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159. Names in Language Contact: Foreign Placenames


1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Introduction Toponyms from Nouns and Names Linguistic Nativization Historical Implications Semantic Aspects Selected Bibliography

1.

Introduction

Placenames based on foreign languages are everywhere, and they are significant and varied enough to warrant a treatment of their own. The problems involved will be indicated under the four headings indicated, 25.

2.

Toponyms from Nouns and Names

The foreignness of foreign names has various sources. Quite commonly, placenames are based on appellatives, common nouns, of foreign provenance, i. e., on loanwords. These usually reflect aspects of the natural and social environment behind the language of their origin. Or foreign placenames may derive from foreign personal names, which often indicate the settler of or dweller in the place. Or places may perpetuate the names of foreign institutions, ecclesiastic or governmental, and such names tend to be a blend of appellatives and personal names. We exemplify these three kinds of placenames with German toponyms of French origin (Bach 1954, II:2, 53 6, 53 4, 519). Appellatives: Fr. goutte drop, dial. brook (FEW IV, 3 50 f.) was used in Alsatian German as -gott, suffixed as a marker of the environment to names of brooks such as Hitzengott/Meisengott. Personal names: The township called Picardie (in Einsland) was built up, in the 17th century, by a preacher named Jan Picard. Complex names: A health resort in Lower Saxony is called Pyrmont. The name, originally that of a mountain fortress built by the Archbishop of Cologne, goes back to Fr. Pyrremont (1185), which itself is based on Petri mons. Foreign appellatives as the bases of placenames raise a problem of definition: their degree of foreignness. A loanword, after a certain stretch of time, may loose its foreignness, in part through phonological adaptation, in part through its common use in the vernacular. Its foreignness may stimulate historical interpretation, meaningful for the etymologist, meaningless for the speaker.

And the same holds for toponyms based on such appellatives. To Bach (1954, 440), German appellatives of Latin provenance, which have turned into placenames, are altes Fremdgut, foreignisms of long standing; but the names, to him, are German. Examples from West Germany: Lat. camminus road Kimm; Lat. palatium palace Pfalz. Georgacas (1949/50, 157) exemplifies the case with two common Greek toponyms, Prta and Spti. The former < Lat. porta door, the latter < Lat. hospitium house, but by today and are just Greek lexemes. Another recurrent problem tied to foreign appellatives regards the process of naming. Sometimes, it seems, this process starts with the foreigners, who use appellatives of their own language, familiar to them from their former environment and the names stick and are adopted by the natives. Georgacas (1949/50, 153 155) discusses Greek placenames based on appellatives from this angle: these appellatives frequently did not become current loanwords in Greek, but were used directly as placenames by the Italians. Georgacas (using the materials found in Kahane 1940) lists about one hundred of them. The following examples are typical: nature: Srba, placename (but not an appellative) on Chios, < Ital. selva wood; urban development: Piatsta name of the town square in Argostoli (Cephalonia) < Ven. piazzeta small square (not an appellative in the regional dialect); the harbor: Skalta place near the coast, on Crete < Ital. scaletta small wharf; religion: Altre place on the island of Kea, once the site of a Catholic church < Ital. altare altar. Sachs (193 2, 7), in his analysis of medieval Germanic toponyms in Spain and Portugal, relates the placenames derived from appellatives to the settler. Only few Germanic appellatives were taken over and these were a natural material for placenames: they referred to the dwelling of the settler: *laubja shelter, in the Galician dialect lobio, > placename Lobio, and br house > Bouro, in Oviedo. Longnon (192029, 211222) lists several French placenames based on Frankish appellatives that pertain to the usual vocabulary of nature and social life. Thus, Frank. strm river yielded names such as trun (Depts. Nord and Pas-de-Calais), and Frank.

