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Trautmann"TITLE "Discovering Aryan and Dravidian in British India"SUBJECT "Historiographia Linguistica 31:1 (2004)"KEYWORDS ""SIZE HEIGHT "240"WIDTH "160"VOFFSET "2">
Thomas R. Trautmann
University of Michigan
1. Introduction
Aryan and Dravidian, the keywords of my title, have ancient antecedents in
Sanskrit, but in their current meanings they are modern constructs that were
invented in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. To examine their genesis and
mutual influence I began, not in my usual way, with a trip to the library, but as
my students are teaching me to, with a keyword search on the Internet. The
outcome was quite revealing.
For Dravidian I found a modest number of books listed on the American
Book Exchange, most of them about Dravidian languages and linguistics, a few
*This essay is an attempt to sketch a large terrain, that of a project on ‘Languages and
Nations’ I have been engaged in for several years, concerning language analysis in early
British India, and the ways in which it is an emergent product of interactions between two
traditions of language study, European and Indian. What can here only be sketched is put in
greater detail in my book, Aryans and British India (Trautmann 1997), chiefly about Indo-
European and the Calcutta Orientalists, and a book manuscript in progress, chiefly about the
Dravidian proof and the Orientalists of Madras, in which many of these matters are more
fully explored and referenced than they can be in the short space of an article. The framing
of the essay around the keywords Aryan and Dravidian was due to the conference for which
it was first written, “‘Arier’ und ‘Draviden’: Genese und Wechselwirkung zweier interkultur-
eller Deutungsmuster und ihre Relevanz für die Selbst- und Fremdwahrnehmung Südasiens”,
held at the Franckesche Stiftungen, Halle, 4–5 October 1999. It was published, in German, in
“Arier” und “Draviden”: Konstructionen der Vergangenheit als Grundlage für Selbst- und
Fremdwahrnehmungen Südasiens ed. by Michael Bergunder & Rahul Peter Das (Halle/Saale:
Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen, 2002). I have made a few alterations in the original
English version. I am grateful to Kevin Tuite of the Université de Montréal and an anony-
mous reviewer for helpful comments and suggestions, and to the editor for his sage and
thoughtful editorial help.
34 Thomas R. Trautmann
about the Dravidian political movement in Tamil Nadu, and one or two works
of anthropology, all of them about South India and Sri Lanka. Western knowl-
edge of the Dravidian, in short, is largely confined to scholarly books on India.
A keyword search for Aryan, by contrast, found a larger number of books, most
of them falling into two very distinct types: scholarly works about India (mostly
linguistics) on the one hand, and, on the other, works propagating or analyzing
the politics of racial hatred in the West, from 19th century beginnings through
the Nazis to groups such as Aryan Nation which, unfortunately, flourish today
in my own country. Though the scope of the Dravidian concept is largely
confined to the study of South Asia, it is a striking aspect of the Aryan concept
that it belongs to two quite different narratives, in which it has quite different
meanings and functions. I will call these narratives “the story of knowledge”
and “the story of ethnic politics”, by which I mean especially the story of the
politics of racial hatred.
The story of knowledge has to do with the discovery of the Indo-European
family of languages, adumbrated by Sir William Jones before the Asiatic Society
at Calcutta in 1786 (Jones 1786), anticipated by many and put on a sound basis
by Franz Bopp beginning with his famous Conjugationssystem (Bopp 1816).
Jones’ pronouncement on Indo-European figures in histories of linguistics as an
epochal moment leading to the formation of Comparative Philology. The Indo-
European concept was a real breakthrough of scientific linguistics, linking
languages widely separated in space, forming two blocs, an eastern one of
Persian and Indic languages and a western, European bloc, separated from one
another by Semitic and Turkic languages. The Indo-European concept was
anything but obvious — the idea, that is, that the two blocs of languages, so
distant from one another, are nevertheless related to one another. Its discovery
by Jones and others not only created a new science of language but it radically
reordered existing ideas about the relations among different nations or races of
peoples. Moreover it created new knowledge of such interrelationships in the
deep past of which the surviving ancient literatures, such as those in Latin,
Greek or Sanskrit, preserved no distinct memory; and for peoples who had no
written literatures, such as the American Indians (cf. Tooker 2002), it became
a new key to ethnological history. The discovery of the Dravidian language
family was less spectacular in its geographical reach, but similar in its attending
circumstances. In these and other cases philology made durable additions to
knowledge that remain in force among the experts to this day.
