otomaco (group) 31, 33, 44, 163
OtomacoTaparita 28
Otom akoan 33
Otuque 477
Pacabueyes 52
Pacaguara 418
Pacaraos (Quechua dialect) 186, 18990,
193, 197229, 2345, 24250, 261, 279,
325
Paccho (Quechua dialect) 1989
Paccioca (Diaguita subgroup) 407
Pachitea (Quechua dialect) 202
P aesan 33
Paez (group) 33, 44
P aez 9, 26, 30, 38, 48, 50, 545, 57, 125,
1308, 1402, 395, 500
PaezCoconuco 28
Paezan 289, 38, 42, 44
Paiconeca 477
Palenquero 604
PaleoChibchan 159
Palta 172, 393, 3967
Pamigua 161
Pampa, see G un una K une
Panatagua 422
Panche 38, 48, 53, 11415
Paniquita 142
Paniquit a (dialect of P aez) 130
Paniquitan 26
Pano (group) 313, 411, 41718
PanoTacana, PanoTacanan 29, 31, 39, 44,
41822, 477
Panoan, P anoan 334, 3940, 44, 261,
41821, 447
Pant agora 38, 48, 114
Panzaleo 3935, 397
Papiamentu 595
Index of languages and ethnic groups 699
Paraujano 53, 11516, 118, 423
ParecisSaraveca (division of Central
Arawakan) 423
Pariri (dialect of Yukpa) 11213
Parquenahua 418
Pasco (Quechua dialect group) 281, 424
Pastaza (Quechua dialect) 187, 193
Pasto 38, 53, 142, 151, 3924, 397
Patagon (group), see Chon
Patag on, Patag on de Perico 173, 405,
5546
Patag on de Bagua, see Bagua
Patagonian languages 5, 21, 31, 41, 578
Paunaca 422, 477
PausernaGuarasugw e 4301
Paya 37, 73
PayaChibchan 37
PebaYagua 458
Peban 28
Pehuenche (independent group) 505
Pehuenche (Mapuche dialect) 505, 509
peibu, see Kogui
peninsular Spanish 5869
Peruvian Andean Spanish 589, 592
Peruvian Aymara 2601
Peruvian Spanish 589, 593, 604
Piapoco 116, 162, 423
Piaroa 162
Piaroa (group) 31, 33, 44
Pichincha (Quechua dialect) 199
Picoy (Quechua dialect) 201
Picunche (Mapuche dialect) 50910,
516
Pijao 38, 48, 53, 11415, 138, 141
Pilag a 4889
Pioj e, see Secoya
Piratapuyo 164
Piro 39, 411, 417, 4223
PiroApurin a 423
Pisabo 418
Pisamira 164
Piura (languages of ) 403
Plains Indians 556
Polynesian languages 41
Portuguese 181
Pre-Andine subgroup of Arawakan 22, 39
Pre-Quechuan languages of highland Ecuador
25, 38, 172, 195, 3917
Proto-Arawakan 4236
Proto-Aymaran 35, 171, 263, 2657, 287
Proto-Barbacoan 57
Proto-Chibchan 37, 73, 80
Proto-Chocoan 578
Proto-Colombian Chibchan 96
Proto-Ember a 58
Proto-Matacoan 495
Proto-Quechumaran 195
Proto-Quechua(n) 35, 181, 1878, 190, 192,
194204, 2067, 213, 244, 267
Proto-Yukpa 113
Pucapacuri, see Kugapakori
Puelche, see G un una K une
Puinave 163
Puinave (group) 28, 44
Puin avean 33
Pular (Diaguita subgroup) 407
Pum e, see Yaruro
Pun a (language of) 155
Puno (Aymara dialect) 269
Puno Bay Uru 363
Puno Quechua 35, 187, 199, 2012, 292, 357
Puquina, Pukina xv, xvi, 5, 26, 304, 36, 39,
434, 167, 1756, 178, 263, 35062, 366,
375, 382
Purmamarca (Humahuaca subgroup) 410
Puruh a, Puruguay 29, 167, 172, 321, 3923,
3956
Qawasqar, see Kawesqar
Quechua xvi, 23, 56, 1225, 27, 316, 38,
41, 53, 103, 123, 12930, 139, 142, 1456,
14951, 160, 165320, 328, 344, 35161,
3656, 3705, 37785, 3936, 398, 4006,
409, 41116, 424, 430, 443, 446, 452, 464,
4658, 471, 499, 506, 512, 517, 5223,
5278, 534, 5378, 539, 585, 589603, 605,
6078
Quechua (group) 22, 28, 42, 44
Quechua (historical nation) 179
Quechua A 185
Quechua B 185
Quechua I 1856, 18891, 197207, 21037,
243, 258, 278, 281, 429, 506
Quechua II 18591, 21232, 2346, 243,
270
Quechua IIA 18691, 198
Quechua IIB 18691, 196207, 21331,
2356, 243
Quechua IIC 18691, 195206, 21232,
2346, 293
700 Index of languages and ethnic groups
Quechua III 186
Quechua(n) dialects 345, 160, 168, 177,
17981, 18391, 256, 305
Quechua standard language (lengua general )
1823
Quechuan 5, 29, 346, 53, 16871, 179263,
318
Quechumaran 27, 32, 346
Querand 505
Quichua 1213, 168, 177
Quichua (historical nation) 179
quichua unicado 607
Quijos 394
Quillacinga 53, 151, 392
Quilme (Diaguita subgroup) 4078
Quimbaya 3, 57
Quimbaya, Carrapa, Picara and Paucura
(language of the) 49
Quindo (language of the) 49
Quingnam 173, 320, 401
Rabona 393, 397
Ranqueles 505, 507
Ranquelino, Ranquel (Mapuche dialect)
51011, 514, 516, 528
Remo 419
Resgaro 39, 44, 162, 423
Reyesano 418
Ro Negro (Mapuche dialect) 516
Rionegrino (dialect of Yukpa) 11213
Roraima (languages of ) 406
Rucachoroy, Neuqu en (Mapuche dialect)
514
Rumanian 217
runa simi 130, 179, 259
Russian 231
Sabela, see Huao
Sacata 405
Saija 5760
Salasaca (Quechua dialect) 204, 23742
Saliba, S aliba 44, 1623
Saliban, S alivan 28, 29, 33, 162
Salinas de Garci Mendoza (Aymara dialect)
266
Samb u 57
Sam ukoan, see Zamucoan
San Javier (dialect of Chiquitano) 478
San Martn (regional Quechua standard
dialect) 193, 203, 236, 256
San Miguel (dialect of Chiquitano) 478
San Pedro de Cajas (Quechua dialect) 193,
197, 225, 229, 237
Sanaviron, Sanavir on 312, 502
Sanavirones 502
Sanj a, Sank a, see Damana
Santa Ana Moset en 476
Santiago dialect of Araucanian, see Mapocho
Santiago de Chuco (dialect of Spanish) 4034
Santiago del Estero Quechua, Santiague no
Quechua 177, 1878, 193, 197, 2024, 221,
231, 258, 378, 380, 386, 387, 409
S aparoan, see Zaparoan
Sapiteri (Harakmbut subgroup) 459
Saraguro Indians 6, 395
Saraveca 423, 477
Sebondoy, see Kams a
Sec (group) 29
Sechura, Sec 25, 28, 31, 334, 44, 172, 320,
398400
Secoya 453
Sek 400
Selk

nam 28, 36, 41, 44, 550, 554, 5567,

55864, 571, 5801
Setebo 419
Shaparu (dialect of Yukpa) 11213
Shapra, see Candoshi
Sharanahua 418
Shipibo 500
ShipiboConibo 417, 419
ShipiboConiboShetebo 41819
Shuar 13, 172, 397, 416, 418, 43247,
499500, 603, 609
Shuar pidgin 433
Sibundoy, see Kams a
sign languages 416, 418
Sikuani 55, 162, 164
Simacu, see Urarina
Sindagua 53
Snsiga 110
Sin u 50, 57
Siona 163, 453
Siriano 164
Sirion o 4301
Sitajara, Tacna (Aymara dialect) 281, 2834,
288, 307
Situfa (Betoi subgroup) 161
Slavic languages 231
Sokorpa (dialect of Yukpa) 112
Sonchon (group) 29
Index of languages and ethnic groups 701
Sora (historical nation) 178
South American Spanish 5878
South Bolivian Quechua 35
Southern Andean 44
Southern Aimara, see Collavino Aimara
Southern Arawakan 423
Southern Aymara 265
Southern Barbacoan 149
Southern Peruvian Quechua 253
Southern Quechua I 250
Spanish 36, 1113, 24, 53, 59, 667, 74,
827, 11618, 1289, 131, 139, 155, 170,
173, 179, 1823, 197, 21617, 256, 2589,
262, 267, 293, 3245, 344, 351, 368,
37881, 3867, 3936, 398, 4004, 418,
452, 471, 478, 493, 500, 51011, 5445,
576, 581, 585605
Spanish of northwestern Argentina 589, 5956
Subtiaba 37