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fara clan rendered the toponym Fre (Depts. Aisne and Marne). The fact that these appellatives have left no corresponding traces in the spoken language (FEW 17, 262 s. v. *strm, and 15, 112 s. v. *fara) supports the hypothesis that the names were given by the foreigners themselves. Placenames derived from personal names must frequently have come into being through a dwellers personal link to local conditions. Piel (193 3 , 109), analyzing over 1400 Portuguese placenames of Germanic origin, states that in the North of the country and in Galicia, i. e., in the area invaded by the Suevi, these names, typically consisting of a generic term such as Villa village or Quinta farm, property followed by a Gmc. name such as Alvarim, were, with no exception, based on person names. The name of the settler turned into the name of the settlement. Two types of such placenames are well represented in Greece, and they reflect local aspects of the intensive and longlasting impact of Venetocracy, the supremacy of Venice in the Eastern Mediterranean (Kahane 1940, 266328). (a) First names: Ceph. Pieroboni, a mountain on the island, < Ven. Piero Peter + Grk. boun mountain; Melos K ourad, name of a location with remnants of ancient walls and tombs, < Ven. Corradin. (b) Family names: Crete Falairian n. plur., village (16 17th c.), < Ven. FN Falier + suff.; Ceph. Lourds < Loredan, Venetian noble family, whose members were high officials in the Ionian Islands; Andros Makrotntalo, village < Ven. Marco Dandolo; the village was possibly a fief of a relative of the first ruler of Andros, Marino Dandolo(13th c.). Placenames reflecting local events and conditions that involve foreigners are well represented among the Norman toponyms in England. Matthews (1972, 102103 ) describes their genesis, Complete placenames of Norman origin are not common in England, but when we turn to the double names we find that the second part is often a Norman contribution. This second part was frequently the surname of the Norman families which held the manor in the twelfth or thirteenth century: Melton (Middletown) became Melton Mowbray; Shepton (Sheeptown), Shepton Mallet; Wootton (Woodtown), Wootton Bassett. Sometimes the foreignness of a placename is indicated by the suffix: the suffix -ing, denoting a preceding name as that of the oc-

cupant, implies Germanic provenance of the toponym. Longnon (192029, 21722) cites examples of Frankish toponyms in France marked by that suffix: Gazeran (Seine-etOise) from Wasiringus, Thieffrain (Aube) from Tendefridus, Bettange (Lorraine) from Bertadius.

3.

Linguistic Nativization

Foreignisms by turning toponyms frequently loose their foreignness, and this process of their nativization has various facets. A few of these will be briefly described: phonological adaptation, translation, and embedding in a phrase. 3.1. Phonological adaptation. Names that were current in an area are taken over by the new settlers and are adapted to their language. The medieval Tyroleans expanding to the South established themselves in Sdtirol, the Alpine region of northern Italy. They had reached a land of Romance placenames, often documented in Latin, and they Germanized many of them: Lat. and Ital. fascia strip of a field, used as toponym (13 92), was Tyrolized Pftsch (1417), Lat. torculum winepress Torkel, name of farms (1288), Lat. pratum meadow, plur. prata, with toponyms such as Prada/Prade (1328)/Prais (= in pratis Bratz (Schneller 1896, 17, 26, 49). In the same area, the Alto Adige, Battisti (1963 , 54) observed the Tyrolization of evidently Ital. placenames: Vallunga (long valley) Flum and Vallaccia (bad valley) Flatsch. The French of the Normans brought into England was likewise vulnerable (Matthews 1972, 99100): A Norman, building himself a castle on a high hill, called it Mont hault, which became Mold; a northern abbey was given the name of Haut emprise high endeavour, which exists today as Haltemprise. In a more recent case, in the midland country of the U. S., first explored and settled by the French, some of the French names, such as Detroit, Racine, and Baton Rouge, were kept by the Americans; others, particularly names of smaller places, were Anglicized: Terre Bleue blue earth Tar Blue; Pomme de Terre earth apple Pomly Tar; Mauvaise Terre bad earth Movestar (Stewart 1982, 210211). 3.2. Translation. In England, the French appellatives imported by the Normans and re-

