Production System

REGLAP fcover 1.
pdf
hpg
Humanitarian Policy Group
Mobile pastoral systems and international zoosanitary standards

Devising a compatible approach
Robert J. Connor April 2009
REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf
Contents
Preface Acronyms Executive summary 1. Introduction 2. Features of production systems in the region 2.1 Rangeland as a resource 2.2 The importance of mobility 2.3 Reduced mobility and its consequences for pastoralism 2.4 Pastoralism and national economies 2.5 The increasing demand for livestock products 2.6 Boosting production 3. Livestock marketing from the region 4. Livestock policies within the region 5. Commodity based trade as an approach to promote livestock exports 6. Examples of successes in the region 7. Alternative policy options 8. Conclusions and next steps References 2 2 3 3 5 5 5 6 9 11 14 16 17 18 iii v vii
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About the author
Robert J. Connor is Managing Director of Anseris Limited and prepared this paper for VSF-Belgium.
Acknowledgements
The author is grateful to the many people who assisted the preparation of this paper. In particular, he wishes to thank Amos Omore, Gavin Thomson, Gabriel Turasha, John Morton, Karl Rich, Rob Allport and Tim Leyland, who generously shared information. He is indebted to numerous colleagues and farmers who, over many years, have enriched his understanding of livestock production in Africa. Special thanks are due to Kate Longley, Rob Allport, Sorcha OCallaghan and Julie Flint, who provided valuable editorial guidance, and to Sylvia Wamugi for keeping him informed of the discussions on and content of the other papers in this series.
This report was commissioned by Oxfam GB as part of an ECHO-funded project entitled Reducing the vulnerability of pastoral communities through policy and practice change in the Horn and East Africa. The project is also known as REGLAP (the Regional Livelihoods Advocacy Project). The project was coordinated by Save the Children (UK). Other consortium members include CARE, Cordaid, VSF-B, the Overseas Development Institute, Reconcile and Cemiride. The views and opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily state or reflect those of the REGLAP consortium members.
Humanitarian Policy Group Overseas Development Institute 111 Westminster Bridge Road London SE1 7JD United Kingdom Tel: +44(0) 20 7922 0300 Fax: +44(0) 20 7922 0399 Website: www.odi.org.uk/hpg Email: hpgadmin@odi.org.uk

HPG COMMISSIONED REPORT
Mobile pastoral systems
Preface
This publication forms one of a series of six reports prepared under the ECHO-funded project on Reducing the vulnerability of pastoral communities through policy and practice change in the Horn and East Africa. The aim of the project is to raise awareness among planners and policymakers about the full potential of pastoral systems to make a significant contribution to the economies of the region. Each of the six reports presents evidence-based research findings to overcome misconceptions and misunderstandings regarding particular aspects of pastoral livelihoods, and highlights appropriate policy recommendations that favour pastoralist systems. The reports present evidence to help inform thinking in order that policymakers can keep abreast of new opportunities and threats in the rangelands. Understanding pastoralism and its future is the subject of fierce debate. The term pastoralism is used to describe societies that derive some, but not necessarily the majority, of their food and income from livestock. For many decades, governments regarded pastoralism as backward, economically inefficient and environmentally destructive, leading to policies that have served to marginalise and undermine pastoralist systems. More recently, pastoralism has come to be regarded by many as a viable and economically effective livestock production system, but the policies needed to reverse its historical marginalisation and address the chronic levels of poverty and vulnerability faced by many pastoralist communities have yet to be put in place. We define pastoralists both in the economic sense (i.e. those who earn part of their living from livestock and livestock products) and also in the cultural sense, in which livestock do not form the main source of income, yet people remain culturally connected to a pastoralist lifestyle in which the significance of livestock is more cultural than economic. Based on the evidence presented in these reports, we believe that herding livestock over rangelands will remain part of a vital and dynamic production system for many but not all who live in the arid and semi-arid lands of the Horn and East Africa. Appropriate policies are required that support both the economic potential of pastoralism and pastoralist lifestyles that depend on alternative livelihoods. As such, the series aims to help create a vision for development in the arid and semi-arid lands (ASALs). Mobile pastoralism constitutes a rational use of dryland environments, but this livelihood is undermined by lack of access to basic services, inappropriate policies on land use, repeated humanitarian responses to emergencies (responses that fail to address root causes and structural issues), population growth and decades of economic and social marginalisation. In order to realise the economic potential of pastoralism and achieve projected growth in livestock sectors, governments will have to invest in pastoral production systems. An initial and vital step in this process will be adapting livestock and disease control policies to enable international trade from mobile pastoral systems. More specifically, the paper on commodity-based trade proposes two options: 1) alignment of disease control policies with the standards of livestock markets within the region (which are more realistic and easier to attain than the international standards set by the world animal health organisation); or 2) a certified compartmentalised production system through which animals can be traced to their source, a strict animal health regime (which could be implemented by supervised community animal health workers) in which treatments are recorded, and the slaughtering of animals (and removal of all bones and lymphatic tissue) in abattoirs which comply with international standards, thus allowing for the export of meat from animals produced in pastoral systems anywhere in the world. For those pastoralists still practicing their traditional way of life, as well as those who have lost their livestock and abandoned the traditional pastoralist way of life, various forms of social protection will be essential. Many of these so-called destitute pastoralists have moved to urban settlements in search of alternative livelihoods. Social protection can contribute towards economic growth involving alternative livelihoods, but it is important that governments in East Africa should implement both unconditional safety net programmes (i.e. that do not require productivity in exchange for resources) in pastoral areas, as well as providing basic social services and infrastructure. Whilst social protection, service provision and support for alternative livelihoods can enhance the resilience of households and communities to the effects of recurrent disasters such as drought, livestock disease and conflict, there is also the need to address the underlying causes of vulnerability to these shocks. Current emergency responses are designed primarily to save lives and often have the perverse effect of encouraging people to remain in places that cannot sustain them; decades of almost continuous food aid, water trucking and other last-resort emergency inputs have led to the mushrooming of settlements, associated degradation of the local environment and decreased access to dry season pastures. More effective emergency responses require the ability to respond much earlier in the disaster cycle through contingency plans and funds that effectively protect different livelihood strategies before household assets become depleted. These issues are addressed in the paper on preparedness planning, which highlights the need for a detailed understanding of livelihoods as part of existing early warning systems.
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HPG Commissioned Report
The need for effective disaster risk management is paramount and reflected in the Regional Drought Decision (RDD) implemented by ECHO. The implementation of the action is heralding a new era of donor policy and partner practice. This initiative is helping to release funds and enabling NGO presence to be sustained when there is a need to rapidly transfer resources within existing projects in a more timely way as emergency threatens. We are already seeing some cases where new action has helped prevent predicted crises from emerging. The gradual shift in donor policy and practice contributes to a growing Community of Practice (CoP) that wants to see a greater incorporation of preparedness, recovery and development planning in any emergency response and vice-versa. This momentum must now be maintained as a vital part of humanitarian action and risk reduction if exit strategies are ever to become a reality. Responding to climate change will also require a long-term approach to provide the investments necessary for appropriate and sustainable development, allowing pastoralists either to adapt to their changing environment, or to transition out of pastoralism into alternative livelihoods. The paper on climate change argues that this must be effected through a rightsbased approach, to increase the integration of pastoralists into political, social and economic systems at national and regional levels, thus addressing the fundamental problems of marginalisation and weak governance that lie at the root of the chronic poverty and vulnerability of pastoral areas. Where
pastoral communities are currently associated with degrading rangelands, climate change should result in these communities being seen as custodians of these environments as policy adapts and politicians recognise the huge contribution these mobile systems can make economically, socially and, especially, environmentally. The overall message that emerges from this publication series is that pastoralists must be supported not only to maintain the extraordinary resilience inherent in their traditional way of life, but also to adapt and for some to create viable alternative livelihoods in and beyond the ASALs. Concerns over population growth, climate change, conflict and declining productivity of the natural resource base present very real challenges for pastoralists in the Horn of Africa. Without significant support, levels of poverty, vulnerability and destitution will rise due to the effects of marginalisation, recurrent drought and floods, conflict and livestock epidemics. Market development can help to realise the economic potential of livestock and livestock products, such that mobile pastoral systems of production and management remain a viable option for some pastoralists. For others, support is needed to allow for the adoption of alternative and diversified livelihood options. The evidence presented by the current series encompasses broad views that relate to the future viability of pastoralism, providing guidance in identifying appropriate practical and policy interventions in the arid and semi-arid lands of the Horn of Africa.
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Acronyms
AU AU-IBAR BSE CAHW CAADP CBO Codex EAC EC ESALIA EU FAFS FAO FMD GLCRSP HACCP IGAD IGAD LPI ILRI IPPC KMC LINKS LPI MAAIF NEPAD NGO OCHA OECD OIE PPLPI RVF SADC SMS SOLICEP SPS TADs TBT African Union AU Interafrican Bureau for Animal Resources Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy Community-based Animal Health Worker Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme community-based organisation Codex Alimentarius East African Community European Commission Eastern and Southern Africa Leather Industry Association European Union Framework for African Food Security Food and Agriculture Organisation Foot and Mouth Disease Global Livestock Collaborative Research Support Program Hazard Analysis & Critical Control Point Intergovernmental Authority on Development IGAD Livestock Policy Initiative International Livestock Research Institute International Plant Protection Convention Kenya Meat Commission Livestock Information Network and Knowledge System Livestock Policy Initiative Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industries and Fisheries (Uganda) New Partnership for Africas Development non-governmental organisation UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development World Organisation for Animal Health Pro-Poor Livestock Policy Initiative Rift Valley Fever Southern African Development Community short message service Somali Livestock Certification Project Sanitary and Phytosanitary measures Transboundary animal diseases Technical Barriers to Trade v

