Thou ma p of woe , tha t thus dos t ta lk in s igns !

Titus Andronicus; Act 3, Scene 2

Ta b le of Conte nts
Preface...................................................................................................................................................................................... 3 Introduction ........................................................................................................................................................................ 4
Background............................................................................................................... 4 Aims........................................................................................................................... 5 Geographical Context .............................................................................................. 6 Overview of Method ..................................................................................................7 Quiet Intersection ......................................................................................................7

1. Risk A Game of Strategy or Chance? .................................................................................................9

Beck and (His) Call Risk Society.......................................................................... 9 Power, Corruption, and Lies Knowledge & Regulation ........................................ 10 A Matter of Fact Cognitive-Science Approaches................................................... 11 Pay Day The Blame of Risk ................................................................................... 13

2. City Brakes Urban Stops & Starts ...................................................................................................14

A Tale of Blue Cities Zoning & the Decline of Community................................... 14 The Good, The Bad & The Ugly Says Who?........................................................... 15 If a Trio in the Jungle Falls-out but No Camera Sees it ......................................... 17 New Order Rhythms of Revival............................................................................. 18

3. Method ...........................................................................................................................................................................20
Methodological Reasoning..................................................................................... 20 Sign Language .................................................................................................... 20 Reading Between the Double Yellow Lines ....................................................... 21 Following the Archetypes ....................................................................................22

4. Which Sign are you? ..........................................................................................................................................24

Metropolitan Musketeers Ownership and Surveillance ...................................... 24 Rights Justified Telling Tales of the City ............................................................ 28 Surveillants Seen and Not Heard From............................................................... 33 Ghost Writings The Invisibility of Signs............................................................... 38 Power Switch .......................................................................................................... 40 Community Chance ................................................................................................. 47 The Buzz Cut ........................................................................................................... 51 Parking Spaces ....................................................................................................... 52 Conclusions............................................................................................................. 54

Appendicies A E........................................................................................................................................................57
Appendix A Map of Study Area ............................................................................ 58 Appendix B - Terminology....................................................................................... 59 Appendix C Ownership Overlay ........................................................................... 60 Appendix D Queensferry Street: Ownership ........................................................ 61 Appendix E Queensferry Street: Coding Top Keywords ................................... 62

Appendix F Interview Transcripts ..........................................................................................................64

Respondent A: Overnight Visitor ............................................................................ 65 Respondent B: Resident .........................................................................................72 Respondent C: Commuter ...................................................................................... 90

Bibliography..................................................................................................................................................................... 96

Preface
This dissertation picks up on strands from my previous examination of the semantics of retail city life; about the semiotics underfoot in the city; about attitudes towards risk; and media portrayal of risk within the urban environment. The research focuses on signs and verbal messages within the city: peoples levels of cognition and conformity, but also deeper residual wider meanings constructed through density and (over) exposure: I recall as a child being taught to read the street rather than simply the traffic signs. I am drawn to differences in urban layout, markings and semiotics, often documenting their differences in my travels. To me, these seemingly utilitarian images tell as much of a story of a different culture as its people. They are the nubs of communication the stripped-down essence, and a peoples interpretation of their meaning reveals some of a cultures fears, ambitions and hopes.

Introduction
This research explores the semiotics of risk in the urban environment of the West End, the Financial District (The Exchange) and the Modern Art Galleries area of Edinburgh. It will be referred to hereon as The West End for simplicity. Much of the semiotic is formed from signage relating to awareness and mitigation of identified risks, but it is a continuum through space, seeping seamlessly into the background urban environment, and through time by remnants left from previous generations.

Background
The research derived from the researchers increasing awareness, as a daily user and documenter of the city, of the density of signage and other indicators of risk. Many of the indications appeared authoritative, but had neither obvious basis nor practical effect. In short, the usefulness and localised environmental cost of the institutional sign systems and control mechanisms were contemplated, together with whether indications within the wider environment were better predictors of risk. It is a prescient topic on the day of completion of the writing of this document on 26th August 2010, the Press Association carried the following piece, quickly pickedup by consumer news sources (Satchell, 2010, Daily Telegraph, 2010, Daily Mail, 2010). The Government has urged councils to cut street clutter by getting rid of unnecessary signs, railings and advertising hoardings. Ministers are worried the character of urban spaces is being damaged the removal of street clutter from Kensington High Street in west London had reduced accidents by up to 47%. (Press Association, 2010) By midday, the media had sensed the smell of risk and on BBC News at One, the Secretary of State for Communities, Eric Pickles MP was filmed in Piccadilly Circus, London, saying: Its about putting up barriers to prevent people crossing; its about crushing pedestrians; its about treating them like cattle; its about barriers that cyclists could get themselves crushed against; its about open things up instead,

making people use the streets as they was [sic] intended to do, which is to enjoy them. (BBC News, 2010) However, matters of communities, roads and local authorities are devolved to The Scottish Government within the United Kingdom, though there are no obvious reasons to suspect significant deviation in urban Scotland, except linguistically for the inclusion of Gaelic on more northerly road signs. Surveillance also has come under further artistic scrutiny this year, and a visit to the Tate Modern, London exhibition Exposed Voyeurism, Surveillance and the Camera was part of the researchers reflection and formation of the topics importance to any discourse around urban risk. There is a tendency amongst current research around risk in the urban environment to adopt the contemporary evolution of risks meaning to be analogous to likelihood of disaster, and therefore for research to focus on the reduction of that likelihood (Wamsler, 2004, Wamsler, 2009, Shaw et al., 2009, Pelling and Wisner, 2008). The existence of risk itself is taken as a given within a cognitive-science perspective: there is a focus on the assessment and management of risk on populations, rather than its ambient perception by individuals. On the other hand, the field of human computer interaction design has turned to ethnographic research in its attempt to understand the differences of people within an environment, but this has predominantly focused on actions rather than feelings and meaning, relegating these aspects to hurdles to be filtered for the truth. Again, this turns out at root to be rather task-oriented: reduce risks; increase efficiency. In this sense, this research is aligned towards the Affective Urbanism movement with its exploration of consequence, effect and affect in people who use the city.

Aims
I examine here reactions to, and perceptions of, the language and manifestations of risk, and how it informs interplay with the city. I hope I have managed to interpret from users of this urban landscape the deeper meanings they associate with the semiotics and indicators of risk in urban life. This is supported by photographic documentation of the study area, to reveal any emphasis of risk and safety paraphernalia; and to allow identification of the public versus the private realm.

In this way, I hope to move beyond an acceptance of the dangers of urban life and its ever-more sophisticated and numerous counter-measures, to stock-take what the evolved city and the perceptions of its users tells us about risk, and what it means for our presence together in the city.

Geographical Context
Much of the study area has been designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1995, and part of the New Town Conservation Area with the exception of a geographically conspicuous triangle formed by Lothian Road, the Financial Centre, the Caledonian Hotel and the West Approach Road.

Figure 1 - Map (Appendix A Map of Study Area, for larger version)

Shandwick Place and its crescents were completed by 1825 (The City of Edinburgh Council, 2005) and to its North a grid plan of streets centred on the wide avenue of Melville Street. The architecture here is mostly Georgian, with few contemporary intervals, except towards Haymarket this is within the UNESCO site. To the South East of Shandwick Place, a buffer of Georgian Architecture reveals the 1970s development from abandoned railway land to the West Approach Road and later area known as The Exchange, with various private buildings within an original master plan by Sir Terry Farrell. This is not within the UNESCO site. Edinburgh City Council wholly owns the Edinburgh International Conference Centre, and they 6

granted their company full planning consent on 18th February 2010 (09/01314/FUL) to add an extension to the EICC. This has a 34-month schedule for completion. To the North Western edge of the study area, across the winding path of The Water of Leith that runs from The Pentlands to the Firth of Forth, sits The Dean Gallery and The National Gallery of Modern Art. Both are owned by National Galleries of Scotland and adjoin across a minor arterial road. It will be seen from Figure 1 that the area is predominantly a vehicular environment, though threaded with some solely pedestrian thoroughfares, a few of these within green spaces.

Overview of Method
In the study, the semiotics relating to risk within the urban study area are photographed and a representative sample analysed. This informed ethnography interview of its actors the users of the city. They told the story of urban risk. The current tram works, with its multiple diversions and paraphernalia, naturally features. Whilst an extraordinary event, the impact has occurred over several years and has become ingrained in discourses of the city centre environment.

Quiet Intersection
The fields of risk, urban design and semiotics inform my research. It is their intersections (below) that provide the ripest fruit since though each features in any cityscape, they draw together in peoples interaction and enquiry with the urban environment.

Figure 2: Intersection of fields

Each of the fields of Risk and Urban Design is richly populated with research and texts, but rarely do these narratives explore the semiotics of their intersections. Risk and urban design together provide a fertile history for my enquiry, and are explored in the first two chapters; whilst the foundations of semiotics provide a framework for my methods, and are discussed in the third. Chapter 4 presents the findings of my primary research, with interpretation of meaning later.

1. Risk A Game of Strategy or Chance?

What follows in this chapter is an elaboration of how the different theories of risk have affected the semiotics of the urban landscape. There has been a contemporary evolution of risk from meaning simply the probability of an event occurring, combined with the magnitude of the losses or gains that would be entailed (Douglas, 1994, p.23) to danger; high risk means a lot of danger. (Douglas, 1994, p.24) The urban setting and context of this study follows that evolution, cutting across the dominant theories of risk.

Beck and (His) Call Risk Society

As the research is anchored within an urban environment, it is the epitome of Becks (1992) Risk Society narrative of individualisation, mobility and competition, sculpted by industrialisation and post-industrialisation. Beck provides a picture of people who have become increasingly less able to identify the risks they face as risks become more global and potentially serious in consequence, thus leading to a reduced capability for individual avoidance of risk and more uncertainty and anxiety. He paints risks as a by-product of modernisation, and adopts a predominantly realist approach in submitting that risk approximates to hazard or danger risks are real, though he does allow that it is not clear whether it is the risks that have intensified or our view of them (Beck, 1992, p.55). He posits that the nature of risks in previous eras was localised and perceived by the senses and therefore detectable and resolvable locally, whereas in the contemporary risk society, risks are often harder to detect and solely local intervention is futile. Assessing these risks is now a matter of faith in knowledge, but their scope, like that of global warming, is such that no one science provides definitive notions of their magnitude and resolution. Compounding this is Becks notion of individualisation, which describes the introspection of contemporary reflexive biographies that is, we have become focused on constructing our own paths through life and work in competition with others because our path is no longer only dictated by our class, birthright, or wealth. The modern era provides also a greater density of transport options (amongst them the solitude of the single-occupancy private car), so increased mobility within and between cities. People moving and travelling for work are thus less rooted in their environment than were previous eras urban residents. The city also provides a locus 9

of leisure activities designed to satiate the reflexive notions and desires of its inhabitants and visitors, who have been released from the monotony of the chores of industrialisation into a post-modernist society with choices to make about their free time as well as work. This conjunction of imperceptible and irresolvable risks combined with individualistic lifestyles means that the urban population necessarily largely accepts the indications of risk provided for it, or they adopt apathy through lack of clarity. Discrepancies with personal notions and experiences of individual risks are subjugated within a society increasingly preoccupied with the future (and also with safety) (Giddens, 1997, p.27).

Power, Corruption, and Lies Knowledge & Regulation

The instructional signboards that are omnipresent in the urban landscape require the conformance and self-regulation inherent in Foucaults (2009) concept of Governmentality. We must give ourselves over to the signboard, and by proxy to the expert knowledges that dictate the existence and siting of the signboard. This, combined with Beck and Giddens narrative of unfathomable risks, introduces us to the notion of a powerful elite. Those who claim to have a measurement of risk, and a formula for its resolution, are able to determine the behavioural, aesthetic, space-defining codes to which we conform. This power is strongest when backed by a political mandate when the electorate have provided their tacit approval of these codes. And so, naturally, it is in the interest of those elected, to ensure that its electorate are fully conversant not necessarily in the risk solutions, but certainly in the risk problems. The UK 2010 General Elections main four party manifestos (Conservative Party, 2010, Liberal Democrats, 2010, Labour Party, 2010, Scottish National Party, 2010) had respectively 14, 13, 6 and 3 mentions of the word risk. The Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, with a total of 27 mentions of risk formed the government. The irony here is the conflict with Beck and cognitive sciences notions of contemporary individual responsibility in navigating the city, we are held individually responsible for our creation and interpretation of risk. Simultaneously, we are held to account for non-conformism to the signboards whose component expert knowledge we can only presume. But the mismatch occasionally surfaces

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for instance, in that uncomfortable feeling experienced by the driver waiting at a red traffic signal for several minutes at an empty junction in the middle of the night; then we are forced to reflect on our situation as we begin to doubt the validity of the indication of risk to which we are conforming. Thus normally we defer to the signboards, the expert knowledge of their creation, and where appropriate, to the technologies that sequence and power them. In this regard, we are again living Becks Risk Society: ambivalent or unknowing of the actual risks behind the implicit and explicit warnings of their presence. This brings into play the role of a further risk expert the police officer and officials who are mandated by the same set of codes that provide the signboards their authority, to grant exemptions from their tyranny. They are deemed more capable of assessing risk than are we, and we recognise them chiefly by their visual semiotic their yellow fluorescence, black & white chequered bands, and badges. In many respects, they act as organic mobile signboards. In this study, these experts make appearances in the visitor and residents reflections, and also give their own perspectives on the urban environment. The benefits afforded those with comprehension of the urban signscape and its syntax also, of course, sustain assertions of the empowerment of knowledge (Foucault, 2009, Beck, 1992, Giddens, 1997). By their ability to reach the meaning and inferences of signs, they are simultaneously in a better position to conform, but also to exempt themselves from conformity: after all, it is not only familiarity with expert knowledges, but peoples own experiential or ingrained perspectives that allow them to judge the risks of the urban environment Lupton (1999) says: The existence of varying perspectives on risk, among both experts and lay people, suggests that the phenomenon of risk is a production of competing knowledges about the world. (Lupton, 1999, p.106)

A Matter of Fact Cognitive-Science Approaches

This provides challenges for the cognitive scientists who posit that if a person understands a populations aggregate risks, they will be able to respond rationally to communications about their avoidance. So we see multiple campaigns built around such information especially in the arena of healthcare (Becker, 2007, Alaszewski and Horlick-Jones, 2003, Iliffe and Manthorpe, 2003). 11

The Enlightenment is important in the development of thought about risk. Lupton (1999) says of it, It assumes that the social and natural worlds follow laws that may be measured, calculated and therefore predicted. (Lupton, 1999, p.6) If it is assumed that expert knowledge provides the solutions for risk, then The Enlightenment marked the beginning of the development of those knowledges, and thus our understanding of risk. Indeed, it may be somewhat responsible for that blind spot with regard to the non-logical, less tangible aspects of risk that are nevertheless real. The irony, of course, is that it also marked the beginning of our experimentation with factors beyond our ken, and thus the ultimate creation of new risks of the sort discussed by Beck (2006). The intensity of the city centre brings many individuals and their risk factors together with an environment dense in property and ownership. This brings to the fore the insurential viewpoint of risk from cognitive science, as authorities, organisations and individuals bet on the product of the probability and consequences (magnitude and severity) of an adverse event (Bradbury, 1989) damaging their property or well-being. This cognitive science probabilistic viewpoint informs much of the directional or prohibitive signscape around us the signage is provided in relation to a calculated risk (or in relation to a code or standard which itself calls upon calculated risk). It also protects authorities, corporations and individuals from the reputational and financial consequences of not doing so, whilst nominally enhancing safety. As each individual signboard is erected in relation to a particular risk (or standard related to a particular risk), there is little notion of consequences resulting from the multi-layering and proliferation of signage as a whole (i.e. the risk of protecting against risk). The urban environment thus ends up being treated simply as another campaigning space for risk, signboards and so on being the media of their propaganda the higher the calculated risk, the more barriers, poles and boards must be erected, and lines painted. This is compounded by cognitive-scientific codification of risk in instruments of statutory obligation The Highway Code (Stationery Office Books, 2007) is familiar to all licensed drivers in the UK though the codes it illustrates very often impacts pedestrian users of the city who are not necessarily subjected to checks of its knowledge.

12

Of course, such statutory manifestation of risk prevention depends again on Foucaults description of our willingness to submit to them, and our acceptance of the penalty in not doing so.

Pay Day The Blame of Risk

The Highway Code was amended in a significant respect in 2007 to remove the notion of accident from its pages. The Times Newspaper reported that The word accident is to be banned from the new edition of the Highway Code in an attempt to persuade drivers and police that someone is almost always to blame for a death or injury on the roads. (Webster, 2007) This takes us into an important element of risk. Urban signage is rooted in cognitive sciences urge to communicate risk better and harder. And city signs fall within other risk discourses too: Beck illuminates our ambivalent acceptance of their implied knowledges, and Foucault describes our desire to conform to the powers behind that knowledge. But the element of blame is inherent to all contemporary risk discourses (Lupton, 1999). The risk business insurance blames in order to attribute the cost of rectification, and in health insurance there are certain pseudo-morally-oriented exclusions such as treatment for addictions as the patient is deemed to blame. Inconsistencies abound, so social dimensions of acceptability come into play. This then touches on Mary Douglass (1994) more psychoanalytic discourse around cultural blame and defensiveness against certain behaviours or groups. No Smoking, Private, Fly posters will be Prosecuted, No Entry become the streetscapes physical manifestations of this type of exclusion and defensiveness. Another manifestation of our desire to exclude the abhorrent from our streets is the police officer and other enforcement officials. Their street semiotic is potent, and is politicised beyond the obvious connotations of power-play through media expert quotes like There should be an emphasis on having more police on the streets, and not in patrol cars, protecting the public from crime. (Bynorth, 2008) There is a tension with all such high-profile manifestations of risk prevention in the urban environment: their presence, whilst to reassure and protect against risk, ironically emphasises risk dramatically. Every semiotic of safety in the urban environment is thus also a semiotic of risk: the ornate spiked fence, the CCTV camera, and the community safety officer.

