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The Musical Universe of Hermeto Pascoal


Luiz Costa-Lima Neto Available online: 12 Apr 2011

To cite this article: Luiz Costa-Lima Neto (2011): The Musical Universe of Hermeto Pascoal, Popular Music and Society, 34:02, 133-161 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03007760903214803

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Popular Music and Society Vol. 34, No. 2, May 2011, pp. 133161

The Musical Universe of Hermeto Pascoal


Luiz Costa-Lima Neto Translators: Tom Moore and Geoffrey Gilbert
This article explores the social and musical impact of the Brazilian multi-instrumentalist, composer, and bandleader Hermeto Pascoal, as well as the historical, political, and economic conditions of his cultural production. The author focuses on the 1981 93 period when the composer led a quintet of musicians which formed a community revolving around his home in the neighborhood of Jabour, in the outer suburbs of the city of Rio de Janeiro. The professional career and Universal musical system of Hermeto Pascoal are related to various important artistic movements and musical genres and styles, demonstrating the innovative role played by Hermeto Pascoal in the history of popular music in Brazil.
Its a real hotch-potch (panelada)1 what I call Universal Music . . . . Its the world mixed together, but its Brazil that predominates. (Pascoal, Hermeto Brasileiro Universal 13)

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Introduction The present article on the life and work of Hermeto Pascoal will seek to dene their singular importance in contemporary popular music in Brazil, demonstrating how his musical system establishes a continuum between tradition and contemporaneity, wiping out the differences between the local, the national, and the international as a machine for the suppression of time-space (see Levi-Strauss 35). The Brazilian multiinstrumentalist, composer and bandleader was born on 22 June 1936 in the small town of Lagoa da Canoa, State of Alagoas, in the Northeast region of Brazil, and brought up in a rural environment. There he had his rst musical experiences and lived in close contact with nature and animals until the age of 14. In 1950, Hermeto2 ran away from home to try his luck as an accordionist in the city of Recife, capital of the State of Pernambuco and an important cultural center in the Northeast. At the end of the 1950s, while he was teaching himself to play various instruments, the albino musician migrated to the two largest cities in Brazil, Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, in the Southeast region of the country. In 1970, he moved to the US, where he began working as a composer, returning to Brazil nally in 1980, after many international comings and goings. The following year he formed a xed group of musicians which
ISSN 0300-7766 (print)/ISSN 1740-1712 (online) q 2011 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/03007760903214803

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lasted until 1993 when the band split up. The biographical and professional trajectory of Hermeto (Northeast-Southeast-US-Brazil) provides an aesthetic interface made up of four superimposed matrices: folk modal music and unconventional sounds of nature; domestic objects and human speech (Northeast); tonality of popular Brazilian music and jazz (Southeast): jazz fusion, free jazz, and experimentalism (USA); and, nally, the Universal mixture of these and other sonorities, music genres, and styles (back to Brazil). Elizabeth revealed the existence of two lines of force in Brazilian music: the alternation between reproducing European models and the discovery of an independent path, on one hand, and the dichotomy between art music and popular, on the other (Modernismo 7). Incorporating the paradoxical into his hybrid musical panelada, Hermeto dees any limiting labels and boundaries and resists both lines of force in fusing regional, national, international and universal elements to create de-territorialized music which refuses to deny its roots (Reily 8). His rst instruments were handcrafted utes with a pumpkin stem, the eight-bass diatonic accordion, popularly called pe-de-bode (literally, goats hoof), besides the tambourine, which he used to play at wedding parties and popular balls in the Northeast of Brazil. Today, however, Hermeto combines these instruments with other instrumental formations including chamber orchestras, big bands, and symphony orchestras. The musician structures his work on the basis of improvised folkloric styles such as the embolada and the forro, but his complex compositions require an excellent musicreading level from musicians. The popular Brazilian styles such as the choro, frevo, and baiao found in his music border on contemporary art music and free jazz in their use of dissonant harmonies, polyrhythms, atonal improvisations, and unconventional timbres (see Costa-Lima Neto, Experimental . . . Conception 4 6). This article deals particularly with the 1981 93 period, when Hermeto was accompanied by the musicians Itibere Zwarg, Jovino Santos Neto, Marcio Bahia, Carlos Malta, and Antonio Luis Santana, nick-named Pernambuco.3 The composer and the quintet of musicians constituted a community joined by neighborhood and kinship ties which revolved around the Alagoan musicians house, situated in the neighborhood of Jabour, an outlying suburb of the city of Rio de Janeiro. For twelve consecutive years they rehearsed daily from 2 to 8 pm, recorded six discs, and gave shows in Brazil and abroad.4 I will borrow from Muniz Sodre the concept of biombo cultural (or cultural dividers) (Sodre 9 18), which he used originally to demonstrate how the spatial divisionsamba/backyard, choro/parlorin the house of Tia Ciata5 symbolized the different positions of resistance of the black community of Rio de Janeiro toward the white elite after the abolition of slavery (1888). At the front of the house there was the instrumental music of choro and dances, while in the back was samba, with the black elite of swing and dance, and the batucada of the older people where the religious element was present (Sodre 15). I will use biombos culturais to explore the spatial lay-out of Hermetos house in Jabour as a parallel between the social and class divisions in Brazil, as well as to exemplify the polarized clash between

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the strategies for ideological, political, and economic domination on one hand and the contesting socio-musical discourse of Hermeto on the other (on resistance and the politics of music, see Attali; Middleton; Street; Ulhoa, Nova Historia; Wisnik). Entrenched in the house in Jabour, the albino rural migrant Hermeto Pascoal and his group disputed a space in urban popular instrumental music, which included jazz, choro, and frevo, and opposed:
1. the popular-national tradition organized around the samba, bossa nova, and MPB (Musica Popular Brasileira or Brazilian popular music); 2. the modernist idea of authenticity, centered on Northeastern folk music; 3. the vanguard aesthetic, whose model in Brazilian popular music was tropicalia; 4. the copying of imported genres and styles such as discomusic, pop, and rock and roll; 5. industrialized and massively marketed urban popular music, musica sertaneja; 6. the culture industry, the big record labels, the majors and global capitalism.

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The rst part of the article will provide a panorama of popular music in Brazil with the purpose of familiarizing the reader with the genres, musical styles, and artistic movements which will be dealt in the course of the study. In the second part, an ethnographic description will be presented exploring the spatial lay-out of the house in Jabour to illustrate the creative process of Hermeto & Group, besides dealing with the different stages in the professional and aesthetic trajectory of the composer. The main characteristics of his musical system are identied and the marketing processes and resistance to marketing his music are also presented. The conclusion demonstrates how the musical production of Hermeto Pascoal, allied to the social, economic, and political processes involved which complement it, problematizes the categories people and nation, besides throwing a new light on the hybrid, miscegenated, and mutant character of Brazilian cultural identity.

Brief Historical and Social Panorama of Popular Music in Brazil The traditional estimates as to the earliest human settlement of Brazil put the date at 12,000 years ago (see M. Cunha 10). However, music historians in Brazil usually ignore the millennia of indigenous pre-history and choose as the starting point of their canonic narratives 22 April 1500, the date of the arrival of the Portuguese colonizers.6 The historiographies of both popular music and art music point to a formative stage which coincides approximately with the Colonial period (15001822), in which the encounter between Amerindians, Africans, and Europeans gave rise to an innite number of hybrid forms, with some named and identied by the late eighteenth century (see Reily 6). At the beginning of the colonization of Brazil the Jesuits taught medieval Gregorian chant to the Amerindians with the aim of instilling a magic element in the native culture. For the Indians, however, to sing in unison was preparing them to absorb the qualities of the enemy in the rituals of anthropophagy (Ulhoa, Nova Historia 83).

