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Labor and Globalization: The Economic and Political Reasons behind Globalization in Relation to Migration and Labor within

a Comparison between the First and Second Waves of Globalization Scott Abel April 25, 2010 Globalization and Labor: Question Three *During the nineteenth century, the globe integrated more so than any other time up to that point in history with people, capital, and trade moving across the oceans of the world in speed and quantities at hitherto unprecedented levels. Some political economists ask if the globalization during the post modern era of the late twentieth century and early twenty-first century resulted more so from financial and trade shifts rather than population migrations, which helped spur the integration of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century. These two waves of globalization spurred massive growth in the overall global economy, which will be described in this essay. The wave of globalization that started in the nineteenth century initiated from technological innovation, economic liberalization, and political openness that permitted the mass migration from Europe during this period. Mass migration was an important aspect of the first wave of globalization, but occurred after the other reforms and advancements. The wave of globalization initiated in the late twentieth century saw politicians loosen capital flow restrictions, while allowing legal entry for few immigrants in comparison to the first wave. This essay will argue that migration does not necessarily differentiate the two waves of globalization, as it remains the last step in the process of globalization. If

this comes to fruition, then the causes and characteristics of the two great waves of migration are similar in structure and cause. *The first great wave of globalization resulted from several different main factors, which both state and non-state actors promoted. The following segment will generally focus on the period that lasted from 1815 to 1914 with special attention paid to Europe, but also the contributions of the Americas and Australia. The latter two may be grouped as the New World for the purpose of expediency. The first paragraph examines the importance of political reforms adopted in Europe essential for globalization and the next paragraph will explore the importance of technological innovation for the increase sheer volume and pace required for globalization. Finance and migration, the latter two topics for the first wave of globalization, will focus more on the capital and labor transported across oceans that defined globalization. The wave of globalization in the nineteenth century was completely unprecedented and required a series of historic innovations not yet seen in human history. *European nation-states, particularly Great Britain, started the first great wave of globalization during the nineteenth century as political and economic leaders realized that their nations and firms would benefit greatly from open economic systems and less political restrictions on trade and capital flows. Globalization required the end of the wars that devastated much of the world throughout the eighteenth century and the early nineteenth century, which obstructed free trade and raised logistical costs too high (ORourke-Williamson 1-2). Great Britain gradually liberalized its trade at the end of the Napoleonic Wars at the insistence of economists such as David Ricardo (ORourkeWilliamson 36-37). Such instances of liberalization included permitting the emigration

of skilled laborers in 1825, allowing machinery exports in 1842, along with reducing tariffs in 1833 and 1845. The repealing of the Corn Laws in 1846 symbolized the liberalization of the grain trade, although the tariffs already declined 70% between 1815 and 1827 (ORourke-Williamson 37-38). The Cobden-Chevalier Treaty of 1860 required the dramatic reduction of tariffs between Great Britain and France, which served as the free trade model for the rest of the Europe and their colonies by extension. The United States remained the only industrialized nation to keep high tariffs throughout the nineteenth century (Oatley 14). Political liberalization of economies hardly remained uniform throughout the century as many European states retreated from free trade during the 1870s and 1880s (ORourke-Williamson 93, 105, 117). The open political system initiated by Great Britain permitted the flow of goods and people throughout the world, but this was not enough to create the extensive levels of globalization experienced in the nineteenth century. *Technological advancements, along with political openness, permitted people to communicate and travel faster and cheaper than ever before in human history. Through the use of the electronic telegraph, people communicated with each other across the ocean in a fraction of the time it took during the age of sail. The steam engine allowed people to rely less on the whims of nature to travel. Initially canals improved trade as the completion of the Erie Canal in 1825 cut costs from transporting goods from Buffalo to New York City by 85% (ORourke-Williamson 33). Later, railroads made intracontinental shipping even cheaper, as it cost $30 to ship a ton three hundred miles in 1830 and it only cost $5 to ship a ton the same distance in 1900. Maritime shipping prices and travel times also dropped as a transatlantic voyage often took a month and cost