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2. City Brakes Urban Stops & Starts

This chapter demonstrates how influences in urban design have attempted to mitigate risk through better functioning and improved aesthetics within urban communities. It charts the voices of those who reflect on cities likeability and societys fluctuating draw to the city over time. Nasar (1990) defines the attributes of liked environments as a preference for natural over built, an affinity with the well tended, a mix of open and defined spaces, historical associations, and a legible order. The intentions of the New Town grid of Edinburgh might be thought to fulfil many of these criteria. The notion of urban design suggests that there is accommodation to be had between the utility of the city and its attractiveness.

A Tale of Blue Cities Zoning & the Decline of Community

Bauman (2001) reflects on the romanticisation of community and its elusive quality in safety-seeking (and so in avoidance of risk). Whereas many British cities are relatively recently experiencing (and encouraging) resurgence in inner city dwelling, Central Edinburgh has consistently maintained a high-density resident population (Figure 3), and it is expected that semiotic traces of this emerge in the research.

Figure 3 - High density Edinburgh, World Heritage fashion

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The return of residents to redeveloped and repurposed city centres in the form of nouveau urbanites leads to what Sennett (1996) terms Communities of Affluence and here he dovetails with Douglas in his assessment that The image of the community is purified of all that might convey a feeling of difference(Sennett, 1996, p.36), with the consequence that an era of abundance and prosperity has eclipsed something of the essence of urban life its diversity and possibilities for complex experience. (Sennett, 1996, p.82) Even mixed-use commercial development within city centres tend to lead to zoned solutions in that the developments themselves are very heavily branded, ordered, and intended for a common wealth-level and aesthetic, excepting pockets of mandatory low-income housing (e.g. Quartermile in Edinburgh). This is in contrast to part of Sennetts solution of: Encouraging unzoned urban places, no longer centrally controlled, would thus promote visual and functional disorder in the city. Katz (1998) describes difficulties of zoning further: Zoning conflates issues of use, density and form to such an extent that it has spawned the unpredictability and visual chaos typical of the American city. Moreover, transportation-dominated infrastructure engineering has so preferred the accommodation of the car over human beings, that the intended users of the public realm have been driven out. (Katz, 1998, p.xxi) This is particularly acute in the American framework, but a pedestrian navigating the Haymarket or Shandwick Place/ Lothian Road junctions of the study area is evidence of the preference accorded the motor vehicle here. What is interesting in Katzs narrative is that he differentiates the human being from the car as if private vehicles have no association with people, and infers that drivers are not valid users of the public realm. It does indicate the polarisation that can occur within streetscapes.

The Good, The Bad & The Ugly Says Who?

In another governmental attempt to codify urban design, clutter, aesthetics and safety are brought together again under a common moniker. The Value of Urban Design lists as a measure of value of urban design Quality of the Public Realm to promote public spaces and routes that are attractive, safe, uncluttered and work 15

effectively for all in society, including disabled and elderly people. (University College London Barlett School of Planning, 2001, p.19) It is interesting that this particular measure of value was inconclusive within the case studies of the report. This points again to the illusive, even illusionary, nature of risk and safety in the public realm. What is safety measured against? How does one know when there are enough signs, poles, barriers to protect, and how can one measure the holistic protection or risk introduced from a single intervention? How one measures risk and safety is affected by how one perceives the recipients of the risk or safety as innocents or catalysts. The pessimism inherent in regulation and prohibition is described by Ford (2000) in The Space Between Buildings: Many planners, developers and lenders have a much more pessimistic view of modern urban society. They see a society full of individuals just waiting to misbehave at the first opportunity. The job of good design should be to minimise contact and so minimise conflict. People need to be protected from one another so that our modern, busy communities can function smoothly with a minimum of distractions. (Ford, 2000, p.200) In this narrative, a public street bench has a very different connotation, chance of survival, and societal consequence from the optimists viewpoint: The prourbanists take a very positive view of people and society. Writers like Jane Jacobs and William H. Whyte argued as early as the 1960s that people enjoy good spaces and will generally behave nicely whenever such surroundings are provided. Good streets, sidewalks, parks and other public spaces bring out the best in human nature and provide the settings for a civil and courteous society. Everything will be fine if we can just get the design right. (Ford, 2000, p.199) It follows that different users of the urban environment will each have their own way of seeing, and thus their semiotic interpretation of urban risk could be expected to differ.

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If a Trio in the Jungle Falls-out but No Camera Sees it

Jacobs comments on the essence of urban risk in the streetscape: When people say that a city, or a part of it, is dangerous or is a jungle what they mean primarily is that they do not feel safe on the sidewalks. But sidewalks and those who use them are not passive beneficiaries of safety or helpless victims of danger. Sidewalks, their bordering uses, and their users, are active participants in the drama of civilization versus barbarism in cities. To keep the city safe is a fundamental task of a citys streets and its sidewalks. This task is totally unlike any service that sidewalks and streets in little towns or true suburbs are called upon to do. (Jacobs, 1997, p.30) Urban risk is not a passive ethereal aesthetic quality, but is woven into the city through its elements and its users actions. And here she emphasises the relevance of Douglass (1978) theories of otherness to the urban environment: They differ from towns and suburbs in basic ways, and one of these is that cities are, by definition, full of strangers. To any one person, strangers are far more common in big cities than acquaintances. More common not just in places of public assembly, but more common on a mans own doorstep. (Jacobs, 1997, p.30) Given the inherent and the manufactured gentility of much of the West End, Jacobs (1997) further presses why our study area is particularly relevant to her view of risk and safety in the city: The barbarism and the real, not imagined, insecurity that gives rise to such fears cannot be tagged a problem of the slums. The problem is most serious, in fact, in genteel-looking quiet residential areas. (Jacobs, 1997, p.31) We get a hint here too from her of the rationale for CCTV within the city: we seem to have here some simple aims: to see that these public street spaces have eyes on them as continually as possible. (Jacobs, 1997, p.36) And an assessment of the character of this style of surveillance: Safety on the streets by surveillance and mutual policing of one another sounds grim, but in real life it is not grim. (Jacobs, 1997, p.36) This is, of course, from the narrative of a pre-CCTV era (1961) and she reveals that her surveillance consists not of the unknown watching box but its antithesis: a

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substantial quantity of stores and other public places sprinkled along the sidewalks of a district; enterprises and public places that are used by evening and night must be amongst them especially. (Jacobs, 1997, p.36) In other words, Jacobs is introducing us to the notion of surveillance through participation and frequency; that people use a streets walkways to access its public places, or to pass through to such places; that the proprietors of such places are a natural surveillance; and finally that a peopled landscape attracts other people: Peoples love of watching activity and other people is constantly evident in cities everywhere. (Jacobs, 1997, p.37)

New Order Rhythms of Revival

Jacobs and Whytes optimism has developed through Alexanders (1978) Pattern Language by the 1990s to The New Urbanism Movement. Peter Katz (1998) reminds us of the risk-mitigating benefits of early settlement: For most of human history, people have banded together for mutual security. (Katz, 1998, p.ix) His critique of suburbia is that it is composed of pods, highways and interstitial spaces (Katz, 1998, p.vii). In contrast, neighbourhoods, districts and corridors are urban elements (Katz, 1998, p.vii). It is possible that Bauman (2001) may attribute Katzs spectacles a rosy hue in Katzs positing that a single neighbourhood standing free in the landscape is a village. (Katz, 1998, p.vii) Lefebvre refers also to the village when he emphasises the resonances of the actions and consequences of actors: Paths are more important than the traffic they bear, because they are what endures in the form of the reticular patterns left by people (Lefebvre, 1991, p.118) The contemporary metamorphosis of this is the roads, paths, clutter and detritus left in the city for others and successive generations, and he returns us to indications of risk and potential thrills: Always distinct and clearly indicated, such traces embody the values assigned to particular routes: danger, safety, waiting, promise. (Lefebvre, 1991, p.118) In other words, he deduces the meaning of routes (or streets), and poses the semiotic query whether these form a text or message. He instead settles on the term texture:

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 it is helpful to think of architectures as archi-textures, to treat each monument or building, viewed in its surroundings and context, in the populated area and associated networks in which it is set down, as part of a particular production of space. (Lefebvre, 1991, p.118)

Here, he is linking the spaces of the mind of thought and meaning to the tangible spaces of urbanity. He is laying down the units and components of an urban space. Katzs village of the neighbourhood has a balanced mix of human activity (Katz, 1998, p.vii) whereas his district is dominated by a single activity (Katz, 1998, p.vii), and his corridors are their connectors and separators. These titles fit the American model better than their common British usage, but the descriptors remain valid. In common with Jacobs, he sees the street as a destination rather than simply a navigation channel: communal rooms and passages (Katz, 1998, p.xxii).

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3. Method
Nasar points to why the semiotics of the city are important, since peoples choice to avoid it is limited: In their daily activities, people must pass through and experience the public parts of the city so it must satisfy the broader public who regularly experiences it (Nasar, 1990). Lefebvres seeking of value of questioning whether the physical street has an ethereal text or message shares its philosophical quest with Saussures (1913/ 1998) search for signifiant and signifi the signal and the signified. Both inform the methodological reasoning in examining the semiotics of risk in the urban environment.

Methodological Reasoning
Though Saussures value of a sign as being dependent upon its context is drawn upon here, it is not intended to conduct a semiotic analysis since the researchers expertise does not extend to that. Strict distinctions between signifier and the signified are not codified here. Further, the Saussurian conception of value being purely relational and having no inherent presence is not a tenet adopted. In this sense, the research draws more upon Peirces (1932) triadic notion that the form (in our case physicality) of the sign itself is important the representamen contributing to the formation of a sign in association with its object and interpretant. It is Peirces distinctions that provide the rationale for the methodologies, and provide a route from physical instance of individual signal to meaning of the whole. Sign Language Peirces representamen equates to the physicality of a sign, and so within the study area, the presence of each signal is photographed that accords with one of Lefebvres values of danger, safety, waiting or promise. These have consisted of plaques and facia of buildings; elements of wilderness; indicators of heritage and artworks; particular icons and language; paint, fluorescence and colour codes; and lights and beacons. But also indications of transport, vehicular traffic flow and parking; barriers, gates, posts, fences and channels; distinctions of public and private space; signs of occupation and use; paraphernalia of security and surveillance. Finally 20

too, the lower-order remnants of smoking, litter, disrepair and opportunistic embellishment; and marks of utility and back scene activity. In some instances, where a single image may not elaborate the captured asset sufficiently, short video footage exists for instance, the BBC Big Screen in Festival Square showing a promotional film about Edinburghs desirability. Naturally, this capture process is subject to filter, and there was rigour in attempting to ensure that where a particular instance of an asset (such as a No Parking sign) was captured, that each and every such instance within the study area was captured. There are exemptions to this rigour (for instance, in capturing dominant street lighting, but not all lamps, or a part of pavement in particular disrepair), made necessary by the density or continuousness of certain assets. Reading Between the Double Yellow Lines The quantitative analysis the counting and content analysis of captured assets it is hoped provides some indications of the importance accorded certain types of assets. In this sense, even an assets prolific existence may be thought to have significance. It might give clues to the object of Peirces triad: what the sign is trying to say within its context. However, it became clear during research that the area selected for study had produced too many images to quantitatively analyse within the studys timeframe more than 4,000 photographs and 35 videos. Therefore, a representative street was selected for quantitative analysis: the entire third of a mile of Queensferry Street from its merging into Dean Bridge to its junction with Shandwick Place and Lothian Road. This produced 272 images that were sifted for repetition of the on-street assets that had been captured. This left 171 unique images, each often illustrating more than one item, and these were then coded against seven aspects: colour, form, function, iconography, language (verbal), ornamentation, and state of repair. So each of the 171 images was ultimately coded against 285 keywords or phrases. Images outside of Queensferry Street were nevertheless retained for qualitative analysis and commentary, and these are available separately. Some have been used in the presentation of findings. The camera used was equipped with global positioning system (GPS), so each image has attached metadata indicating its capture location. The meaning provided through 21

these collated proximities was hinted at in what Lefebvre (1991) called the graphic aspect the pattern formed when a collection is viewed from above: This graphic aspect, which was obviously not apparent to the original actors but which becomes quite clear with the aid of modern-day cartography, has more in common with a spiders web than with a drawing or plan. (Lefebvre, 1991, p.118) The modern day technology has evolved from balloon or early aeroplane to allow us individually to act as a cartographer of the cityscape, and the assets are mapped according to type, with the thickness of the strands of the web indicating their density within the paths of the study area. It is for this reason that time is spent in constructing a computerised map capable of graphic manipulation to represent the results. Again, caution must be exercised in the journey from object to meaning; from this micro to that macro. The researcher is individually capable only of recognising the patterns of which they are aware, and so may miss patterns that fall outside of this episteme referred to by Foucault: But there was a necessity lying at the heart of their knowledge: they had to find an adjustment between the infinite richness of a resemblance introduced as a third term between signs and their meaning, and the monotony that imposed the same pattern of resemblance upon the sign and what it signified. In an episteme in which signs and similitudes were wrapped around one another in an endless spiral, it was essential that the relation of microcosm to macrocosm should be conceived as both the guarantee of that knowledge and the limit of its expansion. It was this same necessity that obliged knowledge to accept magic and erudition on the same level. (Foucault, 2001, p.35) So it is necessary to expand the methodology to check and elucidate meaning further. Following the Archetypes Peirces (1932) triadic model of semiotics did not directly reference the interpreter of a sign, but is strongly implicated in his term interpretant. Lefebvres (1991)

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assertion that the path is more important than its traffic because of its enduring nature is hollow without successive generations of interpreters of their value. Therefore, the final element of the study concludes the assessment of meaning through ethnographic discourse with the users of the study area the interpreters of it. The value of urban signs of risk can only be inferred in the process of selection, quantification and content analysis, whereas people tell us directly the value of danger and safety they ascribe in what they say, in the dissonances, and the way they go about life. Ten people, in negotiation, were chosen as likely candidates for study. Four had early logistical difficulties in being interviewed and recorded. The remaining six were to be interviewed and recorded whilst walking through the study area, so that various facets and features might emerge. It was decided that three of the people would be representative of various roles or functions within the cityscape, and three would represent people having a role relating to risk crudely speaking, they served the people of the study area. In this aspect, they were archetypes of the urban environment the overnight visitor, the resident, the commuter, the police officer, the environmental warden, and the community safety officer. Formal approaches were made to each, with instructive outcomes. All interviews were transcribed and redacted to retain anonymity.

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4. Which Sign are you?

This chapter examines the photographic and interview evidence gathered during the research for patterns and deeper meanings. There were far more data generated than space to analyse them, so key themes have been extracted for discourse all data was gathered by the solo researcher, so will subconsciously be an influence. The zodiac demonstrates our ability to encapsulate notions of complexity into simple iconography. Even amongst some stalwart realists, we observe a potent curiosity about what my sign says about me. This is the nature of the signs of the street in the widest sense that is probed here: what each sign and its proliferation says about and to individuals. There are some broad themes that have emerged, and the findings have been segregated into these.

Metropolitan Musketeers Ownership and Surveillance

And now, gentlemen, said dArtagnan, without stopping to explain his conduct to Porthos, All for one, one for all that is our motto is it not? And yet said Porthos. (Dumas, 1998/ 1844) DArtagnan touches here on the virtue of giving oneself and ones property to a community, but Porthos hesitation is indicative of the misgivings that accompany such philanthropy especially in relation to property. Granting provisional access (or selling) is more usual now where land is concerned. Where philanthropists for public good once gave tracts of land with consequent commemorative artworks, the contemporary land-based equivalent is the pseudo-public space with commemorative branding and its various signs of ownership. Time and behaviour based access is temporarily provided, but power and control is assertively retained by the benefactor through surveillance. The photography of the quantitative focus area shows the classic signs of ownership (and particular the boundaries) to be railings, spikes, hedges, walls and gates; recessed doorways; chains and locks; flags, pendants and branded facia; closed circuit television (CCTV) cameras and the notices of their presence and purpose; and

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dramatic changes in relief of the landscape (Appendix D Queensferry Street: Ownership). The signs are also sometimes referred to as risk assets in this text. These signs of ownership are reflected too elsewhere within the wider study area, particular heavily stated within the bounds of The Exchange area, mostly in the form of CCTV notices revealing the surveillant as predominantly Standard Life (Figure 4). It is interesting here to note the layers of subterfuge around surveillance within the main public-access area (Exchange Square to Conference Square) firstly, the passive language with lack of first or second parties images are being monitored and recorded for rather than we are recording you for An entirely separate paragraph states ownerships of this system, and the notice itself is in the form of heritage-style brass plaques on stonework facia. It is the memorialisation of surveillance the lifting of its status to a noble plain on par with the tragic losses of the world war memorials - one might imagine the individual cameras to have names and ranks, so enshrined is their service.

Figure 4 - Never in the field of human security was so much seen by so few of so many

This contrasts with other camera notices that are just metres away (Figure 5), on a transition staircase to another level of the complex. These are more functionally

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assertive it is a security notice; the premises are protected, this time it is a scheme rather than a system, and is controlled by The Sheraton rather than simply operated and it uses black and yellow transfer on white plastic. The polyester-blend logo-embossed shirt of the jobbing security guard replaces the smart uniform of Standard Lifes noble warrior here. Whilst this emphasis of language and materiality may appear subtle, their effect is very significant in being part of the private curation of pseudo-public space: one is encouraged along one path, and deterred or blocked from another; ones gaze should alight on one set of assets and be averted from another by aesthetic distraction or, in the case of the external store at The Sheraton (Figure 6), by physical screening.