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ferring to features of landscape and environment, turned only rarely into placenames. Yet, often they were added redundantly to English toponyms (Matthews 1972, 104): River Avon, with the latter lexeme being the Welsh word for the former; Sherwood Forest, with forest being the French word for wood; Lake Windermere, with mere Anglo-Saxon for body of water; Burgh Castle, with the Germanic and the French synonyms side by side. 3.3. Embedding. Among foreign placenames, a specific structure, that of head plus modifier, has often been transferred from one language to the other. In a study on the expression of landmarks, conspicuous objects on land serving as guides to sailors and wanderers, we noticed (Kahane 1971, 255256) that certain objects possess two features that stimulate naming and, accordingly, get binomial names, usually consisting of noun and modifier. Examples from Italian placenames in Greece: Corfu Prta rila a square (near to the 16th-century city gate) < Porta reale royal gate. Laconia Prto K gio open bay in Eastern Maine (Peloponn.) < Ital. porto harbour and Ven. quagia quail, so called as the last European resting point of quails flying from Europe to Crete and the Cyrenaica. Leucas Strti kanli < canali stretti narrow channels; the transfer of the Ital. canali masc. plur. was promoted by the Grk. Latinism kanli n. sing. channel (4th c.). Pholegandros Taliagrnta a row of offshore rocks < Ital. taglia grande tally of large size.

4.

Historical Implications

The insight formulated by the Italian etymologist Carlo Battisti (1963 , 3 8) is certainly true of placenames: The linguist cannot avoid associating with the historian. And indeed, a basic approach to foreign toponyms aims at historical inferences. Placenames deemed foreign in a given language may have existed somewhere before the speakers of that language settled in the area of their use and heard and adopted them. These names represent the substratum, the linguistic underlayer, of such language. Or foreign names may come into use as part of the linguistic impact, whenever it took place, of a contemporary and, for that time, modern foreign civilization, dominant in political, social, economic or cultural respects. This impact is

labelled superstratum, the linguistic overlayer. In short, the foreignness of a name, whether the name belongs to the substratum or the superstratum, is a historical and etymological piece of evidence. The history of Italy as reflected in its placenames exemplifies these two patterns of foreignness. Rohlfs (1944) provides a good survey. As to Northern Italy, various toponyms represent the substratum, scraps of a language that were current in Latin before it turned into Italian. Thus, the Alpine Monte Rosa implies a pre-Indo-European term *rosa glacier, hinting at the presence of an early non-identifiable population. The name of the pre-Roman Ligurian tribe of the Taurini survives in the name of the city, Torino. The Gaulish root morpheme nant brook reappears in Piedmont as Nant, the name of brooks and places. In Tuscany, the form of names likes Flsina and Svena, which contain three syllables and carry the stress on the third from the end, suggest Etruscan origin. Latinity with its development into Italian turned into the language of the country yet, it was a country that attracted invaders and settlers, whose languages in varying degrees represented the superstratum. In the early Middle Ages, Germanic tribes, carried by the vlkerwanderung, established themselves in Italy. The name of the Langobards survives in the medieval name of Italy, Langobardia, and the very Langobard lexeme fra clan appears in many North-Italian toponyms such as Fra Vicentina (of Vicenza). Similarly, the name of the Goths is preserved in various names of former Gothic settlements in Northern Italy: Gdia in Friuli, Gdega in the province Treviso. The south of Italy, from Antiquity through Byzantine times, was Greek colonial territory, the Magna Graecia, Greater Greece, and Greek toponyms abound, exemplified, first of all, by Napoli, which renders Grk. Nepolis Newtown, and by the name of a small island close to Naples, Nisida, which copies Grk. nsda small island. This glimpse at the various substratum and superstratum relics in Italian, stated in terms of their geographical distribution, followed (as mentioned) a survey of Rohlfs. He was a linguistic geographer who linked the history of linguistic phenomena to their geographical distribution. The distribution of foreign placenames is of equal significance for the reconstruction of superstratum and substratum. It reflects the spread of the foreign impact:

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Where the foreign placenames are most crowded, there foreign influence was most sustained. The case of the many Italian placenames in Greece is an example: Four fifths of these placenames are found in six areas, all of which are located on islands or coasts: the Ionian Islands; Crete; the Cyclades (the islands in the S. Aegean); the Southern Sporades and Cyprus; the great islands near Asia Minor Samos, Chios and Lesbos; and the Southern Peloponnesus. These were the areas under the administration of the Venetians, the domination of the Genoese and the rule of the Knights Hospitallers. In, significantly, a handbook for historians, Lebel 1961 outlines the history of France in terms of French toponyms, phase by phase. The Celtic layer: Their zeal of independence and rivalry among themselves explains the establishment, by the Gallic tribes, of numerous fortified places, whose location is indicated by the Celtic rootmorphemes dunum/ briga/durum, often differentiated by modifiers: Augustodunum fort of Augustus, modern Autun (Sane-et-Loire); Scaldobriga fort of the Scheldt, modern Escaudoeuvres (Nord); Brivodurum fort on the bridge, modern Brires (Ardennes). The Latin layer: The expansion of the highway net built by the Romans is reflected in the stations which served as shelters: Tabernae taverns surviving in Saverne (Bas-Rhin) and Taverne (Var), Mansiones dwelling places, today Maisons at various localities. The Germanic layer: Germanic farms were named by the generic noun for farm in Romance, preceded by the Germanic owners Latinized name in the genitive: Arnaldi villa, modern Arnaville (Meurthe-et-Moselle); Gunderici corte, modern Guindrecourt (Haute-Marne). And then a similar example, from later times, of placenames which reflect the transfer of the typical features of a dominant culture into a colonial area: As the French-Canadian writer Gabrielle Roy (1962) proudly reports, La Vrendrye (16851749), the explorer of Canada, left all over Manitoba names which still evoke the pntration franaise. Significantly, some of these names were based on those of the forts built, in the thirties of the eighteenth century, by the French: Fort Rouge, today a district of Winnipeg; FortSaint Charles, the oldest, on the Lake of the Woods; the fort Maurepas, at the mouth of the river Winnipeg. Zgusta 1984 reconstructs the complex linguistic history of Asia Minor through an anal-

ysis of its placenames. The indigenous languages, such as Hittite and Phrygian, are gone, but the placenames which they left behind survived in the succeeding non-indigenous languages of the area, such as Greek, Celtic and Turkish. Toponyms from, e. g., Galatia (the area around Ankara) such as Mnzos and Outisson (as they appear in the Greek documentation) are of Lycian origin; K vva K nna and Manegordus are Phrygian. Turk. Arguvan continues Cappadocian Argaon, of Hittite origin. Turk. Yrme evolves as identical with Byz. Germa in Galatia, an originally Celtic name. The genesis of a superstratum evolved in the naming process that played a weighty role in the early expeditions of the Spaniards into the New World. Ponce de Len and his captains, in their cruises through the Caribbean, felt obliged to give and to record names in a newly discovered land. The King himself instructed some of them in their commissions: You must give a name ... to cities, towns and places which you find there. For the discoverer a province without a name was hardly a province at all (Stewart 1981, 12). The origin of some of the names is documented (Stewart 1116): The time of the year at which the explorers reached what they believed was an island, was around Easter, the feast of Resurrection, and Ponce de Len, taking the green land for a flowery land, and combining the day of his discovery with the vegetation of the place, called the supposed island Florida. Some of the names reflect no more than the pilots first observations: A cape marked by a dense growth of canes they called Caaveral canbrake, and it still carries that name. Or an incident motivated the naming: On a small island Juan Ponces men caught one hundred and seventy turtles, and they called the island Tortugas turtles, a name that still survives.

5.

Semantic Aspects

The foreign toponyms of an area, seen in their totality, convey a complex meaning: they reflect both the foreign civilization which, during a certain period was providing these names, and the native civilization which was receiving them. The wealth of the ItaloVenetian placenames in Greece illustrates well this impact of a prestige language on toponyms. From the thirteenth century on, Italy played a dominant role in the Levant; from