The story of ethnic politics is the more powerful and urgent narrative about
the appropriation and political deployment of the new ethnological ideas,
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especially in the West, but also in South Asia. The story of politics is not, of
course, separable from the story of knowledge and the two are connected in
ways that need to be examined and explained. The shadow of the death camps
of Nazi period Germany darkens the aspect of the scientific breakthrough
represented by Indo-Europeanist comparative philology, to which German
scholars made such brilliant contributions. Thus one of the greatest scientific
accomplishments of the modern world is linked with the event which defines
for us the ultimate of human evil. Both narratives are sometimes merged into
a story of guilty knowledge; sometimes the story gets framed as a specifically
German story (Poliakov 1974), at other times (Said 1978) in a quite different
direction as a Foucauldian story of Orientalist knowledge produced and tainted
by colonial power.
In spite of all that has been written about them, our understanding both of
the formation of modern knowledge about Indo-European and Dravidian, and
of the rise of modern ethnic politics in the West and in South Asia, are far from
complete. Much remains to be clarified about the relation of the story of
Orientalist knowledge and that of ethnic politics, and much harm comes from
concluding too quickly, finding early causes for late consequences by evacuating
lapsed time between distant horizons, under the strongly directional light and
shadow thrown from one theoretical perspective or another. We need to allow
the evidence itself to speak more loudly.
Without pretending to be able to complete the work that needs doing, it is
my hope to contribute through the investigation of the genesis of the modern
Aryan and Dravidian concepts in British India — work which I have begun in
a book, Aryans and British India (Trautmann 1997), and which continues in a
book in progress on the discovery of the Dravidian language family. My reasons
for concentrating on the British Orientalists to the exclusion of those of other
European nations are not national at all, in any sense. I think that the story of
knowledge is really about an intellectual encounter of Europe as a whole and
India as a whole; it is a story of civilizations brought into close connection by
colonial rule. The British Orientalists are interesting as an aspect of that
European encounter; an aspect, moreover, which has been forgotten and
neglected. For a couple of decades Calcutta enjoyed a virtual monopoly as
producer of a new, British-Indian Orientalism based on knowledge of Sanskrit
that was avidly consumed in Europe, creating indeed a mania for India and
Sanskrit. The monopoly of Calcutta ended when the means of learning Sanskrit
were brought to Europe, first by Alexander Hamilton at Paris, and then in the
Germanies, as the British enthusiasm waned; at length the British-Indian
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36 Thomas R. Trautmann
language are not even mentioned. John Leyden was a linguist of extraordinary
facility, whose ambition to overtake the reputation of Jones was cut short by an
early death, by fever, on an expedition to Java; he and Ellis were distant friends.
Ellis, whose shy brilliance demanded the highest standards of himself, pub-
lished little beyond the Dravidian proof. He had made a vow not to publish till
he was a well-ripened scholar of 40 years, and then died of accidental poison-
ing at age 41 or 42.
In the course of the 19th century British people themselves forgot the
contributions of their countrymen. They came to think of enthusiasm for
Indian antiquities a puzzling attribute of Continentals, and of Comparative
Philology as a German science, looking upon Friedrich Max Müller as its
celebrity scholar and translator into English.
38 Thomas R. Trautmann
40 Thomas R. Trautmann
abstraction by which the ancient core of a living language is disengaged from its
periphery and made into a new object for the study of genealogical relations
among other such abstracted core languages.
18th-century European ideas about the origin of language and its develop-
ment are contained within the short, Biblical chronology of the world, which
among English speakers was thought to have begun with the creation in 4004
B. C., or rather with the more recent Confusion of Tongues at the Tower of
Babel which occurred in about 2300 B. C. (discussed in Trautmann 1992). They
are further configured by the Genesis narrative of the descent of Noah, into
what the anthropologists call a segmentary lineage of nations, which is the
substratum of the segmentary lineage of languages. To hold to the project of
uncovering relations among nations through the comparison of vocabulary lists
is to hold that languages have similarities among themselves in proportion to
the closeness of their derivation.