Swedish 217
TaArawak 116
Tabancale 2932, 406
Tacana 418, 500
Tacana (group) 313, 411
TacanaPano 28
Tacanan, Tak anan 26, 334, 36, 39, 44, 171,
357, 41819
Tacna (Aymara dialect) 271
Tano 116
Tairona 48, 52, 67
Taiwano 164
Talamancan 26, 73
Tall an 25, 34, 172, 179, 393, 398400
Tamanaco 112
Tanimuca 164
TanimucaRetuar a 164
Tapiet e 418, 4301, 499
Tapo (Quechua dialect) 225
Tarascan 29, 34, 42
Tarata (Aymara dialect) 2656
Tariana 162, 164, 423
Tarma (Quechua dialect) 1924, 197206,
21033, 2356, 258
Tatuyo 164
Taushiro 40, 456
Tegra (dialect of Tunebo) 10910
Tehuelche 28, 36, 41, 505, 510, 550, 552,
5546, 558, 5634, 5804
Tehues, see Teushen
t ei zua (ceremonial language) 67
Tekiraka 289, 31, 33, 44, 456
Temuco, Cautn (Mapuche dialect) 516
Tena (Quechua dialect) 242
T erraba 73
terruna shayama (ceremonial language) 67
Tetet e 453
Teushen 41, 550, 554, 556, 581
Ticuna, Tikuna 289, 31, 33, 44, 55, 164, 458
TicunaYuri 44
Tiliar (Humahuaca subgroup) 410
Timan a 138
Timote 1249, 130
Timote (group) 289, 31, 33, 37, 44
TimoteCuica xvi, 52, 12430
Tim otean 33
Timucua 29, 42
Tinigua 1612
Tinigua (group) 31, 33, 44
Tiniguan, Tinwan 29, 33
Toba 40, 48893, 499, 608
Tonocot e 1778, 3856, 408
Toquistin e 386
Toribo (dialect of P aez) 1303
Toromona 418
Totor o 38, 54, 141
Toyeri, see Harakmbut
Toyoeri (Harakmbut subgroup) 459
Trinitario 4223
Trio 115, 161
Trumai 29
Tsachila 141
Tsaki 26, 38, 44, 54, 14151, 15960, 225,
228, 392, 394
Tshon (group), see Chon, Chonan
Tucano 164
Tucano (group) 28, 31, 33, 37, 44
Tucanoan, Tuk anoan 29, 33, 55, 141, 1624,
453
Tucuna, see Ticuna
Tule, see Cuna
Tunebo 37, 44, 52, 85, 10912
Tunebo (group) 28, 52, 85, 87, 10910, 112,
161
Tupi, Tup (group) 22, 289, 31, 33, 40, 44,
432
TupiGuaran 14, 24, 267, 99, 422, 4302,
434, 477, 488
Tupan 33, 419, 432
Tupinamb a 432
702 Index of languages and ethnic groups
Tupino Aimara 170
Turkish 34
Tuyuca 164
Tuyuneri, see Harakmbut
Uchumataqu, see Uru
Uitoto (group), see Huitotoan
Umaua, see Carijona
Upper And agueda (Ember a Cham dialect)
59
Urarina 289, 31, 33, 44, 4578, 500
Uro (group) 313, 44
Uru, Uro 28, 36, 389, 176, 259, 3623,
3667, 370, 375
Uru of Ch

imu 175, 363

Uru of Iru Itu (Iruitu) 175, 363
Uruan, see UruChipaya
UruChipaya 26, 29, 31, 389, 43, 1756,
259, 321, 357, 36275
Uruquilla 1756, 362
Uw Cuwa, see Tunebo
Uwa, U

wa, see Tunebo

Viakshi (dialect of Yukpa) 112
Vilela 289, 314, 44, 178, 3867, 391
Vi nac (Quechua dialect) 186
Vulgar Latin 589
Wahvoan, see Guahiboan
Waikur uan, see Guaicuruan
Wamo, see Guamo
Warao 32, 37
Warpe (group), see Huarpe
Wasama (dialect of Yukpa) 11213
Waunana 54, 569
Wayuunaiki, see Guajiro
Weenhayek, see Mataco
West Patagonian Canoe Indians 552
Western Arawakan 423
Western Tucanoan 163
Wichi, see Mataco
Wintu 43
Witotoan, Wit otoan, see Huitotoan
Wiwa, see Damana
Xauxa (historical nation) 181
Xibito-Cholon, see Hibito-Chol on
Xidehara, see Jirajara
Xinca 37
Xiroa 393, 397
Xoroca 396, 406
Yacampis (Diaguita subgroup) 409
Yagua 164, 417, 458
Yagua (group) 31, 33, 44
Yaguan 289, 334
Yahgan, Yagan 28, 31, 33, 41, 44, 550, 5534,
5568, 56782
Yalc on 48, 138
Yamana, Y amana, see Yahgan 554, 556
Yamanan 29
Yameo 458, 500
Yaminahua 418
Yanahuanca (Quechua dialect) 201
Yanesha

5, 22, 289, 39, 44, 397, 41617,

42230, 447, 499500
yanga simi 180
Yanomama, Yanoama (group) 32, 37
Yanomaman 40
Yaru (Quechua dialect group) 185, 193
Yaruro 2830, 334, 42, 44, 159, 163
Yauyos (dialect group) 186, 192, 200, 205, 214
Yavitero 162, 423
Y awan, see Yaguan
Ysistin e 386
Yuco, see Yukpa
Yucuna 162, 423
Yuhupde, see Hupda
Yukpa 38, 52, 80, 11215
Yunga, Yunca 28, 38, 172, 320, 398
Yuqui 4301
Yuracar e, Yuracare, Yurakare, Yurucare 289,
313, 39, 44, 4757
Yur, Yuri 28, 31, 33, 44, 164
Yuran 29
Yurumangu, Yurumangui, Yurimangui,
Yurimangi 289, 31, 33, 367, 412, 44,
54, 601, 161
Yurut 164
Zamuco 477, 496
Zamuco (group) 28, 31, 33, 44
Zamucoan 29, 33, 488, 4967, 499
Z aparo 4513
Z aparo, Zaparo (group) 31, 33, 44, 416, 418
Zaparoan 26, 289, 334, 172, 4513, 456,
458
Zuni 29
SUBJECT INDEX
ablative 189, 215, 273, 277, 303, 374, 428,
440, 469
ablativus absolutus 251
ablaut 328
abolition of Quechua in the ofcial domain
183, 255
absolute (transitive without an object) 4856
abstract terms 234
Abya-Yala, organisation 13
Academia de la Lengua Quechua 181
accent 76, 153, 568
Aconcagua river 502
active (as opposed to passive) 4856
active participle 547
activestative distinction 122, 1345, 489,
495, 499
accusative 712, 145, 213, 224, 3034,
360
adcorporeal movement 490
adjectives, syntactic behaviour of 208, 335,
336, 353, 380, 390, 409, 419, 444, 449,
457, 471, 481, 562
adstratum 195
AfricanAmerindian relations in Pacic
Ecuador 155
Africanisms 5, 588, 604
agent (of a passive construction) 329, 335,
368, 483
agent disambiguator 470
agentive nominalisation 227, 276, 288, 311,
3356, 33940, 355, 372, 5278
agglutination 59, 64, 207, 267, 423, 463, 476,
545, 564, 609
agreement/concord 125, 370, 496, 563
agricultural terraces 2, 124
agriculture 2, 10, 21, 175, 502
Ais en, region 554
alienable/inalienable distinction 119, 492,
495, 499
allative 69, 100, 21415, 274328, 356, 385,
428, 440, 470
allophonic lowering of high vowels 195, 257,
361, 366
allophonic variation 62, 196
altiplano 67, 38, 165, 171, 1756, 296, 350,
362
Alto Per u 171
Alto Pur us (upper Pur us valley) 459
alveolar affricate 265, 302, 386
Amantan, island 350
Amazon, river and region 5, 6, 161, 173, 431,
499, 603
The American Race (Brinton) 25
Amerindian contact vernaculars 5
Amerindian grammatical patterns 43, 482
Ampudia, Juan de (conquistador) 138
analytic conjugation 1223
anaphoric 537
Ancoaqui, indigenous community 363
Andahuaylillas, town 350
Andamarca, Quechua-speaking community
258
Andean civilisation 2, 35, 1657
Andean Cordilleras 6, 168
Andean millenarism 1
animal fables 192
antecedent 17, 213, 430
anticompletive 251
Antilles 586
Antofagasta, town and region 408
A nasco, Pedro de (conquistador) 48, 138
Anthropos 56
apico-alveolar fricative 3256, 365, 562
applicative 339, 474, 4767
704 Subject index
aquatic lifestyle (of the Uru) 259, 362
La Araucana 506
Araucana 14, 50710
Araucanian-speaking mixed groups 505
Araucanian Sphere 5, 177, 5028
Araucaria pine 505
Arauco, town and region 506, 510, 516
archaeological horizons 7
Area Intermedia 50
Arequipa, town and region 262
