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THE OBAMA HATE MACHINE: THE LIES, DISTORTIONS, AND PERSONAL ATTACKS ON THE PRESIDENT—
AND WHO IS BEHIND THEM . Copyright © 2012 by Bill Press. All rights reserved. Printed in
the United States of America. For information, address St. Martin’s Press, 175 Fifth Av-
enue, New York, N.Y. 10010.
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I heard him think, ‘Ay! I am fairly out and you are fairly in! See
which of us will be the happiest!’ ”
As vice president, Adams had already endured his share of
ridicule, some of which he brought on himself. After suggesting
to Congress that Washington be called “Your Highness,” rather
than the populist “Mr. President,” Adams was henceforth called
“The Duke of Braintree,” or simply “His Rotundity.” Privately,
Senator William Maclay of Pennsylvania dismissed Adams as
“a monkey just put into breeches.”
After eight years of running interference for President Wash-
ington against Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson, the last thing
John Adams needed when he himself assumed the presidency
was having to put up with Jefferson as vice president. But that’s
what the electoral vote delivered, after a noncontested and prac-
tically nonexistent presidential campaign. Still trying to figure
out the proper way to choose leaders in the new republic, neither
Adams nor Jefferson declared their candidacy or campaigned for
the office. Once their new roles were decided, however, the two
leaders, from different political parties and with separate agendas,
were bound to clash—and did.
At first, heeding his wife Abigail’s advice, Adams held forth
an olive branch to Jefferson, offering him cabinet status, a major
voice in foreign policy, and designation of him or his ally James
Madison as the new American envoy to France. But Jefferson re-
jected all three, choosing to pursue his Republican party agenda
instead.
As Joseph Ellis reports in First Family, Jefferson was, in fact,
already in clandestine conversations with the French consul in
Philadelphia, urging him to ignore any peace initiatives from the
new president—since, according to Jefferson, Adams did not speak
for the true interests of the American people. Just imagine! Today,
this act would be considered treason.
There followed a rocky four years, during which Adams was
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the United States into war, which was the exact opposite of what
Adams was fighting for. In his private life, charged Callender,
Adams was “one of the most egregious fools upon the continent.”
Then, in typical Callender style, he vilified the president as “a
repulsive pedant, . . . a gross hypocrite, . . . a wretch that has nei-
ther the science of a magistrate, the politeness of a courtier, nor
the courage of a man.”
With that, the stage was set. And once the Adams-Jefferson
campaign got under way, neither side held back. Because of his
known aversion to any established religion—he was a Deist—
Jefferson was accused of being an atheist. Not to mention a Fran-
cophile (guilty), a revolutionist, and a man devoid of morals,
whose election would deliver the country to licentiousness and
debauchery and who, if elected, would immediately order the
confiscation of Bibles and the burning of churches. Almost in
anticipation of the questions raised about Barack Obama’s birth
certificate, Adams supporters called Jefferson “a mean-spirited,
low-lived fellow, the son of a half-breed Indian squaw, sired by a
Virginia mulatto father.” George Washington stayed above the
fray, but not Martha. She couldn’t resist jumping on the band-
wagon, telling a clergyman that Jefferson was “one of the most
detestable of mankind.”
The Jefferson camp, meanwhile, responded in kind, accus-
ing President Adams of being unpatriotic because he opposed
joining France in another war with Great Britain and, here at
home, wanted to maintain a standing army. He was also charged
with wanting to turn the presidency into a monarchy and with
planning to marry one of his sons to a daughter of George III,
thus starting an American dynasty that would reunite the country
with Great Britain.
As the great historian Page Smith relates in his magnificent
two-volume life of Adams, another rumor more amused than an-
noyed him. Republicans accused Adams of sending Gen. Charles
Pinckney to England in a United States frigate to procure four
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pretty girls as mistresses, two for the general and two for him-
self. “I do declare upon my honor,” Adams responded, “if this be
true General Pinckney has kept them all for himself and cheated
me out of two.”
At the same time, Jefferson’s backers also questioned Adams’s
sexuality. Campaign brochures repeated James Callender’s de-
scription of Adams as being of “hideous hermaphroditical char-
acter, which has neither the force and firmness of a man, nor the
gentleness and sensibility of a woman.”
Jefferson, of course, won that round and became our third
president. A bitter Adams didn’t wait around for his archenemy
to take the oath of office. On Inauguration Day, 1801, he left early
in the morning to return to Massachusetts.
Once in the White House, Jefferson had his own political
enemies to deal with, and few more lethal than the beast he
created, notorious once and future mudslinger James Callender.
When refused a presidential appointment, Callender turned on
the man who had once paid him to smear John Adams, accusing
the refined “gentleman” of Monticello of having sexual relations
with his slave Sally Hemings and fathering her children. Which,
of course, was true. For Abigail Adams, this was the revenge
she’d been looking for. “The serpent you cherished and warmed,”
she wrote much later to Jefferson, “bit the hand that nourished
him.”
G E TTI N G P H YS I C A L
The point is, over-the-top political invective was here from the
beginning, directed against, and even exercised by, some of the
most revered figures in the American political pantheon. And it
wasn’t always just verbal. Too often, it got physical. Not yet in
the White House, perhaps, but, from its earliest days, on the
floor of the United States Congress. Norm Ornstein, who follows
Congress from his perch at the American Enterprise Institute,
PRESIDENTS UNDER FIRE 23
M E E T YO U I N B LA D E NSBURG
These are just the fisticuffs that happened in the halls of Congress.
Too often in our early history, political disagreements escalated
from the verbal to the physical—all the way to the fatal.
By the late 1700s, in fact, settling disputes with a duel had be-
come an accepted part of the culture, especially in the South, as
a way of finally deciding an argument. Like many other features
of American politics, the practice was introduced from Europe,
where the codo duello contained twenty-six rules governing proper
etiquette between dueling partners.
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