It is this conception and the project which flows from it that Europeans took
around the world in the 17th and 18th centuries. This is the ‘surplus input’ that
the colonial studies approach brackets out of the equation, and that makes the
knowledge production of European colonialism so very different from that of
the ancient Romans and Greeks, especially as concerns the study of foreign
languages. It is this project that Europe brings to the world it turns into its
colonies; but it is a project formed ages earlier and formed around, not the Greek
but rather the Biblical conceptions of the history of languages and nations.
In a sense, the colonial expansion of Europe acted less as an efficient than
as a material means, a kind of technology magnifying and making more
effective the purposes of its user. It now seems to me that the reason these
projects come to fruition in the transition from a mercantile to an colonial
enterprise in British India is that the transition brought a new stratum of well-
educated, often university-educated, civil servants and officers to British India
that had been lacking in the mercantile phase. Thus while much of the new
interest in India’s languages was directly inspired by the needs of government,
a distinct component of it was directed to broadly philosophical or theoretical
projects whose origin lies beyond immediate colonial utility. Certain character-
istic forms of colonial knowledge, then, follow from programs that had been
developed in Europe much before the imperial expansion of Europe. The
method of the comparison of vocabulary lists, fashioned at home, was able to
rewrite the history of the world because European imperial power made non-
Europe accessible to European scholarship.
Discovering Aryan and Dravidian in British India 41
42 Thomas R. Trautmann
scholars believe, from which modern scripts of India derive (Bühler 1898). But
in creating a system of writing the Indians, thanks to the acuteness of their
phonological analysis, made profound changes in it, doubling the number of
letters to achieve a close correspondence between the sounds of Sanskrit and the
signs of the writing system, and changing the arbitrary alphabetical order that
afflicts all the other descendants of the ancient Semitic script with a highly
rational order reflecting that phonological analysis. In this way the very learning
of the alphabetical order of the script for Sanskrit is a lesson in phonology. This
effect was also conveyed by other scripts derived from Brahmi, such as the
Dravidian language Tamil, to which the same alphabetical order applies but
with omissions of sounds not found in Tamil and the addition of a few Tamil
sounds not found in Sanskrit. By these means Brahmi-derived scripts were
devised for Tibetan, Burmese, Thai, Cambodian and other languages, carrying
with them a lesson in Prātiśākhya.
One immediate consequence of British exposure to Sanskrit, then, was in
the area of phonology, which was rather quickly absorbed into European
»
linguistic study. Jones, whose access to Pānini was very limited, published a
paper on phonology for the first volume of Asiatick Researches, the journal of
the Asiatic Society, called “On the orthography of Asiatick words in Roman
letters”, the purpose of which was to devise a romanization that would render
Sanskrit, Arabic, Persian, and other Asian languages in a single system, whose
purpose was to make synoptic comparison possible and in doing so to serve the
project of linguistic ethnology (Jones 1787). This article marks the beginnings
of a search for a uniform scientific phonological transcription for distant
languages among Europeans. The Jonsean system of transliteration — “vowels
as in Italian, consonants as in English”, plus diacritic marks — was much used
by missionary grammars in India and Africa. The scheme builds, really, on
Prātiśākhya analysis of Sanskrit and we may say that through Jones’ article and
its successors in Europe Indian phonology was extended and universalized, for
the ultimate outcome of the exercise is the formation of a universal phonologi-
cal notation. By this means, and through the study of Sanskrit in Europe by
scholars of Indology and Comparative Philology, Indian philological analysis
was absorbed into Western phonology and generalized to the rest of the world’s
languages. The same may be said of many features of Vyākarana » analysis.
This, then, is a sketch of two traditions of linguistic analysis brought into
intimacy by the colonial nexus. Now we turn to the tale of two cities of British
India.