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Cannibalism served as an inspiration for the modernist poet Oswald de Andrade, in his Manifesto Antropofagico, to create the important concept of cultural anthropophagy. Instead of consummating the colonial act of eliminating the Indian as a component of culture and Brazilian identity (E. Cunha 53), Oswald de Andrade rediscovered Brazil in making the Indian the center of his anthropophagic theory. Very briey, his theory afrms that Brazil, symbolized by the indigenous, absorbs the Other and makes it the esh of its esh, cannibalizing it, culturally. The initial historical landmark of cultural anthropophagy appears to have been, still according to Oswald, the death of the rst Catholic bishop of Brazil, Dom Pero Fernandes Sardinha, ritually devoured by the Caete Indians on the Alagoas coastthe native state of Hermeto Pascoalon 16 July 1556. Cultural anthropophagy acquired special importance on being used conceptually by Brazilian artists, such as the tropicalistas Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil, at the end of the 1960s (see Calado; Dunn; Favaretto; Veloso). For Hermeto Pascoal, however, cultural cannabilism is not a theoretical concept, but a practice deeply rooted in the unconscious. Probably the oldest popular instrumental groups in Brazilwhose references go back to the beginning of the eighteenth century (see Cajazeira 25)are the Bandas de pfano, very common in the Northeast region of Brazil, where the Portuguese colonization began. The bands normally have around seven members playing pfanos (utes made of bamboo or, today, of PVC, polyvinyl chloride) and percussion instruments. The three versions for the origin of this group illustrate the cultural and ethnic miscegenation that characterizes Brazilian music and society from the very early times: the totemic rituals of the Brazilian Indians, Portuguese colonization, and traditional African festivities (Cajazeira 23). When Hermeto was approximately 7 years old, that is to say, around 1943, he used to make handcrafted utes imitating the pfanos played by the Xucuru-Kariri Indians, who once lived in Palmeira dos Indios (see Ricardo and Ricardo 541 66), near Lagoa da Canoa, the small home town of the musician. (For more on Hermetos childhood, see Costa-Lima Neto, Experimental . . . Conception 4143).7 In the early decades of the nineteenth century another instrumental group became the most widespread popular musical manifestation in Brazil, the Bandas de Musica. The origin of these bands goes back to the military cadres which disembarked in the city of Rio de Janeiro together with the Portuguese royal family in 1808 (on music in Imperial Rio de Janeiro, see Magaldi). To the sound of marches and military dobrados, waltzes, polkas, mazurkas, schottische, quadrilhas, galopes, maxixes, tangos, and even pieces adapted from opera, the dozens of members of the Bandas de Musica would perform in the streets, squares, and bandstands of Brazilian towns during civic and religious festivities (see Cassoli, Falcao, and Aguiar 46; Cazes 29 46; Ulhoa, Inventando Moda 7 20). They featured instruments such as the ute, piccolo, clarinet, trumpet, trombone, tuba, bombardon (bombardon or bombardino is a brass instrument, related to the tuba, common in Brazilian brass bands), and percussion. To understand the social function performed by the Bandas de Musica in Brazil, one must realize that the court in Rio de Janeiro brought together the largest

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concentration of slaves found in the world since the end of the Roman Empire: 110,000 slaves for 226,000 inhabitants (Alencastro 25). However, with the ofcial abolition of the slave trade (1850) and with new anti-slavery laws, the social and economic landscape of the city changed markedly. An urban middle class emerged composed of civil servants and small traders, made up in the main by the AfroBrazilian population (Cazes 17). This middle class provided the human resources and the consumer public for the incipient popular instrumental music, boosting the great popularity of the Bandas de Musica. At the same time the groups operated as popular music conservatories, in which the conductor or band leader acted as a teacher, the Bandas also represented one of the few opportunities for rising professionally for the new urban classes (see Cazes 30 31; Tinhorao). This social function makes itself felt even today in the poorest regions of Brazil, such as the Northeast, for example (see Cajazeira 18). It is interesting to note that one of the favorite pastimes of Hermeto in his childhood was to attend the performances of the Bandas de Musica in the town of Arapiraca, an important commercial center in the State of Alagoas (Pascoal, O Calendario do som 288, 404). In the 1870s, that is to say, a little before the abolition of slavery (1888) and the Proclamation of the Republic (1889), the choro rst appeared in Rio de Janeiro. Inuenced by the Bandas de Musica, the choro or chorinho (literally, cry or little cry) was initially more a way of playing than a precise musical genre; the black instrumentalists would Brazilianize European dancesparticularly the polka, but also the waltz, mazurka, and schottischemixing them with Afro-Brazilian syncopated rhythms. Through the composer and autist Alfredo da Rocha Viana Filho, nicknamed Pixinguinha, the choro became more improvised, rhythmically free and virtuosic, consolidating itself as a genre with its own musical characteristics in the rst decades of the twentieth century (see Cazes 53 64; Franceschi 137 39, 190 91). In its initial phase it was played on the ebony ute, cavaquinho (small, four-coursed instrument similar to a ukelele), and guitar, but later other instruments, such as the clarinet, bandolim (mandolin-type instrument with four double courses), pandeiro (hand-held percussion instrument), and saxophone, were added (see Reily 6). The choro crossed the barriers between popular and art music, being incorporated into the work of composers such as Chiquinha Gonzaga, Alexandre Levy, Ernesto Nazare, Heitor Villa-Lobosand Hermeto Pascoal. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century the piano had become a symbol of distinction for the Frenchied Brazilian elites, a fetish object that served as a paradigm of civility for the tropical and slave-owning society of the Empire (Alencastro 42) and, at the end of the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth century, Rio de Janeiro was known as the city of pianos or pianopolis. Out of the fusion of musical genres and styles played by the Bandas de Musica there emerged at the beginning of the twentieth century another instrumental genre that also would have an important role in the Musica Universal of Hermeto: the frevo (a corruption of the rst person of the verb ferver, to boil, eu fervo), a mix of dance

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and music, whose rapid tempo animates the carnival revelers in the city of Recife, capital of the State of Pernambuco (see Cassoli, Falcao, & Aguiar 56). During the twentieth century an intense population migration from the country to the city took place in Brazil, accompanied by considerable technological and industrial development and the progressive consolidation of mass-media communi cation. As Ulhoa claries, one nds then a complete change in the musical scene and in the very concept of popular music (Nova Historia 80 81). Oral and community musical traditions, where producer and consumer were in close proximity, started to be called musica folclorica (folk music), while the term popular music started to be used to distinguish the musical practices aired by the media, where the producer and the consumer were at a distance. This change is marked musically by the appearance of the urban samba, a genre linked to the black communities of recently freed slaves, as well as to African religiosity and the rhythms found in Candomble (on rhythmic patterns and time-lines of African and AfroBrazilian music, see Sandroni 19 37). If the European musical inuences found in the Bandas de Musica and in the choro ensured the relative tolerance of the white elites of the city of Rio de Janeiro, the samba, for its part, was strongly discriminated against and samba musicians were continually hassled by the police. The house of Tia Ciata, mentioned in the introduction, is considered one of the most important symbols of the popular tradition in the historiography of Brazilian music and exemplies very well the context of racial oppression in the post-abolition period, as well as the resistance strategies of black artists. Choro and samba musicians, such as Pixinguinha, Donga, Sinho, Joao da Bahiana, and Heitor dos Prazeres, frequented the festivities (or pagodes) and feijoadas8 of Tia Ciata, and at one of these events one of the rst sambas recorded in Brazil was composed (entitled Pelo telefone (Over the Phone), Donga, 1916). Muniz Sodre (see also Wisnik 151 62) identies particular cultural dividers (biombos culturais) in Tia Ciatas house separating the rooms, the spaces of the house, and the musical genres cultivated there: in the parlor next to the streetclose to the eyes of the white elitechoro and the more respectable dances with partners (polkas, waltzes, lundus, etc.); and, in the backyard at the rear of the househidden from the authorities and the policepartido-alto samba or samba-raiado and the rhythmic patterns of Candomble. The polarized separation of the cultural dividers at the house of the respected Tia Ciata, symbolized the strategy of musical resistence to the curtain of marginalization raised against the Negro following Abolition (Sodre 15). The house of Tia Ciata is considered by Sodre to be a metaphor and a microcosm of the Brazilian society of the time, exemplifying racial prejudice and the marginalization of the Negro and his culture by the white elite. During the 1920s and 1930s popular festivities, press, gramophone recordings of company Casa Edison (see Franceschi), intellectuals, excellent songwriters such as Noel Rosaa lower-middle-class whiteand the rst Escolas de samba (samba schools) all played their part in gradually popularizing the samba, but even so the latter was still a phenomenon largely restricted to the city of Rio de Janeiro. However,