Figure 5 To protect and control

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Figure 6 - Looking the other way

The car park screen at The Sheraton is curious in that it shields a storage and waste area at the hotels vehicular reception area from its guests, but is overlooked from above by users of the Conference Square. The message here is very clearly you are in the wrong place; it is the magician on stage performing to an audience, made the more uncomfortable by its blatant contempt for the other who has not afforded a seat in the stalls. Again, it is part of a curatorial encouragement to see what is intended to be seen, and skim what is not. The other powerful message here is that of privilege of ownership we own this place and we will orientate it as we see fit. It is as if the hotel is playing a game of public access poker its face says welcome, but this area and its surveillance are its tell the gesture that betrays its hand. It has the power and it sets the codes for its gain. Analysis of the photographs and video facilitated a mapping of the ownership of the study area (Figure 7).

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Figure 7 Map of ownership of study area (Appendix C Ownership Overlay, for full page)

There is range of private versus public spaces, though with open areas tending to be pseudo-public space (open but owned privately, and sometimes with access restrictions). A slim sandwich of truly public green space appears within Shandwick Place and its Georgian Crescents; and The Water of Leith Walkway, which runs from Balerno at the base of The Pentlands to Leith Harbour, forms another slither of public space much of it green.

Rights Justified Telling Tales of the City

It is clear from the respondents that we are willing to play in pseudo-public environments and whimsically too. The responses indicate that where faced with surveillance that does not accord with individuals past or current experience, a tale is created around its presence. Respondent C (The Commuter) revealed a storymaking capacity about surveillance cameras: I think I read it in a newspaper dont know whenever it was that there was a lot of stabbings on Lothian Road and that area had moved down to where the; I think that had sort of moved down to the bottom of where the Omni pictures is, so maybe thats why theyve looked at more police there; surveillance. The framing of the response self-satiates by offering justification for recording for the purposes of crime prevention and the prosecution of offenders. It tends to suggest that we may have absorbed this notice-based narrative that accompanies CCTV 28

presence. Whats more, this small third-hand generalised anecdote was felt enough to fully resolve the issue of surveillance, and in the mind of the respondent had been cemented by attachment to the weight of a media source. Respondent A (The Overnight Visitor), when questioned about the prolonged presence of police standing outside a local station, was adept at justification too: Well theyve got their hi-vis jackets on. I suppose thats if anyone needs them in a hurry or to be seen by traffic I would probably question what are these guys doing here on a Sunday morning. Whats why yeah. Ive always felt safe and comfortable and I know that perhaps the policeman outside the train station somehow subconsciously enforce that safety. It can be seen here that linking an enduring feeling of safety in a space to the presence of surveillance has completed the respondents circle of resolution. There appears to be some question initially about the necessity for such visibility, quickly self-resolved by linking to the concept of emergency this also seems to satisfy the question of their presence on a quiet Sunday morning. Linking street surveillance to emergency appears to another part of the subterfuge of its proliferation it suggests that we have no time to consider the consequences: that we must act immediately because we are in peril. These statements show the tactic to be effective build them and they will come (around). Respondent B (The Resident) whilst seated outside The Dean Gallery has highlighted the presence of CCTV on poles close by, and initially appears less satisfied than other respondents: I didnt notice. Now that youve just pointed it out, I suppose Im slightly uncomfortable. I think judging; theyre not actually watching us I think Id be less comfortable if it was pointing to us at the moment, but yeah Im uncomfortable with cameras being around, because it feels like a bit of an infringement. Its back to this balance between you know complete freedom and safeguards. This was the only respondent who attempted to formulate a balance and it is of particular note that the respondent was a resident of the area, whilst the other two simply passed through. The latter had implied that CCTV was instrumental in their freedom, whereas the resident, in contrast, appeared to use the term about CCTVs absence. Interesting, though, is that there is some degree of forgiveness even in the

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statement of misgiving it is deemed better because the camera was not pointing towards the respondent. So again, a rationale is quickly formulated for its existence: these cameras are I presume to do with security of the museum and its contents the artwork inside it. It was suggested that the respondent might desire similar levels of security on their own street: No because there are limits and Im not comfortable with that the extreme would be that you have a camera in your house to monitor your behaviour and in case of criminal or dangerous behaviours, and Im not comfortable with that either... Its intruding in my personal space. The respondent here draws a line between surveillance in public and in the home, though with a grey-area in that it appears the residents own (public) street should have no camera not in my front yard. Something is then suggested of the right to individuality even amongst the density of the city and its codes: I have a right as an individual to a certain amount of autonomy, even in a city: and privacy without interference from The State. This was a strong statement from Respondent B as it had previously been very difficult to elicit any rights that the individual had thought they had in the city environment: I dont have a concept of my rights in the streetscape... I think more in terms of my responsibility I think more than my right I think thats the truth I dont have a sense of rights particularly. Its not well constructed if its there. But I do have a sense of responsibility. Im responsible for keeping myself safe from crazy motorists or crazy pedestrians or people with umbrellas, or children that are not being looked after, or people running, or cyclists I think you have to watch out for yourself. So Im aware its my responsibility to keep an eye out for myself, and to be reasonably vigilant. Not to the point of being frightened. Taken in combination, these phrases point to this respondent having a clear sense of innate or evolved rather than externally imposed responsibilities. Ironically, this requires evocation of the very significant right to be free to exercise those responsibilities: In many ways, it illustrates the frustration of someone caught in Becks Risk Society, with risks beyond their measure and actions taken on high. It also illustrates where a citizen reaches the edges of their conformance to Foucaults Governmentality. 30

And yet respondent B mirrors the cognitive-science perspective in simply assuming that risks are real, and focussing on measures for their mitigation: I dont know what the evidence is that these cameras make a difference. You would presume just on grounds of common sense that anyones wanting to damage or to steal would think twice if they are going to be photographed doing it, but I dont know whether or not that common sense approach is mirrored in evidence. There is a similar commentary about the role of the police officer in risk management within the urban environment: I dont know what the evidence base is for sticking a police officer on a street if that reduces crime whether its worthwhile. It sounds worthwhile; of course thats not always the same thing Maybe there are better ways to police which are responsive and which are protective in the sense of early intervention and trying to reduce crime through public education and awareness and so on, so maybe you dont get bobbies on the beat in residential areas anymore. Of uniformed personnel, the respondent appears to mirror their aversion to CCTV on residential streets: I think where theres recorded incidents of threat in the form of crime, then theres a rationale for having the police officer there [but] someone that is assigned to your street and would be regularly there, and I dont think we need that. That would not be a useful way to use the resources. And yet despite the aversion to close-proximity policing, there is a dissonance here in that the respondent showed signs of resentment that there had been no sight of police: They dont patrol in our street. Well if they patrol on our street, Ive never seen them! This dissonance may be partially attributable to what was revealed after interview: that the respondent was gay and felt wary of close contact with the police for fear of homophobic reactions by them. The Edinburgh Evening News article Police punished over anti-gay slurs (McEwan, 2009) led to a related headline also appearing on A-boards and news vendor booths within the study area (Figure 8), and this may well have contributed to such perceptions.

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This is a vivid example of the power of the news agenda in our perceptions of risk (Banks, 2005, Sharman, 2010), and how that narrative seeps in to the cityscape and its users.

Figure 8 - Media narratives of risk

Nevertheless, it can be seen here that the respondent feels that CCTV and police officers do not have equivalence, despite their stated rationale being similar. The respondents differentiator here is permanence that a CCTV camera is an enduring manifestation by its fixed infrastructure. This resident does not want that abiding

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presence either in the form of CCTV or a police officer based near to their residence. On the other hand, a transient role is seen for a mobile police officer in the face of imminent risk indicated by previous incidents of threat. This emphasises one of the resonant attributes of most urban signs of risk they have a sense of being embedded within their environment of permanence. Examination of the quantitative data about the state of repair of risk-related street assets from Queensferry Street demonstrates this, as assets tend to show wear and tear, or be poor, faded or messy.

Wear & Tear

Good or Highly Maintained Poor or Faded or Messy

Good

Highly Maintained

Signs of Tampering Decrepit or Very Poor

Figure 9 - State of repair favours worn, faded or messy

This demonstrate that most assets have been in place a long time, and any additions are likely to be expected to have an equal life-span they are, in urban terms, permanent features of the cityscape, and so we should be reasonably certain that they have value and are wanted by the citizens.

Surveillants Seen and Not Heard From

Within the West End, mobile surveillance is through a number of area based highvisibility personnel. This includes police officers and traffic wardens (under the

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auspices of Lothian & Borders Police), environmental wardens, parking attendants, and community safety officers (working for City of Edinburgh Council). Their external semiotic combines that of the watchful CCTV camera and the yellows, reds, blacks and fluorescence of its warning notices, but transcended through humanity. The inference here is that there is an ability to interact meaningfully with this sign of risk. It was this interactive, discerning humanity that the study wished to probe through approaches to both Lothian & Borders Police to interview their West End community beat officer, and to City of Edinburgh Council to interview patrol-based environmental wardens and community safety officers. The eligibility requirements for Special Constables (volunteer officers) recognises explicitly the power that a police officer has within a place of public interest: Certain occupations or posts prevent a person from joining or retaining the post of Special Constable. This includes any person, or member of that persons family who holds or has any financial interest in any certificate, licence or permit granted in pursuance of the laws relating to regulating places of public interest. (Lothian & Borders Police, 2010) A place of public interest is a wide term, and we have seen earlier that there are many pseudo-public private places where certain controlling activities make them very much of public interest. Regardless of precise definition, it serves to illustrate that the police service itself recognises the power of a police officer in a space, and its potential conflict with other activities happening there. Though there was dialogue with the West End community beat officer by email and by phone, and engagement about the nature of the study (to forward through the chain of command), ultimately it resulted in an email that simply stated Sorry for taking so long to get back to you. Unfortunately I will be unable to give an interview to you for your study. This was brusquer than previous correspondence, seeming perhaps to now be an emphatic organisational voice. There had appeared to be more probing around the study wishing to engage on a humanistic level rather than talk about police policy, and this had certainly appeared to be an early concern of the police officer was opinion allowed? It appears not, and this is the more unfortunate because the officer is also one of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender liaison officers, and could have contributed too about comments made by the gay resident of the beat area who had feared homophobia from the police. 34

Figure 10 Environmental warden censorship salute

The study had been unaware of active environmental wardens until happening across a couple patrolling in a residential part of the study area.
100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 White Black Grey, Silver or Chrome Yellow Red Blue

Figure 11 Instances of colours of risk Queensferry St. - each more than total of all others

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Their uniformed aesthetic was particularly striking (Figure 10) using all but one (blue) of the very dominant colours of risk assets in the urban environment, as quantified on Queensferry Street (Figure 11) and reflected elsewhere. Given the lack of subtlety of signalling of environmental wardens, it is curious that one should make a very clear political gesture to camera to turn the back of a head around to instead face the camera in order then to put up a hand in front of the revealed face, and so obscuring it. This gesture is very familiar to the media-scrum environment within TV news coverage, often there accompanied by the phrase no comment. So the meaning appears to be one of censoring and importantly, robustly indicating that censorship of both the camera and the subject. It also has overtones of that filmic cop-drama phrase theres nothing to see here, which simultaneously locates activity but forbids the voyeur from vicarious stimulation. In this instance, that nothing to see here emerged at the other side of the road crossing to be a plastic bin bag containing waste. It was searched, and declared through application of a sticker to be safe for collection: THIS REFUSE HAS BEEN CHECKED FOR ILLEGAL PRESENTATION.

Figure 12 - The scourge of illegal presentation

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City of Edinburgh Council was approached about a formal interview with the environmental wardens, since there had been from them a reluctance to provide a view without proper authorisation. Eventually, the response from the Council was that: Environmental Wardens wear stab vests and as a result can only patrol with persons who also wear stab vests and have been through a Personal Safety Training Course. That stab vests were worn was illuminating, in that the encounter with the wardens had felt strained and as though the researcher had strayed on a combative culture. In talking to the wardens informally, there was a great emphasis on their right to not be photographed. There was some irony, in that as City of Edinburgh Council workers, one revealed her previous role as a CCTV operator: recording images of others. An interview was scheduled some time in advance for a walking interview with a lead figure of the Community Safety Officers, as it had been established that they did not have the barrier of wearing stab vests. A lead figure had not been requested, but provided on the grounds that they knew procedures and codes best. It was pointed out that the study was more interested in the feelings and thoughts of the officers, rather than their practical knowledge, and with very short notice of less than an hour, the interview was postponed by the interviewee who then did not respond to further approach. Taken collectively then, these responses and ultimately failure to interview any of the numerous figures involved in urban protection and safety are indicative of an unwillingness to expose the surveillants of our urban environments themselves to reflective surveillance and scrutiny. It may be that the police feel there is enough scrutiny already from TVs numerous factual cop shows, with their on-message narration. In these programmes, focus and ridicule are placed on the stupidity of non-conformists; and so the conform message is re-emphasised. Ultimately, this unwillingness to engage is self-defeating. If risks are over-hyped in order to justify increased surveillance, the task of maintaining the hype becomes more difficult, and so the shock period of each atrocity or disaster must be deepened or extended to emphasise risks as further supporting evidence (Kunze, 2008, Bannister and Fyfe, 2001). The world must be made to feel riskier in order to justify the safety measures. It is ultimately unsustainable a pyramid selling of risk,

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which might be revealed to have little substance, dependent upon belief alone. It is a flourishing faith Risk.

Ghost Writings The Invisibility of Signs

The signage of the risk professionals is emphasised by their mobility colour and movement. The embedded feeling of static signs, as illustrated earlier, is partly attributable to their state of repair their condition matches their environment. But it does no fully explain why they are quite so invisible to respondents. Respondent A hints at why the signs of the urban environment, associated with task-orientation and business, may have particular challenges: I havent really noticed because weve been blethering if I was on my own Id probably need to notice a bit more, but if Im in mid-conversation with somebody or walking with somebody I might pay less attention. There is a suggestion here that the respondent is unable to remember any sign passed on the interview walk because of engagement in another activity even just talking. The unacceptable becomes acceptable after a while. If it sits there long enough, peoplell just get used to seeing it, and not really question it. Theyre not thinking about theyre not focussed all the time on road signs and bollards and things. Their minds are on other things. The term unacceptable indicates that once aware, the respondent does find the immediate signscape undesirable. When asked to describe them though, the respondent identifies them well, so the issue is not one of recognition: Theres no entry signs; theres directions for traffic; one way system; give way signs; street signs; parking; prohibited parking or you know, hours for parking during the week and at weekends. So theres a lot of signs. The descriptions concord with a rationale for non-absorption shared amongst the pedestrian respondents, about the intended audience of the signs Respondent C: For drivers I think [as] pedestrians you get [from] A to B as quickly as possible. You can cut corners; take a couple of risks I suppose; take advantage of traffic; youre not restricted.

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This has evolved to explain not only that drivers are seen as target of the signs, but also that this makes walking all the more desirable in the city that signs slowing traffic would also permit pedestrians to cross ad-hoc between the slower vehicles, rather than at authorised locations. So this introduces too the notion of freedom of movement for the pedestrian the opinion that they should be permitted to take a couple of risks, to cut corners be not be restricted. Respondent B also takes up themes of containment of pedestrians with a contrary view about a kerbside barrier forcing division of vehicles and pedestrians. I can see the point of the barriers as were at a very sharp bend where you cant see the traffic, and its a reasonable broad road The point is they dont want people to cross the road here because theyre not able to ascertain the risk of getting knocked down. Well my assessment is that it wouldnt be safe for me to cross, and maybe people who are less aware, and maybe children for instance, wouldnt be able to make that judgement call and might try to cross and get knocked down. The respondent uses the framing device of more vulnerable members of society to cement their argument. This is anecdotally often used to justify provision of riskmanagement measures like barriers or kerbs in the city (Dales, 1997-2010). Of course, the safeguards for vulnerable members of society is important, but it is important that we respond proportionately and not solely at a lowest common denominator. Respondent B, like the others, has also blanked many of the signs of the city, and fetches up the aspect of over-scale road signs in the pedestrian environment: I blank a lot of them out, but when you draw my attention to them I guess a lot of them arent [attractive]. In the West End, theres a big sign that you kind of walk under it on Queensferry Street, and its really for the size of the pavement its a massive signI think its a traffic, its a direction sign and so I suppose it has to be a certain size so you can get the names in big enough print for people to read. But it should be better on a motorway than an urban pavement.

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Figure 13 - Oversized and overhead

So invisibility is linked to the necessity of creating blind spots to overcome unattractive large-scale intrusions into the cityscape. These insights combine to illuminate why pedestrians users of the city do not generally, in everyday life, object to the intrusions of multiple road signs: they are distracted by task or company, they see the signs as irrelevant to themselves, and they can be so intrusive and unattractive that blanking becomes a protective mechanism: the signs become absent by their conspicuousness. This nature of signage within a cityscape is inferred to us in A Pattern Language. Each pattern describes a problem which occurs over and over again in our environment, and then describes the core solution to that problem, in such a way that you can use this solution a million times over, without ever doing it the same way twice. (Alexander et al., 1978) Provision of signage, a classic problem that in its solution adopts iconography and colour themes a million times over could be expected to be amongst the two hundred and fifty three patterns that form the language claimed capable of improving your town or neighbourhood, but is specifically absent. This indicates signages highprofile invisibility. Though it is not unique in its blending into the background, other aspects of the city which are customary skimmed-over by casual users are examined by Alexander in detail.

