Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Structure
Objectives Introduction View Points of the Trade Union Tlleorists Behaviou ral Theory
23.3.1 23.4.1 23.5.1 3 . 2 23.6.1 23.6.2 Critics of Bel~tlviouralTlieory Tlie Sytidic:llists Dil'lre~icc I3ct\\.ccn Atii~rcliis~ii Marxism and Letiin on Trade IJl~io~i Movcniclit I,c~ii~i's Criticism 'flic Nc\\ I,cll Kc\,isioliists
Specifics of Tradc Union Mo\~cmcntin Dc\#cloping Countries Trade Union Mo\lcnicnt in Diffcrcnt Countries
23.8.1 23.8.2 23.8.3 Trade Union Movcnicnt in U.S.A Trade Unior~ Movcmcnt in U.K. Trade U~iiol~ Movement in Soci;~listSt21tc
Trade Union Movenlent in India Let Us Sum Up Key Words So~neUsehl Books Answers to Check Your Progress Escrciscs
23.0 OBJECTIVES
Tlle objective of tliis unit is to give !.ou a bricf account of dc\lclopnicnt of tradc union movcmalt. different theories of tradc union movcmcnt and the fi~~ictio~iing of trade unions in different countries. Aficr going througli this unit !.OLI \\.ill be able to understand: Various theories of Tradc UII~OII Movcmcnt: Differences bet\\leen Liberal. Marsist and Allarchist Theories: Developnlent and Nature of Trade Unio~lMovc~ncntin different countries: &and Origin and D e v e l o p ~ ~ ~of~Trade Union Movenlc~ltin India c it
Human Social life depends on h ~ ~ m a n work. Tlic nature of \vork clla~lgcsfro111 time to time and place to place. Thcrc arc different catcgoricq of workers and plethora of relationships. In the ~iiodcnitimes. \\.ith tllc dc\:clopmcnt of industries a category of workers 'is called industrial \\.orkcr. \vhich constitl~tcsbulk of working class. Tllc scliolars ha\rc' dcvclopcd man!* theories and tlicrc arc contro\~crsiesrelating to the co~lccptof class. Wliat co~istitutcs 'Working Class' there are various tlicorics for that. Ho\vc\,cr. \vlicnc\~crthe tcrlli '\vorking class' is used, it galerally incans tllosc pcoplc \\.I10 car11 tlicir livclillood b. sclli~igtllcir ! labour. This is also assumed that there arc so~ilc \\.Ilo bu!. their labour. Thc
Social h l u v c m e ~ ~ t s
working class can enhance their bargaining power by joining hands witli each other. Their corning together is called trade i~nionism. A cursory look at tlie developrne~ltof trade unionism in modern times brings out tlie fact tliat, the trade uriiori movement, industrial working class arid capitalism emerged on tlie world scene simultaneously. The working class could assert itself against tlie mighty capitalist class, helped by tlie state, only when it organised itself. True, tlie capitalist class never welcomed the unionisation of tlie workers. Therefore, in the beginning unionisation of workers had to face tlie liostility of tlie capitalists. They tried to crush any sort of organisation of workers. The interest of tlie capitalist class could be served best by bargaining with an individual worker, rather than witli tlie collective organisation of workers, while workers experience taught them tliat tliey coi~ldnot withstand tlie power of tlie capitalists alone and therefore have to bargain collectively. Tlie capitalists started attacking workers'organisation from the very beginning. The state also helped them by giving them support with state apparatus legislature, executive and judiciary. Legislations were passed to curb tlie collectivisatiori of tlie workers.
"In Great Britain", writes G. D. H. Cole, "there were already, in the eighteenth century a number of statutes forbidding workers' cornbinations in particular trades." He adds tliat " The principal purpose of tlie cornbination Acts of 1799 arid 1800 was to make them niore so, both by declaring uriequivocally that combinations were i~nlawful.Indeed, criminal conspiracies against the public interests arid by providing simpler ways of proceeding against offenders". But these combination of Acts of 1799 arid 1800 should not be co~istruedas an i~itroductio~i new principle banning combinations. It was, in fact, tlie of culmination of a series of Combinations, acts passed by tlie Parliament beginning right from the 1548 Bill of Conspiracies of Victuallers and Draftsmen- a general statute against sucli cornbinatio~ito raise wage or reduce working hours. Tlie trade unions were maligned and considered to be responsible for tlie disri~ptionof industry, tlie decline of economy, and undermining of social rights and privileges tliat traditionally have held togetlier tlie delicate fabric of society.