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under the dictatorship of the Estado Novo (1937 45), instituted by President Getulio Vargas, the samba moved out of Tia Ciatas backyard and into the parlor of every Brazilian home. The musical genre was co-opted with populist objectives by Vargas to integrate the new urban classes of black workers into the new civilized and white social order (on populism and music, see also Street 3 23). The samba was then remodeled by the Press and Propaganda Department (DIP) of the Estado Novo and stripped of its Dionysian elementssuch as its apology for bohemianism and romanticization of the gure of the idle loafer (malandro)and used to promote order and the work ethic (see Wisnik 190). While it was aired nationwide through the broadcasts of the state-owned Radio Nacional, its festive association with carnival made it a symbol of racial democracy and mestizo cordiality, thus turning it into one of the musical symbols of national identity (for more on history of samba, see Naves; Reily; Sandroni; Vianna; Wisnik). The choro, as well as the Bandas de Musica, the frevo orchestras and the pianeiros (popular pianists) for their part, changed places with the samba and was relegated to the backyard, becoming practically invisible to the general public at large. This inversion marked the start of mass culture in Brazil and it is an important historical antecedent for us to understand the somewhat isolated position of the multi-instrumentalist Hermeto Pascoal on the popular music scene in contemporary Brazil (see Costa-Lima Neto, Da Casa de Tia Ciata). In 1946 the rst baiao was recorded by the Pernambuco accordionist Luiz Gonzaga. The huge success it enjoyed on the radio nally put the Northeast region on the popular music map in Brazil (see Dreyfus 109 48). At the time the baiao was released, Hermeto Pascoal was just 10 years old and he used to hear the discs of Luiz Gonzaga through the megaphones in the street markets of his native town (see Campos 140). Gonzaga was the boys idol and the success of the baiao singer in the major cities of Brazil prompted Hermeto to run away from home with his brother, Jose Neto, to play the accordion and percussion on the radios of Recife, the cultural capital of the Northeast. The baiao would later become one of the most important popular genres of sica Universal. Hermetos Mu In the 1950s, nostalgically recalled as the golden years of the Juscelino Kubitschek government (195661), the bossa nova appeared, a rhythm descended from the samba, but inuenced by jazz, which used more dissonant harmonies than those of the traditional samba. The bossa nova became internationalized and the song Garota de Ipanema (Girl from Ipanema, 1962, Antonio Carlos Jobim and Vinicius de Moraes) replaced the samba-exaltacao Aquarela do Brasil (Aquarelle of Brazil, 1939, Ari Barroso), as the new international musical symbol of Brazilian-ness.9 With the bossa nova the guitar becomes more percussive, in dialogue with sophisticated orchestral arrangements and a new vocal rendition which was whispered and cool, quite different from the operatic mannerisms of the popular singers of the previous generations (see Saroldi and Moreira). Bossa nova was the fruit of the desire of the artists from the middle class artistically and technologically to modernize popular music in Brazil, passing from the agricultural phase to the industrial phase (Tom Jobim, qtd in Napolitano 69). Although Hermeto had accompanied singers of bossa

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nova on the piano on a daily basis in the nightclubs of Recife, Sao Paulo, and Rio de Janeiro during the 1950s and 1960s, the genre did not have a great inuence on his musical system. In the 1960s when the military dictatorship (1964 85) ruled the country, musical programs on television, the theater, song festivals, and the record industry targeted the public from the universities, with an eye on the new demands of the market. Thus MPB appeared, which made it possible for middle-class artists such as Chico Buarque de Holanda, Milton Nascimento, Edu Lobo, and Elis Regina to connect aesthetics, ideology, and the market, albeit temporarily (see Napolitano; Stroud). However, the commercial explosion of the jovem guarda (ie-ie-ie), enjoying great success among lower middle-class youth, outsold MPB in 1965 (with the homonymous disc by Roberto Carlos), presaging the musica sertaneja and musica romantica of the following two decades. In this sense, the jovem guarda was the vanguard for mass music in contemporary Brazil.10 In 1967, tropicalia made its debut, led by the singers Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil. The tropicalists invoked the anthropophagic cannibalism of Oswald de Andrade, blending songs disseminated by radio, television, and cinema with sambas, rumbas, cantos de macumba, baiao, bolero, and rock and roll (see Favaretto 106), and also added musical input from the avant-garde music and the concrete poets from Sao Paulo. From the mid-1970s, reaching its climax in the 1990scoinciding with the return of civilian rule in 1985the big multinational recording companies, the majors, were busily consolidating their position. Inuencing the whole Brazilian culture industry, they created fads such as discoteca and lambada, launched products and artists directed at the childrens market, targeted the middle-class teenage public with rock and roll and pop in the 1980s, and, nally, directed mass-consumption genres at the low-income population, such as musica sertaneja, musica romantica, axe, and pagode. It is in this unfavorable context for instrumental music that the resistance coming from the composer, multi-instrumentalist and bandleader Hermeto Pascoal, should be viewed. In the 1980s after Hermeto returned from the USA, where he had recorded his rst authorial disc (1972), the urban population had climbed to 70% of the Brazilian population, an inverse proportion to that of the 1950s, when the setting up of industrial parks (a process that had already begun in the 1930s in the Estado Novo) began to stimulate the intense migration of the rural population (Ulhoa, Nova Historia 86). This migratory ow from the country to the city produced the mass public necessary to consolidate the culture industry, which had started to establish itself in Brazil in the 1960s, when a market structure had not yet to come into being. The migrants settled in the shanty towns ( favelas) and suburbs of Rio de Janeiro, together with other families of low-income workers, made up of blacks and mulattos in the main. The western zone of Rio de Janeiro, the district of Jabour and Hermeto Pascoals home, has experienced the greatest population growth in the city in recent decades.