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The astonishing modernity of the statement, uniting Sanskrit with Greek, Latin,
Gothic, Celtic and Persian and deriving them from a common language which
no longer exists, is quite real; but as I have shown elsewhere (Trautmann
1997: 37–40), when we restore the passage to its context, the president’s
anniversary discourses to the Asiatic Society, which formed a set, we see that the
overall project is an ethnological one, of deriving the nations of Asia from the
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44 Thomas R. Trautmann
three sons of Noah, namely, Shem, Ham and Japhet. The branching, segmen-
tary, tree-like structure of what I wish to call the Mosaic ethnology derived from
the book of Genesis provides the organizing principal behind Jones’ formula-
tion of the Indo-European concept. What he is saying is that the Indians,
Greeks, Romans, Goths, Celts and Persians were descended from one and the
same son of Noah. In his system, and consistent with his Muslim interlocutors,
the Indians (and therefore their linguistic relatives) were sons of Ham, though
other scholars favored Japhet as the Biblical substrate of the Indo-European or
Aryan ethnos.
Application of the Mosaic ethnology to Sanskrit yielded the surprising and
unexpected conclusion that the English and the Indians were distant cousins —
the ‘Aryan brethren’ theme of Max Müller. It also led to some of the very non-
modern errors in Jones’ scheme, such as the inclusion, in this Hamitic precur-
sor of the Indo-European conception, of the Egyptians, the Chinese and the
Incas among others, and the exclusion of the Slavs. The Hamites, for Jones,
were the authors of civilization and of ancient paganism, the Japhetites of
nomadism, including Slavs, Central Asians and the nomadic Indians of Ameri-
ca, while the Semites were the preservers of true religion.
For his pandits the surprising and perhaps unpalatable parts would be both
the derivation of eternal Sanskrit from an ancestral language, and the coming of
the Sanskrit-speakers from outside India. Jones argued that straight lines
leading from a central homeland to the early Hamite civilizations would not
cross if the center were placed in Iran — the near neighborhood, that is, of the
Plain of Shinar where the Tower was built. Jones also felt that, although nine-
tenths of the vocabulary of ‘Hindavi’ of North India derived from Sanskrit, the
residue was perhaps the remains of a pre-Sanskritic language.
In the generation that followed, Calcutta Orientalism was under the lead of
the brilliant Sanskritist Henry Thomas Colebrooke (1765–1837), and with the
establishment of the College of Fort William the languages of all of India were
to be taught to newly-hatched civil servants, making Calcutta the panoptical
center of vision for the new Orientalist study of Indian languages. The effect of
those developments was to build up, under the influence of the Vyākarana »
doctrine of eternal, universal Sanskrit, an Orientalist doctrine of the linguistic
unity of India. Thus in Colebrooke’s important paper on the Prakrits, he
identifies the ten ‘polished’ languages of modern India with ten Prakrits derived
from Sanskrit, aligned with the five Gaudas » and five Drāvidas» of north and
south India, respectively (Colebrooke 1801). And William Carey’s (1761–1834)
grammar of Telugu, published at Calcutta in 1814, (wrongly) asserts that
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46 Thomas R. Trautmann
The story of Madras is much more difficult to recover, for quite different
reasons, among them the untimely death of the principal, Francis Whyte Ellis,
and the scattering of his papers. I have, however, found a substantial amount of
his correspondence in the British Library and the National Library of Scotland,
a few personal papers in the Bodleian Library and large amounts of material in
the unpublished colonial record preserved at the Tamil Nadu State Archives in
Chennai (Madras) and the Oriental and India Office Collections of the British
Library in London. From these sources it is possible to build up a quite detailed
picture of the school of Orientalism Ellis briefly presided over at Madras.
The colonial record especially gives us a clear view of the College of Fort St.