UN UK USAID WISP WHO WTO
United Nations United Kingdom US Agency for International Development World Initiative for Sustainable Pastoralism World Health Organisation World Trade Organisation
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Executive summary
The Greater Horn of Africa is home to the worlds largest concentration of traditional pastoralists. These pastoralists utilise the vast, dry rangelands, where extensive grazing of livestock provides the only viable means of agricultural production. Their livelihoods are threatened by the regions rapidly growing human population, diminishing resources and increasing environmental degradation. The future and sustainability of traditional pastoralism is also jeopardised by long-standing marginalisation and unsupportive policies among most countries of the region. In pursuit of their livelihoods, pastoralists move their livestock over wide areas of the dry and semi-arid lands, but with an increasing trend towards agro-pastoralism as they adapt to more sedentary lifestyles. The reduction in mobility leads to overgrazing, a trend that is exacerbated by policies that encourage settlement; the provision of static schools and clinics; lack of secure land tenure; adaptation to agro-pastoral practices; and the disruption of traditional migratory routes. Throughout the region there is a concurrent increasing demand for livestock products from the growing population. While the region is almost self-sufficient in meat, it imports large quantities of dairy products and, with the notable exceptions of Sudan and Somalia; export earnings from livestock commodities are low. Reliable statistics for the sector are not readily available, which hampers planning. This paper considers the scope for increased livestock production to enhance the sustainability of mobile pastoral systems from the perspective of compliance with the zoosanitary standards that apply to international trade. The need to boost livestock production has been widely recognised: the ports of Djibouti and Berbera have new facilities to support the lucrative export trade from the region to the Arabian Peninsula, but recurrent outbreaks of transboundary diseases such as Rift Valley Fever (RVF) lead to import bans that halt trade and have a devastating impact on the regions economy. The regions livestock producers have to comply with zoosanitary standards to gain access to international markets, but the mobility of pastoralists which is vital for their survival impedes animal disease surveillance and traceability. The productivity of pastoral systems is severely constrained by the lack of infrastructure and communications; poorly organised markets; lack of access to credit; inaccessible services; and the widespread avoidance of official marketing channels. The production of hides and skins in the region generates large foreign exchange earnings, but there is generally little value addition from processing. Eritrea is a notable exception since it bans the export of unprocessed hides, thereby creating opportunities for local employment. The region has huge potential for the production of camel milk, but access to local and regional markets is very limited. Compliance with international sanitary standards represents a second tier of constraints to the sectors growth. Livestock policies are generally unsupportive of pastoralists, who are often marginalised from mainstream socio-economic development and stigmatised as being resistant to modernisation. There are encouraging initiatives in the region to deliver improved services to livestock through community-based animal health workers, whose mobility can ensure support for mobile pastoralists through the provision of disease surveillance and control. However, across the region as a whole private veterinary services that complement state veterinary services have not developed sufficiently to provide adequate clinical services or disease surveillance. To prevent the spread of animal diseases through international trade, the importation of live animals and livestock products from countries where there have been outbreaks of transboundary animal diseases is restricted.1 There continues to be a focus on the establishment of disease-free zones, inspired by examples like those in southern Africa. However, whether this approach will achieve compliance with international zoosanitary standards is highly questionable. Political and economic pressures in southern African countries are forcing a review of this strategy, and the concept of a commodity-based approach to trade in livestock products has been proposed. The argument rests on the fact that different products (or commodities) present different risks for the transmission of pathogens affecting animals and humans (Thomson, Tambi, Hargreaves, Leyland, Catley, vant Klooster & Penrith, 2004). The approach advocated by these authors is risk-based: it requires the adoption of appropriate strategies to mitigate the identified risks. The concept has gained ground in recent years: its suitability and potential has been recognised in the Framework for African Food Security of the African Unions Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme, and the World Organisation for Animal Health (OIE) has indicated its agreement on the need to support commodity-based trade, with the proviso that this should be done in accordance with scientific principles and in compliance with international requirements, including the quality and sustainability of veterinary services. Food safety standards are applied in the context of biosecurity and the control of animal diseases. Donaldson, Thomson and
1 Transboundary animal diseases (TADs) are highly contagious and can spread very rapidly across national borders; they cause high morbidity and mortality in susceptible animals and produce serious economic losses.
vii

Leyland (in press) have proposed a commodity-based approach to trade in de-boned beef, from which lymph nodes and BSE-risk material have been removed. They argue that this product can be safely traded internationally, irrespective of the transboundary animal disease status of the place of origin, since risks have been appropriately mitigated. These authors also argue that further correct processing of such beef would provide additional safety in terms of animal diseases and human food safety. Although the OIE has accepted the rationale of this commodity-based approach and has undertaken to promote opportunities to develop new standards for risk reduction to trade in livestock commodities (OIE/AU-IBAR, 2004), such standards are not yet in place. Local value addition is an important consideration in the commodity-based approach to trade in livestock commodities because, as with all products, the engagement of local labour in processing and packing, transportation and handling and other activities, such as marketing, can add value and increase competitiveness. Strategic interventions are necessary to enhance production from the regions pastoral systems, improve access to regional and international markets in the Middle East and further afield, and provide evidence of the benefits of the commodity-based approach to trade in livestock products. There are several initiatives in the region to develop commodity-based trade in meat products: chilled, deboned beef has been exported from Ethiopia and Somalia to the Gulf States, and new markets are being explored by
traders elsewhere in the region. However, marketing remains a neglected area. For pastoralists to benefit from access to more lucrative markets, a series of coherent, supportive policies have to be developed and implemented. Prejudicial views of pastoralism have to be replaced by a constructive perspective that genuinely values the unique and important contribution that pastoralist communities can make in safeguarding the environment, meeting growing local, national and regional demands for products of animal origin and supplying highvalue, range-reared animals to value chains that could access lucrative international markets. The challenge is to devise compatible approaches for pastoralists in the Greater Horn of Africa to enable them to benefit from the new opportunities offered by livestock commodity-based trade. Present uncertainties, linked to a lack of clear policy and associated market access constraints and seasonal fluctuations, represent unacceptable risk to livestock owners. They deter the adoption of improved practice (i.e. investment in production, timely sales and off-take and other vital droughtcoping strategies). Clarity would have the effect of stabilising a key sector of the market through increased consistency and stability of the demand. Added value can also be expected from processing and linked activities that will provide alternative income and employment opportunities for those adopting alternative livelihoods, as well as stimulating the economy.
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1 Introduction
Pastoral communities live in ecologically fragile areas vulnerable to drought and other hazards, often leading to hunger and poverty. Their resilience, tenacity and ability to utilise scarce resources are however vital strengths. Today, pastoralism in the Greater Horn of Africa2 faces two major threats. First, the regions rapidly growing human population places increasing demands on the natural resource base and is, simultaneously, spreading into and displacing pastoralists from their traditional lands. (For more on this, see the accompanying report Demographic trends, settlement patterns, and service provision in pastoralism: transformation and opportunity.) Second, diminishing resources and increasing environmental degradation are jeopardising the future and sustainability of traditional pastoralism. Even though views have started to shift towards greater recognition of pastoralism as a viable and economically productive system, policies continue to marginalise and undermine pastoral systems. The need for an urgent review of policies is self-evident. (For more on this, see the accompanying report Pastoralism, policies and practice in the Horn and East Africa: a review of current trends.) Pastoral systems have huge potential to contribute to national and regional socio-economic development, meet the growing populations increasing demands for livestock products and reduce poverty. Realising this potential is dependent on the enhancement of production and trade in livestock commodities within the region and internationally. This requires compliance with international standards. As a prerequisite, policies are needed that promote inclusion, reduce pastoralists vulnerability and address the chronic levels of poverty experienced by many pastoralist communities. (For more on this, see the accompanying report Getting it right: understanding livelihoods to reduce the vulnerability of pastoral communities.) Additionally, pastoralism offers a way to address the pressing need to halt and even reverse environmental degradation. The crucial role of pastoralists as custodians of arid environments is widely recognized, and there is mounting concern that their stewardship is undermined by inappropriate policies and strong competition over their natural resources (WISP, 2008). In these fragile areas, human activity and climate change contribute to desertification and land degradation, which prevent sustainable development. Desertification has its greatest impact in Africa, where two-thirds of the continent is desert or drylands (United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification, 2008). However, these degraded lands have the potential to reduce global warming, desertification and biodiversity loss by capturing excess carbon dioxide (CO2) from the atmosphere through the natural biological process of photosynthesis (Lovell,
2 For the purpose of this paper, the Greater Horn of Africa is a term used to include Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda.
2008). The herding-style management of livestock, which allows enough time for grassland to recover and regenerate, has a positive impact on rangeland, and this practice characterises traditional mobile pastoral systems. However, even though pastoralism is the most common and adapted livelihood strategy in these areas it is under threat (Gerecke, 2006). The mobile pastoral systems that are the focus of this paper are characterised in economic terms by the contribution that livestock and livestock-related activities make to household incomes, and in socio-cultural terms by the connection that people have to a pastoralist lifestyle, even though livestock might not provide their main source of income. This latter group comprises adaptive or dynamic pastoralists and includes those who have adopted alternative livelihood strategies, sometimes as a result of losing their livestock, often because of severe drought. To achieve the projected growth of the livestock sectors needed to feed the growing populations in the region, governments need to invest significantly in pastoral production systems. The adaptation of existing livestock and disease control policies to facilitate international trade from mobile pastoral systems represents an essential first step in this process. This paper considers the scope for increased livestock production to enhance the sustainability of mobile pastoral systems from the perspective of compliance with the zoosanitary standards that apply to international trade. Countries in the Greater Horn of Africa have a long tradition of pastoralism, and livestock plays a central role in the regions local and national economies. The regions low annual rainfall is also erratic, meaning that pastoralists depend on being able to move freely with their livestock over wide areas to use resources when and where they become available (Davies, 2008). This mobility is characteristic of pastoral production systems, and in the driest areas pastoralists are highly mobile. Pastoralists trade in livestock and livestock products and use the income to buy cereals and goods. The traditional markets for livestock commodities that originate from pastoral systems in the Greater Horn of Africa include the countries of the Arabian Peninsula and the Gulf. The increasing global demand for livestock products, particularly in developing countries, has led to increased production of foods of animal origin on a scale that has been said to constitute a livestock revolution (Delgado, Rosegrant, Steinfeld, Ehui & Courbois, 1999). Although much of the growth in production has been achieved with poultry and swine (monogastric livestock) that require grain-based feed, this revolution has also created opportunities for producers in developing countries, where ruminants mainly utilise natural grasses (Delgado et al., 1999), as happens in the

The Greater Horn of Africa (comprising the seven IGAD states Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda and Tanzania]
Chad Sudan
Eritrea Djibouti Ethiopia
1
Uganda
1 2 3 4 Karamojong cluster Boran cluster Somali cluster Maasai cluster
3 2
Kenya Somalia
4
Tanzania
Source: International Committee of the Red Cross (2005).
drylands of the Greater Horn of Africa, where livestock are central to the livelihoods of millions of people. The following section of this paper outlines features of the pastoral production system. Section 3 examines existing policies and highlights specific aspects that require change. The status of livestock marketing in the region is examined briefly in
Section 4, and an approach to promote livestock exports from and within the region is discussed in Section 5. Section 6 reviews examples of successful approaches to improve trade in livestock commodities. The concluding section of the paper highlights the opportunities that commodity-based trade presents to increase the production of livestock commodities and improve access to important markets.
2 Features of production systems in the region