$10 a ton in the early nineteenth century, but eventually it only took a week at the price of $3 a ton (Oatley 14). Various advances in maritime technology, particularly of the screw propeller and steam engine reduced shipping times, while development of coaling stations and the Suez Canals competition in 1869 extended the steamships range. Refrigeration allowed agricultural nations to export animal products such as beef to Europe. The advances in technology helped offset the price increases caused by the return of protectionism in the 1870s (ORourke-Williamson 33-35). Such advances in transportation and communication made globalization possible because the sheer volume of goods, information, ideas, and people that could be exchanged became exponentially higher than what it was during the eighteenth century. *The first wave of globalization required change in the global financial system to meet the demands for increase of transnational exchanges. In the late nineteenth century, governments backed their currencies with precious metals to allow greater tradability on the global marketplace. Nations backed their currencies in gold and silver or sometimes a combination of the two. The greater tradability allowed, although not necessarily caused, a growth of trade of 3.5% per annum from 1815 to 1914, which was three and a half times faster than the previous three hundred years (Oatley 15). Western economies did not exceed this growth in trade until the 1970s and it took some economies until the 1990s to grow that much (Jacoby 115). With war generally not draining capital from most nations during the period, financing became available to develop infrastructure. Foreign capital, whether it was goods or expertise, influenced the infrastructure of towns throughout the world (ORourke-Williamson 2). The open financials system allowed for investors and firms to spread capital around the world with a reduced regard to national

boundaries. British investors devoted 10% of their income toward foreign markets in the late nineteenth century, with other northwestern European nations close behind. The capital from these nations allowed other places to develop infrastructure such as railroad and telegraph lines (Oatley 15), thus making the world even more connected. European financial capital and goods permitted the integration of the people throughout the world thus furthering globalization. *Migration held an important role in globalization by reducing population stress in European countries and providing much needed labor to the New World nations and territories that encouraged the arrival of new immigrants. The increased diversity of people in major cities throughout the world was perhaps the most visible sign of globalization in the nineteenth century. Accompanying the exchange of commodities, migrants to new lands possessed the capability to change the very fabric of a society. For example, as a result of the 1.8 million Irish emigrating to the United States between 1840 and 1860, a quarter of the inhabitants of New York City were born in Ireland by 1860 (Kraut 32). The emigration of the Irish helped relieve the societal pressures and made labor more valuable in Ireland. After the Irish famine migration, the per capita income for the Irish rose 1.3% per annum until World War I and it also allowed a rise in per capita Gross National Product by 15 to 33% (ORourke and Williamson 148, 151). The wealth dispersed throughout the population as agriculture wages rose 19 to 41% and nonfarm wages rose from 23 to 52%, along with a decrease in rent prices by 33 to 55% (ORourke and Williamson 151). The mass increases of the US immigrant population required the establishment of an organized immigration authority to process and sort the new immigrants. New York State established an immigration policy and procedure

operating out of Castle Garden in 1855 that permitted healthy foreigners to enter the country after simply registering (Kraut 36). The significance of this measure shows that immigration required changes because of rapid increases, but also shows the lack of immigration restrictions. *Various New World policymakers created incentives for migrants to work in their economies during the first wave until the demand for low-skilled labor decreased, then New World governments restricted immigration policies. Argentina established liberal immigrations policies that paid immigrants to cross the Atlantic and work there. Australia established open immigration policies to all commonwealth nationals with the exception of ethnic Chinese, paid a special tax to enter. Canada decentralized its immigration policy and encouraged migration into the interior through lowering land prices. Brazil, in need of low-skilled labor after the abolishment of slavery, paid for immigrants to come. By the second and third decades of the twentieth century, New World policymakers determined that their polities no longer needed the masses of lowskilled labors and therefore tightened immigration regulations in. Argentina and Brazil restricted their immigrations policies through reducing incentives and accepting fewer immigrants. Australia adopted British immigration policies in the twentieth century. In general, Anglo-Saxon nations discriminated against East Asian immigrants, by placing severe restrictions on their immigration (Solimano 11-12). The New World simply lost the incentive to allow more immigrants to join their workforce, which no longer needed the masses of unskilled labor that it did just two decades earlier. *Globalization opened new opportunities for those wishing to leave Europe and elsewhere for the United States to find work. Approximately three-fifths of the European