Tlie ideologues, against the unionisation of workers sanctioned ths right of state to prohibit the workers to enter into any type of organisation by approaching tlie "i~niversal right of individual freedom." Tliese pliilosopliers of capitalism, in tlie name of individual freedom asserted tliat 'unionism' is the negation of tlie sovereign right of individual freedom to enter into contract. The courts of law had accepted the plea, and had shown growing tendency to outlaw all such combinations on tlie ground tliat tlieir effect was to restrain trade by interfering with tlie 'natural' liberty of all men to dispose of tlieir labour as tliey wished. Tlie orthodox economists (tlie spokesmen of capitalist system) opposed unionisation of tlie workers and held tliat "tlie share of wages in the product of industry was determined by inexorable laws-based on tlie laws regulation, tlie growth of population. Wages, it was said, could never rise more tlian, above subsiste~icelevel because if they did, rnore children would be born, or rnore survive so as to produce surplus labour". Thus, workers had struggled to assert tlieir right to organise themselves. They formed secret societiev in many countries to carry forward tlieir struggle to protect tlie fundaniental right of unity of the workers. "Tliese early trade unions," writes Cole, "had a hard struggle. Men who took the lead in organising them were very apt to find tliernselves discharged from their ernploy~nentand to have much difficulty in getting fresh jobs; and, over and above this many of them were imprisoned when tliey organised strikes, or even simply for the offence of
forming Trade Unions and presenting collective demands." The workers faced persecution and repression. Yet against all odds they were able to win their right to unionise. I n Great Britain the laws forbidding combination o f workers were repealed in 1824. This concession was not sufficient as there were many pitfalls in the act. Needless to say tlie owners o f factories denied this right in one way or the other. This became clear that tlie struggle for the riglits o f workers cannot be isolated from the political struggles. Hence, workers fought tooth and nail for the grant o f franchise and otlier political rights. The workers could achieve their themselves after paying a heavy price in their fundamental right to orga~iise sweat and blood.
Check Your Progress 1 Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
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ii) Check your answer with answer given at tlie end o f the unit. o I) Why was any kind o f co~iibination f workers opposed by the employers?
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genuine incentives for joining a union. Hc holds that the workers join unions to save tl~enisclvcsfro111 favouritism. to save thcmsclvcs from hugeness and impersonality. Fred H. Blum studying the Hormal-Packing House workers' esperime~itopined that the aim of unions is to organise the work process in such a way as to give to human values a central significance. R.C. Roberts highlighting the rolc of trade unions in free societies asserts. "trade i~nionsin frec society are A11 expression of the fundamental right of men and women to organlsc then~selvesin order to protect and proliiote their interests by collective action." He writes "In a free society the right to organise implies the right to exercise po\\cr that collective action carries \vitliin the scope of liberal legal frailie work. A democratic society is by definition. one in \\,liich power is not concentrated entirely or substantially in the hands of govcnimcnt: in niodern terms this liieans po\ver is diffused through a multiplicit\~of agencies in other voluntary organisations. such 3s trndc unions. Aavc an i~ilportantrolc to pla).. they should. thcrcforc cnjo! the frccdo~llncccssay to cscrcisc their fi~nctionsin industn and to cscrt political prcssurc on tlic govcrnmcnt to legislate in their favour". "In a frec socictj.." B. C. Roberts comments. "it is rccogniscd that the interests of different groups \\ill inevitably conflict and it is of the essence of democracy that these conflicts sllall be settled by an interplay of social and pol~ticalforces. It follo\\s fro111 the funda~iicntalass~~mptions tradc unions in a democratic that society must be independent of both cmploj~ersand state." Check Your Progress 2 Note: i) Use the space given below for your ans\vcrs. ii) Clicck your ans\vcrs \\it11 the model answer given at tlic end of tlie unit.