Arhuacan culture 67
Ariguan river 75
Arte de la lengua cholona 46075
Arte de la lengua tonocot e y lule 385
Arte de la lengua yunga 322
aspect 133, 153, 190, 221, 226, 231, 2812,
441, 455, 574
aspirated consonants 35, 578, 131, 133,
1878, 195, 1989, 264, 2668, 282, 302,
313, 351, 3645, 379, 495
aspirated vowels 87, 110, 131, 425
aspiration 378
Atacama desert 375
Atacames, town 155
Atahuallpa (Inca ruler) 8, 167, 179, 395
Atalaya, town 417
At anquez, town 67
Atrato river 62
attenuator 272, 291
auca 413, 506
augmentative 126, 216
Augustinians 173, 320, 401, 402
autobiography 255, 296, 511
auto sacramental 255
auxiliary verb 59, 65, 701, 76, 137, 146, 150,
443, 474
Ayacucho, battle of 9
Ayacucho, town and region 258, 263
ayllu (lineage group) 234
Aymara (name) 259
Aymara substratum (in Arequipa and Puno)
262
Aymaraes, region 259
Aymaranised nouns 267
Bacat a 46
Bagua, town 406
Baha de Solano 56
barriadas (popular neighbourhoods) 607
basic colours 236, 295, 538, 549
Bavarian mission 511, 512
behetras 48
Belalc azar (or Benalca car, Benalcazar),
Sebasti an de (conquistador) 9, 53, 61
Bel en de los Andaques, settlement 139
Benedictines 193
benefactive 278, 289, 303, 333, 356, 374, 428,
4689, 534
beneciary 712, 230, 2801, 477
Bermejo river 386
Biblioth` eque Linguistique Am ericaine 54, 478
bilingual education 4, 5, 1213, 15, 168, 194,
585, 6059
bilingualism 131, 258, 262, 580, 5926, 606
Biobo, region 510, 516
Biobo river 9, 5056, 509
bipartite division of Quechuan dialects 181,
186, 188, 191
bishopric of Trujillo 23
body-part terms 140, 213, 333, 427, 480, 482
Bogot a, valley of 46
Boh orquez, Pedro (rebel) 408
Bolvar, Sim on (liberator) 910, 183, 589
Bourbon administration 3, 167, 183
Boyac a, region 812
British Library 20, 460
Brouwer, Hendrik (settler) 506
Brunswick Peninsula 581
Buenos Aires, region and state capital of
Argentina 507
Cabana, town 401
Cabeceras Aid Project 61011, 623
cabildo 79
Cachuy, indigenous community 171
cacicazgos (chiefdoms) 411
Cagu an river 139, 163
Cajamarca, town and region 186, 4037
Calchaqu valleys, see Valles Calchaques
Caldas, Quindo and Risaralda, region 49
Callej on de Huaylas valley 2
Canary Islands 586
Canas and Canchis, region 262
Ca nar, town and region 256, 395, 602
canoe nomads 5504, 555, 556, 581
Cape Horn 6, 554
Capuchins 151
Caquet a river 139, 164
Caral/Chupacigarro, preceramic settlement 2
Car aquez, Bay of 392
Subject index 705
Carare river 114
cardinal directions 561
Caribs (as a cover term for hostile Indians) 24,
52, 75
Carumas, town and indigenous community
375
Casas, Bartolom e de las (defender of Indian
rights) 191
case 59, 65, 6970, 79, 89, 99101, 111,
1289, 140, 145, 1534, 156, 1589,
21316, 226, 2778, 303, 328, 332, 356,
367, 374, 380, 385, 387, 448, 460,
46870, 476, 4825, 494, 520, 545, 563,
565
case governed by verbs 101, 483
Caspana, indigenous community 376, 379
Catacaos, town and indigenous community
398
Catalogue of the National Library, Madrid 140
Catamarca, town and region 4079
catechisms 16, 20, 81, 106, 130, 182, 351,
392, 477, 544, 552, 565
Catequil (deity) 401
Catherine II of Russia 54
Cauca, region 141
Cauca river and valley 3, 48
causative 59, 64, 74, 133, 136, 216, 233, 279,
305, 355, 372, 384, 441, 534
Cautn, region 507, 50910
Cayapas river 141
ceceo 587
Central Andean linguistic features 145
central Chile 506
Centre National de la Recherche Scientique
(CNRS) 55
Centro Amaz onico de Antropologa y
Aplicaci on Pr actica (CAAAP) 607
Centro Colombiano de Estudios de Lenguas
Aborgenes (CCELA) 21, 55
Cen ufana (chiefdom) 50
ceramic phase of Andean prehistory 7
ceramics 8
ceremonial language 67
ceremonial speech 64
Cerro de la Sal 423
Cesar river 75
Chachapoyas, town and region 167, 173,
4067
Chaco War 296, 478, 498
Chamaya river 6, 405
Chancay culture 165
Chancay river 165, 2423
Chanch an, site 165, 320
charango (musical instrument) 2367
Charazani, town 350, 356
Charles III (king of Spain) 3
Charles V (emperor) 48
Chaupi namca (deity) 174
Chavn culture 8
Chavn de Hu antar, site 7, 165
Checras, Quechua-speaking community 258
Chibcha Sphere 5, 46
Chicama river 320
Chiclayo, town 319
Chilo e island 14, 502, 506, 50810, 552, 553
Chimborazo, region 395
Chimbos, region 395
Chim u, Chimor, kingdom 8, 165, 320
Chimu, Tsimu, indigenous community 31,
363
Chinchaisuyo, administrative quarter of the
Inca empire 181
Chinchipe river 4056
Chinchorro culture 2
Chiquitano, region 5
Chiquitos missions 25
Chira river 398
Chita, town 110
Choc o, region 569, 62
Chota river and valley 605
chroniclers 181
Chucuito, town and region 259, 2624
circum-Caribbean cultures 8
cislocative 230
Ciudad Perdida 48
Ciudad de los Reyes 182
class-free sufxes 209
classication 5, 2245, 556
classication networks 2930
classiers 150, 153, 164, 451, 455, 45960,
476
classifying afxes 67, 1256, 158, 160
cleaning of the irrigation canals 377
cleft construction 118
climate 7
clitics 36770, 595
Clovis horizon 1, 506
coarticulated stop 85
coca 7
Cochabamba, town and region 411
706 Subject index
Coconuco, indigenous community 141
Colla Capac (indigenous ruler) 350
Collaguas, region 174, 262
Collasuyo, administrative quarter of the Inca
empire 174
colonial occupation by Spain 23, 9, 20, 131,
3448, 350, 362, 395, 41113, 453, 548
comarca (autonomous region) 62
combinations of personal pronouns and case
99
comitative 123, 136, 215, 332, 440, 469, 521
complement clause 226, 3723, 446
complementiser saying 446
completive 253
complex sentences 292, 430, 4457, 498, 516
compound tense 223, 229
compound verbs 59, 388, 448, 487, 571
compounds 66, 70, 236, 274, 402, 425, 436,
452, 518, 561, 566, 570
computer language 609
Concepci on, town in the Chiquitos area 477
Conchucos, region 401
condenado 253
conditional 5234, 533
conjecture 286
conquista del desierto 508
conquistadores 9, 16, 469, 53, 1657, 392,
506, 508, 604
Consejo Regional Indgena del Cauca (CRIC)
131
conservative classications 267, 30, 31
consonant clusters 689, 81, 85, 889, 110,
113, 128, 132, 153, 206, 268, 269, 273,
293, 351, 3667, 379, 386, 402, 51213,
545, 563, 569
consonant lenition 199200
constitutions 1115
of Argentina 15
of Bolivia 14
of Chile 14
of Colombia 4, 12
of Ecuador 13
of Peru 1314
of Venezuela 1112
contrary-to-fact 153
contrast 209
convergence 56, 175, 591, 602
conversi on de Hivitos 460
conversiones 460