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Hermeto descends from the Northeastern folk traditions of the Bandas de pfano and forro; however, his music also incorporates the urban popular groups and genres of the Bandas de Musica, choro, samba, frevo, and baiao, as well as big bands, North American jazz and art music, and world music. His aesthetic openness contrasts with the defensive and xenophobic attitude practiced by the nationalist intelligentsia made up of urban musicians, artists, and intellectuals. With the Modern Art Week of 1922 as its initial historical landmark, the modernist movement sought eminently national characteristics for Brazilian art in contrast with the Europeanizing academicism. Drawing from the ideas of folklorist Mario de Andrade in his celebrated Ensaio sobre a Musica Brasileira (Essay on Brazilian Music, 1928), Brazilian modernists defended the thesis that rural folklore traditions, particularly from the Northeast, were closer to the genuine roots, the pure roots, of Brazilian music, while at the same time casting aspersions on urban popular-commercial music (see Reily 1 10; Travassos, Modernismo 5156; Vargas 35 53, 62 98, 185 231; Wisnik 129 91). Hermeto Pascoal shares with Mario de Andrade and his followers an appreciation of Northeastern folklore (on the politics and sociology of folk music, see Middleton 127 46); however, he goes beyond the strict frontiers dened by the nationalist credo in following the continuum that encompasses folk, popular, art music, and ethnic, that is to say, the local and the global. In the epigraph at the beginning of this article Hermeto Pascoal compares his Musica Universal to a panelada (a hotch-potch), a typical dish from Northeastern cuisine and part of the heritage of Portuguese colonization. Musica Universal is, according to Hermeto Pascoal, an expansion of the territory of Brazilian music, already expanded due to the ethnic and cultural mixtures of Amerindians, Africans, and Europeans which occurred in Colonial, Imperial, and Republican Brazil. To the miscegenated mixture of Brazilian music Hermeto Pascoal adds other peoples, countries, and sonorities, as new ingredients in his hybrid Universal panelada. An Open House in Jabour 1981 93 Originally a one-story house, Hermetos home in Jabour, a neighborhood in the West Zone of the suburbs of Rio de Janeiro, was enlarged after an international tour with the Group, when Hermeto began the construction of the second oor. Hermeto would compose silently on the rst oor, without instruments, seated on the sofa of a room hidden from the eyes of visitors, while the other musicians in the Group (Itibere Zwargcontrabass, electric piano, baritone horn and tuba; Jovino Santos Netoelectric piano, keyboards, clavinet and ute; Antonio Luis Santana/Pernambucopercussion; Marcio Bahiadrums and percussion; and Carlos Maltawind instruments) would rehearse on the second oor. All the musicians came to live close by so as not to waste time traveling daily from their homes to the distant neighborhood of Jabour.11 A visitor unfamiliar with the streets of the West Zone and constantly having to ask the neighbors how to get to Hermetos house could only be certain that he had nally

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come to the right address when he heard the sound of the music.12 After identifying himself over the intercom to the lady of the house, the visitor enters through the service entrance leading to the kitchen. Before entering the kitchen he sees on the right, in an area next to the outside gate, a collection of birds in their cages, Floriano the parrot, and possibly the dogs running back and forth, as well as a glimpse of a small swimming pool. Continuing into the main house, guided by the strains of the ever-loudening music, the visitor passes through the kitchen of Dona Ilza da Silva and a small ante-room (the L-shaped oor plan which hid the den where Hermeto composes) and then upstairs to the second oor.13 Reaching the second oor, the visitor nds two rooms: a little rest area with a refrigerator, chairs, and a nearby bathroom, and a large room with the instruments of the Group: piano, keyboards, percussion, wind instruments, electric bass, other objects used for percussion, and piles and piles of musical scores. In order to provide sound proong, straw mats bought cheaply at Umbanda stores were glued to the walls of the rehearsal room, giving the appearance of a rustic hut.14 Finally, through the windows, the visitor views the neighbors houses, and above them, more often than not, a clear blue sky with the sun beating down relentlessly. The architecture of the little house is made up of two principal cultural dividers: the private space on the rst oor of the house, where Hermeto would compose secretly without being seen or heard by anyone, and the second oor, more accessible, occupied by the musicians during their daily rehearsals. The second biombo allows a glimpse of the third space, external to the house, lled in turn by the houses of the neighborhood with the sky above. The windows serve as the medium of exchange: the music played by the Group leaked out into the neighborhood, while the sounds of the landscapebirds, dogs, parrot, cicadas, etc.invaded the house and came to inhabit some of the music recorded during this period. The household included the owners Hermeto Pascoal and Dona Ilza, the couples sons and daughters, the boys in the Group (as Hermeto paternally called the young musicians who accompanied him), the producer and general factotum Mauro Brandao Wermelinger, and, nally, the birds in their cages, Floriano the parrot, and the dogs Spock, Bolao, and Princesa. The different areas of the house and the characters mentioned above appear in particular songs included in the six LPs recorded by Hermeto & Group in the period 1981 to 1993, whether in the titles, the sound references, or the home-made recordings which ended up on the records. Consider compositions like Briguinha de musicos malucos no coreto (Crazy Musicians Quarreling on the Bandstand), which features a modulating etude for bombardino (bombardon), a typical instrument in the Bandas de Musica genre, and Ilza na feijoada (Ilza at the Feijoada), which features a baiao in phrygian church mode and the voices of the members of the Group and the sound of laughter from Dona Ilza. Aula de natacao (Swimming Lesson), an atonal piece of music, draws its melody from the dialogue between Hermetos daughter Fabola and a swimming teacher with the sounds of children in the pool. Other examples, in chronological order, are Cores (Colors), which includes the

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high-pitched song of a cicada in the tree in front of Hermetos house and tuned to the instruments of the Group; Spock na escada (Spock on the Stairs), a forro, which includes the syncopated barks of Hermetos dog; and Papagaio alegre (Merry Parrot), in which Floriano the parrot is the soloist.15 Other examples of the musical use of animal sounds (not recorded at the house in Jabour) include Arapua, in which the instrumental timbres, textures, and dissonant harmonies simulate the low buzzing sound of the Arapua bee, and Quando as aves se encontram nasce o som (When the Birds Meet, Music Is Born), a track with various bird songs used as rhythmic-melodic phrases and harmonized and arranged by Hermeto for the instruments of the Group. I draw the readers attention to the hybrid heterogeneity of the above-mentioned compositions: a modal baiao and forro; a dissonant polytonal song; an etude with harmonic modulations; another experimental etude, and, nally, the atonal sonorities of the human voice and animal sounds (see Costa-Lima Neto, Experimental . . . Conception 126 30, 139 54, 163 90; Experimental . . . Musical 119 42). A dense description16 of the special layout of the house in Jabour will reveal the process of composition, arrangement, and rehearsal for Hermeto and the Group. From the room where he composed, Hermeto could easily hear the other musicians. Thus, when he nished writing the score with the melodic-harmonic sketch of a new composition, Hermeto would go upstairs, put the score under the door, and return to his den. As Hermetos compositions were doubly difcult: dissonant chords were not easy to analyze in terms of traditional harmony and the writing of the score itself left doubts over the exact placement of the ngers on the staffwhich resulted from Hermetos visual deciency caused by albinism17generally the musicians of the Group would re-write the manuscript parts left by the composer. After the musicians nished making clean copies of the manuscript parts, they would play them on their instruments, while Hermeto, blessed with a perfect sense of pitch, would listen and correct their transcriptions from down below: Jovino, its not G with a major seventh, its minor! (Wermelinger personal interview). Immediately afterwards, the composer would once more go upstairs to resolve technical details and work out the arrangement. The creative process functioned according to these stages, and sometimes a song was completed in just a few hours. The daily rehearsals of the Group, from Monday to Friday, from 2 to 8 pm, preceded by daily practice sessions in the mornings, when the musicians rehearsed the more difcult passages of their individual parts, made it possible to achieve something unheard of in Brazilian instrumental music: a repertoire of hundreds of songs to which more compositions were constantly added. When it came to the show itself, they played only a small portion of this repertoire, since the live versions grew in length with improvisations and were usually much longer than in rehearsals. Thus, each show lasted for at least two hours, but, depending on the venue, could last for three or four hours or even longer. Their record was in Pendotiba (in Niteroi, RJ), during the opening of a jazz nightclub, when Hermeto and the Group played for ve and a half hours. Before the end of the performance all the paying customers had