Reliable data on the regions pastoralist systems are not readily available and there are discrepancies among data from different sources. Nevertheless, available data confirm the overriding importance of livestock as a resource in the region, and the indispensible nature of pastoralism as a means to manage this resource. Although the picture is necessarily incomplete, the clear patterns that emerge from a consideration of the sector should inform policy decisions.
2.1 Rangeland as a resource

The countries considered in this paper Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda

collectively comprise the Greater Horn of Africa, with a total population of some 60 million people (see Table 1, p. 4). The region reputedly has the largest concentration of traditional stockbreeders in the world, estimated by FAO (2000a) at 1520 million people, and by Davies (2008) at about 29m. Drylands cover 70% of the region (Kirkbride & Grahn, 2008), and lie outside the major water basins where people are mainly dependent on rain for their survival. Mean annual rainfall is low, and although the region experiences two rainy seasons, rainfall is highly erratic and there are recurrent droughts. Under these conditions, extensive grazing of livestock provides the only means of agricultural production (Scoones, 1994). Traditionally, the inhabitants of these lands have led a mobile existence so that their livestock can utilise the new growth that follows periods of rain; they move their animals to other areas before the vegetation is excessively grazed and browsed, allowing it to regenerate. In the dry season, herders have traditionally moved their animals to dry-season grazing reserves, which are not grazed during periods of rainfall. Although parts of the drylands have considerable potential for mineral exploitation, pastoralism and agro-pastoralism provide the livelihoods of millions of people. This way of life is under threat as pastoralists are increasingly marginalised (Kirkbride & Grahn, 2008), even though livestock production is central to the economies of every country in the region.
The camel epitomises adaptation to dry conditions: it enables pastoralists to survive in otherwise uninhabitable parts of the region, and is the most highly valued of all livestock. Somalia is renowned for its large camel population, which is believed to account for more than half the camel milk production in the world (more than 435,000 metric tons per year (FAO, 2006)).
2.3 Reduced mobility and its consequences for pastoralism

Livestock production in Uganda is mainly undertaken by smallholders and pastoralists, who together own 90% of cattle and most other livestock (Turner, 2005). Ugandas notional cattle corridor extends diagonally from the north-east to the southwest of the country. In the drier north-eastern districts, the Karamajong move extensively with their herds in search of water and pasture, but in south-western Uganda, the Bahima people, who used to be mobile pastoralists, have mostly settled and taken up mixed farming (Wurzinger, Ndumu, Okeyo & Slkner, 2008). Similarly, in Eritrea pastoralists are no longer highly mobile: most have become semi-sedentary, but still move through the lowland and coastal zones between wet-season grazing lands and dry-season grazing reserves (Dinucci & Fre, 2003). In many parts of the region, the growing human population has spread from arable areas into former dry-season grazing reserves and people have started to cultivate the land, taking away a strategically important resource from the pastoralists. In parts of Ethiopia, the pastoral production system is under enormous threat: pastoralists are becoming more sedentary and arid and semi-arid rangelands that provide the resource basis for pastoral production system are becoming degraded due to the reduction in mobility, leading to overgrazed rangeland (Kassahun, Snyman & Smit, 2008). A similar trend is evident in Sudan, where between a third and a half of all households are reliant upon livestock for their livelihood (Fahey, 2007). Traditionally, livestock are moved seasonally along established stock routes that traverse large parts the country (UNEP, 2007)4. More recently, in the face of policies that have favoured crop production and as a result of conflict in many parts of the country, pastoralists have been marginalised and displaced from their traditional grazing lands. Farming is expected to expand if Southern Sudan does not return to war, subjecting pastoralists to new competition for grazing land and water (World Bank, 2006). The constraint on utilisation of rangeland in Tanzania is different. Although about 43% of the national cattle herd is managed in pastoral systems in the semi-arid and sub-humid rangelands that comprise nearly 30% of the countrys grazing area (Department of Pastoral Systems Development, 2008), tsetse fly infestation estimated to affect 40% of the country limits mobility and restricts the use of otherwise suitable grazing.
4 http://postconflict.unep.ch/sudanreport/sudan_website/index_maps. php?docid=662#anc662
2.2 The importance of mobility

The mobile pastoral lifestyle was historically well-established in eastern Africa; Somali herders, for example, moved their animals through the adjoining arid and semi-arid lands of Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti and Kenya. The Maasai moved with their livestock through rangeland that straddles the borders of Kenya and Tanzania, and Borani herders moved across the border between Ethiopia and Kenya. With the establishment of modern nation states, pastoralists now cross international boundaries in pursuit of their livelihoods, and cross-border conflicts between pastoralist groups are common along these borders3 (Office of the President, GOK, 2006). For example, in north-east Uganda chronic conflict and cattle-rustling undermine the pastoral existence (Turner, 2005; Bevan, 2008). The solution to these conflicts requires international cooperation, which is an important part of the mandate of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD). The situation in Somalia is complicated by the prolonged lack of a central government, which for more than 16 years has left millions of people chronically vulnerable to malnutrition, poverty, disease and violence. The population is dependent on livestock and humanitarian aid for survival: the livestock sector accounts for at least 40% of gross domestic product (GDP), and mobile pastoral systems provide the main source of Somali livelihoods (FAO, 2004).
3 Some examples include: mutual armed raids between the Karimojong groups in Uganda with the Kenyan Pokot and Turkana, the Dassanech and Nyangotom of South Omo in Ethiopia with the Turkana of Kenya; as well as violent cross border conflicts between the Toposa (Sudan) and Turkana (Kenya); and the Murule in Mandera (Kenya) an the Marehan in Gedo (Somalia)
4
Drylands Arid Population 000 0 139 1,672 320 1,855 4,593 0 0 8,579 20,613 29,961 172,069 59,153 na 0 na 2 8 19,080 2 na 1,211 86 9,346 24 29,172 10,557 18 8,851 22 5,693 12 26,148 19,137 73 36 0 34 15 1,110 12 68 22 9,822 3,033 31 3 1,729 10 5,109 51 26,459 7,158 27 8 4,869 29 9,738 39 57,719 16,279 28 18 2,843 61 5 50 3,084 2,987 97 122 29 27 96 86 36 0 na 0 na 0 na 585 0 0 0 Population density Population 000 Population density Population 000 Population density Semi-arid Dry sub-humid Total country population 000 Total population in dryland 000 % of total population in drylands % of total population under risk of desertification
Table 1: Population distribution in deserts and dryland areas of the Greater Horn of Africa
Country
Total area (km2)
Desert
Hyperarid
Population 000
Population density
Djibouti
22,000
417
19
Eritrea
122,000
644
16
Ethiopia
1,133,000
1,112
10
Kenya
591,000
236
Somalia
642,000
6,655
16
Sudan
2,498,000
3,872
Tanzania
940,000
na
Uganda
242,000
na
Totals
6,190,000
9,064
Source: TERRASTAT Database, FAO AGLL (2003). Available at: http://www.fao.org/ag/agl/agll/terrastat/#terrastatdb.
Table 2: Livestock populations (2006)

Ethiopia 2,358,000 35,480,000 18,559,730 23,633,010 9,298,500 13,100,000 48,500,000 10,129,400 12,700,000 42,000,000 12,430,300 5, 350,000 39,300,000 1,057,900 7,000,000 3,700,000 0 17,700,000 12,550,000 3,500,000 Kenya Somalia Sudan Tanzania Uganda 0 6,973,100 8,034,000 1,648,000 Totals 14,259,900 119,480,400 106,185,130 102,245,510 Total LU 15,685,890 59,740,200 10,618,513 10,224,551 96,269,154
Species
Djibouti
Eritrea
Camel
69,000
75, 000
Cattle
297,000
1,950,000
Goats
512,000
1,700,000
Sheep
466,000
2,100,000
LU = Livestock Units [conversion factors: cattle (0.5), camels (1.1), sheep & goats (0.10) Source: FAOSTAT (2008). Available at: http://www.faostat.fao.org/site/573/desktopdefault.aspx?PageID=573#ancor

Consequently, although the country has large populations of cattle and small ruminants (Table 2), earnings from livestock are relatively low and rangeland degradation is a growing problem.
2.4 Pastoralism and national economies

Pastoral production systems vary within the region but are all of major economic importance. Kenya exemplifies the importance to the national economy of the drylands and their associated livestock. Some 70% of the countrys livestock population is kept in arid or semi-arid areas, which comprise about 80% of Kenyas land area (Government of Kenya, 2004). Pastoralism directly employs and provides livelihoods to over three million Kenyans and over 90% of wild game is found in these areas. The combination of wildlife and pastoralism has become a major tourist attraction, and even a few years ago was earning Kenya in excess of KShs 50 billion (equivalent to approximately $625m annually (Government of Kenya, 2004)). In marked contrast to other countries of the region, about 85% of Djiboutis population of 700,000 are urban dwellers, partly because prolonged drought has driven them from the land (USAID, 2008). Livestock nevertheless continues to provide the main means of livelihood for 90% of Djiboutis rural population and for 33% to 50% of the entire population (IGAD LPI, 2007). In Southern Sudan, significant numbers of agro-pastoralists manage their herds close to large urban centres, for example Juba, where markets for milk and other dairy products are developing rapidly. The situation in Somalia is unique. About 70% of the population is rural; more than half are pastoralists and agro-pastoralists. Livestock products provide about 55% of their calorie intake (FAO, 2004).
livestock populations. This situation creates opportunities for livestock-keepers and pastoralists in particular, but poses serious challenges for policy-makers. Pastoral systems could help to close this increasing gap. In these systems, milk is mainly consumed in the producers households; surplus milk is shared with neighbours or exchanged in barter, and is only occasionally sold further afield.
2.6 Boosting production