coordination 18, 215, 356
copula/verb to be 5960, 135, 155, 207, 209,
275, 31213, 330, 3402, 382, 438
copula verbaliser 2756, 291, 426
correlative 19
Cotopaxi, region and sacred mountain 241,
394, 602
creole studies 586
Cu elap, site 406
Cuenca, town 395
cultural diffusion 500
Cumancaya culture 419
Cuna, pictographic writing system of the 48
Cundinamarca, region 38, 46, 81
Cuntisuyo, administrative quarter of the Inca
empire 174
Curaray river 456
Current Anthropology 278, 43
Curva, indigenous community 356
customary action 532
Cuyo, region 502, 506
Cuzco, name 178
Cuzco, capital of the Incas, town and region
1657, 1803, 191, 255, 262, 350, 406,
413
cuzqueros 180
cypher language 478
dalca (traditional boat) 552
Daquilema (Indian leader) 395
Darien, region 3, 567, 62
data source 209
dative 712, 79, 332, 429, 4823
Daule river 392
Death of Atahuallpa (traditional play) 254
debt slavery 417
decimal counting 74, 123, 128, 140, 235, 375,
385, 538, 549
declarative 767, 111, 1467, 354, 371, 437
deniteness 122, 217, 435
deictic roots 492, 5601
demographic decline 167
demographic situation of Andean Indians 4
demonstratives 65, 105, 122, 331, 368, 444,
457, 466, 537
dental fricative 568
depalatalisation 204
Desaguadero river 3623
Descripci on de la Gobernaci on de Guayaquil
393
descriptions 192, 416, 499, 557
Subject index 707
descriptive and comparative studies 4
desiderative 2856, 337
determined/non-determined distinction 4856
detrimental 2801, 534
dialect chain 188
dialectal variation 181, 2656
dialectology 1923, 264
Diamante river 502
dictionaries 1913, 257, 260, 265, 294, 494,
499, 511, 537, 550, 578
difrasismo 236
diminutive 126, 216, 435
Diocesan Synod of Quito 392
diphthongs 197, 322
Direct knowledge 135
direct speech 234, 2923, 539
directional 59, 645, 190, 231, 278, 3045,
448, 491, 498
directional verb stems 645
discourse structure 151, 225
distal past 70
distance scale 122, 537, 560
distribution of languages in highland Bolivia
176, 262
Doctrina Christiana 20, 182, 296
domestication of animals (camelids) 2, 7
domestication of plants 2, 7
dominance of Aymara in the Bolivian
highlands 263
domination by Spanish 4, 196
Dominicans 82, 191, 41617, 452, 459
double negation 453
double personal reference marking 426
double possessive 593
dual 60, 65, 77, 155, 451, 455, 492, 519, 521,
522, 524, 526, 571
Duchicela (indigenous rulers) 395
duplication pattern 597
durative aspect 65
Dutch occupation of Valdivia 506
dynamicity 490
earliest waves of migration 224, 42
Early Horizon 7
early human settlement in the Andes 12, 7
ejective 187
El Dorado (legend of ) 3, 8, 478
El Ecuador Interandino y Occidental antes de
la Conquista Espa nola 36
Elal (deity) 582
Elegas de Varones Ilustres de Indias 124
elision 206, 243, 368, 479
Elqui valley 409
embedded clause 137
enclitics 209
encomenderos 138
encomienda 138
Encyclopaedia Britannica 278, 31
Ene river 417
Entre Ros, region 41
epew (literary genre) 539
epidemic diseases 3, 8, 182, 416, 555
epistemic modality 70, 1345
equational clause 371
ergative 5960, 70, 79, 111, 356, 360, 4212,
470, 499
ergative patterning in verbal morphology 495,
563, 571
Esmeraldas river 155
Esmeraldas, town 155
Estudios Araucanos 510
Estudios de Ling ustica Chibcha 55
Eten, town 321
Ethnographic Museum, G oteborg 56
Ethnographic Museum, Hamburg 321
Ethnologue 125, 416, 418
etnoeducaci on 606
euphonic element 429
evangelisation 3, 20, 25, 182, 398
evidentials 153, 210, 283, 2867, 367, 455,
560
exclamative 464
exhortative 945, 473
existential verb 150, 330, 384
expansion of the Aymaran languages 171,
176, 2601, 263
expected event 137
experiencer verb 483
experiential past 229
Experimental Project of Bilingual Education
194, 257, 296
expulsion of the Jesuits 24
extinction of languages 22
extirpador de idolatras 255
extra-long vowels 569
extra-short vowels 301
extrametrical syllable 118
factual mood 713
failed action 530
708 Subject index
family names 140, 395, 398401, 403, 4067
far-remote past 283
Federmann, Niklaus (conquistador) 129
Felipillo (interpreter) 179
Fells Cave, site 1
Fincen u, chiefdom 50
rst Amerindian words borrowed into Spanish
116
rst-person marker in Quechua 189, 197, 207
rst-person-plural inclusive 211, 269, 370,
375, 449
shing and shellsh-gathering 7, 552
Fitzcarraldo (rubber baron) 459
ve-vowel system 196, 257, 366
focus 134, 523
folk literature 556, 511
foot nomads 5502, 555, 580
Formative Period 165
fortis velar 365
four-term system of personal reference xx,
21112, 218, 269, 493
four-vowel system 452
fourth person 211, 213, 269
Franciscans 56, 41617, 423, 478
frequentative 912, 94
fricativisation 199201
Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de
Colombia (FARC), guerrilla movement
10
fusion of tribes 5
future tense 923, 219, 284, 3068, 3367,
370, 383, 389, 452, 486, 530, 574
La Gaitana 48
geminate consonants 623, 76, 81, 144,
37980
gender 125, 134, 3679, 423, 451, 455, 476,
496, 498, 560, 583
gender of addressee 4623
gender distinction in pronouns 149, 432, 451,
498
gendernumber 11819
gender-related language use 365, 4789
generic prex 125
generic term for possessed items 480
genetic diversity 42
genetic relations 2245, 159, 364, 431, 456,
499, 556, 564, 578
genetically isolated languages 2, 223, 30, 61,
164, 416, 454, 456, 475, 4778
genitive 59, 61, 6970, 80, 1012, 111, 120,
145, 149, 154, 213, 322, 3289, 3325,
352, 3679, 4701, 520, 545
genitive clitic doubling 596
genitive pronouns 332
genitivelocative 273
genocide 3, 10
geographic intertwining of languages 2623
gerund 473, 599600
glottal stop 689, 110, 113, 116, 118, 143,
147, 351, 361, 365, 377, 3878, 519, 563,
568
glottalised consonants 35, 1878, 195,
198200, 264, 266, 302, 351, 365, 378,
37980, 387, 4945, 505, 578
glottalised vowels 75, 110, 131, 425
Goal 38, 99100, 440
gold 8, 417
Government and Binding 19
grammars (colonial) 1618, 20, 829, 1912,
219, 319, 477, 496, 522, 544
Gran Chaco, region 5, 14, 40, 3856, 411,
418, 48899, 500
Gran Pajat en, site 407
Gran Vilaya, site 406
Great Civilisations 18
Guajira peninsula 115
Guamba, indigenous community 141
Guanacache, wetlands 502
guano exploitation 10
Guatavita, cacique of 47
Guaviare river 162
Guayas river 392
g uecha 48
guerrilla movements 10
Guitarrero cave, site 2
Guzmango, kingdom 404
habitual past 223, 227, 276
haciendas 3, 459, 585