emigrants who departed for the New World between 1820 and 1914 went to the United States (ORourke and Williamson 119). Over a hundred year period from the 1820s to 1920s, roughly 40 million emigrants entered the United States to fill the demand brought by the opening up of new territories and later development of mechanized industries such as textiles, steel, coal and automobiles (Diner). Such a large pool of immigrants allowed US authorities to remove those deemed unfit to enter, but these numbers only reached 3% in 1916, along with averaging less than one percent between 1890 and 1929 (Kraut 4). The net immigration number remains unknown as an estimated 30% returned home between 1890 and 1914 (ORourke and Williamson 120). US legislation banned the entrance of one nationality with the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, but otherwise had an open immigration system. The United States took in many immigrants, but this trend decreased immigration by the 1920s with the assistance of the National Origins Act in 1921 and 1924. The act created an immigration system biased against Southern Europeans, Slavic peoples, and especially Asians (Diner). Even with a well-developed economy, the United States, like other New World nations, severely restricted immigration policy. * Large numbers of immigrants crossed the Atlantic and other oceans to find new work in the New World, altering the ethnic backgrounds of its people. The first wave of immigration possessed the key effect of convergence in the global economy. New World and European prices, especially grain prices, and real wages converged, although never completely meeting and continued to do so until World War I (ORourke and Williamson 23-25). Advances in shipping allowed workers to find better wages in the New World, whereas Europeans could sell their goods to most New World countries at global market

prices. The growth of New World economies during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, often through resource extraction, attracted immigrants, which in turn helped expand New World economies through their labor and demand for goods (Solimano 15). Therefore, immigrants did not cause the first wave of globalization, but rather accelerated it. Stability, movement of capital, and technological innovation permitted the first wave of globalization. In time, migration became an important characteristic of as the first wave of globalization as nations throughout the world became more ethnically diverse. *The following section will examine the second wave of globalization and its causes, along with its affect on trade, finance, and labor through the perspective of political economy. The essay will also examine each of the three themes in a manner that explains their development or lack thereof during the second wave of globalization. The global recession of the 1970s and early 80s inspired confidence in deregulation of the financial system, paving the way for globalization (Cerny 125). The election of conservatives and the implementation of their ideology in the 1980s lead to the reemergence of free-market policies and deregulation throughout the world, especially with the United States and Great Britain (Cerny 129). Characteristics of the second wave include exports of finished goods to other countries, but intermediate goods, components shipped to another country to be developed and sold as a finished good, account for a larger proportion of globalization (Milberg 2-5). Lower costs and greater flexibility with the labor force aboard motivate firms to move elsewhere, in part because communication and transportation are less expensive. Fewer unions and regulations regarding offshore workforces convince many firms into moving production overseas (Milberg 6). The

following section will examine the renewed market openness and its impact on trade, finance, and labor with a particular focus on migration. *In the late twentieth century and early twenty first century, global trade flourished as a result of global de-escalation of trade regulation and customs. Global trade of merchandise rose from a value of US$ 84 billion in 1953 to an astonishing US$ 14 trillion in 2007 (Oatley 21). Certainly there were similar reasons for the development of the second wave of globalization as there was for the first. In the post World War II era, no conflicts have significantly reduced maritime trade for extended period of time. The state regulates international trade by imposing duties, customs, and other regulations, which allows it to control the importation of goods and services. Throughout the last quarter of the twentieth century and into the twenty first, governments substantially reduced trade barriers (Dicken 420). Governments justify the reduction in tariffs as free trade may lower production and consumption costs, along with benefitting a majority of the poor (Solimano 74-76). Besides the nation-state, international organizations such as the International Maritime Organization and the International Civil Aviation Organization set regulations for the security and safety of the crews. The deregulation of international trade moved the world toward globalization, which means a more integrated global system (Dicken 421). Without free trade and a deregulated global trade system, globalization and tremendous trade growth could not exist. *Both the nation-state and international firms have moved decisively toward a more deregulated globalized society. The United States and Great Britain liberalized the airline industry beginning in the 1970s, with the United States deregulating the domestic airline industry in 1978. The 1990s saw deregulation throughout the global airline