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already left, with only the sleepy waiters remaining behind to listen. Precisely because of this vast repertoire every show was different from the next. Mauro Wermelinger reported that Hermeto worked his musicians to the bone: Mauro, today they are going to die, today I am going to get there and they will be stretched out on the oor. . . . They are not going to be able to play this because I dont think that even I can play what I wrote! Hermeto would say. Corroborating what Mauro reported, the drummer in the Group, Marcio Bahia, told me that sometimes during the individual morning rehearsals at the house he would suffer from migraines and would have to lie down to rest after agonizing over the extremely difcult parts written by Hermeto. In fact, these songsincidentally, Frank Zappa also had a repertoire which he called humanly impossibleare sometimes identied as such by their own titles: Correu tanto que sumiu (He Ran So Much That He Disappeared, 1980), Intocavel (Unplayable), Difcil, mas nao impossvel (Difcult, But Not Impossible, unreleased), among others. In reality, independent of their title, various songs by Hermeto can be viewed as etudes: Chorinho para ele (Chorinho for Him, 1977), De bandeja e tudo (Tray and All; see Costa-Lima Neto, Experimen tal . . . Conception 155 62), Serie de Arco (Hoop Series; see Costa-Lima Neto, Experimental . . . Conception 116 25), Mestre Radames (Master Radames), Irmaos Latinos (Latin Brothers), and Aluxan (2002). Although Hermeto refused out of hand the titles professor or master, he made each composition an opportunity for leading the members of the Group to a progressively higher musical level, in a similar way to the old masters of the Bandas de Musica during the Imperial times of Brazil. Hermetos style of leadership did not conne his collaborators to the role of mere replicators of prepared musical texts; rather he encouraged them to create new roles for themselves. In this way Hermeto & Group operated collectively as performers, arrangers, and composers, creatively subverting established hierarchical systems, while producing music of considerable complexity (see Costa-Lima Neto, Experimental . . . Conception 6983). As well as the dynamic of exchange between Hermeto and the Group, the cultural dividers of Hermetos house also illustrate how his biography and career are related to his musical system, a system which, by tracking the stages of his professional career and his personal cosmology, blends regional, Brazilian, international, and universal elements. Thus, Hermetos personality, his music, and the context in which it is inserted, in addition to the habits of the visitors and occupants of the house, are complementary spaces, which interpenetrate each other like conceptual dividers, allowing the observer to glimpse unsuspected details of a symbolic architecture. The First Floor (1936 50): Rural Brazil On the rst oor of the house, we nd Hermeto the man, a composer, with rural folk roots from the Northeast of Brazil, where he was born in 1936 and lived until 1950 in Olho DAgua, a small village near the town of Lagoa da Canoa, in the municipality of Arapiraca, Alagoas. In the heart of the fertile tobacco-growing interior

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of Northeastern Brazil, Lagoa da Canoa gave Hermeto the basis for his experimental musical idiom, since his experimentation uses the rural traditions of his childhood as a point of departure. Unable to play in the sun with the other children and following in the Northeastern tradition of musicians with impaired vision (Cego Aderaldo, Cego Oliveira, Sivuca, Luiz Gonzaga, among others), the albino Hermeto made music his favorite pastime, whether composing little tunes created by striking pieces of iron stolen from his grandfathers smithy, or making improvised ute duets with birds and frogs, or playing tambourine and the eight-bass accordion together with his brother and father at local dances and wedding parties. The compositions Forro em Santo Andre, Forro Brasil (1979), Arrasta pe alagoano (1980), and O tocador quer beber (The Musician Wants a Drink), among others, exemplify the modal repertoire that Hermeto would play at dancing parties in his childhood in the rural Northeast. The presence of birds, of Floriano the parrot and the dogs by the pool, at the house in Jabour, is a sign that Hermeto has retained part of the sonorous landscape and geography of his childhood. Since Lagoa da Canoa Hermeto has followed a paradigm, i.e. a fundamental musical model, which he would broaden over the course of his career (see Costa-Lima Neto, Experimental . . . Conception 88 109). Following this precociously experimental paradigm, Hermeto, from the time he was a boy, blended and improvised sounds from nature and the animal world, from unconventional sound sources (such as the pieces of iron mentioned above) and the melodies of speech (music of aura), with conventional musical styles and pitched sounds from instruments such as the pe-de-bode accordion and the pfano. The music of aura, as well as the sounds of animals and sonorous objects, constitutes a fundamental reference in Hermetos musical system. In it, the musician transposes the notes and rhythms of the spoken voice to a conventional instrument, generally an electronic keyboard, producing a totally atonal melody with an asymmetric rhythm which afterwards is harmonized dissonantly (for more on music of aura, see Costa-Lima Neto, Experimental . . . Conception 185 90, 204 08).18 Continuing through the rst oor of the house in Jabourthe space which would correspond to the terreiro for Candomble at the house of Tia Ciatawe can notice another important aspect of Hermeto: his cosmology or personal vision of the cosmos, related to his religiosity and spirituality, which certainly contributed to his public image as a shaman (bruxo), wizard, or magician of sound. The cultural divider will be useful to us once again. The room where Hermeto composed was reached only after the visitor had passed through Dona Ilzas kitchen and, after that, something of a labyrinth. I believe that this trajectory is symbolic as well. Dona Ilza da Silva, from Pernambuco, whose Saturday feijoadas would bring together all those living in the houseas well as invited guests and neighborswas, like Tia Ciata, an adept of Afro-Brazilian religions who, from the kitchen, guarded the entrance to the house and the rooms where Hermeto composed and the Group rehearsed. As mentioned above, she was the rst person that the visitor encountered, over the intercom, even before entering the house. Apparently Hermeto and Ilza

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shared a number of common religious beliefs and, according to information gleaned from interviews with members of the Group, the title of the song Magimani Sagei (see Costa-Lima Neto, Experimental . . . Conception 131 38) refers to the name of a Caboclo, that is to say, an indigenous entity whom the adepts of Umbanda hold in high spiritual esteem. In this music, rhythm predominates. Hermeto uses the drum set as a melodic instrument, constructing seven rhythmic-melodic phrases which, accompanied by the electric bass, serve as a base for the theme played by the ute, piccolo, and cavaquinho, and for free improvisation on bamboo utes ( pfanos), bass ute, and ocarinas. As the music was being recorded, the studio technician Ze Luiz invented, at Hermetos request, words which sounded like an indigenous language (oire, ogorecotara, tanajura), while during the instrumental breaks the musicians spoke disconnected words, blew whistles and shouted. The barking of the dogs Spock, Bolao and Princesa thickened the texture, while the tempo accelerated to the freely improvised nale. Magimani Sagei suggests a tribal dance, and has deep roots in the imagination of Hermeto and his childhood in Lagoa da Canoa, near the town of Palmeira dos Indios, an old indigenous redoubt, where today around 2,800 remaining members of the Xucuru-Kariri tribe try to survive (Ricardo and Ricardo 16). It is important to note that the 1988 Constitution established a ve-year deadline for the demarcation of all Indigenous Lands, but in many cases this limit has not been respected and land [has become] an explosive issue throughout the country (Seeger 147), ranchers on one side, Indians on the other.19 Other discographic, musical and bibliographic references will help to broaden the picture with additional aspects concerning the spirituality and religion of Hermeto. On the LP Zabumbe-bum-a (1979), the songs Sao Jorge (Saint George) and Santo nio (Saint Anthony) are named after Christian saints and include the Anto participation of Hermetos parents: Vergelina Eulalia de Oliveira and Pascoal Jose da Costa, to whom the two compositions are dedicated.20 The two tracks refer to Northeastern folk music and to popular festivities that are part of the Catholic liturgical calendar. Santo Antonio, for example, begins and ends with Hermetos mothers voice describing the procession for this saints day (13 June), accompanied by modal religious chants from the Northeast, and by Zabele and Pernambuco imitating the voices of children asking for alms for the church-sponsored festival in honor of Saint Anthony (see Costa-Lima Neto, O cantor Hermeto Pascoal). I remind the reader that during the colonization of Brazil the Jesuit missionaries used Gregorian chant to catechize the Indians. The modal scales brought by the missionaries still survive in Northeastern folk music. Another musical example which alludes to the religious world of popular syncretism is the Missa dos Escravos, recorded on the disc of the same name (Slaves Mass, 1977).21 This music is quite varied in rhythm, with a strong Afro-Brazilian inuence. After alternating measures with seven and ve beats, Missa dos Escravos comes to a climax, repeating the same cycle of fourteen beats, assymetrically divided into groups of 3 3 2 2 2 2 pulses. The sung phrase Chama Zabele pra poder te conhecer (Call Zabele so I can know you) is hypnotically intoned in