Handbook of South American Indians 26
Hatun Colla, ancient town 234
heavy syllable 118
Hispanic values 590
Hispanicisation 174, 1767, 509, 607
Hispaniola island 11617
Historia del Nuevo Mundo 24
Historia natural y moral de las Indias 23
homeland of Aymaran 263
homeland of Quechua 1802, 263
Subject index 709
honoric 455
horse 556
Huailillas, mission 398
Huallaga river 405, 416, 460
Huamachuco, town and region 398, 401, 404
Huambos, region 401
Hu anuco, town and region 411
Huari, site 7, 165
Huarochir, town and region 174, 255
Huarochir manuscript 174, 187, 192, 255, 261
Huascar (Inca ruler) 8, 167, 395
Huayna Capac (Inca ruler) 3, 8, 1657
huaynos 256
Huila, region 141
huinca 539, 608
Humboldt current 7
hunters and gatherers 7
hunting and extraction economy 417
Hunza 46
hypercorrection 203
Ibero-American Institute, Berlin 363, 401
ich-laut 3267
iconicity 195
idiomatic expressions 103
illative 374
imperative 90, 92, 94, 127, 140, 153, 157,
219, 222, 273, 2845, 290, 309, 337,
354, 3834, 387, 38990, 442, 523, 546,
564
imperfective aspect 912
impersonal 712
implosive 578
impure vowel 323, 513
Inca empire 3, 5, 235, 1801, 2601, 500
Inca nobility (colonial) 183
Inca Sphere 5, 165, 391
Incanised ethnic groups 418
Incas 89, 1657, 17881, 195, 2545, 261,
263, 320, 350, 392, 401, 406, 411, 433,
459, 500, 506
inclusive/exclusive distinction 73, 222, 455,
481
indenite 1213
independence (of the Andean states) 3, 10,
183, 350, 507
independent sufxes 2089, 224, 2735,
2902, 31314
Indian movements 4, 10
indigenista movement 4, 181, 2545, 590
indigenous communities (comunidades
indgenas) 10, 79, 237, 320, 3623,
418
indirect-object marking (on verbs) 71
inferential 2867, 455
inferential past 224
Inferential knowledge 135
innitive 152, 226, 288, 355, 384, 526
innitive complement 137, 226, 372, 573
information status 458
Instituto Caro y Cuervo, Bogot a 55, 83
Instituto Ling ustico de Verano (ILV) 19, 447,
449, 457, 460
instrument nominaliser 2278, 289, 33941,
529
instrumental 21516, 31213, 332, 352, 385,
440, 469
instrumental prexes 387, 448
instrumentalcomitative 278, 356, 374
instrumentalcoordinative 304
interdental 510, 51415, 516
interlanguage 592, 596
intermediary periods (archaeological) 7
Intermediate Area 50
internal vowel change 8990
International Journal of American Linguistics
xvi
interrogative (as a verbal category) 76, 93,
111, 1467, 153, 546, 547
Interrogative / no knowledge 135
interrogative pronouns 105, 118, 295, 313,
334, 352, 375
interrogatives 61, 93, 313, 437, 537
intralocutive 71
intransitivisers 734
Introductiones Latinae 16
inverse/direct distinction 354, 5256, 5289
inverse pulmonic nasal 454
Ipomoea batatas (sweet potato) 41
irrealis 442
irregular concord 5989
irrigation 2
Iru Itu, indigenous community 362
Isla del Sol, island 363
Isla Huapi, island 510
Issa Oristuna, indigenous reserve 75
itive 231, 534
Ja en, town and region 396, 4056
Jequetepeque river 320
710 Subject index
Jesuits 1718, 24, 163, 254, 259, 264, 408,
416, 433, 447, 457, 4778, 552, 556, 605
Jim enez de Quesada, Gonzalo (conquistador)
46
Jivaroan uprising 397
joint action 133, 151
Juan del Oso (mythical gure) 256
Juan Santos Atahuallpa, rebellion of 423
Juli, town and mission centre 264
kankurua (place of worship) 67, 438
kinship terms 106, 235, 294, 329, 425, 427,
455, 480, 538
La Leche river 320
La Pampa, region 505, 514
La Plata, town and river in Colombia
1389
La Rioja, town and region 4079
La Tolita culture 156
labial click 454
labialised consonant 131, 365
labiodental fricative 510, 516
labio-postvelar 365
labiovelars 63, 69, 76, 84, 131, 365, 407
lack of polysynthesis 40
Lamas, town and region 186
Lambayeque, town and region 319, 400
landholding system 10
language attrition 5802
language contact 46, 195, 386, 5802
language families 26, 416, 454, 499
Language in the Americas (Greenberg) 27
language maintenance 5, 194, 256, 258
language mixture 602
language planning 515, 585, 6058
language shift 6, 2589, 262
language surveys 21
Les langues du monde (Meillet and Cohen) 26
laryngealisation 1989
Late Horizon 8
lateral fricative 144, 3646
lateralisation 205
Lecturas Araucanas 511
lengua general (general language) 81, 163,
167, 175, 296, 350, 453
lengua matriz 25
Leticia triangle 164
lexical and grammatical entwining (of
Aymaran and Quechuan) 36
lexical borrowing 6, 36, 66, 159, 352, 357,
434, 549, 5802
from Aymaran 171, 263, 279, 302, 375, 385,
476, 538, 549, 591
from Quechuan 131, 160, 175, 295, 314,
325, 378, 385, 391, 393, 403, 424, 448,
476, 538, 549, 5901
from Spanish 59, 74, 87, 105, 1289, 131,
150, 1523, 1967, 2334, 236, 241,
2456, 253, 280, 293, 298, 325, 378,
3845, 391, 488, 517, 538, 582
lexical gender (in verbs) 388
lexical diffusion 5, 500
lexical number (in verbs) 388, 571
lexical similarities 49, 57, 140, 142
lexical sufx 79, 140
lexico-statistics 431
Library of the Royal Palace, Madrid 823
Licancabur, mountain 376
Lima, as a centre of migration 258
Lima, Aymaran communities in the
department of 261
Lima, Peruvian state capital and former
residence of the Spanish viceroys 167,
182, 205
limitative 469
lingua franca 3, 4778, 500
linguistic area 579
linguistic diversity 2, 22, 81, 183, 416
linguistic eldwork 20, 191
linguistic rights 3
linguistic taboo 581
Lpez (region) 362
literary production 2546, 296, 539, 580
lithic technology 7
llanos (eastern plains of Colombia and
adjacent Venezuela) 24, 1623
Loa river 3756
Location 99, 100
location (as a verbal category) 498
locative 60, 70, 1367, 189, 214, 276, 31213,
356, 374, 397, 428, 439, 4478, 470, 485,
4912
locativeaccusative 145
locativegenitive 276, 303
locativepossessive verbalisation 276
Loja, town and region 3967, 432
loose morphological structure 40
Lords Prayer 1069, 3446, 359, 376, 3814
Loreto, region 418, 423, 456
Subject index 711
loss of aspiration 266
lowering of water level (in Lake Titicaca) 363
Lucanas, region 262
Lupaca, kingdom 7
Lurn river 165
Macotama, religious centre 66
Madeira river 40
Madre de Dios, region 416, 418, 423, 459
Magalh aes (Magellan), Fernando de 15
Magdalena river and valley 9, 38, 46, 48,
523, 75, 112, 11415, 138, 161
maintenance model (of bilingual education)
6069
maize 7
Malleco, region 507, 50910, 516
mal on (Indian raid) 507
mama (spiritual leader) 67
Manab, region 3923
Mantaro river and valley 257, 261
manuscripts 20