The revival of the Kenya Meat Commission in 2006 was expected to boost the marketing of pastoralists livestock: its facilities have the capacity to process 1,000 livestock per day (The Standard, 5 May 2006), and it has partnered in a loan scheme for banks to encourage pastoralists to view the parastatal as a guaranteed outlet for their livestock (Farm Africa5, 2008). Increased off-take would create opportunities for increased earnings, poverty reduction and increased export income from livestock commodities, which are already of great economic importance to the region. Export earnings from livestock commodities contribute most substantially to the national economy of Sudan (Table 4, p. 5). For Somalia, these exports reportedly accounted for 80% of all exports in normal years millions of head of livestock were exported but this trade has been periodically interrupted by bans imposed by importing countries mainly because of livestock disease. Sudan, which is reputed to have one of the highest ratios of cattle to people in Africa (World Bank, 2006), also exports live animals, meat and leather to countries in the Middle East, but outbreaks of Rift Valley fever severely curtailed trade in 2000 and 2007. Umar and Baulch (2007) reported that, officially, only 41,565 animals were exported from Ethiopia in 20032004; they estimate that, for 2005, at least 140,000 animals were exported from two markets alone. Nevertheless, income levels are low and profit margins are small for most of the many thousands of individual traders and middlemen. The regional infrastructure to support the export of livestock commodities has improved in recent years. Djibouti provides an important transit route and quarantine point for livestock from the Horn of Africa being exported to Saudi Arabia. When Saudi Arabia lifted its five-year ban on the importation of livestock from the Horn of Africa in December 2006, the lucrative trade from the region was revived. A modern quarantine facility was developed at the port of Djibouti to serve the needs of livestock traders in landlocked Ethiopia and now competes with the Somaliland port of Berbera, where more modest investment was made to improve facilities for the exportation of Somalilands livestock (afrol News, 2007). 2.6.1 Mobile pastoralism: a double-edged sword A central feature of traditional pastoral systems of production is the mobility that enables pastoralists herds to forage and utilise
5 Available at: http://www.farmafrica.org.uk/programme.cfm?programmeid= 2&context=subject&subjectid=2.
2.5 The increasing demand for livestock products

The demand for animal products throughout Africa is increasing as a result of population growth and rising incomes. For these reasons, it is projected that annual meat demand per capita in Africa will double to 22kg/person by 2050 (Rosegrant & Thornton, 2008). At present, the region satisfies most of its demand for meat, but governments face the enormous challenge of promoting increased production to match rising demands (see Table 3, p. 6). The demand for milk and dairy products in Africa is also growing. Between 1990 and 2004, on average, the demand for these products grew at 4% per year, but production only increased by 3.1% (Ndambi, Hemme & Latacz-Lohmann, 2007). The increased demand arose mainly from population growth (2.8% per annum) and increased consumption of milk per person (0.8% per annum). Figures from the region amply illustrate this trend: Djibouti imports more than 80% of its milk requirements, Eritrea 13.6%, Sudan about 2.5% and Kenya less than 1% (Table 3). There is a widening gap between production and consumption, even though countries have relatively large

sparse grazing over large tracts of land. Paradoxically, this strong point is at the same time a serious weakness. Although pastoral systems have tremendous potential to meet increasing national, regional and international demand for livestock commodities,
the movement of animals over large areas makes it difficult to achieve compliance with international trade standards related to zoosanitary requirements. Yet without this mobility environmental degradation rapidly ensues.
3 Livestock marketing from the region

The regions large livestock population meets the subsistence requirements of millions of pastoralists who derive their income largely from the sale of live animals and products such as milk, meat, hides and skins that they supply to urban centres within the region. It is difficult to obtain reliable data on production from pastoral systems, largely because so much trade goes through unofficial channels but also because data are generally aggregated for the sector as a whole. With the exception of Djibouti, which imports significant quantities of beef, the region is generally self-sufficient in meat production but, in common with many other African countries (Rich, 2008), the level of exports of meat from the region is low (Table 4). In contrast, many countries in the region import significant volumes of milk to meet domestic demand (Table 3) Camel milk is produced only in pastoral systems and high levels of production are reported from Somalia and Sudan (FAO, 2006;6 Table 5). Camels are a vital source of milk in mobile pastoral systems and in Kenya they are estimated to produce about 220m litres annually (Ministry of Livestock and Fisheries Development, 2007); Musinga, Kimenye and Kivolonzi (2008) reported an estimated yield of over 340m litres annually. Most of this milk is consumed locally and there are few market outlets for surplus production, such that during the rainy season, when road communications are disrupted, opportunities are lost to market surplus milk estimated to be equivalent to a potential loss in income for camel-keeping communities of KSh4bn annually (Musinga et al., 2008). Poor communications and the lack of infrastructure are fundamental constraints for pastoralists who rear their livestock in rangelands that are remote from major markets and urban centres, where the demand for livestock products is growing fast. In much of Africa, marketing is severely constrained by poor infrastructure and communications. The situation is further exacerbated by the lack of cooling, storage and processing facilities, which limits the pastoralists ability to add value to the primary product. In Tanzania, district councils run the primary markets but they are generally poorly maintained and few function properly; central government is responsible for the countrys 13 secondary and six border livestock markets (Ministry of Livestock Development, 2006). The impediments to the development of livestock marketing are the inconsistent supply of quality animals and
6 Available at: http://www.fao.org/ag/againfo/themes/en/dairy/camel. html.
inadequate market information, even though Tanzania has seven modern abattoirs and six meat processing plants: these shortcomings have encouraged some traders to import meat (Ministry of Livestock Development, 2006). A non-governmental organisation (NGO) has started to work with groups of pastoralists and livestock trade associations in Tanzania, in order to improve their income and support sustainable livelihoods.7 The NGO provides training so that owners can prepare their livestock to meet the quality standards required by a private company that buys livestock at a premium price about 30% above the local market price (Turasha, 2008, personal communication). While this approach offers incentives to pastoralist groups, it does not overcome the problems of frequent bans by importing countries due to disease outbreaks; the small number of export abattoirs; and the cumbersome and expensive certification process. Although market demand in the Middle East is large access is restricted by bans, and efforts are being directed at exploring regional markets in, for example, Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), where there are fewer trade restrictions. Currently, some 400 sheep and goat carcasses are exported to the DRC each month from the exportcertified abattoir in Dodoma. Transport by road and sea takes three weeks but there are considerable delays in transhipment and the feasibility of airfreight is being assessed. A demand exists for ten tons per week, but limited access to credit constrains the exporters capacity to supply the order. The abattoir in Arusha is not export-certified: funding is being sought to improve capacity and cold-storage facilities, and the NGO has facilitated visits for staff from Arusha to Dodoma, where the municipal authorities have a progressive approach to meat processing and hygiene standards. Due to the proximity of the Arusha facility to the Kenyan border, some support might be forthcoming from the Kenya Meat Commission, but this option has not been fully explored. The recent reinstatement of the KMC had several strategic aims, including providing pastoralists with an assured outlet, particularly during severe drought when they could sell their surplus stock (Kimonye, 2006). In addition to supplying the high demand for meat and offal in Nairobi, the KMC aimed to exploit opportunities to export sheep and goat carcasses to countries in the Middle East. However, Kimonye (2006) cited high operational costs, low international prices and competition in
7 Supporting Sustainable Livelihoods In Tanzania Programme Report 2007 2008.
Table 3: Export/import dependency for livestock products (2002)

Ethiopia (2000)
Quantity exported (metric tons) 2,363 10 2,353 4 2,519 0.07 0.35 0 2.29 0.01 2.43 0.02 0.02 0.09 3.04 0.04 0.13 0.11 0.01 68 0.04 0.02 0.12 0 0 0.04 0 169 0.14 0.03 1.2 0.03 0.03 0.21 0 0.06 0.01 0 0.89 Quantity imported (metric tons) Exports as % Imports as of production % of consumption Exports as % Imports as of production % of consumption Exports as % Imports as of production % of consumption Exports as % Imports as of production % of consumption
Product
Djibouti (2000)
Eritrea
Kenya
Sudan
Tanzania
Uganda
Exports as % Imports as of production % of consumption
Exports as % Imports as of production % of consumption
Meat, total
7.23
Beef & buffalo
3.94
Sheep & goat 0
0.22
Milk equivalent
81.67
1.16
13.62
Note: 1 - Data for 2000. Source: FAO Livestock Sector Briefs, 2003, 2004 and 2005. Available at: http://www.fao.org/ag/againfo/resources/en/pubs_sap.html. No data for Somalia.
Table 4: Comparison of trade in livestock and livestock products (2002)

Ethiopia (2000)
Exports 3,281 563 17.2 19.1 0.2 0.1 7.6 2.7 6 4 148.4 10.6 18.9 27.9 32.3 1.9 390 370.2 4,78.2 3,670 1,963 1,715 Imports Exports Imports Exports Imports
Product
Djibouti (2000)
Eritrea
Kenya
Sudan
Exports 1,562.9 77.9 4.9 7 0.4
Tanzania
Imports 2,218.4 250.3 11.3 5.5 0.2 Exports 697.8 252.4 36.2 9.6 1.4
Uganda
Imports 1,588.8 153.3 9.6 3.4 0.2
Exports
Imports
Exports
Imports
Total value 246.5 (million US$)
347.2
185.5
549.1
Agricultural
2.1
132.9
1.5
57.6
% agricultural 0.8 of total
38.3
0.8
10.5
Livestock
1.5
17.5
0.3
2.1
% livestock of total
0.6
5.0
0.2
0.4
Blank cells represent no data or no comparable data. No data for Somalia. Source: FAO Livestock Sector Briefs 2003, 2004 and 2005. Available at: http://www.fao.org/ag/againfo/resources/en/pubs_sap.html.
Table 5: Camel milk production in the Greater Horn of Africa
Country Djibouti Eritrea Ethiopia1 Kenya Somalia Sudan Tanzania Uganda
Metric tons per annum 5,900 5,100 23,500 25,200 435,150 82,250 0 0
Source: FAO Camel milk production in the world. Available at: http://www.fao.org.againfo/foto/2006/flash/camelflash.html