Power Switch
The dissonances of the signscape cause Respondent B to reflect on the decisionmaking process in provision of risk assets in the city: Its very in your face, so you

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wonder whether these decisions are made with appropriate consultation. There is further reflection even about the rationale for the barrier defended earlier: Ive no idea whether the barrier at the corner where you cant see the traffic coming actually does make a difference or not. It would be interesting to know whether they did some assessment or study of that before they put the barrier up, or whether they did it on grounds of common sense or of a policy on crossing the road at corners. The respondent here uses the term of disempowerment they a lot, and further probes whether the barrier could be more aesthetically attractive: Were still at the gallery and Im just looking at the rail down the stairs onto the lawn, and its not that different in terms of its dimensions from the barrier we looked at onto the street, but its much more aesthetically attractive. The poles, the struts that support the poles are fashioned in an attractive way and the handrail is curved at the end, which gives it a sense of being finished. Significantly, the rail used as a favourable comparison is in a private pseudo-public space at The Dean Gallery, rather than on the street, and the respondent hits upon the utilitarian nature of many of the risk-management measures on the street versus a very similar kind of measure on private property (Figure 14).

Figure 14 - Private (pseudo-public)

Public

So we see how even aesthetic attraction is seen as a measure of the power relations in a place more ornate items perhaps tending to signal that something is privately owned. And yet, the quantitative analysis of Queensferry Street (Appendix E Queensferry Street: Coding Top Keywords) when cross-referenced to all its images coded as Embellishments beyond Form or Historical or Ornate shows the

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balance in the West End of Edinburgh to be split evenly between private and public ownership. For instance, there were ornate public street lamps, brass plaques, statues, post boxes, and even some embellished bollards and litterbins. This may be attributable to the historic associations of Edinburgh, and the consequent designation of this street as within a conservation zone and UNESCO World Heritage site, albeit a functional vehicular traffic thoroughfare. When asked further about whom should make decisions regarding urban aesthetic matters, the respondent elaborates: Well, youd like to think itd be experts in aesthetics who had surveyed the local population in someway and that there was some consistency around these kind of things Consultation should be part of the process, but people who have studied whats attractive, whats useful, the boundary between functionality and art, if you like: aesthetics. Who know a lot more about it than the most of us. So we return to the power within expert knowledges of Beck, Giddens and Foucault but this time for those with a different knowledge, not about risks in their own right, but about the boundary between functionality and art. It might even be thought that the respondent is calling for designers to have a role in the provision of risk-management assets, rather than simply road engineers. What is clear is that there is a call for an interdisciplinary approach to the design of the urban environment, including its road signs and barriers and one that engages the local population to be part of the iterations of change. The call for consistency relates to the topic of order ability to interpret an environment by consistent cues respondent B relates, I like order up to a point. Theres a nice blend of order and not exactly disorder but more nature. But it emerges from respondents also to be a call for order of behaviours by participants in the city Respondent A says, I would want to conform. And keep things running smoothly. Ive no reason not to going on to suggest there is a strong moral obligation: Yes definitely. I would prefer to do the right thing each time. Foucaults Governmentality is featuring again here signs are largely inanimate and can conform to a schema people, though, must submit to behaviour patterns and the consequences of not behaving. There is implication in respondent As answer that others who do not conform will hamper things running smoothly and by extension will not be doing the right thing. Respondent B has similar willingness to 42

follow the guidance: to have this balance between traffic and pedestrians as comfortable as possible Im usually very happy to follow the guidance of the lights and so on. This posed the question of what was felt about people who did wish to be part of this moral order, and respondent C gives an indication about their classification when asked about feelings of current risks whilst standing in the middle of the traffic island outside Haymarket Station: OK. No problems Only time I probably have any acknowledgement with anybody would be at the corner here where you see a Big Issue seller. And he always asks you if you want to buy one. So just nod and thatd be it I just dont want to. Sort of know what its going to be used for as well. I dont think its going to be used for homelessness. I think itd going to be used for drink and drugs so. We see a return to story-telling here: the classic signs of a fable with its moral and big bad wolf attempting to disguise itself as sweet old granny. This hits on the pollutant of the other (Douglas, 1978) and blame (Douglas, 1994) that identification of others (those that threaten our boundaries our collective skin) is important in maintaining a generalised sense of hygiene or cleanliness. And by blaming used for drink and drugs our exclusionary actions towards the other can be justified as their fault. This sticking plaster protects us from their infection. The same respondent reiterates the unquantifiable danger of the other: Sometimes you see a couple of homeless people Im not saying homeless people are thingy, but sometimes they; they; you know Respondent A gives a sense of what might contribute to the non-conforming deviation, and what it represents: People just not taking care of the environment in which they live. There appears to be literally no respect for the environment and I guess its because theyre passing through it; it doesnt belong to them, you know. They can leave their rubbish behind and forget about it, you know; someone else can deal with it its important to me to keep the environment and put rubbish in my pockets and to take responsibility. So we return to the concept of ownership again but this time the implication is not literal ownership of a place, but feeling ownership of it: if this is not my place, then its 43

condition is not my issue. Also returning here is the theme of taking responsibility for actions. Whats more, the example is framed using rubbish as an example this links again with Douglass theories about the other, hygiene and pollution (Douglas, 1978). And it is borne out on the streets as an important part of assessment of urban risks. Respondent B says, Some people put their litter out the night before the collection, and so youve got rotting food and food debris all over the place, which could encourage rats and other vermin. Respondent A says of an attraction to The Drumsheugh/ Rothesay Terrace area of the West End that Theres no graffiti, theres no litter, theres no loitering. You know. Theres no evidence at all that I can see of trouble. You know. Theres not any evidence of it visually. So littering is here firmly linked with trouble and also graffiti and stasis: this may explain why Respondent Cs Big Issue seller and other homeless people are seen as more of a threat as people who are not moving. Respondent A says of Haymarket Station in contrast to the view of Rothesay Terrace Theres a lot of rubbish. It needs a tidy up. A lot of fag ends and papers and you know. The draw of the tidy is here evidenced again, even in a very busy functional environment. Respondent B reiterates appreciation of cleanliness in the city: Edinburghs a lovely city to live in. Its very attractive and clean. but the later emphatic response as a resident of the area supports the notion of ownership affecting attitude: Oh absolutely it detracts. I think one of the most unresolved issues for people living in the West End is to do with bin collections when the seagulls pierce open the black refuse sacks and litter goes all over the streets. It happens every Tuesday and Thursday where I am. And, they need to create either seagull proof bins or some other solution to it. Respondent C, whilst only commuting through the area, had also learned the rhythms of the rubbish its emergence and collection. In relation to a particular lone bag of rubbish, says: Hopefully they are going to be picked up tomorrow; they are going to be picked up today; and theyve been missed. You see? So, making it up, it looks unusual to put it on the gate like that; usually they just leave it at the end of the road; unless its getting a special pick-up? All respondents bring they into play again, and the resident respondent B illuminates who they is felt to be, in this case: 44

The Council I see them as being partners in the responsibility for looking after the street. I think as residents we have a responsibility as well around safety and security and well being for the people in the street. Responsibility and consultation (partners) return as themes here it appears from this local expert that it is the bin bags themselves that require stab vests. Of the environmental wardens: the resident is entirely unaware, despite their uncompromising uniform: Yes I would be surprised. The concept of patrol means presence and regularly moving through the area. I havent seen environmental wardens in the West End, unless they are travelling in plain clothes Well Ive definitely not seen them. The researcher was unable to accompany City of Edinburgh Environmental Wardens for further illumination. The emergence of the topic of graffiti alongside rubbish indicates the values placed on it by the respondents. Again, the resident respondent B appears to have the most investment in describing what it constitutes and what it means: It depends how you define graffiti If its spray paint or things written on with marker pens, I dont think theres a lot of evidence of that, other than, interestingly, written on to signs. But theres quite a lot of stickers and posters that could be seen as a form of graffiti. The photographic evidence of the study area supports the residents casual reference - in the third of a mile of Queensferry Street, there was very little graffiti, except on signs and their infrastructure, and of the types illustrated by Figure 15.

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Commercial

Political

Marker or Paint

Tagging

Stickers 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16

Figure 15 - Instance of graffiti on signs in Queensferry Street

It is interesting to note the concordance between a residents view of an area, and the quantitative analysis of it, since it tends to suggest that a residents perceptions might be trusted somewhat to reflect reality. This is a very significant finding for the partnership and consultation talked about within the study. But why is graffiti offensive? The resident respondent opines on why marker or paint seemed more offensive than stickers or posters: I cant rationalise it particularly, but I suppose putting a sticker on something is more neat and boundaried than writing with a marker pen or something. There is an affinity for neatness and order even in graffiti, and opines further: And I wonder whether youre imprinting part of your personality when you write with a pen whereas with a sticker its just a sort of generic as an act of graffiti, but its not really you, its something that represents a belief you have or youre being paid to do it, or something like that. I think I find written graffiti more offensive than stickers. So the differentiator is neither about ease of application nor removal it is deeper. The talk of boundaries and imprinting of personality accords again with Douglass (1978) theories of purity and danger the other (even the others personality) will break through any gaps in the boundaries. And again, a respondent links it to morals principles of right and wrong:

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I suspect thats more to do with my upbringing and the values that were instilled in me that that was just wrong. Respect, I think, for other peoples property. Not damaging something that doesnt belong to you maintaining your own boundaries; not trying to imprint your some part of yourself on something else, without permission or without consent. These kind of values are at the root of it. It could be argued that we are straying here into the fallout of Becks individualisation a vigorous defence of the right to be oneself unhampered by others but it is more than that, since the defence is also of other peoples property. There is a suggestion here of an individual posing some risk to a group of other people sharing a code of values of a community.

Community Chance
Edinburgh has evolved in the nature of its density. The original Old Town saw rich and poor living in proximity (The City of Edinburgh Council, 2005) (though generally with richer nearer the light of the top of tenements), whilst the New Town introduced segregation through a hierarchy of streets within a grid. Currently, the average price of homes throughout Edinburgh is higher than anywhere else in Scotland (Registers of Scotland, 2010), demonstrating its central gentrification. Sennett (1996) is concerned that this leads to Communities of Affluence with only capital wealth as a common bond. Respondent B the resident recognises this in stating that if youre not renting then you have to have reasonable income to afford them or the property would have to have been in your family I think. In this context, the subject of order and control re-emerged: I think its important wherever people are living together in a community, but theres a need for balance between freedom; to be individuals and to express yourself; to live the way you want to; and the responsibilities of living in a community But the alternative is potentially anarchy and that kind of chaos and I dont want to live in that environment. This demonstrates one of the defining characteristics of Sennetts Communities of Affluences: that unlike previous mixed-function, mixed-income, multi-generational communities; the contemporary affluent counterpart attempts to exorcise the disordered and the disorderly. Practiced only in living with order, the communal skill

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set for handling such human disorder disappears, and so authoritarian power structures are more likely to be invoked, like the police: I think if there was consistent frustrating behaviours. I mean from time to time theres noise at night, either from the back gardens or from the private gardens, and if that was consistent and was interfering with my quality of life, for instance, or I felt was threatening or something like that, that would be a good opportunity to contact the community police officer. This is potentially a self-compounded spiral of order and need for order. And when residents have lost the key to communication, there must be more signs to inform its members of the rules of order. This serves only to cause the previously benign to appear more threatening, and once again, the profile of risk in the urban landscape is raised through attempts at its mitigation. In some ways, it appears that the non-residents respondents experience more of a sense of transient community than the resident. Respondent A says of the safety of her forthcoming train journey Theres always good people on the train that would help you out probably, so I dont actually dwell on the thought of bad things happening. Respondent C the commuter agrees that he is involved in a community of commuters on his journey: Oh definitely, yeah a lot of people get off the train with me and walk down this way. We seem to have an unconscious race; to see who can get here first. A couple of ladies I think work at the tax office there and they go another way to me I think we subconsciously race each other to see who can get to the corner first. This idea of a subconscious community appears tempting, with its benefits of uncomplicated familiarity, but appears to fall-down at a basic-level: the respondent is asked whether they specifically acknowledge each other, replying No [giggle]. No. No. You notice if theyre not there. This somewhat fits in with the earlier proposition that part of the reason we blank signs is because they are always there: they are never lost, whereas we do notice the loss of people even co-commuters. But the respondent, once again, has created a simple soothing tale of explanation: A couple of weeks ago there was a lady that wasnt at the train station and when she gets to the station the train comes cause she leaves it to the very last minute. [She] wasnt there for a couple of weeks. So I thought she was on holiday.

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The final dispelling that this might form a transient community comes in the concluding phrase its very much dog eat dog I suppose and you get your head down and you get on with getting to work. The search for a level of community to dampen fears of the urban shadow is described by Ellin (2001) as seeking retribalisation, turning to nostalgia, and escapism. Crudely stated, giving the impression that things are small and more containable, looking to traditional values, and pretending. There is some evidence of this in William Street, Stafford Street and Alva Street in The West End, which is branding itself in script face as The West End Village (Figure 16) despite its location.

Figure 16 - Village green

This might be thought a somewhat cynical trading ploy, since the other signs do not concur with its metro-yokel aspirations. Where there is community, Alexander et al. (1978), introduces the notion that community and individuals can practically influence their own environment at a micro level to create richer texture and meaning than earlier modernist urban planning policies and aesthetics such as the brutalism of Le Corbusier. A Pattern Language is intended for stakeholder engagement and action, and this is still relevant even now

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here, as despite the particular kind of clarified community the resident respondent describes, there is still a repeated call for consultation in urban interventions. In any event, perhaps it is enough to aspire to be a community in order to act to improve the local environment. The resident respondent B indicated a sense of where the greatest community was felt: Theres not a great sense of community in our part of the West End. I dont know the neighbours. I suppose the most obvious sense of community is in the membership of the private gardens... Ive not participated in that most obvious part of community. The private gardens of the West End and much of Edinburgh form green space within the city that is accessible by only those paying an annual fee for keys. Respondents were probed about the ownership and restriction of access to these city spaces, and the responses surprised a little. The resident sees the ideal being that the gardens are open to all I think itd be nicer if it was open to the public. though both non-resident respondents see a clear role for the gardens as they stand respondent A: Its important if youre spending a lot of money on a home and it doesnt have a garden, its important I think that you have a place that you can go to. It would be important to me. It would be very important to me. I wouldnt buy a house without a garden. Whilst respondent C feels the exclusion is justified by virtue of its private upkeep: I can sort of understand that in this sort of area because I dont think you could walk through it anyway I think if its for key holders and they have to pay for it, and pay for it to be maintained, Im okay with that. Respondent B reflects on the benefits of private upkeep: What does come to mind about the private space is the fact that you pay for the keys and the payment for the keys pay for the upkeep of the garden. If they were public spaces, them presumably the council would have to take over the responsibility for them, and that would have to be paid in some other way. Presumably through local council tax.

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The researchers original framing of the private gardens as an abstraction from the pubic realm seems not to be supported in the feelings of users of the space, who each report it as an addition to their feeling of safety and well-being in the urban environment. This demonstrates that while many of the discourses of risk and urban environments occur through calculated conjecture and impartial measurement, at ground level the users form their opinion experientially, over time. In this regards, they are quite clearly the subject experts.

The Buzz Cut

The resident respondents desire for order seemed slightly at odds with high-density city centre living, and here was revealed the prize to be had for the price of potential disorder: I think theres a not so much chaos as the buzz of the city; the energy of the city; you know its partly to do with the culture. At the moment, were just about to head into the festival and the fringe festival and theres definitely an energy comes to life So yes there is an attraction to the chaos its life; the real life. This points to the qualities of a vibrant city its sense of promise of all available for one within its bounds, and this emerged the other respondents views of Edinburgh too: I think its quite a lively city everything you need to dos here. says respondent C (The Commuter), whilst respondent A (The Overnight Visitor), asked to describe their use of the word Cosmopolitan, responds Theres all nationalities; all types. Anything goes. Its busy This is very relevant for risk and its aestheticisation in the urban environment, since what the respondents are describing is partially the sense of possibilities in the city of the risk that things could happen spontaneously. If all that risk is engineered-out, obscured, or displaced then the cityscape loses its attraction. It is abandoned and becomes riskier. Respondent C, though, the commuter whilst espousing the value of a lively city indicated that [I] probably feel a little more threatened to be honest with you, just because its a bit more crowded. Respondent B adds: But theres also the down-side of that; you know, can be when things go too far and you get anti-social behaviour; you get drunkenness; you get potential violence;

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you get criminal behaviour theft and so on. So theres a tension again in between trying to allow freedom of expression and to keep things safe for the citizens. Again, all urban roads lead to risk and its manifestation, and the tripartite balance between peace, buzz, and danger.

Parking Spaces
An urban buzz is contributed to by its cocktail of uses and users, and much of the signage of the West End relates to the vehicle flows and parking for those users who choose to drive within the city. Examining the function of assets within the qualitative focus area (Appendix E Queensferry Street: Coding Top Keywords), of the 75 statutory markings relating to risk, a total of 52 were in relation to parking control or actual parking signs. Carmona et al. (2001) advocate measures for integrating parking successfully into the streetscene, amongst them that it needs to be Attractive by limiting its visual intrusion (use of landscaping and quality materials can successfully integrate on- and off-street parking) and Safe and secure. Significantly, the collateral clutter of the signage relating to parking is not discussed. Parking has not escaped the notice of the resident respondent B: The challenge around parking is to trying to contain it there are more people with cars possibly than there are spaces to park them. And one way of controlling that is to make it expensive to keep your car outside your house, so they limit that by curating parking permits. And then to try and reduce traffic in the city, the council charges fairly high rates for parking in parking bays I think of other cities where they dont have this level of organisation or control over the parking and it can be really chaotic. It Would Otherwise be Chaos theory again gives the council its mandate, and given the omnipresence of car parking within the study area, it may be thought surprising that Edinburgh City Councils own New Town Conservation Area Character Appraisal fails to give it any specific consideration, but does recognise the aesthetic impact of clutter: Street furniture and road markings can detract substantially from the public realm. Strong efforts should be made to reduce the clutter that currently exists and future proposals be guided by Edinburgh Standards for Streets.