Mapuche uprising 539
Mar Chiquita, lake 502
Maracaibo, town 115
Maracaibo, lake 11, 38, 52, 99, 112, 115, 124
mathematics teaching 609
Maule river 506
metathesis 435
Mara n on river 319, 401, 4056
M erida, town and region 124
Mesoamerica 120, 156, 364
Messianic movements 9
mestizo 255, 418, 5901
Meta river and region 1623
Middle Horizon 7
migration to urban areas 258, 507
milenarismo andino, see Andean Millenarism
mining vocabulary 589
missions 4, 1617, 245, 56, 67, 131, 139,
151, 163, 408, 416, 419, 423, 447, 452,
457, 459, 460, 476, 477, 552, 556, 567
mitimaes 167, 176, 237, 261, 319, 395, 406,
506
mixed dialect 82
Moche, town and indigenous community 320
Mochica culture 165
modal sufx 183
moh an (indigenous priest) 84
Mojos, Moxos, chiefdom 422
Mojos, Moxos missions 25
Monsef u, town 321
monta na (Andean-Amazonian foothills in
Peru) 9, 13, 411, 419, 424, 499
Monte Verde, site 1, 506
month names 538
mood 218, 222, 2827, 380, 389, 442, 472,
522, 5234, 573
Moquegua, town and region 263
morphological transparency 209, 274
morphophonemic variation 117, 202, 4812,
512, 517, 546
morphophonemics 69, 267, 323, 441, 463
morphosyntax 69
motion 153, 477
Motupe, town 320
mucuches 128
Muequet a 46
multilateral comparison 43
multilingualism 4, 67, 164, 1801, 477, 580
multiple vibrant (trill) 58, 68, 81, 117, 205,
243, 325
mummication techniques 2
Mus ee de lHomme, Paris 55
Museo de la Plata 582
Nabusmake, indigenous town 66
Napo river 417
narrative past 224
nasal cluster 515
nasal contour 163
nasal spread 58, 164, 478, 479, 487
nasal vowels 69, 81, 113, 131, 143, 147, 156,
433, 4546, 479, 496, 499
National Library, Madrid 192, 544
National Library of Colombia 823
nationalism 10
nativos 413
Navarino island 554, 567
Nazca culture 165, 263
near past 389
near-remote past 283
negation 701, 78, 93, 133, 153, 158, 20910,
281, 291, 309, 313, 360, 380, 420, 441,
443, 4489, 473, 487, 522, 5323, 546
negative command 90, 384, 443, 448, 533
negative participle 701
negative possession 158
negative subordination 342
negative verb 119, 385, 603
Nele Kantule (Indian leader) 62
712 Subject index
neologisms 123
Neuqu en, region 514
New Granada 23, 48, 534, 74, 84
New Testament translations 578
nominal derivation 4678
nominal inection 36
nominal negation 133, 137, 532
nominal person markers 212, 269, 426
nominal predicate 98, 118, 1345, 207, 209,
2756, 382, 487, 5367
nominal tense 494
nominalisation 1718, 6970, 72, 76, 93, 137,
140, 146, 150, 218, 224, 2269, 265, 275,
28890, 31112, 339, 355, 3723, 380,
384, 389, 453, 473, 498, 519, 522,
52630, 547
nominative 332
nominativeaccusative system 145, 207
non-nite verbs 70, 76
Non-involver 2867, 290
non-possession 119, 329, 427
Norte de Potos, region 176
noun classes 423, 427, 480
noun incorporation 59, 66, 159, 449, 51819,
563
number 111, 125, 133, 153, 221, 269, 354,
388, 455, 496, 519, 5223, 538, 547
number of language families 2
number of eastern lowland Indians 1314
number of speakers of highland languages
(Aymara, Mapuche, Quechua) 1314,
168, 258
numeral classiers 66, 79, 329, 3423, 470,
471
numerals 34, 66, 74, 79, 83, 106, 11112, 123,
128, 140, 150, 235, 277, 2945, 31415,
343, 361, 368, 375, 385, 391, 424, 470,
500, 549
n utram (literary genre) 539
object marking (on nouns) 136, 303
object marking (personal reference in verbs)
71, 78, 978, 154, 208, 218, 264, 275,
282, 3068, 310, 353, 384, 4736, 498,
524, 548, 557
object-oriented nominaliser 137
object pronoun 147
obligation 289, 338, 383, 573
obviative/proximate distinction 5235
Oca na, town and region 116
Ollantay (theatre play) 192, 255
onomatopoeic roots 2367
Op on river 114
optative 222, 224, 473
Or elie-Antoine I (king of Araucania and
Patagonia) 507
Orellana, Francisco de (explorer) 431
oriente (Amazonian lowlands of Ecuador)
1213, 454
Orinoco river 161, 163
Orteguaza river 163
orthography xvixix, 86, 183, 194, 2579,
270, 302, 377, 513, 515, 544, 572
Otavalo, town 3934
ownership 21617, 277, 289
Pacaicasa, site 1
Pacasmayo river 3201
Pachacamac, site and religious centre 8, 165
Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui (Inca ruler) 8
Pachitea river 419
pacication of Araucania 9, 507, 511
Paij an, town 320
palatalisation 131, 407, 434, 450, 481, 489
palatals 3223, 3248, 403, 425
Paleo-Indian hunters 506
Pallasca, town and region 4013
Pampa Wars 556
pampas 10, 505, 5078
Pampas del Sacramento 422
Pancen u, chiefdom 50
Paracas culture 165
Paraguayan missions 24
Paranapura river 456
Pariacaca (deity) 174
partial reduplication 388, 476
participle 925, 156, 340, 390
passive participle 95, 547
passive voice 64, 956, 123, 150, 329, 335,
33842, 368, 483, 4856, 523, 534, 547
past tense 92, 383, 4856, 530
Pastaza river and region 454
Pasto, town 142
Patagonia 505, 5078, 550, 5546
Path 99100
paucal 492
Peine, indigenous community 3767
Pe nas, Gulf of 553
percentages of Indian population 11
Peren e river 417
Subject index 713
perfective aspect 221, 231, 441, 530, 595
perlative 374
permissive 456
person hierarchy 521, 5256
personal names 408
personal reference 35, 59, 61, 65, 713, 77,
889, 968, 119, 122, 1336, 140, 147,
1534, 1567, 189, 192, 21112, 21821,
226, 269, 275, 2823, 306, 32932, 353,
358, 380, 383, 3889, 423, 426, 4368,
453, 459, 463, 4712, 4812, 498, 511,
5213, 545, 557, 582
personal reference number marking 21213,
222, 546
Peruvian Corporation 417
petried sufx 69, 74
Philip II (king of Spain) 182
phonology 579, 623, 689, 756, 819,
112, 11718, 1435, 152, 156, 194207,
2704, 3012, 321, 361, 3647, 37780,
3867, 4245, 4335, 450, 454, 463, 479,
489, 496, 51217, 5645, 56770, 591
phonotactics 35, 267, 293
phylum 28
physical characteristics of the Andean region
67
pidginisation 602
Pikimachay, site 1
Pilcomayo river 385, 493
Pinochet Ugarte, Augusto, military
government of 507
pitch accent 118
Piura, town and region 398
Pizarro, Francisco (conquistador) 8, 167,
179
Plate, River 3, 6, 505
pluperfect 601
plural 60, 65, 77, 155, 190, 212, 2212,
269, 277, 2812, 305, 3312, 356, 375,
382, 390, 492, 509, 5212, 5245, 545,
560
polar question 20910, 291, 331
Poop o, lake 362
Popay an, town 142
portmanteau sufx 190, 208, 21920, 2456,
339
Portuguese 417
Portuguese slave-raiders 417
possession 119, 239, 367, 487, 496
possession acted upon 71
possessive afx 98, 119, 277, 359, 381, 389,
3901, 402, 4201, 425, 427, 449, 451,
476, 490, 494