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a crescendo, on a single continuous low note, as in a recitative (recto tono) from a medieval Catholic mass, or a ritual indigenous chant, accompanied by a dissonant ute section, with the dancing rhythms of the tom drums providing the underlying beat. At the end, a duo of grunting pigs dialogs with the vocal solo of laughter, crying and shouting by Flora Purim, superimposed over a slow melody played on the transverse ute in unison with the singing voice. Missa dos Escravos is connected with the Quilombo dos Palmares (1580 1710), led by Ganga Zumba and his nephew Zumbi. The Quilombo dos Palmares was located in the Serra da Barriga, a region now belonging to the State of Alagoasthe native state of Hermeto Pascoalwhere approximately 20,000 quilombolas (fugitive ex-slaves) resisted, over the span of more than a century, the various attempts made by the Portuguese Crown to capture and return them to the sugar plantations. Maraca-maracatu-maracaja-Mara! In the lyrics for Mestre Mara (Master Mara, 1979)a song rich in non-conventional vocal resources, such as whispering, hissing, glissandos, glottal attacks, coughing, shouting, etc.Hermeto uses words with similar sonorities (alliterations), a technique very commonly found in the Northeastern embolada,22 in order to associate the Afro-Brazilian rhythm of maracatu, with the indigenous instrument known as maraca, as well as the forest-cat maracaja, and, nally, the name of the master Mara. In this song, the melody sung by Hermeto is heard in slow tempo, while the chorus exploring unconventional vocal techniques is at another, quicker tempo. The unusual superimposition of two tempi in Mestre Mara indicates the presence of two simultaneous dimensions. In fact, in addition to Umbanda, spiritualism, and musical traditions related to the popular Catholicism of the Northeast, Hermeto reveals in this music another facet of his spirituality in singing, O Master, I received your message, it was with great joy that I set your image to music. The master in question seems to be related to another gure which Hermeto labeled The gift, which in 1996 gave him the devotional task of composing one piece of music per day throughout an entire year, paying homage to all those celebrating birthdays on the planet with a Calendario do som (Calendar of sound). It contains 366 scores, one for each day of the year, including leap years (see Costa-Lima Neto, O Calendario do som). Taken together, aspects of Hermetos religiosity and spirituality reveal his particular cosmological vision, the roots of which are strongly based on popular syncretism. Music is a transcendental vehicle which unites him to nature and animals, to other human beings and spiritual hierarchies. In this sense, for Hermeto the wizard, music is a ritual. Through musical ritual, spiritual experience and aesthetic experience are interconnected in an inseparable way. Levi-Strauss (33 38) compares music to a time-supression machine, capable of overcoming the opposition between tangible and intelligible and leading those who listen to it to a temporary condition of immortality. In a similar way, going up and down the stairs that unite the two oors of the house, Hermeto constructs and simultaneously participates in the harmonious order of the sacred, which he offers with devotion to all human beings, in the form of music.

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I also believe that a certain profane celebration was an important part of the calendar of the house in Jabour: Dona Ilzas feijoada on Saturdays, when the Pascoal family and the families of the musicians, as well as other guests, would come together to fraternize and restore the energy expended during the week. The instruments (Fender Rhodes piano, drums, winds, etc.) were moved from the second oor to the rst, to an outdoor area where the feijoada took place, and there Hermeto and the musicians of the Group would alternate eating, drinking, and playing, surrounded by a large number of family members and guests. The feijoadaa traditional dish made with black beans and porkis related symbolically to the duo of solo pigs and to the pagan liturgy of the Missa dos Escravos (Slaves Mass), in which the female vocalist Flora Purim forms part of a somewhat unconventional trio with two soloist pigs, one low-pitched and the other high. The Missa dos Escravos of the Hermeto Pascoal family divided the same menu as the festivities and feijoadas of the black samba and choro musicians at the house of Tia Ciata, at the beginning of the twentieth century and, before that, the drum sessions held by the slaves in their quarters during colonial times. On the other hand, the bamboo utes ( pfanos), the percussion, the animal sounds, the alliterations and experimental vocal resources of the tunes Magimani Sagei and Mestre Mara allude, in turn, to the Indians. The compositions analyzed in this section demonstrate the presence of an archaic Brazil in the minds eye of Hermeto and reveal how the composer incorporates various gures marginalized in the history of Brazil, bringing them back from the collective unconscious and making them come alive in the mythical space-time of music. The Second Floor (1950 70): Urban Brazil Continuing our tour, and moving up to the second oor of the house in Jabour, we nd Hermeto in society, the arranger and performer in contact with the Group and with the urban and international popular music of his adolescence and youth on the radio and in the clubs in Recife, Caruaru, Rio de Janeiro, and Sao Paulo, cities where he lived between 1950 and 1970. Leaving Lagoa da Canoa, the Pascoal family followed Hermeto to Recife (PE) in 1950. With his brother, Jose Neto, Hermeto played on a local radio station, Radio Tamandare, and later, on Radio Jornal do Comercio. Over the course of fteen years, Hermeto, a self-taught musician, learned to read and write music, play the 32 and 80 bass accordion, as well as the piano, ute, saxophone, bass, guitar, percussion, or any other instrument that might earn him a fee on radio or in night-clubs. He began his professional career as a musician, playing choro,23 frevo, baiao, and seresta in Regional groups on the radio (on the interrelations between Regionais and Choro groups, see Campos 67 70; Cazes 85 89). He also played in dance bands or in night-clubs in Recife, Rio de Janeiro (1958), and Sao Paulo (1961), and jazz trios and 24 quartets (SambrasaTrio and SomQuatro). His broadened perception, the intense instrumental work in a varied repertoire and his observation of singers,

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instrumentalists, arrangers, and conductors working in radiosuch as Clovis Pereira dos Santos, Cesar Guerra Peixe, and Radames Gnatallienabled Hermeto gradually to learn the art of instrumentation and arrangement. The song festivals in which he participated as an instrumentalist and arranger between 1967 and 1970 consolidated his music reading and writing skills, while at the same time allowing him to develop as an arranger. His contact with conductors, arrangers, and composers of art music is clearly demonstrated by the orchestral arrangements of, for example, Carinhoso (1973), besides the compositions: Sinfonia em quadrinhos; Suite Pixitotinha (not released commercially); Suite Norte, Sul, Leste, Oeste (North, South, East and West Suite); Suite Paulistana (1979); Suite Mundo Grande (Big Wide World Suite).25 In 1966, Hermeto joined the Trio Novo, which changed its name to the Quarteto Novo. This group represented the mid-point of Hermetos career, marking his transition from instrumentalist hired by local radio stations and nightspots to internationally renowned arranger and composer. In addition to Hermeto Pascoal (ute, piano, and guitar), the Quarteto Novo included Heraldo do Monte (electric guitar and viola caipiraa type of viola common in Southeastern Brazil, especially the interior of the State of Sao Paulo), Theo de Barros (guitar and bass), and Airto Moreira (drums and percussion). At a time in which popular instrumental music in the Rio-Sao Paulo corridor was dominated by bands that combined jazz with the harmonies of the bossa nova and the rhythms of the sambaand the improvised solos were strongly inuenced by American bebopit was up to the pioneering Quarteto Novo to change the accent and use Northeastern scales, harmonies, timbres, and rhythms in their music. After having recorded a disc for Odeon in 1967, the group split up in 1969. Hermeto told me in an interview that one of the reasons for the short duration of the Quarteto Novo was the nationalist mission of Geraldo Vandre:
When I used to play a very modern chord, people would be critical: You cant play jazz chords. But they werent jazz chords; it was what my head wanted. Music belongs to the world. Wanting Brazilian music to be only from Brazil is like trying to put the wind in a bag, and no one can put sound in a bag. (Pascoal, Personal Interview 6 Mar. 1999)