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Where adequate evidence of original designs of kerbs, railings, lights and balconies exists, encouragement should continue to be given for their preservation and reinstatement. (The City of Edinburgh Council, 2005, p.29) The standard for streets referred to goes on to outline its aspiration for vehiclerelated paraphernalia under the title What We Want To Achieve For the Streets of Edinburgh and subtitle Good design: Traffic equipment and signs, together with their posts, supports, boxes and guard railings should be kept to the practical minimum. Carriageway markings, applied colours, traffic lines and signs, etc. should also be minimised while ensuring the aims of the Local Transport Strategy are met. (The City of Edinburgh Council, 2006, p.2) Again, conspicuous is the absence of specific mention of parking, and the inherent tension around traffic flow and parking versus reduction in signage is emphasised further by The Edinburgh Standards for Urban Design: It is necessary to: Identify and remove superfluous or redundant items. Reduce markings and signs to the statutory minimum. Locate signs on existing street furniture or buildings. Rationalise the number of poles. New development should consider signage, street lighting and street furniture as an important part of the detailed proposal. Removal of street clutter helps to reveal townscape and creates streets for people. At the same time street furniture and surface design can be used to emphasise and complement a building. (City of Edinburgh Council, 2003, p.45) The same document again pays scant attention to public on street parking except to state, well designed on street parking can be attractive, improve safety and security as well as help traffic calming. (City of Edinburgh Council, 2003, p.39) It is not explained how on street parking improves safety nor its attraction. It goes on to state that Adequate space should be allowed for tree planting to all parking areas, be they retail/ business parks, supermarkets or housing. This can be one of the 53

most successful devices for integrating parking into the urban landscape. (City of Edinburgh Council, 2003, p.38) Whilst the guidance is emphatic in its advocacy of tree planting in provision of private parking, there is no mention of tree-plantings benefits to public provision of on street parking. The lack of mention of public parking with regard to limitations on street signage and clutter, nor of its mention in relation to screening measures infers that public provision of parking and its enforcement are deemed exempt from the principles of good design. These discrepancies are confounded by declarations such as all too often, too many new developments lack and frequently new buildings pay little respect to whilst lacking references and attributions. This hints at paternalism and a flavour of dogma with the associated ambiguity between espousal and execution. Rouse may illuminate this language under his headings The Clamp of Reactivity: In theory we have a strategic plan-led system. In reality, it is the control team that rules the roost in many authorities (Rouse, 1999), and The Clamp of OverRegulation: Many planning authorities are equipped only to engage in a regulationist and oppositional relationship with the development industry. (Rouse, 1999) Again, the power of those who decide what is acceptable comes into play.

Conclusions
This Cam Era (Koskela, 2003) has seen a proliferation of electronic surveillance in the UK. It is possible, and certainly hinted at in the responses above, that further widespread proliferation may paradoxically lead to responsible citizens becoming unwilling to conform any more. Respondent B: Its where you cross the line from protection and safety to interference and intrusion. The feeling of encroaching camera surveillance can only be compounded by the significance of every invited surveillant agency within the study area declining to be subject to scrutiny. There may be some explanation in that what was requested of the agencies was to allow their agents to talk freely about their own feelings there was a possibility that they would be off-message. And yet, the fact remains that all of the organisations tasked with providing an appropriate response to risk in our urban environment made a very fearful judgement. It appears that these surveillant organisations have an over-imaginative sense of interference and intrusion (to 54

borrow respondent Bs phrase) when it comes to their own scrutiny. The overall message of this is that Lothian & Borders Police and City of Edinburgh Council each fear what might happen when something is recorded, even with safeguards of anonymity. It causes one to reflect on the power of recording, and whether it is justified on a day-to-day basis that similar recording are made of all the users of the urban environment in case one should offend. Surveying of the surveillants and their own human feelings requires a more pointed focus of investigation they have valuable insights that are being censored, ironically through fear. From the photographs of surveillance in action and tales of justification that respondents easily construct, it is easy to see how further growth of surveillance measures is enabled, to combat supposed risks. All the respondents were very conversant in the identification of risks, but when probed were metaphorically illiterate regarding of what those risks consisted and their actual (or even approximate) magnitude. This is dangerous, since in this state we can point to it and scream its name, but the prospect of the trauma of its encounter prevents us from conversing with it. We are happy to simply have risk moderated by application of another layer of signs and related paraphernalia another set of barriers, or elaborately signalled crossing, or more patrols. This paradox of urban risk that its identification might be part of the risk itself would be interesting to study further. Terrorists exploit this paradox well (maximum fear for least risk), and cause significant resources to be directed towards spurious possibilities. Despite the quantifiably high level of signs and infrastructure within the urban environment- in fact the research suggests because of the quantity, we fail to see the application of a further layer of risk management in the environment. Each of the respondents was accompanied through the West End for some time before being required to pause and reflect on their current signscape. In each case, there was surprise at the quantity, diversity and complexity of the signing infrastructure. It is time to break the magic circle secret of the invisibility of signs, and conduct further user-based research on why we dont see the signs but potentially still feel their effects. Community was a curious component of the research in its simultaneous draw and repulsion to respondents. This may ultimately be the enactment of Becks individuality and certainly appeared to confirm Sennetts theories around 55

communities of affluence. But perhaps that is not surprising in this study area, the demographic of which was easily surmised be each respondent walking through it. Still, one cannot help but detect that there was a desire for contact and recognition from and towards others even the fleeting eyes of commuters sharing the route to work each day. Perhaps it is the concept of community that needs to adapt to new ways of being in the city, for each of the respondents had neither practical nor conceptual issue with the large private gardens and the resultant exclusion. It may be that ultimately, this particular appropriation of urban space is a guilt-based issue manufactured by the researcher who holds keys to such an Edinburgh garden. The appropriation and control of other city spaces like The Exchange was very evident in the photography, with clear signs of their owners having metaphorically laid down their scent. This had not been reflected though in the tales of the respondents, one of who went to creative lengths to justify the private surveillance there. However, it may also be very significant that in each case, the respondents were either not familiar with that area or had spent little time there. In other words, it is possible that they had already rejected that space and its aesthetic cues of risk and control. The strongest thread that shimmered through each theme was about power: the power to watch, to reject scrutiny, to exclude, to form the codes of behaviour, to decide who erects what where; the power of knowledge; the mystical power of invisibility and the relative power of the citizen. Risk and its urban semiotics are inextricably linked to power.

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Appendicies A E

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Appendix A Map of Study Area

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Appendix B - Terminology
There are many terms used within this text that have wide dictionary or adopted definitions, and here are used to indicate the following meanings. Sign: Restricted here to mean a physical manifestation the appearance-of rather than a deeper meaning though not restricted to signboards and notices, but also to more oblique elements like a hole in the pavement or graffiti; roughly equivalent to Saussures (1913/ 1998) dyadic element signifiant (signifier/ signal depending upon translation). Semiotic: Mostly used here in a more generalised sense to mean visual indications, signification or symbolism. This includes the other element of Saussures dyad signifi (signified/ signification). It is not intended to mean the whole field of study of Semiotics/ Semiology with its inherent complexities and debates. Signage: A distinct tangible physical signboard, prepared notice, or other explicit visual message indicator; in common parlance, a street sign, hoarding, facia board, etc. Signscape: The collection/ system(s) of signage that surrounds us

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Appendix C Ownership Overlay

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Appendix D Queensferry Street: Ownership

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Appendix E Queensferry Street: Coding Top Keywords

COL: White COL: Black FCN: Statutory FRM: Metal non Ferrous COL: Yellow COL: Red FCN: Traffic Separation FRM: Pole STA: Good COL: Blue COL: Grey FCN: User Priority FRM: Signboard STA: Wear & Tear FCN: Commercial FCN: Parking Control FRM: Line or Paint FCN: Prohibition STA: Poor or Faded or Messy FRM: Plastic VBL: No DES: Traffic Lines FRM: Cabinet ICO: Prohibition Roundel - Negative FRM: Light Device FRM: Glass FRM: Paper or card COL: Silver or Chrome FCN: Parking Signs COL: Green VBL: At any time ORN: Historical or Ornate FRM: Wrought Iron FRM: Wood DES: Textured Surface FRM: Sticker VBL: No Loading ICO: Lines - Double FRM: Graffiti - Stickers FCN: Security STA: Highly Maintained DES: Railings or Walls ORN: Embellishments beyond form FRM: Bumps or Ridges FCN: Private ICO: Lines - Single STA: Signs of Tampering VBL: Mon - Fri FCN: Division of Private from Public DES: Traffic Light FRM: Bollard FRM: Stone ICO: Arrow ICO: Lines - Broken FCN: Waste Disposal FCN: Utility 95 88 75 67 59 58 48 44 42 42 38 36 36 35 35 32 32 31 29 29 29 26 25 24 24 24 22 21 20 19 17 17 15 15 15 15 15 15 14 13 12 12 12 11 11 11 10 10 10 9 9 9 9 9 8 8 VBL: FRM: VBL: FCN: FCN: ICO: COL: DES: DES: FRM: FCN: COL: FRM: FRM: COL: DES: FCN: FCN: ICO: VBL: FRM: DES: FCN: FCN: STA: FRM: COL: ICO: ICO: FRM: DES: FCN: VBL: DES: FCN: VBL: COL: DES: DES: DES: COL: FRM: FRM: VBL: DES: VBL: FRM: VBL: VBL: DES: FCN: ICO: 8.00-9.15am Ad-hoc sticker on other Asset 4.30-6.30pm None Navigation or Orientation Bicycle Gold or Brass Cycle lane or sign Bollard Post Spikes Public Transport Provision Orange Graffiti - Tagging Wall or Walls Cocktail To Let or Rent Sign Protection from Falls Promotion Prohibition Roundel - Positive BUS STOP Planting Pedestrian Crossing Box Illumination Historical Function Decrepit or Very Poor Graffiti - Marker or Paint Amber Bus Side View Caution Triangle Dramatic change in level Bus shelter Parks & Planting 8am-6.30pm No Entry Sign Navigation or Route Sign Mon-Sat Magenta Lamps or Lights Empty Commercial Premises Illuminated Bollard Greenery Graffiti - Political Graffiti - Commercial Zone Waste Bin wait Cobbles or Setts except buses To Let Surveillance Camera or Signs Surveillance Stripes - Red & White 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 8 7 7 7 7 7 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4

COL: colour DES: description FCN: function FRM: form ICO: iconography STA: state VBL: verbal

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Ordered by Attribute
COL: COL: COL: COL: COL: COL: COL: COL: COL: COL: COL: COL: COL: COL: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FCN: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: White Black Yellow Red Blue Grey Silver or Chrome Green Gold or Brass Orange Cocktail Amber Magenta Greenery Statutory Traffic Separation User Priority Commercial Parking Control Prohibition Security Private Division of Private from Public Waste Disposal Utility None Navigation or Orientation Public Transport Provision Protection from Falls Promotion Illumination Historical Function Parks & Planting Navigation or Route Sign Surveillance Parking Signs Metal non Ferrous Pole Signboard Line or Paint Plastic Cabinet Light Device Glass Paper or card Wrought Iron Wood Sticker Graffiti - Stickers Bumps or Ridges Bollard Stone Spikes Ad-hoc sticker on other Asset Graffiti - Tagging 95 88 59 58 42 38 21 19 8 7 6 5 5 5 75 48 36 35 32 31 13 11 10 8 8 8 8 7 6 6 6 6 5 5 4 20 67 44 36 32 29 25 24 24 22 15 15 15 14 11 9 9 7 8 7

FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: FRM: STA: STA: STA: STA: STA: STA: VBL: VBL: VBL: VBL: VBL: VBL: VBL: VBL: VBL: VBL: VBL: VBL: VBL: DES: DES: DES: DES: DES: DES: DES: DES: DES: DES: DES: DES: DES: DES: DES: ICO: ICO: ICO: ICO: ICO: ICO: ICO: ICO: ICO: ICO:

Wall or Walls Planting Graffiti - Marker or Paint Dramatic change in level Graffiti - Political Graffiti - Commercial Cobbles or Setts Good Wear & Tear Poor or Faded or Messy Highly Maintained Signs of Tampering Decrepit or Very Poor No At any time No Loading 8.00-9.15am 4.30-6.30pm Mon - Fri BUS STOP 8am-6.30pm Mon-Sat Zone wait except buses To Let Traffic Lines Textured Surface Railings or Walls Traffic Light Cycle lane or sign Bollard Post To Let or Rent Sign Pedestrian Crossing Box Bus shelter No Entry Sign Lamps or Lights Empty Commercial Premises Illuminated Bollard Waste Bin Surveillance Camera or Signs Prohibition Roundel - Negative Lines - Double Lines - Single Arrow Lines - Broken Bicycle Prohibition Roundel - Positive Bus Side View Caution Triangle Stripes - Red & White

6 6 6 5 5 5 4 42 35 29 12 10 6 29 17 15 8 8 10 6 5 5 4 4 4 4 26 15 12 9 8 7 6 6 5 5 5 5 5 4 4 24 15 11 9 9 8 6 5 5 4 17 12

ORN: Historical or Ornate ORN: Embellishments beyond form

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Appendix F Interview Transcripts

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Respondent A: Overnight Visitor

Q. Can I ask, first of all, do you understand that I am recording this interview and that Ill produce a transcript of it, and the recording itself will be disposed of? A. Yes, thats fine. Q. Can you tell me what youre doing through in Edinburgh today? A. Im through in Edinburgh visiting my brother. A pleasurable weekend. Q. Good. What are your thoughts about Edinburgh as a place? A. I like the city. Its a beautiful city. Had a good weekend; enjoyed eating out; and been to the cinema; and just generally relaxing. Its nice to come here and people watch. Its quite a cosmopolitan city. Q. Right, and what do you mean when you say cosmopolitan? A. Theres all nationalities; all types. Anything goes. Its busy and I dont know finish my sentence [laugh] Q. OK. Well were now walking through the area known as The West End; and does this meet your expectations of Edinburgh? A. Erm yes. Generally. I mean, yes. Youre walking along and sometimes its some of the windows are you know beautifully displayed, and others are a bit dilapidated. But generally speaking, no. Its a nice up-market area. Well kept and you know quite quiet; trouble free it appears. Q. Right. And how do you judge that? That its trouble free? A. Theres no graffiti, theres no litter, theres no loitering. You know. Theres no evidence at all that I can see of trouble. You know. Theres not any evidence of it visually. Q. OK. And do you feel safe walking through this area now? A. Yes, I do. Absolutely. Absolutely safe. I dont feel threatened in an way. Q. And you would do that on your own, as well? A. Oh yes absolutely. Q. Now. Have you ever visited the finance and commerce district? A. No. I havent no. Q. OK. And what about the river and the galleries? A. Not on this occasion I havent been, but I have in the past. Q. OK. And what are your thoughts about those? A. Yeah, they were lovely and again, well visited. You know, busy, and I enjoyed it. But again, it was a quick visit. It wasnt Id like to spend more time. Id like to, you know, go back, and do it again. 65

Q. Right, so you would want to return to both of these areas? A. Oh Yes. Definitely. Q. OK. And you mentioned there busy as well. Is that important to you in wanting to go to a place? A. Personally, Im a wide, open, spaces quiet type of person. A visit to a citys enough for me. But thats just a personal thing, and Ive never been to the Edinburgh Festival, and Id love to come but its all the people and the biz. I could only do it for a short time. Its not my thing. But as I say, thats just a personal person thing. Q. OK. And what is it about the people and the biz, as you say, that puts you off? A. I dont know. I think may be because I live a busy lifestyle and I just enjoy the quiet. I dont, you know. When I get time out, I dont want to be in a busy environment. I want to be in a calm, peaceful environment. You know, cities just dont do it for me. Id be inclined to go to the hills and climb or have a walk on a beach or something like that. So as I say, its just a personal thing. Q. OK. So what can you describe for me the difference then between that environment you enjoy and, say, what we are walking through right now, in the West End? A. Well this is peaceful and its quiet and its nice, but its residential, you know. And I think its a natural environment that I enjoy. I enjoy the sound of the sea, I enjoy the seagulls overhead, that kind of thing. Or just, you know, when youre up in the hills, its visually, you know. This is if I was living in a city, this would be the type of area that I would like to live in. You know, quieter, not much traffic, green, you know, green areas where you could go and sit, and be involved naturally. Q. Right. A. And yes, you know. This would be good if I was living in a city this would be the kind of area that I would like to live in. Q. Can I ask you then, because we are walking past private gardens here that are locked except to the residents. What do feel about that? A. Well I think its. Its important if youre spending a lot of money on a home and it doesnt have a garden, its important I think that you have a place that you can go to. It would be important to me. It would be very important to me. I wouldnt buy a house without a garden. Q. Right. So you see that as a substitute for the people living here? A. Yes if you were to have to live in a city, yes. Q. OK. And you would want that private space? A. Yes. Definitely, I would; I would want it. Q. OK thanks. And how much does the look of the place fit you, affect you, sorry?