George which Ellis designed and supervised (as senior member of the Board of
Superintendence) and at least a glimpse of its Indian personnel. One comes to
see that Ellis is not working alone but is the leader of a circle that includes the
members of the Board, especially its young secretary Alexander Duncan
Campbell (1798–1857) and the headmasters of the College, who supervised the
work of the language teachers assigned to the junior civil servants: Chidambara
Variar (Tamil), Pattabhiraman Shastri (Sanskrit and Telugu) and Udaiyagiri
Venkatanarayan (English). Another crucial member of the circle was Sanka-
raya or Shankara Shastri, who served at different times as Ellis’s sherishtedar or
chief of Indian staff in his capacity as Collector of Madras, and in the College
as head English master. Ellis and Sankaraya knew Sanskrit, Tamil and Telugu,
and must have worked closely together. One result of their collaboration was
published: the so-called Treatise of Mirasi Right, which was a Tamil text of
Sankaraya’s on the settlement of Tondaimandalam by Vellalar warrior-
cultivators, translated and commented upon by Ellis, with accompanying
inscriptions, showing the ancient disposition of property rights in the Madras
area. This was not written for publication, but as a report to the Board of
Revenue which had asked collectors to investigate traditional land tenures in
their districts; but it was regarded as so very important that the Madras
Government published it (Ellis 1818).
A second reason for the obscurity of the Madras story is that the evident
authority of Robert Caldwell’s (1814–1891) 1856 comparative grammar of
Dravidian made it a standard work, which eclipsed the memory of Ellis and his
circle (Caldwell 1856). Caldwell does mention Ellis in his preface but gives only
minimal credit, and tended to consider his own work as lying in the more
modern, German-led school of comparative philology, and not in the tradition
of British-Indian Orientalism.
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48 Thomas R. Trautmann
of the issues. I discuss them under two heads: (1) the construction of the
synonymic couple, the ‘modern, Western’; and (2) the relation of Orientalism
to the politics of racial hatred.
50 Thomas R. Trautmann
phonological analysis based on the Indian alphabetical order with its rational
series of vowels a, ā, i, ı̄, u, ū, etc. followed by the consonants, grouped by place
of articulation from the back to the front of the mouth: k, kh, g, gh, ṅ; c, ch, j,
jh, n; t» , t» h, d,
» dh,
» n;
» t, th, d, dh, n; p, ph, b, bh, m; and so forth. The number
series and the alphabetical order embed within their structures impressive
intellectual accomplishments and illustrate two areas of special achievement in
the ancient Indian sciences — mathematics and linguistics.
The Indian numerical series (1, 2, 3 … 10, 11, 12, 13 … 20, 21…) has since
become universal. The alphabetical series had a more limited reach in the past,
though it provided a basis for phonological analysis through the Brahmi-
derived scripts of Tibet, Burma, Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines, and
contributed to the ordering of the rhyming dictionaries in China and, probably,
script reform in Japan and Korea. In Europe, a modernized phonological
analysis becomes apparent at about the time that Europeans are acquiring their
first knowledge of Sanskrit, gaining an acuity that leads eventually to the
International Phonetic Alphabet. One has the feeling that India was the source
of a lesson in phonology, via Jones’ article on the romanization of Asian
languages and the Sanskrit study of some of the European linguists. This is a
forgotten story, which the European Sanskritists have not done enough to
recover. It will be known well enough to readers of Allen’s Phonetics in Ancient
India (Allen 1953), but India is practically unknown in a recent survey on
alphabets (Drucker 1995). This condition of amnesia is emblematic of a larger
state of affairs. India — that is to say, the tradition of phonological and gram-
matical analysis associated with Sanskrit — had, I believe, major inputs into the
formation of modern linguistics, that are barely known by a few specialists
today. It is to the modern Paninians that we must look for the rectification of
this ‘forgetting of India’.
The story of the modern (linguistic) concepts of Aryan and Dravidian, then,
are not complete without the forgotten story of British-Indian Orientalist
scholarship, but the story of the ‘modern, Western’ is not complete without the
inclusion of India. The contrast of Europe to India as of modernity to tradition
is no longer as self-evident as it seemed to Louis Dumont, in whose work it was
foundational; as a knowledge-regime the modern is an object of fusion of mixed
origins and even less bounded and localized than the Western which is its
supposed synonym.