possessive construction 77, 214, 278, 358,
382, 390, 452, 519
possessive modier 419, 444, 449, 457,
51920, 527, 529
possessive pronoun 65, 77, 1478, 352, 358,
360, 382, 439, 451, 482
postposition 79, 89, 101, 129, 154, 328,
3323, 356, 419, 449, 468, 4823, 495,
520, 545, 5601, 563, 565, 567, 576
posture verb 65, 150, 388
postvelar 3656, 3789, 402, 409
potential 153, 2846, 309, 372, 442
preaspirated consonant 145, 495
preaspirated glide 568
preceramic phase of Andean prehistory 2, 7
predicate marker 570
prex fusion 472
preglottalised consonant 76, 144
prehistory 78
prenasalised consonant 58, 75, 131, 133, 152,
434
preposition 128, 332, 4845, 497, 576, 599
present tense (absence of ) 530
preterit 336, 337
preverb 133
preverbal adverb 535
preverbal complement 273
proclitic 370, 453, 559, 561
professional language 357
Programa de Formaci on en Educaci on
Intercultural Biling ue para los Pases
Andinos (PROEIB Andes) 257
progressive aspect 221, 224, 231, 281, 338
promaucaes 506
pronominal possession 69, 136, 437
pronouns 73, 111, 127, 147, 155, 269, 329,
353, 358, 360, 3678, 375, 3823, 391,
436, 4501, 466, 4812, 498, 51920,
529, 545, 557, 5745
proto-language 35, 80, 112, 202, 2667
Proyecto Experimental de Educaci on Biling ue
(PEEB) 257, 296, 608
pseudo-passive 123
Pubenza federation 142
Puerto Eden, town 553
Pueblo Llano, town 125
Puerto Hormiga, site 8
714 Subject index
Puerto Montt, town 506
Pun a, island 392
Puna de Atacama 376
Puno, Bay of 259, 362
Puno, town and region 350, 595
Purac e, indigenous community 1412
purpose clause 228, 23940, 2889, 312, 341,
428, 446
Putumayo river 151, 1634
Quebrada de Humahuaca 410
quechua as a generic term 168
Quechua (name) 179, 259
quechua legtimo 181
Quechua renaissance 183
Quechuanisation 12, 170, 175, 394, 397
Quell on, town 510
question words 1819, 137, 209, 236, 291,
448, 458, 4656, 578
Quichua (name) 179
Quimbaya, goldsmiths art of the 48
Quimbaya federation 49
quipu 254, 542
quipucamayoc 254
Quisg o, indigenous community 141
Quito, capital of the northern Inca empire and
of the Republic of Ecuador 167, 3934,
398, 406
racionales 413
raised elds 2
Ranco, lake 510
real mood 73, 583
realised event 137
realised/non-realised distinction 223
reciprocal 279, 305, 429
recognition of Quechua as a national language
4, 256
reconstruction 37, 55, 1945, 267, 431, 495
reducciones 416, 433, 452, 477, 507
reduplication 119, 123, 2323, 2956, 436,
539, 549, 561, 564, 566
reexive 133, 279, 305, 372, 4856, 526, 534
reexive pronoun 391, 548
regional kingdoms 8
regional standard language 256
regionalisation 8
Relaci on de la tierra de Ja en 173, 405
Relaciones geogr acas de Indias 174, 261,
385, 3937, 405
relationalpossessive form 11314, 11920,
329, 332, 335, 381
relational case marker 428
relational stem 1201
relative clause 15, 1719, 69, 102, 118, 123,
137, 213, 288, 292, 341, 3723, 427, 430,
447, 5268
relative verbs 93
relativiser 292, 430
relexication 56, 602
religion 78, 84
remote past 389, 455
reportative 534
Reproacher tense 2856
resguardos 12, 112, 141
resistance (indigenous) 9, 489, 75, 131, 138,
139, 431, 433
restrictions on verb structure 21718
resultative 372
resumptive pronoun 595
retroex 365, 568
retroex affricate 113, 189, 201, 2645, 302,
4245, 514, 517
retroex ap 117
retroex glide 516
retroex sibilant 202, 325
retroex vibrant 204
retroex voiced fricative 591
reversal of personal reference categories 359
reversive 231
rhetoric 538
rhetorical question 245
rich obstruent inventories 264
Rimac river 205
Riobamba, town 395
rise of sea levels 1
Rituale seu Manuale Peruanum 322, 351
Robledo, Jorge (conquistador) 49
Roca, Julio Argentino (military leader) 10,
508
root economy 26, 293
root structure 269
Royal Commentaries of the Incas 23
rubber exploitation 3, 10, 162, 164, 417
sabana 46, 50
Salado river, Argentina 188
Salado river, Chile 376, 379
Salar de Atacama 376
saltpetre exploitation 10
Subject index 715
San Agustn, site and culture 8, 48, 53, 1389
San Agustn, stone sculptures of 48, 138
San Andr es de Sotavento, town and indigenous
community 52
San Basilio del Palenque, Afro-Colombian
settlement 605
San Blas, archipelago of 62
San Dami an de Checas, indigenous
community 255
San Juan river 56
San Juan de la Costa, town 50910, 514
San Martn, Jos e de (liberator) 9, 183
San Miguel de los Ayamanes, indigenous
community 129
San Pedro de Atacama, town and indigenous
community 376
San Pedro de Casta, indigenous community
595
sandhi 624, 270
Sangay, volcano 432
Santa Ana de Chipaya, indigenous community
363
Santa Cruz de la Sierra, town and region 477
Santa Elena Peninsula 8
Santaf e de Bogot a, state capital of Colombia
and former capital of New Granada 81
Santo Domingo de los Colorados, town and
indigenous community 141
Santa Marta, town 52
Santa Rosa, hacienda 417
Santiago del Estero, town and region 168,
177, 386, 408
Saraguro, town and indigenous community
3956, 602
Sarmiento, Domingo Faustino (president of
Argentina) 508
schwa 323, 352, 377, 512
Scyri 394
Sechn Alto, site 7
second language (L2) acquisition 592
second-person pronouns (of Spanish) 587
selva (Amazonian forest area in Peru) 13
semantic inuence 591
semantic interpretation, range of 234
semantic underspecication 103
semi-vowel 51314
Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path), guerrilla
movement 10
sentential particles 537, 600
sentential sufxes 2089, 291, 465
sequences of case markers 216
Seville 5867
shape morphemes 45960
shape of object, verbs varying according to 74
shared lexicon 35, 140, 15960, 267, 461,
499, 5556
sierra (Andean highlands) 20, 181, 411
Sierra de C ordoba 502
Sierra de la Macarena 161
Sierra Nevada del Cocuy 52, 10910
Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta 37, 48, 502,
667, 75
Sierra de Perij a 50, 80, 112
Silvia, town 141
Simancas, colonial settlement 139
Sinamaica, lagoon of 116
singulative 155
Sin u river 62
Si on, ancient mission 460
Siquesique, town 129
Socaire, indigenous community 3767
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge
498
Sogamoso, town and religious centre 46
song texts 256, 261, 296
sound correspondence 462
sound symbolism 199, 2034, 315, 516, 559
Source 440
South American Missionary Society 550
Spaniards 89, 124, 1389, 179, 263, 350,
401, 409, 417, 433, 585
Spanish American republics 10, 589