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23.3
BEHAVIOURAL THEORY
Trade unions. in tlic beginning had to facc t11c \\rat11 of cstablis1~11~~1~t. but they survived and no\\ arc accepted as a part and parcel of social life. Thcj, arc considered as prcssurc groilps. and thus. it is asserted: -' from an opposition niovc~iic~it tradc i~nio~ls liavc bcconic a rccogniscd institution deeply rooted in our economic and political s\~stc111." The rolc of tradc unions has vastlj. changed. \ Earlier they \yere considered to be in conflict with sjlstcnis. but now the relationship bet\\een tradc u~lionsand societ!.. for csamplc. has undergone a process of integration. Mark Vande Vall rcfi~tcsMarsist concepts of "classcs or class conflict: and uses the tern1 used by Pete~Druckcr at tllc forty-seventh a~u~ual ~iicetingof Anicrican ~uciologicalSociety. in Septeniber 1952- Tlie
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present society is status society and the past socict! \\as the class socict!,. Trade Unions as pressure groups arc co~isidcrcdto be part of the political s!.stcm. The 'political system' lias bccn conceived by bcha\lioi~ralistsas analogous to an \vhicli processes and thcrc b. transfoniis -inp~~ts' ! into electronic conip~~ter 'o~~tput'. While adjusting nicclianisnis allo\v for a feedback fro111tlic outputs on ~ts arc of the i ~ i p ~ nicchanisni. the ilip~~ts prcss~~rc all kinds \vliich arc cscrciscd on \\.ere looked at \vith the system. In tlie earl! phase of capitalism tradc ~~nions suspicion. But niodeni political scientists now assume tliat they arc equal and cstracti~igconcessions sometimes niore powerfill in prcssurising the s!stcm. t l i ~ ~ s for themselves. In an advanced socicty tlic polit!, is considered as a rcad!,madc neutral niechanisni, whicli establishes equilibrium amongst various groups. "TO say that politics is the autlioritativc allocation of valucs in a community", according to Blondel, "is to say that sonic nicasurc of co~iflictcsists bct\vcai values and between the holder 'of these valucs. Tlic govcnimcnt lias to sol\.c these conflicts b \vhatevcr mcnns arc at its disposal - the onl!. limitntion being ! , that in so doing it niust prevent tlic brcnk up of the polity.''
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T ~ I ~ I U I I ~ ~ IA II~ I V C I I I ~ I I ~ C I
The behnvioural political scientists t l i ~ ~ s admit that in advanced societies tlic tradc unions have been pla!.ing an important rolc. Nc\,crthclcss. the!. den!. the Marxists' and Socialists vie\\. tliat tradc ~~nions \~cliiclcsof class war. or they arc .have an!. political rolc in the cstablishmcnt of a socialist socict!.. For them tlic trade unions arc not the organisation of oppressed \\.orking class. Tlicir participation in politics means: tlicir rolc in prcss~~ring political s!rstc~ii the through various channels so tliat \vorkcrs ma\ get niasimum benefits.
Check Your Progress 3 Note: i) Use the space given belo\v for !.our ans\vcrs.
ii) Check your ans\vcrs \\.it11 tlic ~liodclans\vcr given at the end of tlic unit. I ) What is the rolc of tradc ~lriionsill politics accordi~igto bclia\~iouralists'?
Social hlovcrnrnts
23.4
Proudhon, the Anarchist lield that "property is theft" wliich is considered to be tlie fundamental riglit of Inan by the propertied classes. Thus propertied classes are thieves protected by state. The endeavour of the people sliould be to do away with all tlie i~istitutio~is these propertied classes . A true Iii~mansociety will of not only be a classless but a stateless society. The ideal anarchist is "to organise society in such a nianner that every individual man or woman sliould find, upon entering life, approxiniately equal means for the development of his or her diverse faculties and tlieir utilization in his or her work. To organise such a society tliat renders impossible the exploitation of anyone's labour, will enable every individual to enjoy tlie social wealth wliich in reality is only produced by collective labour, but to enjoy it only in so far as lie contributes directly towards tlie creation of tliat wealth. For this, Bakunin ~dvocates," it is necessary to abolisli conipletely both in principle and in fact, all tliat which is called political power; for so long as political power exists, there will be ruler and ruled, Illaster and slaves, exploiter and exploited. Once abolished political power sliould be replaced by an organization of productive forces and economic service. He adds, not withstanding tlie enornious development of modern states, a develop~iientwliich in its ul:;~nte pliase is quite logically reducing tlie state to absurdity it is becoming evident tliat tlie days of state and the state principle are numbered. The contentiori of anarchists is that state protects the capitalist, system so tlie first attack should be on tlie state itself and the otlier system would crumble down automatically. They vehementliy criticize Marxist Communists, who want to capture state power to crusli tlie bourgeoisie. Bakunin says, " only the Communists. imagine that they can attain it (a classless social order) tliroi~gh development and organization of political power of working classes, and clieaply of the city proletariat, aided by bourgeoisie radicalism- whereas tlie revolutionary socialists, the enenlies of all ambitious alliances, believe on the contrary, tliat this common goal can be attained not througli tlie political but througli the social (and therefore anti-political) organization and power of the working masses of tlie cities and villages.. .." Bakunin criticises com~nunists and says tliat "the communists believe that it is necessary to organise tlie forces of the workers in order to take possession of the political ~niglitof tlie state. Tlie revolutionary socialists organise with tlie view of destroying, or, if yo11 prefer a more refined expression of liquidating the state. Tlie commu~iists partisans of tlie principle and practice of authority, while are revolutionary socialists place their faith only in freedom". According to Bakunin" tlie source of its misfortune lies not in this or any otlier form of government but in the principle and tlie very existence of the government, whatever its nature !nay be." Bakunin exliorts, "On our banner, the social revolutionary banner- are inscribed, in fiery and bloody letters, tlie destruction of all states, tlie annihilation of bourgeoies civilisation ...." Thus, anarchists advocate, "before creating rather aiding the people to create this new organisation, it is necessary to overtlirow tliat wliich is. in order to be able to establish tliat which sliould be."