the international market as major obstacles to the realisation of these opportunities. In addition, the existence of animal diseases in Kenya reduced opportunities to export fresh beef to niche markets; competition from the informal meat sector was another factor since the prevailing consumer preference for the cheapest beef possible undermined efforts to achieve higher standards. With its very large livestock population, it might be expected that Ethiopia would export large quantities of livestock and livestock products, but only about 20% of trade passes through formal channels compared with the estimated 80% of export trade that goes through unofficial, informal channels (Ministry of Agriculture and Natural Resources, 2005). In his detailed review of cross-border trade in livestock in the Horn of Africa, Little (2007) estimated that more than 95% of all regional trade in livestock is through unofficial channels. The burden of excessive regulation on livestock trade acts as a major disincentive to livestock owners and traders, who, rather than pay official local taxes and permit charges, and a wide range of unofficial payments or taxes to government personnel and officers (Little, 2007), engage in informal trans-border commerce. The reality is that informal and formal market channels are two sides of a coin; they cannot be treated separately and policies should promote measures to include pastoralists and traders rather than exclude them from mainstream economic activities. An approach is needed that recognises stakeholder interests and interdependence and facilitates the realisation of their potential synergy, instead of allowing or encouraging a divisive approach to the regulation of livestock trade. Somalia depends on its exports of meat and live animals to generate the foreign exchange needed to finance the countrys imports of food and goods (Little, 1992). Most exports are consigned to destinations in the Middle East, including Yemen, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States. In recent years, cross-border trade in live animal exports to Kenya has also been significant (Little, 2003). Exports of livestock commodities from Somalia accounted for 80% of its exports in normal years, when the country exported millions of head of livestock, particularly during the Haj, but exports have been periodically interrupted by bans imposed by importing countries mainly because of livestock disease. After the imposition of bans, exports of chilled meat increased to about 40,000 animal equivalents per month: live exports of sheep and goats from Bossasso port averaged more than 100,000 head per month in 2001 and 2002 (FAO, 2004). Most chilled meat and live animal exports go to the United Arab Emirates (UAE). In common with other countries in the region, the trade in live animals for export is constrained by poor marketing infrastructure and insufficient facilities for feeding and watering animals along routes to export markets. These conditions increase losses, increase costs and reduce the quality of live animals upon arrival at the destination markets (ILRI, in preparation). Removing this constraint is not as simple as it might seem: Nobera (1998, cited by Little, 2007) pointed out that, in the face of insecurity in remote areas near
international borders, infrastructural development might attract the attention of bandits and criminals. Whereas pastoralists face immediate difficulties in marketing fresh milk and meat, and usually have to move live animals over long distances to markets, they face less immediate limitations in marketing hides and skins. Data on the production of these commodities from pastoral systems are not readily available, but aggregated data from each country in the region confirm that hides and skins are an important source of foreign exchange earnings. Ethiopia, Kenya and Sudan have 60 tanneries, which industry sources say generate combined annual revenue of more than $135m (Table 6). The government of Eritrea has banned the export of raw hides, so that local industry can add value to leather goods that are then exported. The poor quality of hides and skins reduces their value. In Tanzania, for example, the main causes of the poor quality of hides and skins include poor dressing and flaying; wounds and disease; indiscriminate branding; and poor handling during preservation and storage (ESALIA, 2003). In common with other farmers, pastoralists depend on reliable and timely information on livestock markets as a basis for their decisions. In many parts of the region, information on livestock markets is shared through informal networks that rely on personal contacts and cellular phones. The need to develop rural communications in the region is being addressed by the Livestock Information Network and Knowledge System of the Global Livestock Collaborative Research Support Program (LINKS/GLCRSP), which has initiated the development of an information system for livestock marketing (Jama, Stuth, Kaitho, Ali & Kariuki, 2004). The initiative aims to provide almost real-time information on livestock prices and forage conditions, disease, conflict and water supply in selected markets in the pastoral regions of, initially, Kenya, Tanzania and Ethiopia. The system has a hub in Nairobi and uses the short message service (SMS) of cellular telephones to send market data throughout extensive parts of pastoral areas; this will encompass other countries in the region as network coverage expands. This system also plays an important early warning role by assisting the monitoring of changes in trade by, for example, enabling comparisons of trends in grain marketing that might indicate potentially critical shortages of food. Supportive policies are needed to complement these encouraging developments so that the regions undisputed potential can be more fully realised. Currently, throughout the region, livestock commodities supply mainly domestic markets; although regional marketing of livestock products from pastoral systems does occur on a daily basis, most of it is through informal channels. The regions considerable potential to supply international markets with livestock commodities from pastoral systems is severely constrained by many factors, chief among them the lack of national capacities to meet international standards that under

Table 6: Hides and skins: processing capacities, estimated export values and annual collections
Country Number of Tanneries Processing capacity (000) Estimated Annual collection level (000) annual Hides Sheep skin Goat skin Hides Skins export value (US$) 252 1,400 3,300 1,875 n/a 414 5,400 32,000 6,300 30,000 n/a 1,872 2,476,333 66,500,000 45,000,000 27,733,000 6,000,000 2,000,000 140.5 1,100 1,800 4,000 1,600 90% 632 8,500 2,000 15,000 500 7080% 1,475 7,500 3,000 13,500 1,400 7080% 4&5 6 Notes
Djibouti Eritrea Ethiopia Kenya Somalia Sudan Tanzania Uganda 23 6 4 5 21 18
1 2&3 2 4 1
Notes: 1: No data; 2: 2004 data; 3: Total ban on export of raw hides; 4: 2003 data; 5. Only 2 tanneries operational; 6: 2004/05 data; n/a not available Source: Eastern and Southern Africa Leather Industry Association (ESALIA). Available at: http://www.intracen.org/Appli2/Leather/AfricanPlatform/Default.aspx.
present circumstances are generally unachievable. The application of stringent international standards to markets within the region curtails their development and expansion, and more appropriate, affordable and practical rules and tools should be developed (as advocated by Schillhorn van Veen, 2005 discussed below) to manage the risk of spreading animal diseases through trade and promote food safety and cross border trade.
However, the first step towards achieving more effective marketing of livestock commodities from pastoral production systems in the region is the development of a coherent, supportive policy framework. Only then would it be possible for the millions of people who depend on livestock for their living to begin to realise their potential to achieve greater earnings. The following section of this paper considers in more detail livestock policies in the region.
4 Livestock policies within the region

The potential to exploit opportunities to meet increasing demands for livestock commodities within the region as well as in international markets merits urgent policy attention. Livestock and pastoralism are inextricably linked and livestock policies have to be considered in the broader policy framework, not in isolation. There is a growing awareness that pastoralists in many parts of the world have been marginalised (WISP, 2008) and generally unsupportive policy frameworks tend in the views of pastoralists themselves to adversely affect their attitudes (UN OCHA Pastoralist Communication Initiative, 2008). Minorities that occupy the largest areas of land in the region have been excluded from mainstream national economies since colonial times (McSherry & Brass, 2007), and the centralisation of power and decision-making has turned pastoralists into passive actors: the recent establishment of pastoralist parliamentary groups in Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda provides a means to begin to redress this chronic imbalance (Morton, Livingstone & Mussa, 2007). Despite signs that attitudes towards pastoralism might be shifting, a discourse prevails that portrays pastoralists as people who are unwilling to change and embrace a sedentary lifestyle (Davies, 2008; Kassahun, Snyman & Smit, 2008; Kirkbride & Grahn, 2008), which itself is inimical to rational natural resource management in the drylands. The example of Ethiopia is instructive. Livestock are enormously important in Ethiopia, where they contribute to the livelihoods of between 60% and 70% of Ethiopians (Halderman, 2004), yet a strong bias against pastoralists persists among central highlanders a bias that does not acknowledge the relevance and importance of pastoralism. The central governments strategy is to promote the sedentarisation of pastoralists along major rivers, which constitute natural dry-season grazing reserves, thus placing them at greater risk of degradation. Its long-term development objective for pastoral areas is to transform pastoralist culture and livelihoods, which directly undermines the rationale of pastoral management of the natural resource base. It appears that outdated thinking permeates the policy-making level and the issue of land tenure for pastoral communities has not been effectively addressed (Devereux & Scoones, n.d.). This is of fundamental importance because the pastoral production system depends on the availability of pasture, and yet pastoralists are denied the opportunity to manage this

essential input sustainably. As Morton and others (2007) have stated, the intellectual basis of pastoral policy is still in flux, which increases the complexity of how it is incorporated into development policy and practice. Governments throughout the Greater Horn of Africa have adopted a range of policies that have discouraged the mobility of pastoralists: the establishment of schools, clinics and yearround water supplies has encouraged a more sedentary lifestyle, which has contributed to overgrazing of pastures adjacent to these settled areas. Innovative solutions are required that will enable the provision of schools and clinics on a mobile basis, to ensure the delivery of effective education and health services to pastoral communities (for more on this, see the accompanying report Social protection in pastoral areas). However, Tanzanias livestock policy states: The Division [of Pastoral Systems Development] is responsible for organised pastoral movement and settlement, and for modernising pastoral farming systems (Ministry of Livestock Development and Fisheries, 2008). The meaning of modernising is not defined. Alila and Atieno (2006) also advocated the designation of disease-free zones in Kenya as part of a package of measures to enhance exploitation of the potential of regional markets. The concept of disease-free zones requires the maintenance of fenced zones or compartments in which livestock are free of specified animal diseases, referred to as transboundary animal diseases, which can be easily transmitted from country to country by infected live animals or products derived from infected animals. The movement of all livestock from one zone to another is strictly enforced to maintain a zones disease-free status. In a review of Tanzanias agricultural sector, the National Business Council also stated the need to create disease-free zones to promote livestock export trade and, in the long term, to bring change in the traditional producers attitudes and practices thereby increasing productivity (Mukami, 2003). The approach to bringing change was not addressed but it ought, in line with good development practice, to revolve around participatory methods that promote dialogue between equals. Such an approach has been adopted with pastoralists in Uganda, where, despite significant bureaucratic resistance to the liberalisation and reformation of agricultural services, pastoralist organisations that engaged in concerted advocacy had some success through participatory processes that helped them to influence developments within the overall economic framework (FAO, 2008). These examples indicate that unsupportive discourse persists and they support the notion that attitudes towards pastoral production systems will, at best, shift only slowly. In contrast, the Kenya governments draft national policy for the sustainable development of arid and semi-arid lands in Kenya (Republic of Kenya, 2004) views pastoralism positively; it presents a constructive view of the role of pastoralists in the national economy and as custodians of important natural resources. Evidence of the implementation of the policy is awaited.
Of the eight countries of the Greater Horn of Africa, four (Djibouti, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda) are members of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), and two (Ethiopia and Sudan) are negotiating membership. Eritrea and Somalia have no formal linkage to the WTO. Under the rules of the WTO, member countries agree to establish and apply science-based regulation of animal and plant health and food safety, which should follow international standards, guidelines and recommendations in establishing SPS measures. In the case of animal health, the World Organisation for Animal Health (OIE) establishes zoosanitary standards that are included in the Terrestrial Animal Health Code, which aims to assure the sanitary safety of international trade in terrestrial animals and their products. Seven of the Horn countries are members of the OIE and are represented by the chief veterinary officer; a senior veterinarian represents Somalia. Consequently, these international arrangements frame the measures that each countrys veterinary authority should apply to control animal disease and support international trade. These measures constitute preconditions, which, in general, the region has inadequate capacity to apply effectively, as the following consideration indicates. Several southern African countries are cited as models for meeting OIE standards and successfully marketing beef and other livestock commodities internationally. The zoosanitary status of southern African countries has depended on the maintenance of fenced zones or compartments in which livestock are free of transboundary animal diseases, but the contexts for both disease control and market access have changed and the model is no longer as robust as it once was.8 The establishment of disease-free zones has marginalised and excluded adjacent communities whose production systems do not have the same disease-free status: livestock commodities from these latter zones have access to neither national nor international markets. Consequently, the benefits of establishing similar zones in parts of the Greater Horn of Africa have to be questioned. What benefits would accrue to pastoralists? What disadvantages would pastoralists face? What would be the costs of establishing and maintaining such zones? Would it be politically, economically or practically feasible to fence and patrol such zones? This latter question is of crucial importance because, at present, although policies in each country affirm the importance of veterinary services, the capacity to deliver clinical, laboratory and inspection services, particularly in far-flung rangelands, falls far short of requirements. To address this dilemma, under the guidance of the African Unions Interafrican Bureau for Animal Resources (AU-IBAR), over the past decade livestock policies in the region have started to assimilate communitybased animal health workers (or para-veterinarians) as an
8 These changes and their impact are discussed in section 7, below.
10