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A. Affect me? Yes, as I said. Considering the things that I enjoy. This is not I would rather live out of the town; out of a city and travel than, you know, live in this environment. But its just a personal preference. I would struggle, personally to live in a city full-time. Q. Right. And can you describe that struggle for me? For instance, now, were just coming up to St Marys Cathedral the back of it; were going to walk through the path and can you describe to me the risks you feel here? A. The risks I feel? Q. Yes. A. From a safety point of view? Q. Yes. A. Well yes, I suppose walking through here at night, you know, might be a bit of a risky business. You know, because its dark and theres bushes and what not. Theres potential for somebody to be hiding and/ or attack or whatever, but I would probably have second thoughts about doing that in a city on my own at night. Having said that I walk on the beach at night, and never feel threatened where I live. Q. OK. So weve got that youre safe in one environment in the dark, but not another? A. Perhaps its because Im more uncomfortable in one environment and familiar with one environment than where I am at the moment. Q. Right. A. And I think thats possibly when Im at peace and comfortable with my living surroundings then Id be less likely to be threatened; to feel threatened; even if potentially threatened, you know. Even if, you know, theres not really anything to worry about probably be a bit irrational. Or maybe not, because, you dont know what people are capable of. But this, these surroundings are beautiful theyre unfamiliar and I think it would take me a wee while to get used to it. Q. Right. And can you tell me have you noticed as weve been walking any of the signs that weve walked past; and of the boxes on the street? A. No. I havent really noticed because weve been blethering. Q. And when youre walking through a city normally, do you notice that? Is it on your radar? A. Yeah sometimes. You mean street signs and Q. Yeah street signs; boxes A. Yeah yeah quite often. Yeah quite often I do. Especially if youre driving. Youd obviously need to but perhaps but if I was on my own Id probably need to notice a bit more, but if Im in mid-conversation with somebody or walking with somebody I might pay less attention.

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Q. Right. So, we are now coming over a pedestrian crossing. With the lights around me. Can you describe what you can see here the signs? A. Yeah. Theres no entry signs; theres directions for traffic; one way system; give way signs; street signs; parking; prohibited parking or you know, hours for parking during the week and at weekends. So theres a lot of signs and yeah. Q. And that having just looked now you looked a bit surprised at the when you looked around. A. Yeah well theres a lot of information if you take time to look for it about whats expected and required from the pedestrian and from the driver. Yes so theres a lot of information to be had from signs. Q. And you said whats required of both. Who do you perceive it being required by? Who is requiring you to do things? A. The government and the council I suppose. You know to keep order, you know, in the town, in this area. Q. And you feel because youre one of the targets there you feel OK with that? A. Yeah I would want to conform. And keep things running smoothly. Ive no reason not to. You know, unless Im desperate for a parking space [laugh] and hope that I would get away with parking somewhere illegally, but no Ive never really done that. Q. Right, so would you describe yourself as conformist in that way? A. Yes definitely. I would prefer to do the right thing. Q. Right. A. Each time. Q. Right. And what if you came across a sign that because weve got lots of tram works here at the moment; some of them are left over; theres some stuff thats not particularly relevant to you at the moment what would you do then if you came across a sign that didnt appear to make sense, but nevertheless you like to conform to it? A. Erm [pause]. Didnt make sense but Id like to conform to it; you mean its been left there by mistake? Q. Yeah. A. Erm [pause]. No I think if I knew it was left by mistake, you know that it was left over and that I would probably ignore it. Q. Aha. A. Aha. Because that would be a bit silly, to you know, aha. Specially if there was a potential parking space and I was in a hurry [laugh]. Q. So. Theres also loads of lines on the road here. What are the purpose of those lines? 68

A. Theres double yellows for no parking; theres yellows for give way; white lines for definite stopping; you know, to definitely stop. Q. These double red ones were passing now A. I dont know what they are I dont know what a double red is. We dont have them. Q. You dont have them? A. We dont have them in Glasgow. Certainly Ive not seen them in the town where I live. Q. Were just walking past a traffic cone in the middle of the pavement here. What do you perceive of that? A. I think its may be there by mistake. Q. OK. A. Or perhaps they keep I dont know. No I havent got a clue. I dont know why its there. Q. Would you have queried that if you were walking past it without me, or would you have even noticed it? A. I probably would. No. I probably would have noticed it. No. The unacceptable becomes acceptable after a while. If it sits there long enough, peoplell just get used to seeing it, and not really question it. Theyre not thinking about theyre not focussed all the time on road signs and bollards and things. There minds are on other things. You know thats not important particularly at times to them. Q. Yes. And were at the crossing. Were on these red bumpy bits here. Whats the deal with those then? A. Aha. I think its to keep you from the edge of the pavement where traffic can come quite close so I think its a deterrent to keep you back. Q. And you feel you need that? A. Possibly, yes. I think its red and maybe alerts people when their in midconversation or if its busy, it might draw their attention to the fact that they need to be careful. Q. OK. And theres bumps on it as well. A. Yeah. Well that again would be a [ pause] it would alert them underfoot. You know, they would be thinking what am I standing on and maybe start to pay attention to their environment and the traffic around them. Q. OK. And what does red, yellow, amber and green mean to you? A. Red means stop; amber means prepare to go; and green means go. Q. And what about yellow? A. [looking at yellow hash box on road junction] Im not really sure about yellow. 69

Q. And yet if we look to the side of us here, there are a lot of lines painted in yellow. A. Im not really I wouldnt know the exact reason for yellow. Q. OK. Whats the dominant colour of this street do you think [Haymarket]? A. Grey. Q. Really. Yeah? A. Because the buildings are mostly grey arent they? Q. Yep. OK. But now were standing outside Haymarket in front of us theres two policemen in fluorescent yellow, theres a coffee shop, bollards painted blue. A. Theres a lot of colours, yes. Q. Does that surprise you when you actually pause? A. And take a look? No, not really. Im quite accepting of the environment I dont have reason to question it particularly. If it was something very unusual I would probably think about it perhaps and ask questions, but theres nothing outstanding here. Theres nothing that would make me think Oh gosh this is different from at home or whatever. Q. What about these two policemen standing at the door to the station? A. Well theyve got their hi-vis jackets on. I suppose thats if anyone needs them in a hurry or to be seen by traffic or to catch the Q. Do you make anything of them just standing there just now. I mean its Sunday morning? A. Yeah I would wonder. I would probably question what are these guys doing here. Yeah on a Sunday morning. Whats why yeah. Q. Right. And you talked about graffiti and rubbish before as well. When you look round here A. Well theres no graffiti, but theres a lot of rubbish. It needs a tidy up. A lot of fag ends and papers and you know. Aha. Tickets people have dropped their tickets, and chewing gum stuck to the ground. Q. And what is it about that that is not acceptable for you? A. People just not taking care of the environment in which they live. There appears to be literally no respect for the environment and I guess its because theyre passing through it; it doesnt belong to them, you know. They can leave their rubbish behind and forget about it, you know; someone else can deal with it. Q. But thats not something that youd choose to do? A. Im sure Im guilty of it somewhere along the line, but I would like to think that its important to me to keep the environment, you know, and put rubbish in my pockets and to take responsibility.

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Q. Great. And now weve reached the station. Your going on the train now back home. Can you tell me about the risks on the forms of transport that you choose to use? Youre going on the train now; any risks you associate with that? A. I dont really think about it. I tend not to. To think about I mean there are always potential for things going wrong and accidents, etc, but its not something that I would gen.. would really think about. It might cross my mind momentarily, but not. I wouldnt dwell on it. I wouldnt think today Im taking a risk of getting on a train and its going to crash. Doesnt cross my mind. Q. And what about when you choose your seating in there then? A. Yes. Well Im always worried that I might sit beside some lunatic [laugh]. Q. So what do you do as you board? A. Well I do look. Im a wee bit selective about where I take my seat. I may be dont want to sit besides screaming children or old ladies that want to talk too much [laugh] or drunk people or you know, yes, so I would prefer to travel quietly; I would maybe look for a seat on my own. Q. OK. OK. Great. And what do you think it is because when I ask about risks you seem to be surprised. As though risks dont usually feature on your radar. What is it about you that you think stirs you away from thinking about that? A. I tend to I dont know whether its to do with.. I dont know. I dont Im not theres things that I worry about in my life, but these are not the things I worry about. I tend to treat the day as it comes and I dont know. I just Im not a worrier about my you know personal safety. I feel quite safe in my own country and I generally the people around me I dont go to areas where I know there could be trouble or I wouldnt travel on transport where I know there could be trouble. Ive never experienced any trouble, so Ive got nothing to compare it to. Ive always felt safe and comfortable and I know that perhaps the policeman outside the train station somehow subconsciously enforce that safety. You know, on the train, youve got your emergency stops and theres people patrolling, you know, the ticket man, etc. and theres always good people on the train that would help you out probably, so I dont actually dwell on the thought of bad things happening. Q. OK. Good. Well enjoy your journey. I notice that your train is leaving very shortly so Ive got loads more Id like to ask, but thank you very much for speaking to me. A. Good.

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Respondent B: Resident
Q. Can you verify for me today that you are OK with me recording our conversation- Ill be making a transcript of it and erasing the original so that you wont be identifiable. A. Im fine with that. Q. OK. So I understand you live in this area, The West End. A. Thats right. Q. What are your thoughts about Edinburgh in general? A. Edinburghs a lovely city to live in. Its very attractive and clean. Quite compact, so almost every wheres walkable in the city centre. Q. And is that important to you? A. Absolutely, yeah. To get around and to get from A to B without too much fuss and without having to sit in traffic, or spend a while in traffic jams or on public transport for long periods of time. Q. OK. And in Edinburgh do you perceive that as a particular problem traffic? A. Well I think with the tram works at the moment its a bit of a problem in that even journeys on the bus are delayed, and certainly trying to get around by cars a problem but compared to some other cities, its not as much of a problem, I think. Q. OK. So at the moment, the traffics passing us were on Palmerston Place here. Traffic coming out of the junction now. Its Sunday morning. Whats your assessment of this now? A. Traffic; parked traffic; or parked cars heres heavy but thats because of The Cathedral and people going to worship. Otherwise, traffics light. Q. OK. Now you are a resident of the West End. Can you tell me your thoughts about this area in particular? A. This is a really nice area, I think. The terraces of town houses and the gardens in the centre. Its quite green. Its well maintained. And theres a feeling of peace about the place on Sunday morning particularly. Q. Right and you think that that feeling of peach exists at other times as well? A. No I think if you came back tomorrow morning at eight oclock it would be very busy with queues of traffic waiting to turn in to the main roads and many people on the way to work to and from the station. Q. OK. And you mentioned there the gardens, but what Ive noticed about the gardens is you need keys to get into them in the main? A. I think thats true. I think in most of the gardens in the West End are private, but you can still enjoy the fact the trees are then and I suppose some kind of wildlife and pleasant view. 72

Q. Right so you actually appreciate the existence of the private gardens? A. I think itd be nicer if it was open to the public, but I think yes, theyre nice. Q. Okay, and as a resident of the West End, do you have access to one of the gardens are you a key holder? A. I do I have keys to gardens close to where I stay. Q. And you say itd be nice if they were open to everyone does that apply to your own garden? A. I think there are pros and cons for that: at the moment theres very little trouble with vandalism or people disrespecting the plants and trees and so on. One anticipates if it was a public garden there might be more problems. On the other hand, more people would have what are clearly attractive areas in the city that are currently closed off to them. So I dont think its black and white. Q. Okay. So staying in that grey area. You are talking about what the public spaces mean to you versus the private. And it sounds as though you are describing order in the private spaces thats not in the public? A. Erm thats an interesting question. I suppose thats one way of looking at it, but yeah. I havent framed it that way before in my head. Q. Right well do you want to comment on it now? A. [laugh] Erm I mean what does come to mind about the private space is the fact that you pay for the keys and the payment for the keys pay for the upkeep of the garden. If they were public spaces, them presumably the council would have to take over the responsibility for them, and that would have to be paid in some other way. Presumably through local council tax. Q. Would you object to that? A. I wouldnt object to it, but Ive got a reasonable income and dont have to panic too much about slight increase in council tax, but I suspect it might cause hardship for other people. Q. Right. Erm and you mention income there, and obviously I dont want to discuss details of your income, but do you think that this area you talk about people being able to afford the gardens does this area have to you particular connotations around income? A. Yes I think this is a with property prices here, if youre not renting then you have to have reasonable income to afford them or the property would have to have been in your family I think. So, yes. Q. OK. So focusing on that desirability of the area, what do you feel makes it to you so desirable? A. Well I think things like privacy, safety, erm, the convenience of being right in the city centre as I mentioned before, the lack of density theres plenty of space despite the fact that the houses are often or mostly divided into flats, its still a

73

feeling of space and privacy. And though its in the city centre, theres still a feeling of peace. Q. OK. And I notice youve mentioned the proximity to the city centre is that important to you? A. Yes it is, in terms of I wanted to be close to work so I didnt have a long commuting journey to work, and also close to places to eat and shop, and to the main arterial routes out of the city to the main stations. Q. Right. And yet, I perceive this as slight away from what many tourists would consider the city centre of Edinburgh? A. Yeah its I think its both close and far away in that sense. Its probably not on the tourist trail in fact its not on the tourist trail particularly, but it is close to the main shopping streets, and as I said the stations as well. So its kind of tuckedaway and yet very accessible. Q. OK. Talk about the accessibility and the desirability then. Which particular elements of the street here would you point to as being desirable? A. I think at the moment, if we just look around weve got gardens to one side again with mature trees; lots of greenery; the feeling maybe of some wildlife, and peaceful rustle of the leaves and so on. On the other side of the street, weve got a series of townhouses, probably almost certainly flats now. Well kept-up and the streets on a Sunday morning are not particularly busy. I can hear a bit of traffic, but its not particularly busy. And, you know, I look further afield, and theres more mature trees down at the bottom of the road erm a gentle slope. Theres a feeling of order. Q. Order? OK. And is that important to you the order? A. I like order, yeah. I think er up to a point. Theres a nice blend of order and not exactly disorder but more nature. Q. And talking about that, what I see here if we just stop for a moment, is quite a bit of litter there on the road; I see a sign thats got stickers on it; a street sign with stickers on it and so on; and various other signs and parking weve got a parking meter here as well. Is that something when I asked you to describe the environment, you did not include those. Why was that? A. No. I guess unless Im driving Im not particularly aware of signs and so part of my brains blanking them out for me. Youve pointed out the litter now, and its unpleasant. Theres a kind of burst carrier bag with some things around it. But Im looking further afield and I dont see much litter. Maybe one of two pieces, this is not a messy or dirty street. Q. And litter to you is that an issue? Does that detract? A. Oh absolutely it detracts. I think one of the most unresolved issues for people living in the West End is to do with bin collections when the seagulls pierce open the black refuse sacks and litter goes all over the streets. It happens every Tuesday and Thursday where I am. And, they need to create either seagull proof bins or some other solution to it.

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Q. OK. And there you mention they who is they? A. The Council. Q. Right do you see them as being the custodian of your street? A. I see them as being partners in the responsibility for looking after the street. I think as residents we have a responsibility as well around safety and security and well-being for the people in the street. Q. And talking of partners here. You can see that their presence here The Councils appears to me to be quite heavy in that now weve got some barriers that are separating us from the traffic, a salt store there, theres some fluorescent beacons, various other signs in the street; weve even got one here a pole what do you think about this pole? A. It looks like theres been a sign on it at one time, and not any more. Q. Have you ever noticed that before? A. Never. Q. What about the other aspects Ive just described the barriers and so on? A. I can see the point of the barriers as were at a very sharp bend where you cant see the traffic, and its a reasonable broad road, so.. Q. So what is that point? A. The point is they dont want people to cross the road here because theyre not able to ascertain the risk of getting knocked down. Q. Right and how do you assess then where other people are able to make that judegment or not? A. Erm. How do I assess it? Q. Yes. A. Or how does one assess it? Q. How do you assess it you just said people arent able to. Whats made you come to the judgement that people arent able to cross here? A. Well my assessment is that it wouldnt be safe for me to cross, and maybe people who are less aware, and maybe children for instance, wouldnt be able to make that judgement call and might try to cross and get knocked down. Q. OK. And do you find the barriers themselves pleasant? A. No [chuckle] theyre pretty unpleasant. 1960s style or 70s style heavy metal poles cheap concreted into the ground. Q. Right so what do you feel about that then? It feels as though theres a price to pay for their safety? A. No I think there might be a price to pay for it being aesthetically pleasing. 75

Q. OK so youd prefer it to be? A. I think theres ways to make that more attractive. Those barriers but at a cost. Q. Right and youve already mentioned the wealth of the citizens round here. It sounds as though the cost could be afforded, but its not been expended. Why do you perceive that being? A. I dont know the answer to that. I presume people in the houses round here will pay a higher council tax banding one might argue that er some of that should go on the environment in the West End, which is maybe a bit more expensive to keep attractive. But then theres going to be multiple calls for [interrupt by tourist asking directions to nearby Scottish Gallery of Modern Art] Q. OK. So we were interrupted then by a tourist with a foreign accent asking directions for the modern art gallery. Now you previously said this isnt a tourist area? A. Well weve walked out of the West End really moving into the gallery area. Q. OK. So you dont consider the galleries as the West End. A. Well theyre on the periphery of the West End, possibly. Q. Right isnt the way to them through the West End? A. Yes it is yes unless youre coming in from the West of the city, yes. Most tourists will come in this direction. I think what Im trying to say is that there is a very narrow corridor through the West End to reach the galleries, so the West End itself is not a tourist area, but perhaps serves as a corridor to get to the galleries. Q. OK. And what we just saw then was someone asking for directions to the modern art gallery, which now I look around, and I dont see any indication to it. What are your thoughts about that? A. I think its quite interesting now youve drawn my attention to it. I can see signs to lots of other things: to a hotel; to the Dean Gallery; signs to tell us which road were on; signs that tell us theres a bend in the road; and theres a dead-end; and coaches are not allowed to go down this hill; and so on but I cant see a sign to something which is a major tourist attraction. Q. Right. And speaking then, you kept saying tell us; tells us; tell us the signs tells us this, that and the other. Do you see that as the main function of signs then? A. Yes- I think they are there for information. Q. OK. What kind of information do you want from signs? A. Directions to get somewhere; navigations then I suppose. And warnings where there might be some danger. Q. OK. And how do you going in to that danger side of things, what kind of dangers do you want warning about? 76