where there is no pace of state power. The workers' syndicates will attack capitalist system as well as state power, wliicli needless to say, is the protector of the system. Sorel, tlie philosopher and spokesman of syndicalists philosophy was an n<l\ocate of tlie creed of violence. He admires and eillogizes violence and \~ioIentmethod as the only method of overthrowing tlie present system. The ~ i ~ e t l i o d ~ workers should use to terrorise the capitalist class is general strike. the \orel In liis "Reflections on violence" writes "Revolutionary Syndicalism keeps alivc 111 tlie minds of niasses tlie desire to strike, arid tliat only prospers when important strikes accompanied by violence take place." The 'strikes' liave a sentimental purpose. They are not only a bargaining instrument but also play an eriiotional and educative role. Sorel was a supporter of anti-rationalism. He writes," Syndicalists believe in spontaneity and tliat tlie're is no process by which fittitre can be predicted scientifically." Tlii~s,he advocated tliat through myth the spirit of strike slioi~ldbe included amongst the workers. He writes, "..use must be made of a body of iriiages wliicli, by intuition alone and before any considered arialysis is made, is capable of evoking as an undivided whole tlie mass of sentiments wliicli corresponds to tlie different manifestations of tlie war undertaken by socialism against riiodeni society." Sorel elaborates, "General strike is a niyt11 i n wliicli socialisni has coriiprised, i.e. a body of iniages capable of evoking instinctively all tlie sentiments which correspo~idto the different manifestations of the work undertaken against ~iiodernsociety: strikes liave endangered in tlie proletariat tlie noblest, deepest and most moving sentiments tliat they possess, the general strike groi~pall in a coordit~atedpicture and by bringing tliem together, gives to each one of tliem its maximum of intensity, of appealing to their painful n~en~ories particular conflict.. .. " thus syndicalists' strike has a psycliological purpose and accompanied witli violence create tlie revolutionary consciousness amongst tlie workers. The methods of syndicalists are propagation of mytlis, violence, strike. general strike and sabotage. Check Your Progress 4 Note: i) Use tlie space given below for your answers. ii) Check your answers witli the niodel answer given at tlie end of the unit. I) Discilss Anarchist and Syndicalist view of trade union moveme~it. What are the points of agreenient and disagreement between the two?
23.5
Marx was very critical of anarclio-syndicalists. He fought bitter struggle against Pro~~dlionism Bakunism as well as Lassalleis~nin the First International. For and Marx, Proildl~oriwas the type of petty bourgeois socialist wl~osebold wars were confined to reactionary theories. He was a "talented publicist, a representative of a sentimental delinquent socialism," "from head to ~fnot, pliilosoplier, an economist of the petty bourgeoisie", who upbraded the bourgeoisie wit11 the glaring accusatory formula ownership is theft. Proudlion considered himself as a theoretician of tlie working classes" and boldly began to come out witli theoretical argilriierits on the philosopliy of the poverty. Marx made sharp criticism of Proi~dhoi~n's philosophy of poverty in liis " Poverty of Pliilosopliy". Proudlion, as an anarchist, did not give any value to strikes. and economic
Social Movements
struggle of workers. While Marx considered tliese struggles very important as part of class struggle througli which the proletariat will capture tlie state machinery. Bakunin who followed anarchists tradition and also rejected 'politics' wanted workers to adhere exclusively to ecoliomic character. Lozovosky brings out the distinction between Bakunin arid Marx. He writes, "here we see tliat Bakunin refers to purely economic agitation." He speaks about the creation of resistance fund societies for purely economic struggle, says the workers are ignorant and, therefore, must not occupy themselves with too difficult problems, etc. The most that Bakunin permits is a federation of a resistance fund societies. This shows although Bakunin went further than Proudlion, he yet remained on one and tlie same path with him. He did not realise that trade unions are centres for organisation of tlie massess, that they are the one which prepare tlie message for tlie struggle of tlie dictatorship of proletariat. He failed to see just what Marx saw in the very steps of tlie trade unions. Marxist as against anarcho-syndicalist advocated that the workers should capture the state to establish a classless society. Thus the role of the economic struggle in general class struggk of tlie proletariat is clearly arid co~iciselydefined. Tlie trade unions must be a 'lever ' in the hands of the working class for tlie struggle against the political power of its exploiter. Tlie political liiovelnent of tlie working class naturally has as its final aim tlie conquest of political power.