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the fifteenth to the eighteenth century Venice ruled over a colonial empire in the Aegean and Ionian islands, the first colonial empire of modern history. The impact on the language of the natives was the typical impact of a prestige language: the foreignisms entered at the upper stratum of society, trickled down to the level of the vernacular, and disappeared early in the 20th century, as did also many of the Italian placenames, under the pressure of the times. The Italian toponyms in Greece based on Ital. appellatives, which were often given by the Greeks and adapted to Greek, have to be understood as part of a prestige language, that transmitted a vocabulary of progress and modernism. These toponyms reflected those manifold areas of activity in which the foreigners were in contact with the natives: navigation and administration, settling and building (Kahane 1940, 3 53 6): a) Navigation: maistro (Ven.) northwest wind Ma stros cape to the northwest of the island of Paros. scogio (Ven.) cliff Skgia plur. rocks and impassable shorelines on the island of Chios. fregada (Ven.) frigate Phergda a rock in the South of the island of Samothrace. b) Ven. administration: cancelaria (Ven.) chancery K antzelara location on Spetsai, an island off E. Peloponnesus, called after a house in which the municipal council of elders used to meet. feudo (Ven.) fief Phoudo large estate in Andros; the placename reflects a characteristic feature of Frankocracy, the feudal system; early in this century, the appellative phoudo large estate, desolate estate was still in use on the Ionian and Aegean islands. sanit (Ven.) public health authority Syros Sanit a small port in the bay of Hermoupolis. c) The township: marc (Ven.) market Corfu Marks the meat- and fishmarket. piazza (OVen.) square, market Pltsa, wide-spread as the name of town squares and neighborhoods. salizada (Ven.) paved road Zante Salitzda name of the road leading to the castle. The semantic field of animal names, zoonyms, is well represented among placenames that are tied to Greek islands and coasts, and early records of some of these names appeared, not by chance, in the Greek portolani of the sixteenth century, the guidebooks for captains and pilots. Places, in other words, were named by seamen passing by in their vessels and translating first impressions into

toponyms. Among them (Cortelazzo 1986): Azenra, a small island in the Heptanesos, < Ven. asenera place full of asses; Phalkonra, an island in the Aegean Sea, < Ven. falconera place with falcons; ns tn Pernzn island of the partridges, near Crete, < Ven. pernise partridge. The most flexible semantic field, ideology, tends to be expressed by the most flexible kind of names, street names. Kramer 1985 describes the case of Cologne in the context of the French Revolution. The French occupied and Frenchified the German country west of the Rhine, and the city turned to the last German Rektor of the University, a loyal adherent of the Napoleonic reorientation of Europe, to attend to the renaming of streets. He saw in this the opportunity for a kind of public instruction, and he gave names such as these: Place Napolen/ Rue Impriale/ Porte Impriale/ Port de lEmpire/ Place des Victoires. Kramer sees in this episode the discovery of streetnames as a means of political propaganda. Place names, just as appellatives, often represent semantic fields, and some of these are tied to specific linguistic forms. Two examples: religious places and the jargon of business. 5.1. Religious places. The designations of places of worship and service often turn into names of towns and smaller places. Two cases: In Catholicism the designation of religious sites, of churches and monasteries largely adhered to the Greco-Latin tradition, and these traditionbound appellatives, used time and again and everywhere, remained, linguistically perceived, a reminder and lasting echo of the medieval state of diglossia, the coexistence of Latin and the vernacular, of the high and low levels of language. A study treating the reflections of Christian life in the names of towns and villages of the Iberian Peninsula (Lopez Santos 1952: 17 27) lists many examples of Latin appellatives that in the past had referred to religious institutions and now, only superficially popularized, have turned into placenames. Examples: oratorium place for prayer Oratorio. monasterium Monasterio/ Monesterio. coemeterium cemetery Cementario/ Cimentiri. In Orthodox Greece the impact of the Roman Catholic Church is reflected in Italian names of churches and monasteries (Kahane