A. I think particularly in the city, you need to be aware of traffic which obviously man people die or are injured every year in road traffic accidents so there might be some help in understanding that in understanding what the dangers of traffic are. Q. Can I just ask you there where you get your information about all these deaths in the city? A. In the newspapers, I dont know whether the deaths are happening in the city, or on motorways, or erm major roads. Pedestrians are certainly knocked down and sometimes you see signs erm well occasionally Ive seen signs where theres a traffic black spot or a danger area. Q. In the West End? A. Ive not see it in the West End of Edinburgh. No. Q. Right. So you use that as the reason why the signs were there, but you said theres not you personally had not experienced any injury or danger thats been enacted in The West End? But you still see a role for signs here that warn you of dangers? A. Maybe not so much warn of dangers, but try to minimise dangers, so the sign we just looked at there which is warning of a sharp bend in the road. Were on foot at the moment, but if I was driving that would be helpful. Q. OK. And we are on foot, and we can see that sign. What use is it to us? A. Not much use on foot. Q. So we now find ourselves at the Dean Gallery. Sitting in front of it here. Do you use this facility as a resident? A. Yes Ive been here a few times and its an attractive place to visit. Q. You talk about an attractive place; what makes that attractive? A. The thing I like about it is the presence of the buildings; theyre very solid quite dramatic; the pillars and the sandstone; the natural stone. Its very present, and its got this grand lawn in front of it surrounded by mature limes all the way around. You know, its just got the feeling of, of, a large space in the city open space; you can see sky; you can see clouds. Q. Is that important to you? A. Yeah it is important. I think what you give up by living in the city; or what you can give up is the are the skyscapes and the greenery and the wildlife and just he openness of the countryside. So having green spaces in the city is important to me. Q. Thanks. And I notice that in front of us theres a large boards that says in lights There Will Be No Miracles Here. What are you making of that? A. I think its a humours artistic piece. Erm. I dont know I cant work out why its humours to me. Its just such a I suppose its off-setting the idea of having a miracle anywhere is unusual, but to state there will be no miracles is just so out 77

of place, isnt it? Its ironic. And its also got the look of an old-fashioned revivalist mission sign or something like that, and its actually saying the opposite of what you might expect to be heard in a revival tent. So yeah its a nice, dramatic, amusing piece of art. Q. It sounds as though youre enjoying it? A. Yeah I like it. Q. And is that the case with artworks round here? A. Yeah I think so. Just across the road is the modern art gallery and its got artworks in the grounds, in fact quite a large landscape artwork as well, and its quite inspiring. Q. What is inspiring about it? A. I think its the consideration given to the residents and the city. You have this wealth of art here and the fact that its been invested in; that structures have been built; and the art purchased; and its then available for public consumption. And unless theyve got exhibitions on, the artworks are free to enjoy. I mean, just looking around at the moment, there are various folk wandering around taking in what we can see in front of us. So theres a sense of community and participation. Erm its just here. Q. Right is there any difference then between this stuff which is available, but they lock the gates in the evening, whereas theres other feature on the street like the statue in Shandwick Place and so on A. Its funny thats what I was thinking of as you were talking. The Shandwick Place statue and other statues that I can think of not too far away from that Q. Which other ones? A. Theres one in the middle of the road, just down from Shandwick Place Melville Street I think. Erm and then of course theres other public art that you can see from the street like the Scott Monument and over in Calton Hill. Yeah and thats an interesting question because I think well I havent actually looked upon that artwork as artwork, and maybe the setting here of maybe it being in an art gallery or a museum of art gives it a cache that it doesnt have when its just on the street and available. Q. Ahem. And also it seems to me that you were describing certain features that you enjoyed here and one of the things I heard come through was something about humour and placement. It seemed light to me you were using complex terms but it seemed quite light. You enjoyed this do you enjoy the other? A. The artwork on the street if you like the statues? No I dont think I would say that I enjoy that. In fact, its probably that its not in my consciousness as Im moving through the streets. Q. Why, thinking about it now, can you offer me any reasons for that? A. Familiarity I think. I think the fact that I pass by it so often, it just becomes part of a landscape Im familiar to, and I dont see it as different. Whereas if Im coming 78

here, I have to make the effort to come here. It becomes a place to visit on its own merit, so if I saw the statue in the street as a place to visit then I think it would be in my consciousness, but its not. Its a I pass it by on my way from A to B. Q. Yeah and in terms of that, you talk about familiarity. If I asked you to describe that statue on Melville Street A. Oh. No. I think its a man; I think its bronze; and I think its probably Victorian and I think thats about as much as I could say. Q. Right, so you are familiar with it A. Oh no hang on. I think the one in Melville Street. Yeah. No. I think thats the Melville Street ones like that, yeah. Q. You talk about being familiar with it; now Ive asked that and to describe it, its quite a vague description? A. Yeah I think familiar in the sense of its placement. Im familiar that its that theres a statue there but Im not familiar with the statue itself. Q. Right. OK. A. I might make a guess that it maybe of Melville being in Melville Street? Q. Ahem. I couldnt tell you Im afraid. So thinking about that placement of items on the street, there are an awful lot of signs around The West End. Which of those are there any of those that you particularly remember or stand out or clusters of signs? A. The only ones that as you talk come to mind are the diversion signs for the tram works on yellow often on yellow metal signs, stuck in awkward places; and the other sign that comes to mind when I think about the West End its not really a sign; its more of a label is the stations sign Haymarket Station above the station entrance. Q. OK. Why would you differentiate that as a label than a sign? A. I dont know I suppose Im thinking of a sign as pointing towards something or but it doesnt really make much sense because its a it is a sign. Its a name on a sign. Yeah. Q. So. Also in the streetscape here, theres a lot of lines painted on the roads as well. What are the purpose of those lines then? A. Its mostly to do with parking. On the side of the kerb tells us whether weve got residents parking, permit parking, restricted parking or no parking. Q. Right and it does seem to be very wide in the area were talking about have you got any thoughts about the parking? A. I think erm, the challenge around parking is to trying to contain it. Erm there are more people with cars possibly than there are spaces to park them. And one way of controlling that is to make it expensive to keep your car outside your house, so they limit that by curating parking permits. And then to try and reduce 79

traffic in the city, the council charges fairly high rates for parking in parking bays, and I suppose its also an income earner for them. So they are trying to create I think theyve got a difficult job of trying to have a balance between accessibility and not getting cluttered up. I think of other cities where they dont have this level of organisation or control over the parking and it can be really chaotic. Q. OK. So you bring up the issue of chaos; that again youve already talked about order, and then you talked about control of the parking. Do you see that as something that is important to the city these elements: order; avoiding chaos; and control? A. I think its important wherever people are living together in a community, but theres a need for balance between freedom; to be individuals and to express yourself; to live the way you want to; and the responsibilities of living in a community. And theres often tension between those and some of what were talking about just now is trying to resolve that tension or at least erm, structure it and I suppose various people would argue that they dont always get the balance right. But the alternative is potentially anarchy and that kind of chaos and I dont want to live in that environment. Q. OK. You dont want to live in anarchy, but you have chosen to live in a city centre environment. So what that is perhaps some people might say less ordered than elsewhere. So what balance is that for you? What is the draw of the city? A. Erm the same issues I have before. The same themes, which are accessibility, close to transport routes, culturally you know being able to go to the cinema and occasionally the theatre; erm Q. And there is nothing around the what you call chaos there that is a draw to you at all? A. I think theres a not so much chaos as the buzz of the city; the energy of the city; you know its partly to do with the culture. At the moment, were just about to head into the festival and the fringe festival and theres definitely an energy comes to life; and like everything its not; I couldnt say thats a positive thing all the time; theres positives and negatives around it. So yes there is an attraction to the chaos its life; the real life; but theres also the down-side of that; you know, can be when things go too far and you get anti-social behaviour; you get drunkenness; you get potential violence; you get criminal behaviour theft and so on. So theres a tension again in between trying to allow freedom of expression and to keep things safe for the citizens. Q. And do you think that that you have you are living in an area that has got the balance right? A. Yeah I think that . It for me, it feels that way. In the West End. I think its certainly the part I live in the certainly is that balance is probably about right. Q. So are there any elements of it that you would improve? A. Litter collection. I dont know what I would do to, to, solve that problem, but I think that probably is a its probably a public health issue as well. Some people

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put there litter out the night before the collection, and so youve got rotting food and food debris all over the place, which could encourage rats and other vermin. Q. What measures do you see the council taking against that? A. Ive not seen much. Q. OK. Have you noticed anyone hanging about it relation to it? A. No. Q. Would you be surprised then if I said that environmental wardens patrol this area? A. Yes I would be surprised. The concept of patrol means presence and regularly moving through the area. I havent seen environmental wardens in the West End, unless they are travelling in plain clothes. Q. Right. They travel in orange fluorescent jackets. A. Well Ive definitely not seen them. Q. Right. So you touched upon order there and signs on the street. What I dont see around us here [Dean Gallery] is any graffiti. A. Theres no graffiti at all. Q. Can you think of any in the West End area where you live? A. Theres graffiti in our common stairwell. Thats the only graffiti I can think of. Q. OK. Well.. A. It depends how you define graffiti actually. If its spray paint or things written on with marker pens, I dont think theres a lot of evidence of that, other than, interestingly, written on to signs. But theres quite a lot of stickers and posters that could be seen as a form of graffiti. Q. And what how would you make the distinction there? You are making a distinction whats the difference? A. I cant rationalise it particularly, but I suppose putting a sticker on something is more neat and boundaried than writing with a marker pen or something. And I wonder whether youre imprinting part of your personality when you write with a pen whereas with a sticker its just a sort of generic as an act of graffiti, but its not really you, its something that represents a belief you have or youre being paid to do it, or something like that. Q. And is do you hold each to be different in value to you? Is there a A. I think I find written graffiti more offensive than stickers. Q. Why is it offensive? A. I suspect thats more to do with my upbringing and the values that were instilled in my that that was just wrong.

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Q. What values were instilled in you that cause it to be wrong for you? A. Respect, I think, for other peoples property. Not damaging something that doesnt belong to you. Erm maintaining your own boundaries; not trying to imprint your some part of yourself on something else, without permission or without consent. These kind of values are at the root of it. Q. And how does that differ for you from, for instance, weve just had an election a general election with all those signs about and people putting stuff in their windows, which appeared to be about themselves A. I think if its your window if somebody came and put something in my window then I would have something to say about it. They dont have my consent. Q. OK and what about the political parties that did put the signs all over this area? And streets signs. A. Thats tolerated isnt it? As part of an election, and these signs will be taken down after the election. For the most part after the election has happened. I dont think any of them are still remaining. Q. Why do you think its tolerated? A. Experience. You grown up with that. Every five years every four and a bit years your have an election and this happens and you accept it its been normalised. Q. OK. And yet graffiti youve grown up with it. Its there. You have experience of it. Its normalised? A. Theres a disapproval of graffiti. Its given a theres a stigma attached to it, which there isnt attached to official signs or even temporary signs, and certainly for political purposes. In general I suppose an election is seen as a positive opportunity for people to participate in the future or in decision making in legislation, and they dont have that with graffiti. Q. So talking about proliferation of signs and so on, would you be surprised then if I said that I had photographed the area of the West End here and Id found around about 5,000 signs around this area. A. I think thats an astonishing number. Absolutely astonishing. And I suppose the first question that comes to my mind is why do we need 5,000 signs? Q. Right. A. Whats the evidence my background is in science so Id be saying whats the evidence that that makes a difference? You asked me a question earlier about he barriers and so on, and Ive no idea whether the barrier at the corner where you cant see the traffic coming actually does make a difference or not. It would be interesting to know whether they did some assessment or study of that before they put the barrier up, or whether they did it on grounds of common sense or of a policy on crossing the road at corners. Q. Right and what was interesting to me about that when we talked about the barrier was what you were very certain of and felt you had evidence for was that aesthetically you did not like it 82

A. Um Ive probably got my own evidence. I mean just looking, were still at the gallery and Im just looking at the rail down the stairs onto the lawn, and its not that different in terms of its dimensions from the barrier we looked at onto the street, but its much more aesthetically attractive. The poles, the struts that support the poles are fashioned in an attractive way and the handrail is curved at the end, which gives it a sense of being finished. Now, you can imagine it wouldnt be expensive to create barriers like that that you could turn out in a large amount made from traditional barrier materials. It would just give it that extra something that would be attractive. But thats so personal. Somebody else might think that that looked old fashioned and unattractive. Q. So who should make the decisions? A. [laugh] Well, youd like to think itd be people who know something in who might be considered experts in aesthetics. Who had surveyed the local population in someway so that there was some kind of consultation process as well , that fed in to it. And that there was some consistency around these kind of things. So I suppose if we had a policy on that. Q. OK. So consultation? A. Consultation should be part of the process, but I think also there will be people who have studied whats attractive, whats useful, the boundary between functionality and art, if you like: aesthetics. Who know a lot more about it than the most of us, and Id be quite happy for them to make decisions on my behalf, but in consultation with the local population. Q. Right. And on that subject of aesthetics, the road signs themselves: are they aesthetically pleasing to you? A. I dont I blank a lot of them out, but when you draw my attention to them on the way here, I guess a lot of them arent. They dont seem to be consistent. You pointed out to me a pole with nothing on it, and then youll find another pole with three or four things on it. Erm some of them are very intrusive. In the West End, theres a big sign its just come to mind that you kind of walk under it on Queensferry Street, and its really for the size of the pavement its a massive sign. Its very in your face, so you wonder whether these decisions are made with appropriate consultation. Q. And what do you attribute the size of the sign to: why does it need to be so big? A. I dont know. I think its a traffic, its a direction sign and so its got, its got the road layout pointing out where the different parts of the road divide up go to, so I suppose it has to be a certain size so you can get the names in in big enough print for people to read. But it does seem more should be better on a motorway than a urban pedestrianised its not pedestrianised but you know, where theres a pavement. Q. And which people do you perceive as reading that sign? A. Motorists.

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Q. Right and in the West End what is the interaction between the motorists and the foot passengers you talk about enjoying being able to walk around the city what kind of interactions do you have with those motorists? A. Wait on them a lot. Traffic lights at pedestrian crossings. Waiting. Just go back to Queensferry Street its a busy street. Its one of the main aerterial routes into the city centre and it just in the short distance from Dean Bridge upto Princes Street youve got to cross a couple of busy junctions, and quite a delay waiting for motorists. Q. Is your feeling then that one gets the priority over the other? A. [long pause] I think Queensferry Street is is the balance is in favour of the motorist. Q. Are there other streets then that you feel the balance is elsewhere? A. Yeah - I think the streets that have been mostly pedestrianised, for instance. The balance is in favour of the pedestrian. Q. OK can you think of any examples of that in the West End? A. Yeah it was kind of veering into the city centre, but Castle Street is largely pedestrian. Theres a little bit of traffic to allow for access to the shops and so on, but no sense of it being a traffic street. Its definitely given over to pedestrians. I suppose the streets which dont have through-routes have that quiet feeling to them, where the pedestrian. And the more residential streets the traffic restrictions and the erm mean theres not much traffic and I suppose theyre not an aerterial route so the pedestrian feels King there. Q. Right and thats an interesting term King because kings have power. Do you feel that this is a power play? A. Well maybe part of me does, since Ive used the term. I do I get frustrated on both counts. I get frustrated as a pedestrian at the insensitivity of some motorists who travel far too fast or not at all aware of noise pollution; and as a motorist I can frustrated with pedestrians who put themselves at risk taking risks by crossing when the lights are not in their favour, and who show no concern if they start to cross and your in moving out of busy traffic that is likely to hit you if you dont keep moving, and they are in your way. And theres its almost like theres a chicken game goes on with some people particularly young people as if there is a power struggle then. I dont think Im aware of a power struggle particularly. Q. So what effect does that have then, you know you describe someone walking in front of you obviously to your mind making a power play? A. I feel angry at it at the time I feel quite acute anger. I dont think Im particularly prone to road rage, but I feel very frustrated when someones putting their life and not just their life but you know, if you are, if youve made a decision to turn, youve got a certain amount of time to get out of the traffic flow before someone hits you, and someone at that point decides to step off the kerb and almost put out a challenge. And even if you beep the horn your get either no response or an abusive response. So I feel angry when that happens; frustrated. 84