essential element of service delivery (Catley & Leyland, 2002; Peeling & Holden, 2004; Allport, Mosha, Bahari, Swai, & Catley, 2005). Governments throughout the region have implemented reforms involving the privatisation of veterinary and other services, with the aim of extending and enhancing service delivery and improving animal disease surveillance. Despite widespread donor support, implementation has been slow and protracted. In all countries there has been resistance from government veterinary staff to changes that give them a stronger regulatory role but a diminished role in the delivery of the clinical services from which they derive significant income. They have frequently continued to provide clinical services in direct competition with private practitioners. In some cases, such as artificial insemination services in Kenya, services almost collapsed because the transition of service delivery from public to private sector providers lacked coherent support (Ministry of Planning and National Development, 2003). While the lessons from this experience have informed the development of Kenyas new national livestock policy, Tanzanias livestock policy does not explicitly link the important complementary roles of private sector service providers and government veterinary staff (Ministry of Livestock Development, 2006). Tanzanias livestock policy states the need to create employment opportunities in the sector; it also recognises that private sector service providers, NGOs and community-based organisations (CBOs) are not well established, but the policy does not articulate specific interventions to address these gaps (Ministry of Livestock Development, 2006). Furthermore, the potential for government (competent authority) accredited or licensed private sector inspectors or control bodies to perform inspection, audit and certification functions particularly in remote areas such as the rangelands that pastoralists use appears not to have been addressed in the region as a whole. This is a policy issue that merits detailed discussion. The challenge posed by demands for effective and efficient service delivery in the agriculture sector as a whole is recognised in Ugandas Plan for Modernisation of Agriculture (PMA) (Government of the Republic of Uganda, 2005), and national policy initiatives address animal breeding and improved
livestock productivity. Implementation of government policies related to the livestock sub-sector that began in the year 2002/03 included a policy on the delivery of veterinary services; a national veterinary drugs policy important in relation to drug residues in livestock products; and a national animal breeding policy. The policy statement for Ugandas Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries (MAAIF) for the financial year 2004/2005 recognised that the privatisation project had failed to attract many veterinarians due to the lack of a clear policy: while the central government advocated privatisation, district authorities recruited more public veterinary officers (Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries, 2004). Uganda is also developing policies related to animal feeds; hides, skins and leather development; pasture and rangeland; and vector (tsetse and tick) control. The need for coherence between policies is evident. The preceding discussion has highlighted the importance of policies that influence the availability of inputs into the pastoral production system in terms of land, feed (access to grazing) and the provision of services. The ease with which pastoralists access markets is another area in which supportive policies are needed. In Kenya, the Kenya Meat Commission promotes off-take but pastoralists are remote from main markets and rely on middlemen and livestock traders. The excessive burden of the regulated official market, as seen in Ethiopia, places pastoralists in a dilemma and many resort to informal marketing networks that function on the traditional basis of clans. In effect, this practice means that producers avoid the official channels through which they could receive advice and guidance on disease control measures, veterinary drug use, food safety requirements and market opportunities. To meet policy objectives of increased livestock production and marketing such as the government of Ethiopias objective to increase meat exports from about 8,000 tons in 20052006 to a target of 30,000 tons by 2008 (World Bank, 2006a) appropriate supportive measures are needed that build on the strengths of pastoral production systems, provide support where it is needed and avoid further constraining their development. Alternative approaches are needed that meet the regions requirements as practically, affordably and effectively as possible.
5 Commodity based trade as an approach to promote livestock exports

Livestock production and trade within and from Africa have tremendous potential to grow but gaining improved access to markets is a precondition for increasing the efficiency of livestock production by creating the necessary market pull. Access for livestock products into some of the growing markets in Asia and the Pacific as well as the particularly lucrative European Union (EU) market is limited by stringent technical requirements. The establishment of the WTO in 1995 led to the development of rules to facilitate and regulate trade. The Codex Alimentarius Commission sets global standards to ensure the safety of food commodities, while the World Health Organisation (WHO), the Food and Agriculture Organisation
11

(FAO), the International Plant Protection Convention (IPPC) and the OIE are responsible for the development of sanitary and phytosanitary standards. Trade in agricultural commodities is thus largely regulated by the Codex and SPS standards, compliance with which presents significant challenges to producers in Africa. Under the terms of the WTOs SPS agreement, members of the WTO have the right to take sanitary and phytosanitary measures necessary to protect human, animal or plant life and health. The horticultural sub-sector, particularly in eastern Africa, has developed the capacity to sustain growing levels of exports to markets in Europe but, in contrast, there are relatively few examples of African countries successfully exporting livestock products to the more lucrative markets and, even within Africa, the application of Codex and SPS standards limits market opportunities. Africas livestock disease status is the worst of any continent and fear of the spread of animal disease is perhaps the key obstacle to trade within and from the continent. There are two main approaches to address this problem. In the first, major diseases could be eliminated from countries or zones as a precondition for trade an approach that is advocated by current international trading standards and has been the focus of many development projects in Africa. The second approach would ensure that traded products (commodities) are rendered free of potentially dangerous infectious and noninfectious agents by adoption of commodity-specific production and processing standards. This latter approach is more practical for Africa and is applied in nearly all other commodity sectors globally. However, for historical reasons, commodity-specific standards have been poorly developed in the animal health sub-sector and producers in developed markets have had little incentive to adopt a commodity-based approach because state veterinary services have maintained effective disease surveillance and control, which has achieved international zoosanitary requirements. The status quo favours producers in the richer, more developed countries, and places producers in the Greater Horn of Africa and other developing regions at a distinct disadvantage. The long-standing approach to the prevention of the spread of animal diseases through international trade has been to restrict the importation of live animals and livestock products from countries in which there have been outbreaks of transboundary9 animal diseases. The foot-and-mouth disease (FMD) virus is a highly contagious pathogen of cloven-hoofed animals and is of global economic importance (Thomson & Bastos, 2004); it is often used as a model in discussions of animal disease control. Currently, entire countries, or zones within them, are listed as either FMD free if they meet specific, stringent biosecurity criteria, or as FMD infected (OIE Terrestrial Animal Health Code, 2008). The OIE produces guidance on measures that should be adopted to facilitate international trade and simultaneously
9 Transboundary animal diseases (TADs) are highly contagious and can spread very rapidly across national borders; they cause high morbidity and mortality in susceptible animals and produce serious economic losses.
prevent disease transmission, but it is often difficult for exporters to comply with exacting standards designed to protect importing countries. Despite science-based logic and powerful rhetoric see, for example, Rweyemamu, Roeder, MacKay, Sumption, Brownlie, & Leforban, (2008) the global eradication of most transboundary animal diseases (TADs) is not feasible. Since they lack the means to control TADs throughout their territories, developing countries are at a disadvantage and cannot trade internationally because they are not free from specific diseases. In this scenario, the major criterion considered is the presence or absence in a country of a disease in a susceptible population of animals and not the presence or absence of a specified pathogen in a product of animal origin. This consideration gave rise to the concept of a commodity-based approach to trade in livestock products: the argument rests on the fact that different products (or commodities) present different risks for the transmission of pathogens of animals and man (Thomson, Tambi, Hargreaves, Leyland, Catley, vant Klooster & Penrith, 2004). The approach advocated by these authors is risk-based: it requires the adoption of appropriate strategies to mitigate the identified risks and is a concept that has gained ground in recent years. The African Unions New Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD) is responsible for the development of an integrated agriculture plan for the continent. The goal is to attain a 6% growth rate in annual agricultural production by 2015, which will be instrumental in alleviating poverty. AU Member States have endorsed the Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme (CAADP) and are committed to spending 10% of total public expenditure on agriculture and rural development. The important role of the livestock sector in contributing to the attainment of this goal is well recognised and is described in the CAADP Companion Document Comprehensive Africa Agriculture Development Programme: Integrating livestock, forestry and fisheries subsectors into the CAADP (NEPAD, 2006). The CAADP framework recognises that the development of appropriate sanitary and technical standards, combined with improved regional trade agreements within Africa, represents an important means to increase trade in livestock and livestock products. Improved access to markets would create the necessary pull for products and provide incentives for producers, processors and traders. With such incentives, livestock production a vital source of income for pastoralists in the Greater Horn of Africa would bene-fit and have a consequent impact on the commodity chain and livelihoods. For example, the demand for crop residues and labour would increase, and farmers would be encouraged to finish animals destined for meat or sell relatively small amounts of milk for processing. The potential for enhanced trade in livestock products to contribute to increasing food supply was recognised in the draft CAADP Framework for African Food Security (FAFS) (March 2008), which identified the need for immediate attention to commodity-based approaches to trade in livestock products.
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At their fifth meeting, in March 2008, the Ministers of Agriculture of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) noted the potential value of adopting a commoditybased trade approach in enhancing trade in livestock products, and decided that member states should collaborate, as a matter of urgency, in the revision of international standards relating to livestock trade. The ministers also decided that a technical working group should be established to develop a strategy to exploit commodity-based trade to the advantage of the region. Subsequent to the ministers meeting, a workshop was held in South Africa in April 2008 on Transboundary animal diseases and market access: the future of beef marketing in southern Africa, which concluded that trade options for producers living in foot-and-mouth disease control zones were critical if such producers were to be lifted out of poverty and marginalisation. Also in April 2008, a meeting of East African Community livestock trade experts recommended action to improve market access for livestock commodities. Currently, the OIE addresses trade on a commodities basis in the Terrestrial Animal Health Code (the Code) and importing countries are advised to base their decisions on a scientific risk analysis done in accordance with their obligations under the SPS Agreement. The Code presents the OIEs recommendations for each specific disease as science-based measures related to the risk of transmission of the causal agent in various epidemiological scenarios pertaining to the importation of commodities. Although the Code includes alternative approaches, such as testing or treatment of products, or sourcing animals from disease-free countries, zones or compartments, its perspective is one of disease control rather than trade facilitation. The case for updating international livestock standards to make them more tradefriendly without increasing the risk of disease spread has been advocated (Thomson et al., 2004). In response to an increasing number of comments from OIE Members, in September 2007 the OIE suggested the formation of an ad hoc expert group to examine scientific evidence that boneless beef (de-boned, matured, pH-tested) may safely be traded regardless of the disease status of the exporting country or zone. Furthermore, the OIE has indicated its agreement on the need to support commodity-based trade, with the proviso that it should be done in accordance with scientific principles and in compliance with other requirements of the Code, including the quality and sustainability of veterinary services. The OIE supports the commodity-based approach provided that national veterinary services maintain effective surveillance of animal diseases, allowing the country to achieve improvements in animal health and food safety. For the OIE, the commodity based approach cannot be dissociated from a countrys obligation to conduct appropriate surveillance for OIE-listed animal diseases in their territory. The application of SPS measures and Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) has been shown to reduce the levels of exports from
developing countries to OECD countries (Disdier, Fontagn & Mimouni, 2008), and the argument has been advanced to make new food safety tools and rules affordable and practical under locally prevalent conditions (Schillhorn van Veen, 2005). However, in terms of food safety, adherence to hazard analysis and critical control point (HACCP) principles throughout the food supply chain is an inescapable requirement to ensure that hazards are eliminated at each appropriate stage of production; in this regard, governments and the food industry have major roles to play (Dagg, Butler, Murray & Biddle, 2006) in ensuring the availability of safe food for consumers, wherever they may be. Concerns have been raised that the emphasis on compliance with the stringent SPS and food safety standards would tend to marginalise small-scale farmers (Hall, Ehui & Delgado, 2004). In addition, there is growing concern that the emergence of informal and private standards, such as EUREPGAP, creates another series of obstacles with which would-be exporters have to comply (Humphrey, 2008), and the complex synergy of public (international) and private standards can appear formidable. The food safety scares of recent years, including bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) and dioxin residues, mean that food safety and private voluntary standards will not disappear (Humphrey, 2008), making it all the more important for African countries to develop the capacity to achieve compliance with those standards that are necessary. Food safety standards are applied in concert with HACCP principles, which are also applicable in the context of biosecurity and the control of animal diseases. Donaldson, Thomson and Leyland (in press) propose a commodity-based approach to trade in deboned beef, from which lymph nodes and BSE-risk material have been removed. They argue that this product can be safely traded internationally, irrespective of the transboundary animal disease status of the place of origin, since risks have been appropriately mitigated. These authors also argue that further processing of such beef, involving compliance with HACCP principles and the requirements for certification, would provide additional safeguards in terms of animal diseases and human food safety. Although the OIE has accepted the rationale of this commodity-based approach and has undertaken to promote opportunities to develop new standards for risk reduction in trade in livestock commodities (OIE/AU-IBAR, 2004), such standards are not yet in place. Local value addition is an important consideration in the commodity-based approach to trade in livestock commodities because, as with all products, the engagement of local labour in processing and packing, transportation and handling and other activities such as marketing can add value and increase competi-tiveness. Currently, most livestock products from the region are marketed locally and internationally with little value addition, a consideration associated with low earnings and limited invest-ment by industrial enterprises in the livestock sub-sector. In contrast to the situation in the countries of the Greater Horn of Africa, Brazil has emerged as a major exporter
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of livestock com-modities, helped along by its low-cost resource base for agricultural production and major economic and agricultural policy changes that have encouraged investment in the sector. These have included the provision of credit, tax concessions and increased production of animal feeds (Valdes, 2006). Similar co-herent initiatives could and should support pastoral livelihoods and provide a framework for the more rapid and widespread emergence of value chains and process chains in the regions farm-to-fork sector, which was a broad proposal made recently at a consultative workshop in Nairobi (Perry & Sones, 2008).
With the potential for pathogen transmission in mind, the safety of commodities originating from compartments, i.e., discrete, biosecure areas, in the region should be evaluated carefully to generate the evidence needed to inform policy on commoditybased trade in livestock products. However, the emphasis should continue to be on the production of commodities that have been derived from healthy animals that have been processed under hygienic conditions which meet good manufacturing practice and food safety standards. The achievement of these prerequisites requires an adequate skills base and sufficient capacity at each stage of the farm-to-fork production chain.
6 Examples of successes in the region