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1940: 3 223 28): Corfu Lntza to Sn Tzkomo Loggia of San Giacomo, name of the mayoralty of Corfu, situated next to the Roman Catholic church Sn Tzkomo, built by the Venetians in 163 3 , < Ital. San Giacomo St. James. Cephalonia Ssia n. plur., name of a Franciscan monastery (mentioned in the 16th c.) and its environs, < Ital. Assisi, the epithet of St. Francis. Chios Panaga h Kourn, a church of the Dominicans dedicated to the Virgin Mary, mentioned since the 15th c., < Ital. (In)coronata Crowned Virgin Mary. 5.2. The jargon of business. Whereas frequently appellatives are apt, as labels of cultural and social features, to be used as placenames, the reverse change also occurs: placenames can become appellatives, which are then borrowed by other languages. This transformation, quite common in the Middle Ages and particularly in the Romance languages, is characteristic of business-speak. The product is named, quite succinctly, after the place where it is produced, and that name spreads with the product. The topic has been discussed, in particular, by Vidos 1950 and Hfler 1967. Vidos treats the names of Flemish and Dutch towns and provinces such as Brussels, Ghent and Brabant, which turned into Romance appellatives, and he established three syntactic frames which generated the change: a) An adjectival use of the placename: Fr. batelet gantois small boat from Ghent > gantois kind of boat; Span. caballo frisn Frisian horse > frisn large draught horse. b) Through juxtaposition of placename and the kind of merchandise associated with it: Bois-le-Duc, capital of Brabant, turns via Span. cinta balduque narrow tape > balduque narrow red tape. c) Through a prepositional phrase: tulle de Bruxelles > bruxelles tulle. Hfler, searching for the linguistic causes of the change from placename to appellative, sees two possibilities. The one is metonymy, the substitution of one designation of a thing for another, which in the case at hand means calling the product after the place of production: in a glass of Burgundy the name of a region in France stands for a wine there produced. The other explanation is one of ellipsis, omission: a glass of wine from Burgundy is shortened to a glass of Burgundy. The habit of an elliptic style of speech was and is common, Hfler surmises, among business-

men, and he quotes (p. 129), the once authoritative eighteenth-century French Dictionnaire de Trvoux, s. v. Rouen (the Northern-French city): Se dit simplement parmi les Marchands pour toile de Rouen, Rouen is used by businessmen simply for cloth from Rouen. The following examples are taken from Vidos (1959, 195204): Ypres (W Belgium) Span. (14th c.) ypre, Venice (13 th c.) ipre/ ipra tissue; Ostende (NW Belgium) Catal. (15th c.) ostende/ ostenda, Span. (17th c.) ostenda; Holland Fr. hollande, Portug. hollanda paper. To these Romance cases we may add an Eastern example: the development from the name of a country via the corresponding adjective into an appellative is exemplified by the once wide-spread medieval word for wootz, the kind of steel used for the famous Damascus swords (Kahane, Kahane, Austin 1946): Indian steel, known since antiquity, was mediated by the Persians to the West. They called it Indian, hindawni, which Byz. Grk. took over as indanikn, with offshoots such as the technical Latinism andanicum, Venetian andanico and Old French andaigne. Arabic used for the same concept hind Indian which turned into Span. alfinde/ alinde steel (Corominas-Pascual, 198091, s. v. alinde). But not only products of commerce, also phenomena of nature carry the names of the place of their origin into other lands. Winds, blowing from country to country, exemplify the process (Kahane 1957): The Greek basis *libkion coming from Libya turned into the name of the southwest wind and has been used as such since the Middle Ages in several languages of the Mediterranean such as Old French lebeche, Ital. libeccio, Arab. laba. And from the fifteenth century on, a wind coming from Provence became in a region (such as the area of the Tyrrhenian Sea) where Provence and northwest were synonymous the name of the northwest wind, and this wind name spread widely: e. g., Catal. provena, Sicily pruvenza, Malta (Arab.) provenz, Venetian, provenza fog.

6.

Selected Bibliography

Bach, Adolf (1954): Die deutschen Ortsnamen 2: Die deutschen Ortsnamen in geschichtlicher, geographischer, soziologischer und psychologischer Betrachtung. Heidelberg.