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52 Thomas R. Trautmann
that parting of ways between race and nation, or rather the problematizing of
their relation, they were freely interchanged. Moreover, complexion did not
have the same fixed character as an unchanging sign of race that it subsequently
acquired. It did not trouble Jones, for example, to conclude that the ancient
Indians, Romans and Greeks were co-descendants of Ham, son of Noah (see
Trautmann 1997: 42–52). Complexion was among many thinkers of the time
conceived as by no means immutable, so that James Cowles Prichard 1786–
1848), to take another example, held that the white race had developed in a few
thousand years from a dark Adam and Eve (Prichard 1813). Till the mid-19th
century, English discussions of race had assumed an easy correspondence
between language and the bodily signs of race, and it was the classifications of
languages by Orientalists and philologists that guided the classification of races,
and not the study of complexion and other bodily features.
All this changed about the middle of the 19th century. Coinciding more or
less with a deepened chronology for human history and the advent of Darwin-
ian evolutionism there was the rise of what Nancy Stepan has called “race
science”, which appeared as a new key to history, newly biologized and insisting
on the superior power of the bodily signs of race over the linguistic ones
(Stepan 1982). What seems a commonplace today was then the newest of
discoveries, that race and language do not necessarily go together, that their
relation is not a necessary one and needs at every point to be examined as a
problem rather than assumed as a given (Trautmann 1997, chap. 6). What was
afoot was a new authority-claim on behalf of physical anthropology and
prehistoric archeology as against the dominance of Orientalism and compara-
tive philology in the classification of races.
The disjuncture of language and race, and the rise of race science, enabled
a new project for the redefinition of whiteness, the project of creating a new
conception of the white race, a pure white race, to which the Aryan name was
attached, formed of a pure white subset of Indo-European and located in a
European or Central Asian homeland. The Comte de Gobineau, writing in the
1850s, was the great theoretician of what might be called “the racial theory of
world history,” in his Essai sur l’inégalité des races humaines (Gobineau 1853–
1855). In this vastly influential work, he posited that race is the fundamental
cause of world history, in the sense that the white race is the author of all
civilizations, and the admixture of the white race with others is the cause of the
decline of civilizations. Everywhere this deleterious admixture has occurred,
excepting only the Germanic peoples, who are the last remnant of pure white-
ness; but because of the mixture of races in the other, fallen civilizations, the
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54 Thomas R. Trautmann
latter half of the 19th century, and an emerging idea of racial pure whiteness. As
I have argued elsewhere, that accommodation took the form of what I want to
call “the racial theory of Indian civilization”, according to which the defining
moment for India’s formation, the ‘big bang’ so to say, was the clash of incom-
ing, white, civilized Sanskrit-speaking Aryans with indigenous, dark, savage
Dravidian-speaking Indians and their unification through the caste system with
its curious intersection of economic exchange and sexual segregation. I have
tried to show in some detail how very much maltreatment of the Rigvedic text
it has required to sustain that view, and how surprisingly established it remains
today, even after the discovery of the Indus Civilization, which shows at the very
least that the indigenous inhabitants of India whom the invaders calling
themselves Arya made war upon were by no means savages but the literate
builders of great cities (Trautmann 1997, chap. 7).
What was established by the Orientalists in the latter half of the 19th
century as the master narrative of the origin of Indian civilization from a clash
of light and dark races is no more than the back projection of Western notions
of the supposedly instinctive race feelings of whites toward blacks underpinning
the world of racial segregation following the abolition of slavery. It is no
accident that discussions of the origin of caste from the period cite the parallel
of the Jim Crow segregation in the American South after the Civil War, and in
South Africa, as evidence of an inhering natural racial antipathy of whites for
blacks that in that era were thought to be a constant of history. The racial theory
of Indian civilization can now be seen for the time-bound construct that it is,
and the time has long since come to abolish it. Those in the tradition of
Orientalist scholarship have tools for this task that no one else possesses, and
they have, as well, an obligation to do so.
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56 Thomas R. Trautmann
SUMMARY
British India was an especially fruitful site for the development of historical linguistics.