industry (Dicken 422). The shipping industry consolidated itself through mergers and the purchasing of shipping firms. For example, Maersk bought Nedlloyd in 2005 to become the worlds largest container operator. The expansion of some firms has resulted in the diversification of functions which allows for other firms to purchase all logistical services from a single firm (Dicken 422). With deregulation and transnational corporate integration, the world moved closer toward globalization and freer trade. *Rapid advancements in technology guided the world toward the second wave of globalization in the twentieth century. Rapid science and technological advancements in information and communication technologies permit a more integrated globe (van Ginkel 23-24). Information may be communicated from opposite sides of the planet almost instantaneously because of technology, whereas advancements in transportation allow goods to move efficiently from all over the planet. Technology gives much of the world more options and allows the global population to grow (Sirindhorn 39). Extensive growths in populations permit many nations not to need low skilled labor migrants from other nations. Technological advancements permit the world to globalize through developments in communication and transportation, which permit goods and information to flow quickly and efficiently across oceans. *A critical part of the second wave of globalization includes financial deregulation and increased openness that allowed financial markets to both soar and crash. With developments in the capital market in the last two decades of the twentieth century, vast sums of capital can move around the world in nearly an instant (Jacoby 94). Globalization enhances social inequity throughout, by allowing the wealthiest investors to become far wealthier as post 1980 lassiez-faire policies. The liberalization allowed an

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unprecedented growth in the financial markets from the existence of $12 trillion in 1980 to $140 trillion in 2005 (Jacoby 95-96). For the United States and Great Britain, the financial sector accounted for roughly 15% of Gross Domestic Product and around 40% of aggregate corporate profits (Jacoby 97-98). As part of globalization, deregulation of the financial markets allowed such high growth, but what allowed deregulation? In reaction to stagflation, firms lobbied politicians to deregulate the financial markets. The lobbyists succeeded and the Carter, Reagan, and Clinton administrations successfully repealed financial regulation such as the Glass-Steagal Act (Jacoby 107-109). Financial deregulation helped loosened the capital markets, which assisted the world move closer toward globalization as capital could help develop foreign nations as in the first wave of globalization. *In the first wave of globalization, migration played an important role for global integration, although it may not have been the prime reason for economic globalization, it permitted people of varying cultures to live with each other in foreign lands. In comparison to the first wave of globalization, the percentage of people migrating during the second have has been small. During the last two decades of the twentieth century, there were only 7.5 million migrants per decade (Solimano 4). In the United States, 7% of the population consisted of immigrants from 1871 to 1920, whereas the latter half of the twentieth century legal immigrants consisted only of 2.5% of the total population. Why have governments, particularly the United States and other developed nations attempted to block this aspect of globalization? Politicians tend to see allowing more migrants into nations as not politically beneficial, whereas business leaders seek other

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means to exploit cheap labor. The following section will attempt to explain why documented migration is so low for the second wave of globalization. *Technological innovation allows for firms to remain more competitive in the global market by permitting firms to cut labor costs through offshore outsourcing or offshoring and relinquishing employees. Technologic advancements allow for goods to be produced in one country and sold on the market of another on a large scale. Technology often permits firms to perform services in foreign nations that previously would have been performed by a domestic firm (IMF 161). Examples of the types of jobs offshored by some firms include Information Technology, Knowledge Process Outsourcing, and Research and Development (Gereffi and Fernandez-Stark 2). Wage inequity and a decrease of demand in unskilled labor may be attributed toward technology, as advanced nations seek to constantly adapt to new technologies. With the ongoing information revolution, many places seek skilled labor to best adapt to the evolving global system (Solimano 15-17). Firms may also use technology to lower the overall cost of labor by replacing the functions of people with technology, which has been particularly present in Anglo-Saxon nations (IMF 170, 172). Technological advancements help facilitate the relocation of firms from more expensive regions to less expensive ones. *Developed nations witnessed firms expanding overseas or contracting other overseas firms to provide goods and services for sale in developing nations. Nations with large labor markets such as China, India, and former Easter Bloc nations reformed political and economic systems into relatively open market regimes. These reforms, along with the removal of trade barriers in other nations allow goods and capital to flow

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across borders, along with a four fold increase in the global labor pool for many firms (IMF 161). Many of these developing nations have reduced labor costs, where firms may hirer laborers for reduced compensation, while sometimes maintaining certain levels of talent (Gereffi and Fernandez-Stark 17). Nations most benefitted by service offshoring include nations with large inexpensive workforces that have a colonial past involving an English-speaking nation (Gereffi and Fernandez-Stark 18). Political and economic openness in developing nations allows for firms to employ inexpensive workers from large labor forces, while transferring goods and services previously in developed nations into developing nations. *Offshoring constitutes a significant proportion of the loss of jobs in developed nations, but that does not necessarily account for a majority of developed nations job losses. The gross output of non-industrial and aggregate intermediate offshoring has had only moderate increases in developed nations since the 1980s, with the Netherlands leading at 12% ranging with the United States and Japan with only 2-3%. As manufactures are more easily traded than services, they have taken the brunt of offshoring. Manufacturing offshoring in the G-7, Australia, and the Netherlands has grown from 6% in 1980 to 10% in 2003, with Japan at the lowest with 4% and Canada at the highest with 25% (IMF 164-165). As a result of labor globalization and technological advancements, skilled laborers have observed a smaller income share or proportion of overall income in relation to the rest of the economy (IMF 178-179). Globalization benefits laborers by giving their wages greater buying power through less expensive services and goods, even if the laborer in the industrialized world loses a significant proportion of his labor share (IMF 179). Offshoring remains relatively low relative to the