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Battisti, Carlo (1963 ): Popoli e lingue dellAlto Adige. In: Carlo Battisti, ed., LAlto Adige nel passato e nel presente. Firenze, 3055. Corominas, Joan, Pascual, Jos A. (19801991): Diccionario crtico etimolgico castellano e hispnico. Madrid. Cortelazzo, Manlio (1986): Zoonimi di origine italiana nella toponomastica dei portolani greci. I n: Onomastica 10, 7176. (Rpt. in M. Cortelazzo, Venezia, il Levante e il mare, 505510. Pisa, 1989.) FEW = Walther von Wartburg (1928 ff.): Franzsisches etymologisches Wrterbuch. Bonn etc. Georgacas, Demetrius (1949/50): Italian placenames in Greece and place-names from Italian loanwords. In: Beitrge zur Namenforschung, 1/2, 149170; 266270. Hfler, Manfred (1967): Untersuchungen zur Tuchund Stoffbenennung in der franzsischen Urkundensprache: Vom Ortsnamen zum Appellativum. In: Zeitschrift fr romanische Philologie, Beiheft 114. Kahane, Henry, Kahane, Rene (1940): Italienische Ortsnamen in Griechenland (Texte und Forschungen zur byzantinisch-neugriechischen Philologie 36). Athen. Kahane, Henry, Kahane, Rene (1957): Toponyms as Anemonyms. In: Names 5, 241245. Kahane, Henry, Kahane, Rene (1971): From landmark to toponym. In: Sprache und Geschichte [Harri Meier Testimonial]. Mnchen, 253258. Kahane, Henry, Kahane, Rene, Austin, Herbert D. (1946): Byzantine , Frankish andanicum Indian steel Byzantina-Metabyzantina, 1, 181187. Kramer, Johannes (1985): Franzsische Straennamen in einigen rheinischen Stdten. In: Beitrge zur Namenforschung 20, 918.

Lebel, Paul (1961): Onomastique. In: Encyclopdie de la Pleiade, XI. Paris, 677723. Longnon, Auguste (19201929): Les noms de lieu de la France. Paris. Lpez Santos, Luis (1952): Influjo de la vida cristiana en los nombres de pueblos espaoles. Len. Matthews, C. M. (1972): Place Names of the English-Speaking World. New York. Piel, Joseph (193 3 /3 41944): Os nomes germnicos na toponmia portuguesa. In: Boletin de Filologia, 26. Rohlfs, Gerhard (1944): Streifzge durch die italienische Toponomastik. In: Archiv fr das Studium der Neueren Sprachen 184, 103129. Roy, Gabrielle (1962): Le Manitoba. Rpt. in Roy, Fragiles lumires de la terre. Montral, 1978, 101 120. Sachs, Georg (193 2): Die germanischen Ortsnamen in Spanien und Portugal. (Berliner Beitrge zur Romanischen Philologie, II/4). Berlin. Schneller, Christian (1896): Beitrge zur Ortsnamenkunde Tirols. Drittes Heft. Innsbruck. Stewart, George (1982): Names on the Land. 4th ed. San Francisco. Vidos, B. E. (1950): Noms de villes et de provinces flamands et nerlandais devenus noms communs dans les langues romanes. Rpt. in Vidos, Prestito (1965): Espansione e migrazione dei termini tecnici nelle lingue romanze e non romanze (Biblioteca dellArchivum Romanicum, ser. II, vol. 3 1). Roma, 185209. Zgusta, Ladislav (1984): Kleinasiatische Ortsnamen (Beitrge zur Namenforschung, NF. Beiheft 21). Heidelberg.

Henry () and Rene Kahane, Urbana, Ill. (U.S.A.)

160. Namen in Sprachinseln: Deutsch


1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Untersuchungsgebiet Ortsnamen Personennamen Zusammenfassung Literatur (in Auswahl)

1.

Untersuchungsgebiet

1.1. Allgemeines: Aus der Flle von deutschen Sprachinseln, die dem Osten, Sdosten und Sden des deutschen Sprachraums vorgelagert sind, bzw. bis zu ihrer teilweisen Entvl-

kerung im Zuge der politischen Entwicklungen in der 2. Hlfte des 20. Jahrhunderts (vgl. Wiesinger 1980; 1983; Kranzmayer 1956, 5 ff.; Hornung 1986), werden hier vorzglich jene behandelt, die von sterreich aus besiedelt wurden. Sie befinden bzw. befanden sich u. a. in Italien, Slowenien, Ungarn, Rumnien, Tschechien, Slowakei, weitere vgl. Czoernig (1855). 1.2. Wirklich gut erhalten sind die deutschen Sprachinseln in Italien. Sie gliedern sich in folgende Gruppen:

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