Q. Right. And do you have any solutions? A. Well I could carry a shot gun. I suppose one solution is to accept that it happens, and to try not to be frustrated, and also to plan when Im turning out when Im having to cross a flow of traffic to turn into another street, is to accept that anything could happen with the pedestrians that are currently standing on the edge of the pavement, and to plan accordingly. Q. And you mentioned there people stepping off when lights werent in their favour I think you said there do you not do that? A. I make a judgement about I do do that but I wouldnt obstruct another car; I wouldnt obstruct a car coming towards me. I suppose I was taught to be frightened of the traffic when I was small, and therefore I do tend to hurry and if the lights are not in my favour, I accept I shouldnt be on the road, and I dont, I think, a lot of pedestrians think well, the pedestrian has priority in every situation. Q. And given these rights to be in a place, where do you see your right to be in the street? A. Well I think I accept when Im on foot that the reason we have traffic lights and pedestrian crossings is to allow to have this balance between traffic and pedestrians as comfortable as possible, and therefore Im quite Im usually very happy to follow the guidance of the lights and so on. Q. Where do you see your right to be in the streetscape? Where are you entitled to be by right? A. [long pause] I dont know its not as sim I dont know. I dont have a concept of my rights in the streetscape. Its a reaaly difficult question. If Im driving I think the laws much firmer with you as a driver than it is with you as a pedestrian. I dont hear of people getting prosecuted for jay-walking in this country, and so it happens all the time. I think more in terms of my responsibility I think more than my right I think thats the truth I dont have a sense of rights particularly. Its not well constructed if its there. But I do have a sense of responsibility. Im responsible for keeping myself safe from crazy motorists or crazy pedestrians or people with umberellas, or children that are not being looked after, or people running, or cyclists I think you have to watch out for yourself. So Im aware its my responsibility to keep an eye out for myself, and to be reasonably vigilant. Not to the point of being frightened. Q. And talking about vigilance: well, were sitting here - youve described what I hear you say is that it is a very pleasant place to be, this and yet there are at least one camera watching us that I can see I think two, I can see. Whats your thoughts on that? A. I didnt notice. Now that youve just pointed it out. I suppose Im slightly uncomfortable. I think judging, there not actually watching us Q. So does that make a difference? A. I think Id be less comfortable if it was pointing to us at the moment, but yeah Im uncomfortable with cameras being around, because it feels like a bit of an infringement. Its back to this balance between you know complete freedom 85

and safeguards. And these cameras are I presume to do with security of the museum and its contents the artwork inside it. Q. And I cant speak for the cameras, but you said you presume its to do with the security of the museum and its contents: so thats a price , is it? A. Yeah I suppose theres arguments over a price worth paying. I dont know what the evidence is that these cameras make a difference. You would presume just on grounds of common sense that anyones wanting to damage or to steal would think twice if they are going to be photographed doing it, but I dont know whether or not that common sense approach is mirrored in evidence. Q. Right so if you do presume that that that is the rationale for them being here you would be happy for the street that you live on to acquire a camera then? A. No because there are limits as to what Im comfortable with and Im not comfortable with that. I mean, you could be the extreme would be that you have a camera in your house to monitor your behaviour and in case of criminal or dangerous behaviours, and Im not comfortable with that either, so. Q. So can you desribe that discomfort for me? A. Well its intruding in my personal space and I have a right as an individual to a certain amount of autonomy, even in a city. And privacy without interference from The State. So where it becomes where you cross the line from protection and safety to inteference and intrusion is where the argument is going to lie; where the debates going to be had, and you asked me two examples well I gave you an example of the camera in the house and youve given me a suggestion of a camera on the street, and neither of these I think is something Id be prepared to tolerate. Q. And are you prepared to tolerate a police officer on your street?0 A. [long pause] I dont know that I would actually. I think that if there were a series of house-breakings or assaults or muggings in the street then yes the answer to that is yes. And then you might be able to youd be almost thinking well a camera might not be a bad idea either. We dont have that at the moment. So I dont want a police officer in the street. My street. We dont need it and we dont need a camera either. Q. OK whose street should the police officer be in then? A. I think where theres recorded incidents of threat in the form of crime, then theres a rationale for having the police officer there. Again, I dont know what the evidence base is for sticking a police officer on a street if that reduces crime, so wed need to look at that: whether its worthwhile. It sounds worthwhile, of course thats not always the same thing. Q. OK and so police officers: they do patrol and A. They dont patrol in our street. Well if they patrol on our street, Ive never seen them! Q. Now its interesting: you sounded almost then as though you as though it was remarkable to you that theyd not done that, and perhaps you were making 86

something of a point that theres never been a police officer in your street? Is that the case, or isnt it? A. I dont know whether theres been a police officer in my street. All I know is that Ive never seen one. I think its the term patrol that gets me there. In that youve used it twice now, and I dont see a lot of police officers patrolling the West End. In other words, walking round on the beat, as it were may be thats an oldfashioned concept now. Maybe there are better ways to police which are responsive and which are protective in the sense of early intervention and trying to reduce crime through public education and awareness and so on, so maybe you dont get bobbies on the beat in residential areas anymore. Q. OK. What I was interested in there particularly. It sounded as though perhaps there might have been some element of you wanting this patrol, and yet at the same time you didnt want it in your street. Im trying to clarify. A. Yeah I think the original suggestion was having a policeman on the street and that well youre obviously not going to have someone standing there for 24 hours a day, but that idea would be that this is someone that is assigned to your street and would be regularly there, and I dont think we need that. That would not be a useful way to use the resources. Q. So do you disapprove of the community police officer? A. No I think thats good, but I think that that needs that theyre much more proactive than just not so passive. The community police officer I know makes liaisons with the organisations and individuals and talks to its all about communication and availability. I mean on the park, theres a the private gardens weve talked about theres a notice which explains how to get in touch with the community police officer, which is great. Thats the kind of accessibility is helpful. Q. OK. And have you been in touch with the community police officer? A. I have through my work. Q. Right personally? A. No. Q. But you appreciate the channel? A. Yeah I can see that it would be helpful. Q. OK. And under what circumstance would you call that number, because its not there in an emergency capacity is it? A. No. I think if there was consistent frustrating behaviours. I mean from time to time theres noise at night, either from the back gardens or from the private gardens, and if that was consistent and was interfering with my quality of life, for instance, or I felt was threatening or something like that, that would be a good opportunity to contact the community police officer. Q. Right. And yet theres some arguments some voices suggest that for those kinds of instants noise amongst the community that self-regulations is perhaps more effective. What do you feel about that? 87

A. I dont know. Ive not looked into it. I can see the advantages to trying to do something locally as a community. Theres not a great sense of community in our part of the West End. I dont know the neighbours. I suppose the most obvious sense of community is in the membership of the private gardens: the membership of the private gardens. That you do get to hear about whats happening there, what the committee are saying; you know theres an opportunity to turn up once a year to be represented if you wanted to be. To be honest, Ive not done that Ive not participated in that most obvious part of community. There might be a neighbourhood watch I dont know about that. Whether or not its I dont know theres been any outreach about that at meetings or whatever. Q. How would you expect to know whether there is a neighbourhood watch in an area? A. Theres two ways: either try and find out about it, so be active about it; or for them to be contacting us to say there is a neighbourhood watch group that meets at such-and-such would you like to participate? Q. And any other obvious ways of knowing that there was a neighbourhood watch in an area? A. Signs. Q. And have you seen any signs? A. I think there might be sign on the lamppost or on a pole on the street in fact, Im pretty sure there is. Im not sure it gives a contact number. You wonder if that might just be protective. In other words, its there a bit like theres a CCTV sign and camera in the park, but theres not CCTV. Q. And do you see that as protective? A. [pause] Not to any great extent, I dont think. Q. So is it therefore a waste? A. I dont know. You might imagine that perhaps ten years ago that there was a very active neighbourhood watch group in the area, and you had activists and regular meetings and public awareness. And the sorts of things they might report on would be disturbances, break-ins, you know, an awareness of, and helping people minimise the risks you know, increase security or increase awareness. I dont know I dont know how crime-ridden our area is. Ive got no idea. Q. The signs then because youre saying theres CCTV. The signs in come cases they are CCTV and the equipment around that; theres signs saying theres CCTV; theres signs saying theres neighbourhood watch; its part of these signs that I counted, and yet you were quite surprised at the count of the signs as well. Do you feel those signs are worth having there, and if so are they attractive? Q. Well you could reasonably ask I dont think they are attractive, no. I think some of the street names particularly where theyve kept a kind of older, more heritage style, are attractive. In terms of if you were going to have a street sign so you know what a street is called, then put a bit of thought into how its going to look and try to keep it consistent. I think thats nice. But I wonder what would

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happen if you took every sign away. I suppose people who did not know the area would not know how to find their way around. A. And what effect would that have? Q. Well youd probably get a lot of people stopping to ask for directions. That might slow the flow of traffic rather than increase problems. But you might also get people behaving oddly, trying to work out. You wouldnt know whether youre allowed to turn right or left or enter no-go areas. I mean it would become chaotic, I think. A. OK. Well thank you very much for your time. Q. Youre welcome.

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Respondent C: Commuter
Q. You understand that Im recording this interview, then Ill transcribe it, delete the recording, and your name will be removed? A. Yep fine. Q. First of all, can you tell me your thoughts about Edinburgh in general? A. My thoughts about Edinburgh? Q. Yes. A. Er I really enjoy it. Er I think its a very easily-accessible city. I lived here for a while in West Lothian. Its very friendly compared to other cities. I mean, Ive lived in Glasgow, and Edinburgh is much more friendlier, and the public transports good. Its small so its easy to get around. And I think its quite a lively city everything you need to dos here, so its okay. Q. When you say its good; you mean the commutes okay? A. Yeah. The commutes fine. Yeah. I think if it was er. Yeah. The commutes fine. I mean public transport suits me. Ive been used to it for a long while so no problems with that. Q. Right. Now in doing that commute, you walk through the West End everyday? A. Yep. Q. What are your thoughts about the West End? A. Er. I think walking back to the train station its nice. In the morning, because Im in early theres usually a lot of litter around to be honest with you. Q. Is there? A. Yeah like seagulls and stuff. I seem to be on first name terms with a lot of seagulls. And its quiet. You know. Its built up concrete. Well I dont know, some people would call it a concrete jungle. But it doesnt bother me too much. Er but yeah: friendly; always feel safe. No problems. Q. Right. And you talk about a concrete jungle. What do you mean by concrete jungle? A. Very built up. Q. OK. A. Which is a city really, so. Q. Right and yet most of the buildings I understand the term but most of the buildings are old stone? A. Yeah Im sure some people would find that attractive. To me, Im not really into architecture, er looking now as were walking up, theres you can see all sorts of different brick work. My observations of the brick work, so Im sure that would interest people, but its not really my cup of tea. 90

Q. Right so its a very functional journey you take in the morning? A. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Q. So given the description of it a concrete jungle would you prefer to be taking a journey elsewhere? A. Er Im not, not really bothered: my focus is to get from the train station to my work and back again so it wouldnt matter. I think if I could change something, it would be the weather at times. The rain (laugh). Q. Now have you been through the financial and commerce district; like Exchange Square area? A. Im trying to think where that is. Yeah I think so. Is that where the Parliament Building is? Q. Like The Sheraton and A. Oh yeah Ive been through there. Like where The Clydesdale Bank is, yeah. Q. Right what do you think of that? A. Yeah. I think thats really nice. Been to a couple of conferences down there. Ive used the Sheraton Hospital [sic] er I think youve got The Starbucks Caf down there. I think its quite a nice friendly atmosphere. Q. OK. And what do you think contributes to that atmosphere then? A. Er. I dont know. Just the district probably; Im not sure. Cleanliness is there. It seems to be quite clean; built-up. Seems a bit posh to be honest with you. Probably a lot of money been spent on the architecture. Q. Right. Ive been photographing the whole of this area. And thats one of the areas, and what Ive seen there is a really large concentration of surveillance cameras there. Were you aware that that was the case? A. No. I think I read it in a newspaper dont know whenever it was that there was a lot of stabbings on Lothian Road and that area had moved down to where the; I think that had sort of moved down to the bottom of; where the Omni pictures is, so maybe thats why theyve looked at er, more police there; surveillance; right, so. Q. OK. What about the rivers and the galleries there; have you been down that way? A. No not really no. Q. OK. So how much does the look of this place affect you; The West End? A. Er affect me. I er er I dont think it does. Q. You said; I think you said already you feel safe in this area? A. Yeah. Yeah. Definitely. Q. How do you assess how safe you are?

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A. How safe I am. Well, I think its just you know nightclubs; pubs; you know theres not people falling around drunk. You see a couple of sometimes you see a couple of homeless people Im not saying homeless people are thingy, but sometimes they; they; you know; the area looks well looked-after, er. Ive lived in housing schemes like Lochend and stuff and even though I sort of felt safe there; but I lived there for a while; there were sort of places you probably wouldnt walk at night. You see if its well lit. You know the parks look well looked-after, so. Its district looks; you know. Flats and house prices are good, so. Q. Right. You mentioned there the parks. Were just about to walk past Drumsheugh Gardens, which is one that you cant actually walk through because its private. What do you think about the private gardens? A. To be honest with you, I can sort of understand that in this sort of area because I dont think you could walk through it anyway I suppose some people could but I think er, I think if its for key holders and they have to pay for it, and pay for it to be maintained, Im okay with that. Q. Do you think it adds to the area? A. Yes certainly does, yeah. Yeah. Q. What risks do you perceive right here, right now on Drumsheugh Gardens? A. Right now. Probably crossing the road. Er. Thats erm - I wouldnt see any other risks at this moment in time. Q. Okay so what do you think this cone is warning against, or why its there. A. [Giggle] Er. That probably looks like someones moved it. Picked it up. Or just plonked it. Probably someone whos been drunk. Er probably come from Haymarket Train Station where theres a lot of cones at the moment. So, not sure. Q. OK. You make a story up then to explain that. Is that what goes on in your head when you see it normally, or do you just blot it out? A. I probably wouldnt have even noticed it, to be honest with you. I must say, just along this road Im thinking about it now [looks anxious]; Im very aware of crossing it; so from anywhere from two hundred yards back to; I wouldve normally crossed the road now. Well cross at the bus stop there. Q. OK. A. Id be thinking about crossing; so Id be looking at the traffic; to see what traffics coming; and looking over my back; I can see a van coming now; so er. Thats what my focus would be it s to get across the road. Q. Yes. So now we are waiting for traffic on the edge of the road. Right Ill leave that to you. Just behind us there, hooked on the railing, is a dustbin bag; whats the story there? A. Er. Hopefully they are going to be picked up tomorrow; they are going to be picked up today; and theyve been missed. You see? So, making it up, it looks

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unusual to put it on the gate like that; usually they just leave it at the end of the road. Unless its getting a special pick-up? Thats what I would think probably. Q. Why do you feel the risks that you do feel? A. Well to be honest with you, I never; until I got asked to do this I was never really aware of any risks. I just got off the train; got to work; left work; got on the train. But I suppose ever since being asked to do this, Ive been more aware of not so much people or threats to myself, but more aware of the traffic and sometimes I take risks. I come across in the road; I mean just when we get past the church here; not so much coming back; going home like we are now; but in the morning the traffics queued up so Ill maybe walk into the middle of the road and there might be cars coming the other way and Ill; Ill try and get a moment and cross the road and er. So thats what Ive become more aware of. Q. Right. And do you think that that awareness of just doing this; has that made you feel less safe then? A. [Giggles] Er. No. I dont think so. I dont think so. I think its my own. No. No. Never felt in danger at all walking. Q. OK. So tell me about the other people that use this area. A. Er. Well a lot of people get off the train with me and walk down this way. We seem to have an unconscious race; to see who can get here first. A couple of ladies I think work at the tax office there and they go another way to me I think we subconsciously race each other to see who can get to the corner first. [Laugh]. A lot of you know in the morning sometimes you get a few dog walkers walking on here [St Marys Cathedral grounds]. I think its just mainly people going to work. Im sure there would be homeowners stuff, but I dont really notice them. I just usually notice people that are on the same route as myself. Again, thats probably more in the morning than when Im going home. Q. Right. So it sounds to me as though youre kind of describing a community of commuters? A. Oh definitely, yeah. Q. And do you ever acknowledge each other? A. Er [pause]. No [giggle]. No. No. You notice if theyre not there. Q. Right. A. A couple of weeks ago there was a lady that wasnt at the train station and sort of when she gets to the station the train comes cause she leaves it to the very last minute. Er wasnt there for a couple of weeks. So I thought she was on holiday. Er but no, not really: its, its very much dog eat dog I suppose and you get your head down and you get on with getting to work. Q. Now I cant remember passing any here, but what effect do statues and artwork have on you? A. Er. I suppose if I was going away on holiday and something I would take more interest in them. You know on a day to day thing it has no effect on me at all. If 93

anything, it would be a case of how quick could I get there walking? So it would be like a time spot of something like. You know, like you get to certain place youre at work and things like that. Q. Yeah. All the signs and road marking weve passed: did you notice any of them? A. No, not really. No. Q. Why do you think that is? A. Er. Because Im walking; and not driving. Q. Right so you see them as intended for drivers? A. Yeah; yeah. Q. OK. A. [Suddenly looking around] Apart from this next one were coming to its probably the only time I press the erm on the pelican crossing because this is probably the busiest road Ive got to cross. Q. Aha. A. I dont think you usually just get across because theres always cars coming. Q. OK. So you see all these signs as for someone else then? A. For drivers, yes. What would you I think pedestrians you get A to B as quickly as possible. You can cut corners; take a couple of risks I suppose; take advantage of traffic; youre not restricted. Q. What does red, amber, yellow and green mean to you? A. Red, yellow well that means get ready to go. Red is to stop. Q. OK. How you definitely related it to traffic lights there theres lines on the road whats the significance of the colour of those then? A. That would be for where the cars to stop, and also which lane carsll be in. Q. All right. So this double red line here, whats that? A. Double red line that would be no parking at any time. Q. All right. Double Yellow? A. If I was a car driver, that would be no parking. Red would be you get towed away as well, wheres yellow you get a ticket. Q. So now were in the middle of Haymarket junction. A. [Nervous laughter] Well you can see how busy this is. This is the busiest part of my journey. Q. And how safe do you feel here?

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A. OK. No problems. Er. Only time I probably have any acknowledgement with anybody would be at the corner here where you see a Big Issue seller. And he always asks you if you want to buy one. So just nod and thatd be it. Q. Right and do you buy one? A. No [laughs]. Q. Whys that? A. Er. Financially probably. I just dont want to. Sort of know what its going to be used for as well. I dont think its going to be used for homelessness. I think itd going to be used for drink and drugs so. Q. Right. So tell me about the graffiti and rubbish levels here then [next to door of graffiti]. A. Er. Well the graffiti its not too bad. Er. Rubbish levels a bit of rubbish. Not as: I think this areas fairly clean; its a very busy place. Taxis are here opposite the entrance to a main train station. Q. And do you feel any safer for the number of people here? A. Er. Probably feel a little more threatened to be honest with you, just because its a bit more crowded. Q. OK. All right. Well were at the station, so thanks.

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