spatial adverbs 104, 5201
spatial deixis 2356, 295, 422
spatial distinctions 79, 275, 2789, 293, 304,
333, 428, 5334
spatial nouns 304
speaker/non-speaker distinction 146
speech registers 64, 433
spheres, cultural and linguistic 45
spondylus shell 8
sprachbund 204, 591
standardisation 20, 117, 194, 2568, 477,
607
state 1578
stative nominalisation 228, 28990, 31112,
33941, 355, 527
stative verbs 912, 122, 490
stem modication 485
stock (language) 28, 30
716 Subject index
Strait of Magellan 1, 581
stress 69, 110, 132, 145, 156, 190, 2067,
243, 2702, 273, 367, 386, 434, 463, 489,
569
structural similarities between Aymaran and
Quechuan 267
structural transformation 36
studies on Quechua 1914
Suaza river 139
subject-centred nominaliser 17, 137, 227, 229,
288
subject extraction 372
subject marker 564
subject/non-subject distinction 1719
subjunctive mood 429
subordinate clause 209, 3734, 576
subordination 137, 149, 218, 223, 2246, 275,
287, 31011, 341, 355, 38990, 4201,
456, 547
substratum 6, 149, 172, 358, 393, 404, 409,
510, 511, 586, 589
Sucre, Antonio Jos e de (liberator) 9
sudden discovery tense 224, 534, 601, 603
sufx order 209, 232, 274
Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) 19, 21,
55, 454, 608
supine 95, 342
suppletion 89, 328, 571
Swadesh list of basic vocabulary 1301
sweet potato 41
switch-reference 146, 149, 189, 218, 223,
2256, 238, 241, 2756, 287, 310, 3734,
4201, 446, 473
syllabic lateral 545
syllable structure 131, 206
syncope 634
synonyms 236
synthetic conjugation 1223
Tabaconas, town 401
tagmemics 19, 193
Tahuantinsuyo 165
Taki Onqoy (religious movement) 9
tal atur (ceremonial song) 377
Taquile, island 350
Tauca, town 402
Telarmachay, site 2
Telemb river 141
temperate altitude zone 179
temporal deixis 295
tense 73, 111, 218, 2224, 2827, 3068, 380,
389, 421, 429, 441, 494, 522, 5302, 566,
574
tenseaspect 3702, 472
Tequendama, site 8
Tercer Concilio Limense (Third Lima Council)
20, 182
textiles 8
texts in Andean languages 21
theatre plays 183, 255
three-vowel system 156, 195, 270, 301, 402,
409, 4245
Tiahuanaco, site 7, 165, 375
Tierra del Fuego 55082
Tigre river 456
Timan a, town 1389
Tingo Mara, town 460
Titicaca, lake 7, 170, 175, 259, 2624, 275,
350, 3623
Tolima, region 114
Tomebamba, ancient town 395
tonal languages 80, 163, 164, 450
tone, grammatical 80, 164
tone, lexical 756, 80, 11011, 563
topicalisation 70, 136, 20911, 2912, 313,
356, 430, 600
toponymical area 4045
toponymy 21, 53, 114, 125, 140, 170,
1726, 2613, 3501, 392409, 562,
565
totora 175
Tounens, Antoine Or elie de 507
tourism 417
traditional healers 356
trans-Andean contacts (between tropical forest
and coastal plains) 6
trans-Pacic connections 41
transition (combined personal reference
marking of subject and object in verbs)
219, 282, 3068, 353, 384, 4734, 522,
5256, 5289
transitional model (of bilingual education)
6068
transitive/intransitive distinction 64, 901, 94,
233, 4201
transitiviser 734, 339, 384, 421
transitivity 490
trapecio andino 174
tripartite division of native American
languages 42
Subject index 717
Trujillo, town and region in Venezuela
124
Trujillo, town in Peru 320, 328, 398,
401
truncation 367
Tsimu, see Chimu
Tucum an, town and region 386, 408
T umbez, town 179, 392
Tupac Amaru II (Jos e Gabriel) 3, 9, 183
Tupac Amaru, rebellion of 183, 255
Tupac (Inca) Yupanqui 8, 416, 459
Tupe, indigenous community 171
typological distance 2
typological regions 50, 55
Ucayali, region 418
Ucayali river 411, 41819, 431
United Provinces of Ro de la Plata 3
universal quantiers 137
Universidad de los Andes, Bogot a 21,
55
University of Costa Rica 55
University of Florida 260
University of San Marcos, Lima 18
University of Valparaso 377
University Library of Cuzco 544
unku 254
Upper Amazon valley 24, 432
Upper Magdalena region 53, 13940,
163
Urab a, Gulf of 50, 61
Urituyacu river 456
Urubamba river 411
Ushuaia, town 567
Utcubamba river 405
uvulars 178, 183, 1948, 2012, 243, 257,
259, 264, 301, 351, 358, 361, 365, 379,
383, 387, 505, 566
Vacacocha, lake 456
Valdivia, town and region 506, 509, 510
Valdivia, Pedro de (conquistador) 409, 506,
508
valency-changing afxes 734, 89, 218, 229,
232, 305, 423, 5334
validation 70, 21011, 41920
Valles Calchaques (Calchaqu valleys)
4089
Vaup es, river and region 1623
velar glide 513
velar nasal 144, 194, 264, 266, 302, 304, 325,
332, 365, 465
Velasco Alvarado, Juan, military government
of 256
ventive 227, 230, 280, 289, 305, 534
verb classes 571
verb-initial languages 118, 155
verbal complement 1023
verbal derivation 2089, 218, 22932, 275,
278, 280, 2934, 3045, 339, 355,
4756, 4878, 491, 509, 522, 533,
546, 5712
verbal inection 35, 442, 522, 5735
verbalisation 277, 4745, 530, 534
verbs of carrying and holding 235, 2934
verbs of communication 2334, 293, 446,
539
verbs of eating 105, 388
verbs to do 150
vertically organised network of cooperation 6
viceroys of Peru 167, 182
Vichada river 162
vigesimal count 106
Vilcabamba, Inca stronghold 9
Viltipoco (Indian leader) 410
Viracocha (Quechua name for Spaniards)
179
virtual mood 73
visitas 138, 259, 403
voiced palatal fricative 395
voiceless lateral 3278, 379, 387, 494, 498
voiceless nasal 387
voiceless vowels 143, 366
voicing 182, 1989, 266
vowel uctuation 198
vowel harmony 264, 268, 339, 463, 473,
4957, 499
vowel length 76, 81, 11011, 118, 131, 143,
190, 195, 2701, 2756, 284, 287, 289,
30117, 322, 3234, 327, 361, 366,
3778, 425, 433, 463, 479
vowel loss 198, 268, 323
vowel suppression 35, 89, 101, 110, 2678,
2714, 278, 2812, 286, 293, 3023, 355,
367
La Voz de los Andes (radio broadcasting
station) 607
Wafer, Lionel (ships doctor) 62
Wars of Independence (against Spain) 910
718 Subject index
war of succession (between Atahuallpa and
Huascar) 8, 167
witnessed/non-witnessed 494
word order 59, 61, 65, 69, 70, 79, 99, 111,
114, 118, 127, 129, 145, 207, 274, 367,
370, 380, 385, 419, 424, 429, 4435, 447,
449, 452, 456, 457, 460, 475, 476, 488,
493, 495, 497, 5604, 5667, 5759,
5978, 6034
writing system, lack of indigenous 2
yanacona 53
Yar river 162
Yavar river 417
yesmo 587
Yurumangu river 60
zambos 155
Zamora, town and region 397
Za na, town 319
zaque (indigenous ruler) 46
Zepita, town 362
zero complement 2734, 288, 303
zero person 11823
zipa (indigenous ruler) 467
Zipaquir a, town 82
zones of refuge 6
Zulia, region 11517