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overall economy but this may change as its growth is higher than trade as advanced nations find it increases productivity and decreased costs (IMF 180). Offshoring hurts the domestic advanced nations labor force, although it may be mutually beneficially for most. Offshoring also constitutes a replacement for migration as it requires firms to move to nations with cheap labor, rather than the other way around. *Although the United States witnessed decreases in immigration in relation to the golden age of immigration by limiting legal entries and denying access to more immigrants, the US immigrant population continues to remain a large portion of the workforce because of undocumented immigration during the second wave of globalization. In recent years, developed nations permitted few immigrants to enter their nations, which results in the amount of people living in a country where they were not born at historically low levels (Goldin and Reinert 157). Illegal immigration, however, has flourished in the United States as one estimate places document and undocumented immigrants as 15% of the US labor force but that number is lower than other developed nations, which tends to average around 20% according to a 2007 study (IMF 175). In total for both developing and advanced nations, there has been a lesser demand for immigration than imports of material goods from 1990 to 2005 (IMF 163). Advanced nations tend to prefer accepting skilled immigrants during the second wave over unskilled (IMF 164). During the second wave of globalization, wealthy nations such as the United States have economies that utilize large numbers of immigrants for inexpensive labor. *The trend of proportionally small immigration populations in industrialized nations may disappear, regardless of immigration policy. Nearly one third of The United States population growth depends on net immigration and is projected to grow to 86% of

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population growth by 2050 (Day). Illegal immigrants numbers rose from 3.3 million 1992 to 5 million in 1996 (Solimano 5). By 2000, that number grew to 7 million (CBO viii). Undocumented migrants in the United States totaled 12.5 million in August of 2007, but fell a year later to 11.2 million because of the Great Recession of 2008 (Preston). Illegal immigrants, however, do not count for how politicians regulate migration as they neglect laws enacted by governments. Although the latter part of the twentieth century witnessed a decrease in migrations, particularly in the United States relative to the late nineteenth century, immigrants will account for an increasing proportion of the United States population. If US census predictions about immigration become reality, all the main characteristics of the first wave of globalization would be replicated in the second wave of globalization. * Illegal immigration, however, does not count for how politicians regulate and therefore many governments including that of the United States are particularly selective. The United States immigration policy focuses on multiple characteristics of immigrant applicants. The foremost goal of American immigration policy remains to unite families divided by national borders. US immigration policy also focuses on allowing entry of workers with advanced skills or degrees, refugees, and immigrants from nations that have historically sent few people to the United States (CBO vii, 6). In 2004, the United States permitted 406,000 immigrants to be with their immediate family by providing visas and permissible admissions. Furthermore, the United States allowed entry for 214,000 entries for those sponsored by family members already in the United States (CBO viii). The Immigration and Nationality Act Amendments of 1965 eliminated the previous quota system (CBO 1). US Immigration policy set the 2006 flexible immigration cap at

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675,000 immigrants permitted into the nation a year. In 2004, the United States permitted entry for 946,000 immigrants (CBO 2). The policy of allowing entry to skilled laborers and those already with connections to people already living the United States ensures that the documented immigrant population remains prosperous and socially stable. US immigration policy neglects those seeking to enter the country with limited labor skills and the economic demand for cheap labor in favor of who are more likely to establish themselves well. *If so many jobs are in demand, why are politicians refusing legal entry to migrants without skills or connections already to the United States? US policymakers form a system that permits immigrants to enter who has a fairly reasonable chance of succeeding financially perhaps to avoid the creation of impoverish and unassimilated communities. Politicians create strict immigration laws to appeal to populist protection causes that scapegoat immigrants for domestic problems based on emotions and unsubstantiated claims (Cerny 122, 169). Populists argue immigration causes job competition that drives down wages and working conditions for native-born Americans (McCauley). Despite attempts by politicians to close national borders to immigration, economic incentives for migration provide reasons for people to travel to other nations for work (Cerny 122). Protectionism prevents mass low-skill immigration out of concern over the conditions of the poorest in society, which remains the reasoning likely behind strict immigration laws throughout the globe. *The United States is hardly the only nation with strict immigration policies. According to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), most nations prefer high skilled immigrants to enter over the past few decades.