23.5.2
Lenin, following Marxist tradition of proletarian internationalism, class struggle and dictatorship of tlie proletariat, developed his doctrine by focussing on tlie close relationship of tlie working class with the working class party. Lenin's "What is to be done" represents tlie essence of liis trade union philosophy. Here, he elaborates the tactics to achieve Marxian goals of trade unionism. Lenin felt tliat economic struggle of the workers can serve little purpose because, "Tlie econo~nicstruggle merely 'impels' the workers to realise the government's attitude towards the working class. Consequently, liowever lnucli we may try to 'lend tlie economic struggle itself a political character', we shall never be able to develop the political consciousness of the workers to the level of socialdemocratic political consciousness by keeping within tlie frame work of tlie economic struggle, for, that framework is too narrow." Lenin held that "Class
political co~~sciousness be brought to the workers only from without, that is, can only from outside the economic struggle, f r o ~ n outside the sphere o f relations between workers and employers." Lenin explains that, " The history o f all countries shows that the working class exclusively by its own effort, is able to develop only trade union consciousness, i.e. the conviction that i t is necessary to combine unions, fight the employers, and strive to compel the goverument to pass necessary labour legislation, etc. The theory o f socialism, however, grew out o f tlie philosophic, historical and economic theories elaborated by educated representatives o f the propertied classes, by intellectuals." Lenin thus emphasised that tlie political co~~sciousnessf the workers is very essential for socialist o revolution: but if i t is confined to trade union activity i t would lead only to 'economism'. Working class conscious~~ess cannot be genuine political consciousness unless the workers are trained to respond to all cases o f tyranny, oppression, violence, and abuse. Lenin also warned that only theoretical and bookish knowledge is not sufficient. The social democrats have to be in close contact with tlie working class and their activities. He writes, "Tliose who o class concentrate the attention, observation, and co~~sciousnessf the worki~rg exclusively, or even mainly, upon itself alone are not Social Democrats; for the self knowledge o f tlie working class is indissolubily bound up, not solely with a or fully clear theoretical u~lderstanding rather not so much with the theoretical, as of with the practical u~ldersta~iding the relationships between all the various classes o f modern society acquired througli the experience o f political life." "In order to become a Social democrat," Lenin emphasised, "the worker must have a clear picture in his mind o f economic nature and the social and political feature o f the landlord and the priest, the high state official and the peasant,The student and tlie vagabond...; lie must understand what interests are reflected by certain institutions and how they are reflected. But this " clear picture" cannot be obtained from any book. I t can be obtained only from living examples and from exposures that follow close upon what is going on about us at a given moment, etc. These comprehensive political exposures are an essential and fundamental condition for training the masses in revolutionary activity." Leniu opposed tooth and nail the revisionists' concept o f trade unionism; that spontaneous trade union activities o f the workers w i l l lead them to political consciousness, his view was that clear political understanding is necessary for leading the working class struggles and this understanding could be developed only through direct and active association with the working class struggles.
Check Your Progress 5 Note: i) Use tlle space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers with the model answer given at the end o f the
unit.
1)
2)
How did Lenin support close linkages o f workipg class struggles with working class party?
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Social hlovements
Democracy assyl-es the working class the peaceful passing over from capitalisni to socialism, and therefore tlie dictatorsliip of tlie proletariat is not and cannot be tlie order of the day;
4) Tlie theory of tlie impoverishment held good at one time, but now it has become obsolete;
5 ) During tlie epoch of Marx it was perhaps true that the leading role in the
trade unions belonged to the party, but today only party-political neutrality can ensl~re effective development of the trade union move~iient; tlie
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6) During tlie epocli of Marx, strikes had to be considered as one of the most important weapons of struggle, but native philosopliy of trade unions have outgrown this.
