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ALL BURMA STUDENTS LEAGUE

(CAMP OFFI CE) 4/ 7, ASAF ALI ROAD, NEW DELHI- 110002


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ABSL
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Position paper of All Burma Students League on current situation

Confession of errors is like a broom which sweeps away the dirt and leaves the
surface brighter and clearer. I feel stronger for confession. Mahattma Gandhi

1. Current Burmese politics has not changed anything in essence but only in its form.
Therefore, regarding the fight for democracy, this analysis was put forward in accordance
with our belief that there is a need for reviews and confessions upon ABSLs activities
and the twenty-three year long fight itself.
2. ABSL was formed by the students and youths who were once involved in the Four-8s
Revolution. Majority of its members held a stance -- We are Ba-Ka-Tha(ABFSU-All
Burma Federation of Student Unions) inside and Ma-Ka-Da-Ta(ABSDF-All Burma
Students Democratic Front) outside -- and a belief that there must be a single unified
student body. It is their stance that the student body must be known as ABSDF abroad
and ABFSU inside. However, ABSL emerged as a separate organization because of
particular political reasons. Its members based in Thailand are ex- ABSDF members and
student comrades of domestic student fronts and unions.
3. On July 30, 1994, ABSL officially came into existence with a democratic constitution
and the following political goals and policies.
A-Goals
A-1. Based on national politics, to eradicate fascism and military dictatorships and to
establish a democratic federal union which fully guarantees democracy and basic human
rights.
A-2.To safeguard the democratic and human rights of the people.
A-3.To carry out national reconciliation and rehabilitation movements.

4. Since the founding day to date, the League was able to reach some of the written goals
in the constitution by utilizing the limited opportunities that were hard to come by. Here,
we record our special acknowledgement for the consistent solidarity and support of
friends, student and youth organizations, and leaders of political parties in India and
international community. The League was able to raise Burmas issues within
international community in a great number. It was also able to enter into international
students movement and carry out a number of activities.
The League also cooperates with international youth and student bodies such as
International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY), International Union of Students (IUS)
and World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY), as a member organization
representing Burma to each organization.
Moreover, through the Leagues communication channels, Burma Peace Council (BPC)
became a member of World Peace Council (WPC) and the League has carried out joint
activities on behalf of Burma. Now Burma Peace Council is in close co-operation with
Asia-Africa Solidarity Organization.

ALL BURMA STUDENTS LEAGUE
(CAMP OFFI CE) 4/ 7, ASAF ALI ROAD, NEW DELHI- 110002
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6. In 1996, in accordance with its objective for bringing about co-operation among anti-
military dictatorship and pro-democracy forces, the ABSL held an international
conference of Burma democratic forces. It was able to campaign among the youth
representatives and together form Student and Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB) as a
unified student and youth front.
However, the League was not able to implement goals for forging a unified national front
and reciprocal co-operation among democratic forces.
Furthermore, ABSL had to withdraw from SYCB, which the League itself presided over
for its formation, because it became divergent from the Leagues goals.
7. Forces that left for the border areas to launch armed struggles are still not able to
establish a full-fledged military campaign. Meanwhile, the majority of armed ethnic
groups entered into cease-fire agreement with the military regime.
The remaining armed organizations including Karen National Union that do not take part
in cease-fire have not been able to launch any effective military campaigns.
Therefore, forces along the border areas could not lend any support to the domestic
forces.
Though Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB), National Council of Union of Burma
(NCUB) and National Coalition Government of Union of Burma (NCGUB) were formed,
none of them could install an inclusive anti-military dictatorship force. There were also
no collaborative activities in any shape or form of a unified front.
8. Therefore, an open admission is in order that the forces based abroad and in border
areas did not have an effective cooperation within the peoples movement for democracy
and anti-military dictatorship.
This is a direct result of our common failure to build a complete unified front and
establish a firm and decisive leadership. Even though this blame goes majorly to
ourselves, the external interferences as one contributing reason to this weakness must
also be included in this criticism.
It is the result of over-dependency upon the donors due to the use of excuse for survival
difficulties abroad. The main anti-military dictatorship movement has been backburnered
by the peripheral issues such as campaigns and trainings for human rights and woman
rights.
Career opportunism like a cancer has spread to domestic forces as well and posed a
dangerous threat to the life of Burmas politics. Finally international community
including the United Nations has begun losing confidence in democratic forces.
9. Western non-governmental organizations now fully exploit and control the adolescent
opportunists who hitchhike the 4-8ss Revolutionary vehicle. They spread false
propaganda saying that donors do not support armed struggles, and ambitiously and
systematically destroy the very idea of armed struggle demanded by situations of Burma.
(Currently Libyan rebels are being amply supplied with weapons by the same donors.)
A large amount of fund was wasted in holding trainings in the name of non-violent
politics.