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Governments rarely recognize the needs of low skilled immigrants within the recent past, but this may change as the expenses for enforcing migration rules become too high. The establishment of temporary worker programs fails to permanently fix the problems created by illegal immigration or the demand for cheap labor. If the writers of the International Migration Outlook have their suggestions implemented, OECD nations would create legitimate avenues of migration, means of recruitment, and ways to verify legal statuses (OECD 3). Advanced nations tend to have tight restrictions on the immigration of unskilled labor or temporary worker programs, but politics regarding low skilled labor may change in the favor low skilled immigrants. *Multiple conditions must be in place for globalization to integrate the nations of the world. The political atmosphere must allow the massive flow of goods and services around the world, technology must be sufficiently advanced to facilitate communication and transportation, finance must allow the development of infrastructure, and hoards people must migrate across national borders. If the first wave of globalization may serve as a model for the second, massive migration happens after globalization becomes entrenched deep enough and enough jobs are available. The similarities between the two waves do not destine the second wave to repeat the first, but rather, the first wave may act as a guide to our understanding of the second wave. One similarity between the two waves includes how recently industrialized nations control labor. Rural peasant girls and women fill Chinese factories to work in highly constrictive environments that control their lives. Such scenes reminisce of nineteenth-century New England of the United States, which involved similar workers confined to textile mills. Ultimately, the demand for low price goods and services drives globalization, whereas liberalization and

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technology facilitate that demand making the characteristics of the two waves of globalization similar. Although it remains too soon to determine if the second wave of globalization will include massive migrations as in the first, past events and current projections make the event likely.

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Work Cited

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wds.worldbank.org/servlet/WDSContentServer/WDSP/IB/2010/04/07/000158349_20100 407091357/Rendered/PDF/WPS5262.pdf>. Goldin, Ian and Reinert, Kenneth. Globalization for Development, Trade, Finance, Migration, and Policy. Washington: World Bank: 2007. International Monetary Fund (IMF). Globalization and Labor. 2007. April 2010. <www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/weo/2007/01/pdf/c5.pdf> Jacoby, Sanford. Finance and Labor: Perspectives on Risk, Inequality, and Democracy. 2007. April 2010 <http://www.irle.berkeley.edu/events/fall07/symposium/jacoby.pdf>. Kraut, Allan. Silent Travelers: Germs, Genes, and the Immigrant Menace. New York: Basic Books, 1994. McCauley, Erik. Immigration Reform. 6 Feb. 2010. 5 May 2010 http://www.nationscrier.com/index.php? option=com_content&view=article&id=2%3Aimmigration-reform&catid=2%3Acurrentevents&Itemid=1. This essay is used to understand the argument against liberalizing immigration laws and allowing more cheap labor into the United States. It is used to understand a perspective and not to support the thesis.

Milberg, William, ed. Labor and the Globalization of Production. New York: Palgrave, 2004. Milberg, William. Globalized Production: Structural Challenges for Developing Country Workers. Milberg 1-16.

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Piore, Michael. Rethinking International Labor Standards. Milberg 249262. Oatley, Thomas. International Political Economy. New York: Longman, 2010. Organization for Economic Coordination and Development (OECD). International Migration Outlook. 2009. 6 May 2010 http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/5/20/43176823.pdf. ORourke, Kevin; Williamson, Jeffrey. Globalization and History. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999. Preston, Julia. Decline Seen in Numbers of People Here Illegally. New York Times 31 July 2008. 27 April 2010. <www.nytimes.com/2008/07/31/usimmig.html...> Solimano, Andres. International Migration and the Global Economic Order: An Overview. Washington: World Bank, 2001. United Nations. Globalization: Challenges and Opportunities for Science and Technology. 2007. May 2010. www.unedoc.unesco.org. Van Ginkel, Hans. Good Cooperation is Visible in Small Things. Sirindhorn, Maha Chakri. Science, Technology, and Development.

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