This Marxiari alternative philosophy of trade unionism, or revisionism, has many varieties like state socialism, evolutionary socialism, collectivism, guild socialism, fabianism and democratic socialism, etc. They have minor differences on some issues but they are based 011 tlie faith that democratic institutions, shoilld be used by workers by participating in elections, forming labour, social democratic parties arid pushing measures using governmental authorities for the benefit of tlie workers. When out of power, as an opposition party it should pressurise the governmelit to give concessiolis to the workers. Thus, socialism can be brought about gradually, and capitalist state would give way to a socialist state peacefully.
that in fact in advanced capitalism, working class power has increased and they are no more exploited, but through their united power dictate their terms to e~nployersas well as political system. They are called as "New Men o f Power". The New Left feels tliat in the advanced capitalist countries workers are no more revolutionary and tliat they are bourgeoified and consunieris~nhas overtaken them. This society, according to Marcuse, is based on an alliance between big business and the working class whicli has been brain washed into chasing an ever espa~idi~ig o f goods and inessential gadgets tliat their relative affluence flow enables them to purchase. Marcuse holds tliat working class is no more a negation o f capitalism, but is i n c o l l u s i o ~ ~ with i t in protecting tlie present system. According to lii~ii, "'Tl~e very classes wliicli were once the absolute negation o f the capitalist system are now more and more integrated into it". What role SIIOLII~ t l ~ e trade unions play in politics? N o doubt, there is wide range o f differences. The capitalist system has been compelled to allow trade unions to exist, but there is always an emphasis, wliicli is reflected by tlie tlieorists, who consider western democratic syste~n an ideal syste~nas well as inevitable, that as trade ~ ~ n i o n s only bargainers, and tlieir role in politics is confined to putting are pressure on tlie political systeni to gain benefits for the workers. On the otlier side, Marxists are emphatic that workers sl~ould politicised, and trade unions be are not only an instrument to extract concessions for the workers but also they have to t r a ~ ~ s f o r ~ i i capitalist systeni into a socialist system, and build a the socialist society. The world has been thus divided in tlie capitalist world, the socialist world and the newly independent countries w l ~ i c l have overthrow11the i foreign yoke very recently. What role workers' ~ ~ n i o n s played in these liave countries? Are they contined to tlieir econo~nicrole and limited themselves to putting pressure on tlie governliient to sliorten tlieir working hours, asking for various facilities and wage increase? Nevertheless, tlie s i t ~ ~ a t i o n tliese colo~iial in countries had been very different. Working class also has to undergo immense s ~ ~ f f e r ialong witli tlie other sections o f the society due to tlie ruthless ~ig exploitation by the colonial rulers. Therefore, they also joined wit11 other ections in tlieir struggle for freedom. Trade unions also are involved along with other classes in tliese colonies witli the national liioveliierit as i n India; thus the most remarkable feature o f trade ~ ~ n i o n s their linkage wit11 political movements. is
Check Your Progress 6 Note: i) Use tlie space given below for your answers. ii) Check your answers witli the model answer given at the end o f the unit. a I) Exa~iiine revisionism as an improvement on Marxist theory o f trade ~~nionism.
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'The contradictio~isw i t l i i ~ iiniperialis~n conipelled the imperialism to allow the industrialisation to take place i n these colonies. In India, industrialisatio~~ take did
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Social hlouenict~ts
place despite the discouragement by tlie colonial ruler. Reluctant, tardy, illleven and limited it might be, imperialists had to start industry. Tlie railways industry was started by the British bourgeoisie to appropriate raw materials and to liave access to tlie markets. Why and how this took place had been explained by Marx. "I know tliat tlie English millocracy intend to endow India witli railways witli tlie exclusive view of extracting at diminished expenses tlie cotton and other raw materials for tlieir manufactures. But when yoit liave introduced macliinery into tlie locomotion of a country, then it becomes necessary to meet tlie immediate and current wants to railway locomotion, and out of which there must grow the application of machinery to those branches of industry not immediately "All that tlie English boi~rgeoisiemay be connected witli the railways." Tlii~s, forced to do will neither emancipate nor materially mend the social condition of the mass of tlie people, depending not only on tlie development of the production power but on tlieir appropriation by the people." Tlii~s,tlie plienomenon of imperialism, its relationship witli tlie indigenous emerging bourgeoisie, its attitude towards the working class, tlie attitude of indigenous bourgeoisie towards working class and imperialists and tlie responses of working class to indigenous