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At this very moment, those career opportunists-turned-traitors returned to Burma and
began working for the military regime whose policies have not changed at all. Soon there
will appear more of such traitors in a large number.
10. After analyzing the result of the 20-year long movements of forces along the border
and abroad, Bamaw Tin Aungs words, One own national interest is more pivotal than
that of policies in (worlds) politics. prove to be absolutely true. The worlds politics is
self-evident of his words.
Although those forces abroad at the early beginning started their international campaigns
with the idea of joining the alliance with whoever that could defeat the enemy, they
changed their mind after the year 2000 and their idea to Join the enemy force if it cannot
be defeated in later time.
This idea is chiefly being advocated by Bahu Development Institute outside and
Myanmar Egress inside Burma. NGOs provided them with abundant support to
propagate this idea. The nature of relation between these opportunists and NGOs can be
explained by such a question once asked by the re-known historian Dr. Than Tun -- Does
a dog adopt a person, or the person adopt the dog?
The military regime was able to regroup and rebuild its disintegrating political bases by
exploiting this idea. However, regarding diplomatic failure, we have to exercise more
analytical criticism on ourselves as the root cause rather than shifting blame on external
interferences. The national interest of respective nations must be understood and
accepted.
11. At the same time, the military regime, holding the power firmly in its hand, has
gradually been installing its political infrastructure. It also forcibly ratified the pro-
military dictatorship constitution by annulling the 1990 elections result which is the
political reward of Four-8s revolution. Military-turned-bogus government led by Thein
Sein in civilian dress was set up subsequently.
12. Military-turned-bogus civilian government has been used in launching series of
political attacks on its dissidents in the international and domestic political arena. The
regime also starts holding closed-door political meetings with Aung San Suu Kyi, the
internationally-recognized democratic opposition leader, declaring fake general pardons
and extending pretentious invitation to dissidents along the border and abroad to return
home. In the mean time, it has also begun launching offensive wars on armed ethnic
groups.
13. We have full confidence in honesty and compassion of Aung San Suu Kyi for the
people of Burma. She has led Burmas pro-democracy movement over 20 years despite
of various kinds of oppression. However, the regimes past lies and current ploys make us
difficult to believe in the ongoing meetings.
Over 2000 political prisoners are still being kept in jails. New arrests and tortures of
political activists are still going on. The basic rights of the people are still disallowed.
The censor board is still retained and freedom of press severely curtailed. Renewed
military offences against the armed ethnic groups along with the above-mentioned status
quo portray the dishonest attitude of the regime that desires to use current meetings as its
political breathing room rather than to truly find a solution.

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International situations and domestic opposition have forced the military regime into
carrying out such superficial reforms. The forced ratification of 2008 pro-military
dictatorship proves the fact that the military regime resolves to continue holding power.
The attitudes and actions of the military regime that wish to firmly hold power in its grip
do not generate much of difficulties when communicating with neighboring countries.
But they do pose obstacles in its relationship with western democracies. To solve this
crisis, such superficial reforms are being introduced.
The steps have been taken to expand its incompetent administrative circle that it has
control over for nearly 50 years by bringing in reactionary forces and opportunists who
are NGOs pets. The current political activities and statements of Thein Seins military-
turned-bogus civilian regime are just a part of such a scheme.
15. Any political offshoot that grows under the shadow of 2008 pro-military dictatorship
constitution will be just another military government in civilian clothes in essence. This
military administration will be even inferior to the dwifungsi invented by the then
Indonesian military dictator Suharto.
The state power will remain in the hand of a few military dictators regardless of the
existence of sham elections, puppet parliaments and bogus civilian governments. We
firmly believe that Burmas political crisis cannot be solved no matter how many
agreements are made with whatever political party as long as 2008 pro-military
constitution remains intact.
The public life will largely remain in military bondage. According to the pro-military
dictatorship constitution, the military leaders are guaranteed with one-fourth of the total
parliamentary seats, all important ministerial positions including national security and the
power to legally stage serial coups dtat. Until now, all the ministries have been
occupied by military officers and ex-military officers.
16. From 7
th
July after the military coup in 1962 to date, successive generations of
students and youths have shed their bloods in their fight against military dictatorship.
Therefore, only by continuing the fight against any political form stemming from 2008
pro-military dictatorship that prolongs enslavement of the people, we can truly honor and
preserve the blood-stained history of fighting peacocks, the students.
Termination of military dictatorship and achievement of democracy are the political goals
promulgated by the four-8s revolution and reaffirmed by 1990 general elections. By
holding the belief: the People alone are Our Father and Our Mother, we declare here
that our fight for these goals must go on.

Never allow the history of fighting peacocks inked in blood to be tarnished.
Let us continue our revolution.

All Burma Students League
18
th
October 2011
( Adopted at the meetings of ABSL on 9
th
and 23
rd
September 2011)



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