The control of rinderpest was rated as one of the notable successes in African agriculture (Gabre-Madhin & Haggblade, 2004) but, as Donaldson and others (in press) point out, the prevalence of other transboundary animal diseases such as foot-and-mouth means that developing countries (including many in Africa) do not benefit from this success in terms of improved access to international markets. The Terrestrial Animal Health Code includes recommendations for importation of fresh meat from cattle (excluding feet, head and viscera) that originate from FMD infected countries or zones, where an official control programme exists, involving compulsory systematic vaccination of cattle. Veterinary authorities in importing countries are advised to require the presentation of an international veterinary certificate that should attest that the entire consignment of meat complies with a set of criteria including: The controlled movement of livestock in defined areas, for specified periods (several months). Scheduled vaccination within specified timeframes. Transportation to approved abattoirs that are designated for export. Health certification after inspections done before and after slaughter. Absence of FMD at disinfected slaughter premises. Derivation of meat from satisfactorily matured, deboned carcasses from which major lymph nodes have been removed. These conditions cannot be widely achieved in pastoral production systems. The traditional markets for livestock and livestock products in the region are, however, well established, and suppliers of live animals and halal livestock products meet the large and growing demand from the Middle East. However, strategic interventions are necessary to enhance production from the regions pastoral systems, improve access to regional and international markets in the Middle East and further afield, and provide evidence of the benefits of the commodity-based approach to trade in livestock products. Much of the trade in livestock in the region is not well documented: for example, traders in Kenya supply cattle to Mauritius and meat to the Gulf States, while Tanzanian exporters supply live animals and meat to markets in the Comores and Middle East (Turasha, personal communication). However, when outbreaks of disease occur, trade is disrupted, which can lead to new approaches, as shown by the growth in chilled meat exports from Somalia to the Arabian Peninsula in response to bans on live animal exports. ILRI (2008) used the value chain to provide an analytical framework for its study of Somalias export trade in chilled meat. The costs and income that accrued to each key market actor including livestock producers, brokers, small-scale traders, agents for exporters, exporters and airfreight operators were assessed. The highest costs were incurred at two points along the chain: first, in purchasing slaughter stock, which often involves a series of transactions and, second, in airfreight charges to export the chilled meat. The generally low profitability of the enterprise cast doubt on its long-term viability and the authors identified the need for interventions to focus on the improvement of production and marketing systems. They also highlighted the need for independent market information related to sales contracts and outlets in destination markets, to orient the exporters business strategies. Ethiopia also exports chilled meat to countries in the Middle East. Rich, Perry, Kaitibie, Gobana and Tewolde (2008) reported the outcome of a five-year feasibility study of a two-phase model for SPS certification for beef exports. Cattle were purchased, screened for diseases, vaccinated and quarantined before entering a feedlot finishing regime. The system aimed to provide long-term benefits through the supply of higher quality, certified meat free from disease agents. Rich and his colleagues used a dynamic costbenefit model to assess the feasibility of the system under various scenarios. They found that, given the prevailing high costs of inputs
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particularly feed the system was not economically viable for the export of beef to markets in the Middle East: the average free on board (FOB) price was over $1,000 per ton more than the average cost, insurance and freight (CIF) value of Brazilian and Indian meat in Middle Eastern markets. Modifications to feedlot rations reduced costs but, the authors concluded, further reductions through lower animal purchase prices and reduced margins could enhance competitiveness. These authors found that the costs of SPS certification represented less than 5% of the breakeven value of the final product, and they stated that Ethiopia had to find ways to improve its competitiveness by differentiating its product from those of competitors, taking into consideration compliance with SPS and food safety standards. Traceability of commodities is an aspect of food safety that has to be addressed. It is also an essential element of animal disease surveillance, or epidemio-surveillance. The Codex Alimentarius Commission defines traceability as the ability to follow the movement of a food through specified stage(s) of production, processing and distribution. Systems to identify livestock and trace meat were developed in response to the problem of bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE): such systems provide reliable information on animals, including their origin, sex, age, breed, movements and veterinary treatments, and traceability systems have become vital tools to enhance biosecurity and prevent the spread of diseases. Landais (2001) described the traditional practice of pastoralists around the world of marking their livestock by techniques such as branding and ear notching. He pointed out that these traditional systems for marking livestock are generally not used for health monitoring purposes but that they could be adapted, given due recognition, and made mandatory, as has happened in marking reindeer herds in Norway. In pastoral systems, where populations are highly mobile and animals are bought and sold several times before slaughter, traceability poses special challenges. The movement of livestock in areas where there is contact with wild animal populations poses risks for the spread of disease and it is important to know where and when such movements occur to understand the epidemiology and to be able to quantify the risks of specified diseases, particularly transboundary animal diseases. In their review of livestock movement and the international spread of infectious diseases, Fvre, Bronsvoort, Hamilton and Cleaveland (2006) highlighted the high risk of disease spread associated with international trade in livestock, and they concluded that, to minimise such risks, consideration might be given to stopping trade in live animals altogether. This argument favours a commodity-based approach to trade in livestock products, where specific hazards can be controlled during processing. Fvre and others (2006) cautioned that a ban on trade in live animals might result in its continuation through unofficial channels, much as occurs throughout the Greater Horn of Africa (Little, 2007), and it is, therefore, important that policies
are in place to encourage official and informal market channels to work closely together. In Somalia, a project is in progress to support the development of livestock trade and marketing (Terra Nuova, n.d.). It involves improving support services operated by private sector actors: regulation is the role of accountable, competent rural institutions, and mechanisms are being identified to improve quality control, formalise grades and standards and establish risk-based critical control points along mapped trade routes, all of them linked to a livestock market information system. The project addresses product quality requirements (conformation and body condition scores) at terminal markets in Kenya (Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitui) and is piloting a traceability system for animals that uses a permanent, unique identification number for each animal, which is encoded in radio frequency identification devices (RFID) and linked to a database. The projects main activities address key issues of compliance with SPS requirements, namely certification, risk analysis, traceability and animal welfare, and is part of the overall Somali Livestock Certification Project (SOLICEP) a joint initiative of the AU IBAR and the EU. Importantly, the project aims to strengthen the capacity of the national authority to expand to other markets; it involves the Somaliland Chamber of Commerce in collaboration with the Ministry of Livestock and the municipalities of Hargeisa, Burco and Gabiley, and Berbera port. The project collects a range of market-related information, which is disseminated through various channels including radio, newspapers, SMS telecommunications and email lists. There are examples of successful enterprises from other regions in Africa. An enterprise in Mauritania has developed a range of dairy products. The Tiviski dairy buys camel, cow and goat milk from semi-nomadic livestock owners and processes the fresh milk into pasteurised milk, sour milk, cream, yoghurt and cottage cheese. Tiviskis camel cheese was intended for export as a niche product to the EU but, despite widespread interest in camel dairy products, the would-be exporter faces the two major obstacles of logistics (related to the cold chain) and the complex regulations governing the import of fresh dairy products, including a requirement for the exporting country to have an EU-approved certification laboratory. Several countries in southern Africa (Botswana, Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe) are well-established exporters of meat products to international markets, including countries in the EU. The future of beef marketing in southern Africa was the subject of a workshop held in April 2008, which examined transboundary animal diseases and market access (Scoones & Wolmer, 2008). The zoosanitary status of southern African countries has depended on the maintenance of fenced zones or compartments that are free of transboundary animal diseases, but the contexts for both disease control and market access have changed (as already mentioned: section 5). These changes have arisen from the interplay of (1) political challenges to patterns of land use that were defined during
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the colonial era, including the demand for land and access to markets by historically marginalised groups; (2) changes to preferential trade agreements; (3) the growth of competition from Latin American exporters in meeting the growing demand for red meat in urban Africa and Asia; (4) the rapid emergence of public and private standards; and (5) reduced state support for veterinary services, which coincides with changing disease patterns resulting from changing production and land use systems. In the face of these challenges, the red meat industry in southern Africa has to adapt and devise innovative approaches to disease control and market access. In this
respect, livestock production systems in the Greater Horn of Africa and those in southern Africa share very similar challenges, which require coherent, co-ordinated responses from the public and private sector. Commodity-based trade in livestock products has to be seen in this context. There are signs of innovation in the Greater Horn of Africa: Tanzanian pastoralists are being supported to access premium export markets; beef from feedlot systems in Ethiopia and chilled beef from Somali pastoralists are supplying markets in the Middle East; and infrastructural development at the port of Djibouti provides capacity to support livestock exports.
7 Alternative policy options