bourgeoisie and i~nperialislnis very intricate and coniplex. Tlie nature of trade i~nionismin India, therefore, reflects tlie complexity of tlie socio-economic reality-of tlie erstwhile colonies. Nonetheless, political factors exert a very important ilifluence on trade union movement. The commentators on Indian trade illlion movement however, overlook the role of i~iiperialistnin complicating tlie nature of trade ilnionism. Tliey take into account tlie social backgrou~idof tlie workers, tlieir religion, caste, age, financial condition, family size, etc, but not the socio-econolnic forces as the result of complex condition "created by field of labour and social legislation", whicli in turn were obviously determined by tlie political factors. I n advanced capitalist countries, tlie non-Marxist western scliolars trace the links of trade i~nionswitli 'politics bnly as groilps concerned witli tlie econo~iiicpolicy of tlie government as it affects tlieir interest. In colonial countries, the fact has been admitted tliat the politician rnobilised the workers to form trade ilnions and these trade ilnions played an important role in tlie national movement. Subrata Gliosli says "In the beginning of tlie twenties, tlie trade i~nionsmovenient was stro~iglyinfluenced by ~iatio~ialists liumanists." "In fact, fro111our experience of trade i~nionsitilation and in tlie underdeveloped countries where trade ilnions are more recently born, we tilay safely consider tliat it is more possible tliat trade i~~iionisrii originates first due to the impact of direct strains up011tlie workers, wliicli tend to ci~rtailtlieir already low standard of living, rather than tlieir desire to participate in tlie nllemaking process." Gliosli refutes Kerr and Siegel's view tliat trade unions are formed by tlie workers " to participate in tlie rille making process in the country." This may be true in developed countries but not in the developing countries. Scholars, wlio looked at societies as orily 'free societies' or 'totali!arian societies", liave not paid attention to the vast society wliicli was very recently under tlie dominance of imperialist powers. Tliey talk of trade ilnions in a free society and assert that tliey are an expression of the fundamental right of men and wollien to organise tlieniselves in order to protect and promote tlieir interests by collective action. It cannot be assumed, however, on tlie basis of tilere existence of trade i~nions that tlie societies of botli riglit and left liave made use of trade il~iiolisto acliieve tlieir ends.
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Suciwl nlovcments
times they are in forefront in declaring their choices for presidential candidates and express opinions in favour or against the specific policies o f tlie state, arid are affiliated to International Confederation o f Trade Unions.
28.8.3 The Trade Union Movement in Socialist State: Former Soviet Union
Tlie role o f trade unions i s considered very different in socialist countries from a capitali51 system, where they are considered as pressure groups. Tlie purpose o f trade un?ons in socialist countries is to ensure workers' participation in socialist production managenient. Therefore the workers associations were considered the most important social force in tlie vast lalid o f Soviet Union. The Trade Unions o f the U.S.S.R. enlisted the working people in coping with tasks connected with tlie further development o f production, teacli the masses socialist discipline and c o n i ~ n ~ ~ n i tattitude to work and public property, and instill in the industrial ar~d ies office workers a sense o f being masters o f their own country. A brief sketch o f history o f trade union movement brings out the fact that prior to Bolslievik revolution in Russia, Trade Unions had come LIP quite late. Capitalisni got a very late start in tlie Russian Empire arid the protective organisations o f the workers were correspondingly late in making tlieir
appearance. Tlie first A l l Russian Trade Union Conferelice, composed chiefly o f delegates from Moscow i ~ n i o n s was held in October 1905. Tliere was ruthless suppression o f their activities b y the Russian authorities. As a consequence i t was difficult to witlistand the ruthlessness o f Russian State power and b y tlie winter o f 1916-1917 the membership o f unions dwindled to 1500. After March Revolution a council o f trade i ~ n i o n s was formed in Moscow and one i n Petrogard. I n Petrogard, and Moscow and other cities i i ~ i i o workers carried out ~i final seizure o f power which followed falnoi~sOctober revolution. Tlie new role o f all Russian Congress o f trade u ~ i i o ~was discussed i n 1918 at is petrogard in its first congress. With the introduction o f N e w Economic Policy, tlie unions became ecolioinic collaborators and advisers in the management o f o industry. Before October revolution tliere existed a large nu~iiber f small ilnions that had sprung LIP lnostly after march days which were later united in a central 01-ganisation known as tlie A l l Union Central Council o f Trade Union/Central C o i ~ n c i l f Trade Union ( A C C T U or simply CCTU). o
Cl~cckYour PI-ogress 8
I
ii) Check your answers witli tlie ~nodel,a~iswer given at tlie elid o f the
unit.
I) What are tlie main national trade i~nionsin USA, U K and the foniier Soviet
Union?