Four major, unanticipated discoveries were especially associated with the East India
Company: those of Indo-European, Dravidian, Malayo-Polynesian and the Indo-Aryan
nature of Romani. It is argued that they came about in British India because the European
tradition of language analysis met and combined with aspects of the highly sophisticated
Indian language analysis. The discoveries of Indo-European and Dravidian, the subject of
this article, were connected with the British-Indian cities of Calcutta and Madras, respective-
ly, and the conditions under which they came about are examined. The production of new
knowledge in British India is generally viewed through the lens of post-colonial theory, and
is seen as having been driven by the needs of colonial governance. This essay sketches out a
different way of looking at aspects of colonial knowledge that fall outside the colonial utility
framework. It views these discoveries and their consequences as emergent products of two
distinct traditions of language study which the British and the Indians brought to the colonial
connection. If this is so, it follows that some aspects of modernism tacitly absorb Indian
knowledge, specifically Indian language analysis. Indian phonology, among other things, is
an example of this process.
RÉSUMÉ
L’Inde britannique fut un lieu fort propice pour ce qui est de l’évolution de la linguisti-
que historique. On associe quatre grandes découvertes inattendues à la Compagnie des Indes
Orientales: celle de l’Indo-Européen, celle du Dravidien, celle du Malayo-Polynésien et celle
de l’appartenance du Romani aux langues Indo-Aryennes. On soutient ici que ces découver-
tes se sont faites dans l’Inde britannique parce que la tradition européenne de l’analyse du
langage est entré en contact avec la tradition indienne, fort avancée, d’analyse linguistique,
se combinant avec certains aspects de cette dernière. La découverte de l’indo-européen et du
dravidien, ce dont traite cet article, était liée aux villes anglo-indiennes de Calcutta (pour
l’indo-europeéen) et Madras (pour le draviden), et on examinera les conditions dans
lesquelles se firent ces découvertes. Le plus souvent on a examiné la production de nouveaux
savoirs dans l’Inde britannique à la lumière des théories du post-colonialisme, les besoins
d’un gouvernement colonial étant dans cette optique la force motrice derrière cette
production.Cet article propose une façon de voir tout autre d’aspects de la science coloniale
qui se trouvaient hors du cadre de l’utilité coloniale. On y voit ces découvertes et ses
conséquences en tant que produits naissants de deux traditions distinctes de l’étude du
langage qu’apportèrent chacun Britanniques et Indiens au lien colonial. Si tel est le cas, il
s’ensuit que certains aspects du modernisme ont discrètement acquis des connaissances
indiennes: plus précisément, l’analyse linguistique indienne. La phonologie indienne, entre
autres choses, est un exemple de ce processus.
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58 Thomas R. Trautmann
ZUSAMMENFASSUNG
In der britischen Kolonialzeit war Indien ein besonders günstiger Platz für die Entwick-
lung der historischen Sprachwissenschaft. Besonders die Ostindien-Kompanie wird mit vier
Entdeckungen in Zusammenhang gebracht, die des Indoeuropäischen, des Drawidischen, des
Malayo-Polinesischen und die der Zugehörigkeit des Romani zur indoarischen Gruppe. Man
nimmt an, daß dies mit dem Zusammentreffen europäischer Traditionen und der hoch-
entwickelten indischen Sprachanalyse zu tun hat. Die Entdeckung des Indoeuropäischen und
des Drawidischen, mit der sich der vorliegende Artikel befaßt, steht, wie gezeigt wird, in
Zusammenhang mit den Kolonialstädten Kalkutta und Madras. Das neugewonnene Wissen
wird dabei allerdings durch die Brille der nachkolonialen Zeit und als Folge administrativer
Bedürfnisse der Kolonialmacht gewertet. In dem Beitrag wird jedoch eine anderer Blickweise
vorgeschlagen, abseits von kolonialem Nützlichkeitsdenken. Die sprachwissenschaftlichen
Entdeckungen und ihre Folgen werden als Resultat zweier unterschiedlicher Traditionen
gesehen, der britischen und der indischen, Traditionen, die in und durch die Kolonisierung
aufeinander trafen. Wenn dem so ist, dann erklärt sich hieraus auch zu einem Gutteil das
Stillschweigen, welches heutzutage immer noch das indische Wissen, speziell die Sprach-
analyse umgibt. Die indische Lautlehre bietet hierfür ein deutliches Exempel.
Author’s address:
Thomas R. Trautmann
Department of History
University of Michigan
Ann Arbor, MI 48109
U. S. A.
e-mail: ttraut@umich.edu