Inspired by the nationalist modernism of Mario de Andrade, Geraldo Vandre proposed the creation of an authentic, pure Brazilian music, based on rural folklore, and avoiding any form of external inuence. During the years of the military dictatorship (1964 85) anything that might serve as an icon of the culture of the colonizing powersuch as jazz, electric guitars, rock and roll, the ie-ie-ie of the jovem guarda, and tropicalismowould be furiously bombarded by the intellectuals, students, and artists of the urban left, of which Vandre was an ardent militant (see Calado 106 13), as his songs for the barricades show (Napolitano 125). Hermeto, however, came from the rst oor, below, and had come from the less economically advantaged classes of the Northeast. For him, folk culture did not have the same

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authentically nationalist associations that it had for Vandre. If, for the artists of the urban middle class, the search for national identity signied the discovery and preservation of distant rural culture, for Hermeto, such a project meant connement and repetition: folk music was not something that needed to be discovered, reinvented, or articially produced. Hermeto not only rejected the nationalist purism of Vandre but also the other alternative path which opened up during the time of the song festivals, tropicalia, led by Caetano Veloso and Gilberto Gil. The tropicalists invoked the anthropophagic cannibalism of Oswald de Andrade, blending songs disseminated by radio, television and cinema with samba, rumba, baiao, rhythms from Umbanda, bolero, and rock and roll, and also added musical input from the avant-garde music and the concrete poets from Sao Paulo (Favaretto 106). In 1967, the Quarteto Novo was invited by Gilberto Gil to accompany him in the song Domingo no parque, which was competing in the song festival on TV Record (see Calado 121 22). Inspired by the recent model of the Beatles Sgt Peppers Lonely Hearts Club Band (1967), Gil wanted to combine the basic rhythm of the song, a capoeira afoxe, with the Northeastern sound of the Quarteto, together with an orchestra and an electric guitar. The project was vehemently rejected by the Quarteto, demonstrating the groups disdain for ie-ie-ie and rock and roll. Hermetos objections to tropicalia, however, were more to do with the characteristics of the movement, such as the carnivalized celebration of modernity and commercial popular music, than the use of foreign musical elements. Howard S. Becker, in his landmark study (9 25), says that the avant-garde, in spite of facing serious difculties in seeing its work performed, and sometimes never nding a space at all, is generally absorbed by tradition and its conventional channels. This is not the case for Hermeto, a self-taught musician, who came from a rural environment, and was always battling with every kind of institution, including the transnational record companies and the conventional communications media. For this reason, I preferred to state elsewhere that Hermeto was an experimental popular musician, even though the composer himself does not include himself in any existing current artistic movement or label (Costa-Lima Neto, Experimental . . . Conception 1 3). As Treece (207 13) so aptly observed, the experimental popular musical production of Hermeto Pascoal should serve as an alert to researchers in demonstrating that the tropicalist vanguard did not have a monopoly on innovation in Brazilian music. Neither nationalist modernism, nor tropicalia, Hermetos conict with the urban intelligentsia represented by Geraldo Vandre, on the one hand, and with the avantgarde of popular music represented by Gilberto Gil on the other, staked out the personal path which Hermeto would choose to follow.
I went to the USA with my own way of working and the desire to change the habit that obliged Brazilians to go there to learn from American musicians . . . . I wanted to show something that isnt jazz, nor samba, nor bossa nova, because I am tired of all that! . . . Yes, I make music and I am Brazilian. You can take that any way you like. (Pascoal, Interview with Lena Zwarg 5)

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The Space Outside the House (197080): International In 1970, Hermeto went to the US, along with the couple Airto and Flora Purim, in order to arrange the songs on the LPs Natural Feelings and Seeds on the Ground (Buddah Records, 1970, 1971). On the latter disc, Hermeto records and arranges a song composed by his parents around 1941 in Alagoas, while they were working on the harvest. The experimental O Galho da roseira (The Rose Stem, Parts I and II) was considered to be one of the best songs of the year by English critics (Marcondes 606 07). Shortly before his trip to the US, at the time of the Quarteto Novo and the ideological correctness of the nationalist Geraldo Vandre, Hermeto used to wear a suit and tie and keep his hair quite short. However, after his trip, Hermetos appearance became very much pop. The multi-colored shirts, hats, and long, unkempt, white hair of the albino musician seem to point back to the counterculture and hippies of the 1960s at the peak of psychodelia, free jazz, and experimental music (Berendt 36 45). His new look, added to other unusual featuressuch as the musical use of animal sounds and unconventional sound sourceshelped to form a somewhat exotic public image which, on the one hand, brought him fame and, on the other, made him a permanent target of criticism from orthodox musicians. Nevertheless, in order to blur categories further and shock art music and popular purists, the same irreverent musician who does improvised duets with pigs, dogs, chickens, birds and cicadas, moves freely between the backyard and the concert hall, blending embolada with art music in compositions for symphony orchestras, big bands, instrumental groups, and chamber ensembles in Brazil and abroad. In this sense, much more than mere exoticism or eccentricity, Hermetos dress is a symbol of the composers break with musical nationalism, as conrmed by the important statement: I do not play Brazilian music. I am Brazilian and very proud of it, but the only label I will ever accept for my music is Universal (Pascoal, qtd in Santos Neto, Tudo e som 8). The journey represented an important turning point for Hermeto, since he gained international recognition in the US as an arranger for orchestras and big bands in his rst disc under his own name in 1972 (Hermeto Pascoal: Brazilian Adventure) and got to know important jazzmen (Miles Davis, Ron Carter, Chick Corea, Herbie Hancock, Wayne Shorter, Joe Zawinul, Gil Evans, among others), rapidly gaining a place for himself in American and European jazz circles through his virtuoso improvisations on the piano, ute, and saxophone, as well as through his arrangements and original compositions.26 It was his heterogeneous mixture of jazz and free jazz with the folk music of Northeastern Brazil, together with his virtuosity as a performer and the compositions and arrangements which combined viola caipira, percussion, big band and an orchestra of tuned bottles, which earned Hermeto a special place outside Brazil.27 This mixture is present, for example, in the LP Montreux Jazz Festival (1979), recorded a year before Hermeto nally became established in Brazil.28 The title track Montreux, a beautiful ballad in G minor, became a type of instrumental anthem of Brazilian musicians.

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Ritornello (1981 93): Feast of the Gods


Around them, the day-to-day labors of men, a strange round dance . . . that of music and power. (Attali 21)

In 1980, at the age of 44, after various international trips, Hermeto returned to Brazil and nally formed a xed group of musicians who accompanied him for twelve years from the end of 1981 to 1993. Hermeto now had considerable national and international experience, but it was the rst time in his career that he had the same group of musicians at his disposal, on a daily basis, year after year. With them, Hermeto was able to reinvent the socio-economic rural traditions of his childhood (see Costa-Lima Neto, Experimental . . . Conception 4183). I am not going to advertise a sampler manufacturer! bellowed Hermeto at a show in Rio de Janeiro during the 1980swhich I attendedwhile he was whacking his Ensonic keyboard with his shoe, irritated by the delay in loading cartridges with animal sounds and others. Try as he may, producer and factotum Mauro Wermelinger could do little to protect the $3,000 keyboard from Hermetos relentless assault, which ended with a glass of beer being unceremoniously poured over the unfortunate instrument. The popular tradition of the Northeast, based on family units, the autonomous activity of artisans, seems to partially explain Hermetos suspicious attitude toward the technology of samplers, synthesizers, and the like, as well as his constant rebellion against owners of radio stations, nightspots, and recording companies. With his experimentation based on the popular rural traditions of the Northeast, and retaining the autonomy of the accordionist and farmer who does not see himself as a musical hack, Hermeto refuses to be exploited by the culture industry. In the same way, he continues the tradition of making music in the family, setting himself apart from the anonymous labor force used by the music industry and forming a community built on family and neighborhood ties with the musicians of the Group at his house in Jabour (Travassos Letter). The CD Festa dos deuses (Feast of the Gods, 1992) exemplies the struggle between Hermeto and the majors. Almost twenty years after having recorded his rst disc in Brazil of his own compositions, the LP A musica livre de Hermeto Pascoal (The Free Music of Hermeto Pascoal, 1973), twelve years after having terminated his contract with Warner Bros. by recording the LP Cerebro Magnetico (Magnetic Mind, 1980), and after recording ve discs for the independent label Som da Gente, Hermeto saw an opportunity for him and the boys in the Group to get some nancial return after a long drought by recording once again for Polygram. His dream was to use the proceeds from the new CD to buy a bus which could take him and the Group all over Brazil presenting shows. However, his dream for a traveling ensemble did not materialize, nor did the Groups expectations. The recording company delayed the delivery of the CD, and as a consequence when the European tour to launch the disc took place (between September and November of 1992) the product was not available for sale. As yet another proof of their lack of interest in promoting their new artist,