23.9 TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES - INDIAN TRADE UNION MOVEMENT
The Trade Union Movement in tlie developi~ig countries developed very differently from the advanced capitalist countries and socialist countries. There are some specifities i n the growth o f trade L I ion movenient i n these 11ost-colonial ~ societies. One o f the features o f trade union movement is its belatedness. In real sense trade union movement eiiierged o n national scene only after the first world war. Because o f late development o f industries, tlie workers are new to the industrial culture and dominated by rural moorings. Besides, there are strong political linkages witli tlie trade i ~ n i o n movelnent in tlie developing countries w i t l i national movement. Generally during tlie colonial period tlie trade unions were in the forefront o f freedom struggle, and therefore apart from trade union activities were deeply involved in the politics o f the country. Indian 'I rade Union Movement reflects tlie special nature o f the trade union moveriient o f an erst\vliile colonial country. . Before first world war the trade unionism in l ~ i d i a was very negligible. Generally there were some organisations which came up but they were very short-lived. During tlie war some efforts were made to organise workers on' ~ n o d e r trade l~
Sucinl hlovements
union lines wliicli ulti~nately culminated in an All India Trade Union Organisation called All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) in 1920, so that lndia could be represented at International Labour Organisat ion. A.I.T.U.C. had close links witli the national movement. Many o f its presidents were active in tlie national movement. Before Independence it was tlie front organisation o f tlie workers, just like Indian National Congress whicli was an umbrella for different shades o f opinions and ideologies. Silnilarly in A.I.T.U.C. that merged in one trade also there were different approaches to trade unionis~n i~nion organisation. At times there were splits also because of sharp differences in view points. Apart fro111A.I.T.U.C. Gandlii also enunciated a trade union movement based on his ideology o f Sarvodaya. Ahmedabad Textile Union or Mazdur Mahajan Sablia was a trade union organisation wliicli represented Gandhian philosophy o f industrial relations. After independence tliere has bee11break up o f Indian National Congress in lnany political parties as national movement got fragmented. Tlie trade union niovelnent also broke up in riiailv trade union organisations. A.1.T.U.C has been split in many trade union centres wliicli are strongly linked with one or the otlier political party sucli as Indian National Trade Union Congress (INTUC) linked with tlie Endian National Congress. Bhartiya Mazdoor Sangh, BMS with Bhartiya Jariata Party, A l l India Trade Union Congress witli Colnlnunist Party o f India, (AITLIC). Centre for India11Trade Union ClTU with Communist Party Marxist Hilid MaL_:--r Pancliayat, (HMP) Hind Mazdoor Sablia witli socialists. Besides these, there are soriie other trade union centres which are also affiliated witli one or otlier political parties. Thus tlie most important characteristic of lndian trade union movement in developing countries i s its close political involvement.
Check Your Progress 9 Note: i) Use tlie space given below for your answers.
ii) Check your answers witli the model answer given at tlie end o f the unit.
1) How can tlie political nature of trade union movement in lndia be traced in Indian National Movement?
23.10
LET US SUM UP
The working class organises itself in trade union organisations to protect their interests. The workers waged a prolonged struggle to achieve their right to organise themselves in an union. There are varied views regarding the goals o f trade unilons, their relationsliip with politics and class consciousness; therefore there are different theories of trade unions such as'Behavioural theory, Anarchist Syndicalist theory, Marxist and Leninist theory, and New Left theories. Mostly these tlieories reflect tlie social reality o f advanced developed countries or socialist countries. Tlie trade union movement in developing countries i s different. In India trade unions emerged out o f national ~novelnent and have close links witli politics. There i s a lnultiplicity o f trade unions.
23.11
KEY WORDS
:
Bourgeois
A term used by Marxist Socialists to denote proprietors (other than agricultural), capitalists, manufacturers, merchants, persons with a business of their own and persons of liberal professions. Conflict between different classes, in the present context particularly .between bourgeoisie and proletariat for protection of their interests. Believers in the doctrine that every form of government is evil and tyranny. Therefore state should be abolished and instead free associati011of individuals without arms be established. The class of wage earners with little or no property of their own who depend on the sale of their labour.
Class Conflict
Anarchists
',
Proletariat
:
23.12
Ahmad, Mukhrar. TradeUnions and Labour Disputes in India, 1935. Cllatterjee Rakahar i . Working Class and Nationalist Movement in India. The Criticul Years, New Delhi 1984. Clarke, Tom. Trade Unionism under Capitalism, New York 1977. Cole, G. D. H. Introduction to Trade Union Movenient, London, 1962. Crouch, Harold. Trade Unions and Politics in India, Bombay, 1966. Galenson, Walter and Seymour Martin Lipset. Labour and Trade Unionism: An
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Ghosh, Subrata. Trade Unionisim in Underdeveloped Countries, Calcutta, 1960. Hoxie, R.F. Trade Unionisin in United States, New York, 1966. Maximoff, G. P. New York, 1966.
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McCarthy, W. E. (ed.), 1972. Raman, N. Pattabhi. Political Involvement o India's Trade Unions, New York, f 1967. Saxena, Kiran, National Movement and Trade Union Movement, New Delhi, 1990.
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Social hlovelnents
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