Pastoral production systems have indisputable strengths and great potential: they are the sole means of production in the harsh environment that accounts for some 70% of the regions land surface area (Kirkbride & Grahn, 2008); pastoralists have unique skills and knowledge to manage the rangeland resource sustainably; and, most importantly, they own most of the regions livestock. Existing and projected market demands create opportunities for pastoralists to obtain increased incomes by supplying products of animal origin that meet increasing demands from, in the first instance, the regions expanding urban populations and, second, the growing demand for these products in more lucrative international markets. The critical issue is improved access to these markets. The potential for increased production is, however, seriously constrained by weaknesses in the pastoral system. Generally, pastoralists do not have secure land tenure; conflict in pastoral areas is common; unofficial trade is a dominant way of life for pastoralists; access to services and market information is difficult; and infrastructural development in or near pastoral areas is inadequate. Nevertheless, there are encouraging signs that development projects and private enterprises are tackling these constraints constructively and successfully. Furthermore, the OIE has made a commitment to review regulations related to livestock commodities and assist in the development of new, commodity-specific standards to facilitate international trade. International sanitary (SPS) standards and the burgeoning array of private standards undoubtedly threaten to stifle the promising initiatives that are underway. The standards will remain, however, and could become more onerous. The only option for the region is to engage in robust dialogue to identify approaches to enhance food safety and animal disease control. The positive impact that the application of improved food safety standards could have on the health of consumers within the region should not be overlooked or underestimated. Similarly, there must be recognition of the significant potential for the region to develop its food industry to process livestock commodities, create employment, add value and diversify the range of products for local, regional and international markets. There are already canning and packing plants in the region; catering firms prepare and pack airline meals to international standards; and the tourism and hospitality industry is vibrant. Despite this optimistic perspective, other constraints are on the horizon, notably that of food miles (CTA, 2008) and the impact of global food price rises and the credit crunch on eating habits in the more lucrative markets. These factors might limit market options for some products but demand is likely to continue for niche products that have important characteristics, i.e., they originate from sustainably managed rangelands that capture carbon and mitigate climate change; they contribute significantly to pastoralists livelihoods; and they are derived from animals whose welfare is fundamental to human survival in some of the harshest places on earth. These considerations echo the statement: Agriculture and rural development in Africa will have to concentrate on more people-centred, food-focused and environmentally sustainable approaches if the development of African agriculture is to serve the long-term interests of the majority of Africans (UK Food Group, 2008).
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8 Conclusions and next steps

Opportunities exist for innovative approaches to integrate payments to pastoralist communities for enhanced carbon capture with interventions that improve animal identification and traceability, and promote vaccination and disease surveillance at defined critical control points in the rangelands. The challenges that face pastoralists and their advocates in accessing international markets for livestock commodities are daunting but, given the imperatives that drive the debate, the pragmatic approach is for the phased, integrated development of the capacity needed to deliver high-quality products to lucrative markets. Interventions should be made at several levels; these should be well-coordinated to promote the emergence of a constructive discourse that would support increased access to markets in the region and internationally. At the level of the pastoralists themselves, there should be a sustained programme to educate and sensitise communities on a range of issues and thereby increase their capacities and competencies. The approach should be embedded in the daily lives of pastoralists, to maximise the relevance of interventions, enhance the pastoralists understanding of the benefits to them and promote the uptake of improved practices. For example, a programme on food hygiene delivered concurrently at schools, in health centres, in grazing areas by community-based animal health workers, at livestock markets and to traders could reinforce the links between human health focusing on common problems such as diarrhoea and infant mortality and simple, hygienic producthandling practices, even while acknowledging that washing hands and utensils in arid areas is practically very difficult. Other simple interventions focused, for example, on the financial losses arising from branding and the poor preparation and handling of hides and skins should be linked to active dialogue with representatives of the leather industry, i.e. traders, tanneries and manufacturers of leather goods. Similar interventions centred on the role of branding and other forms of animal identification to improve the traceability of livestock should be delivered by community-based animal health workers, paraveterinary and veterinary personnel, with the participation of traders and meat processors, following the example of the SOLICEP project in Somalia. The broad approach should be inclusive; it should engage stakeholders along the commodity chain and encourage and facilitate dialogue aimed at improving the quality of inputs and outputs at each stage of value addition. In this context, each stakeholder group would immediately appreciate the benefits that would accrue from modified practice and cooperation. The need for and roles of service providers whether in the private or public sector in the context of commodity chains provide valuable orientation by enabling the identification of weaknesses and gaps. Animal vaccination and disease reporting placed in the context of commodity chains elicits a constructive discourse that is supportive of producers and qualitatively different from the well-rehearsed controlling discourse of state veterinary services. The implementation of unequivocal, integrated policies that aim to create conducive conditions is the precondition for the success of a concerted programme to promote the production of livestock products from pastoral systems. Such a policy framework would necessarily include land tenure, the provision of improved infrastructure and communications, investment in water sources and marketing support. The urgent pressures on pastoral systems in the region require an accelerated programme to ensure that there is an increased emphasis on quality so that livestock products can compete with those from other regions, such as South America and Europe. Clearly the landed cost of African commodities must also be competitive. In this regard, regional economic communities and public and private trade associations have important roles in supporting market research. Pastoralists also need support to scan markets for developments, such as the European Commissions green paper on standards, quality and certification schemes (Commission of the European Communities, 2008). Livestock commodities from mobile pastoral production systems and international zoosanitary standards are not mutually exclusive. But for such commodities to comply with appropriate standards development initiatives will have to be guided by coherent, unambiguous policies that are matched by the allocation of adequate resources for their timely and concerted implementation. It is evident that present uncertainties linked to a lack of clear policy and associated market access constraints and seasonal fluctuations represent unacceptable risk to livestock owners. This deters the adoption of improved practices (i.e. investment in production, timely sales and off-take and other coping options that are all part of vital drought-coping strategies). This initiative would have the effect of stabilising a key sector of the market through increased consistency and stability of demand. Added value can also be expected from processing and linked activities that will provide alternative income and employment opportunities for those adopting alternative livelihoods, as well as stimulating the economy.
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REGLAP fcover 1.

Mobile pastoral systems and international zoosanitary standards

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

REGLAP fcover 1.pdf

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

HPG COMMISSIONED REPORT

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

HPG COMMISSIONED REPORT

UN UK USAID WISP WHO WTO

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

HPG COMMISSIONED REPORT

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

HPG COMMISSIONED REPORT

Eritrea Djibouti Ethiopia

Source: International Committee of the Red Cross (2005).

2 Features of production systems in the region

2.1 Rangeland as a resource

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

2.3 Reduced mobility and its consequences for pastoralism

2.2 The importance of mobility

HPG Commissioned Report

Total area (km2)

Source: TERRASTAT Database, FAO AGLL (2003). Available at: http://www.fao.org/ag/agl/agll/terrastat/#terrastatdb.

Table 2: Livestock populations (2006)

HPG COMMISSIONED REPORT

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

2.4 Pastoralism and national economies

2.6 Boosting production

2.5 The increasing demand for livestock products

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

HPG COMMISSIONED REPORT

3 Livestock marketing from the region

Table 3: Export/import dependency for livestock products (2002)

Exports as % Imports as of production % of consumption

Exports as % Imports as of production % of consumption

Beef & buffalo

Sheep & goat 0

Table 4: Comparison of trade in livestock and livestock products (2002)

Total value 246.5 (million US$)

% agricultural 0.8 of total

HPG COMMISSIONED REPORT

Table 5: Camel milk production in the Greater Horn of Africa

Country Djibouti Eritrea Ethiopia1 Kenya Somalia Sudan Tanzania Uganda

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

Mobile pastoral systems

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

HPG COMMISSIONED REPORT

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

Djibouti Eritrea Ethiopia Kenya Somalia Sudan Tanzania Uganda 23 6 4 5 21 18

4 Livestock policies within the region

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

HPG COMMISSIONED REPORT

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

5 Commodity based trade as an approach to promote livestock exports

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

HPG COMMISSIONED REPORT

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf

REGLAP report 1 crc.pdf