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PolyGram also failed to publicize the ofcial show launching the CD at the Sala Ceclia Meireles, RJ, or make the CD available for sale during the event. This was the last straw for Hermeto. Feeling that he had been boycotted, he couldnt restrain his irritation during the show, and shortly afterwards broke his contract with this powerful transnational recording company (Santos Neto, E-mail 25 Feb. 2008). Thus, several months after these events, and with little prospect of nancial reward, the Group broke up. After twelve years of working together and producing a considerable output of music, the feast of the Gods had nally come to an end.29 After the break-up of the Group, the musicians created variations for the daily ritual which they had become accustomed to during the 1981 93 period. The bassist Itibere Zwarg told me in an interview that while coming back home from a rehearsal the musicians of the Group tried to improvise rhythms and melodies in odd meters of ve and seven pulses, somewhat rare in popular music in Brazil. I believe that this musical game demonstrates how the Jabour School had taught them not only interpretation, arrangement, and composition, but also something which is the hallmark of Hermeto Pascoal: the balance between tradition and contemporaneity. Hermeto Pascoal, in turn, continued to develop and broaden the same soundmusic paradigm from his childhood in Lagoa da Canoa, by combining the instruments which he learned to play and blending the musical styles which he got to know over the course of his career. Symbolically traversing the biombos culturais in his house, Hermeto went beyond the barriers between Northeastern modalism, the tonality of popular music, and, nally, contemporary atonality, noise as music, and experimentalism.30

Conclusion: Brasil Universo From the rst phonograph recordings in Brazil, among them the samba Pelo telefone (Over the Phone, 1916), produced at the sambistas sessions at the house of Tia Ciata, to the sound les of Hermeto Pascoal & Group, shared over the internet, popular musicians have been negotiating their place in twentieth- and twenty-rstcentury Brazilian society. Crossing the cultural dividers which link the rooms of a house, in the same way that they link the house to the street, the city to the farm, the colony to the metropolis, and the local to the international, popular artists interchange heterogeneous musical genres, thus creating new hybrid species. In this urban house with open windows, the music of the Americas blended with the music of Africa, Europe, and Asia (see Hosokawa), producing a wide variety of mixtures. Bandas de Musica, choro, frevo, samba, bossa nova, jovem guarda, MPB, tropicalia, musica sertaneja, and the Musica Universal of Hermeto Pascoal constitute different musical expressions of distinct regional, class, and ethnic identities. These differences, however, do not prevent the various dwellers in the house from exploring their common endowment of musical Brazilian-ness or, in the case of Hermeto, the universal dimension contained in this endowment of Brazilian-ness.

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In spite of the musical diversity of Brazil, only three genressamba, bossa nova, and MPBare included in the same developmental line, accepted canonically by artists, producers, audience, and critics as being the principal tradition of popular music in Brazil. Tropicalia is attributed the role of the rupturer of this tradition by introducing musical elements from pop, rock and roll, jovem guarda, and avant-garde music, weaving a critical parody of traditional Brazilian music. However, at the margin of the ofcial historiography constructed around only three or four musical genres from the Southeastern region of Brazil, the richest in the country, there exist various other popular musical traditions, and in addition to these there are the Brazilian musicians who play non-Brazilian musical genres, such as rock and roll, metal, punk, funk, dance, and hip hop. In reality, the industrial era problematizes the categories of people and nation, to the extent that industry promotes a sort of generalized musical de-territorialization, through which national popular music traditions are media-ized, that is to say, they are transplanted and freed from the frontiers of time and space through interaction with the system of mass communications (discs, radio, TV, internet). Modern transnationalization, since the days of radio and records, tends toward contemporary globalization, with TV and internet. For this reason, in theory, independent of national musical traditions, any style or genre can be massied by the communications media and become popular music (see Malm, qtd by Ulhoa, Nova Historia 85). This occurred, for example, when the samba was media-ized by Radio Nacional during the dictatorship of the Estado Novo instituted by Getulio Vargas, the broadcasts smothering the sounds of the choro groups, the Bandas de Musica, the frevo orchestras, and the urban pianeiros. The example of the samba demonstrates how the phenomenon of musical nationalization and/or popularization in modern and contemporary Brazil is related to three factors, which may or may not be combined: a) political co-option of the artist by the State; b) ideological legitimatization; and c) massication promoted by the culture industry. The Musica Universal of Hermeto does not t into any of the vectors, as the musician was not co-opted by the State, did not become associated with any nationalist or vanguardist ideologies of the urban intelligentsia, nor allow himself to be transformed into merchandise for the consumer society. The processes of musical media-ization in Brazil had as an effect, paradoxically, the inclusion of few artists and the exclusion of many. For this reason Hermetos universalizing aesthetic project is loaded with tension, resistance, and clashes, both in the political-ideological sphere and in the economic sphere. His contestational discourse goes against the national myths of racial democracy and mestizo cordiality used politically since the government of Getulio Vargas with the aim of integrating the contingents of black workers and rural migrants into the new urban and white civilized order. The gesture of insubordination from the Northeastern migrant Hermeto Pascoal exposes the other side of the carnivalized image associated with the country. In fact, Brazil was the last country in the world to abolish slavery, only in 1888 (see Alencastro 93), and, furthermore, besides the black racial problem, there is the indigenous question. The huge inuence of the Indian

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population on the spoken language, food, religion, domestic habits, adaptation to the environment, besides the fact that there are 225 Indigenous peoples, totalling 734,000 Indians that speak around 180 languages (see Ricardo 7), does not prevent, unfortunately, the indigenous contribution from being looked down on or even annulled by the modern Brazilian nation-state (see Bastos). Although practically forgotten by musical historiography Amerindian musical-ritual elements underlie countless folk manifestations found in vast regions of the country as, for example, in the Northeastern Bandas de pfano, probably the oldest instrumental group in Brazil. I was just like an Indian, but a different Indian, says Hermeto (Pascoal Enm), on recalling his childhood in the Northeast and the utes that he used to make by hand. The multi-colored clothing of the albino musician reveals his anthropophagic cultural identity as a second skin, Indian, black and white, in which archaic and modern Brazil clash. Going to Jabour to attend the rehearsals of Hermeto & Group meant re-entering Brazil through the back door, and in this way, to have access to all that which seemed to be repressed by the ethnic and cultural inferiority complex of Brazilian society: popular cooking, the indigenous caboclos, black slaves, Umbanda, Candomble, the popular Catholicism of the Northeast and spiritism, that is to say, the most important co-ordinates of the syncretic cosmological system of Hermeto, which cohabit and blend in his singular musical system. The uniqueness of Hermetos music lies in the uncommon capacity of the composer to establish a dialogue between, on the one hand, the vocabulary and instruments of conventional ethnic (indigenous and Afro Brazilian), regional (rural folk music: Banda de pfano, forro, embolada, etc), Brazilian urban popular music (Bandas de Musica, choro, frevo, samba) and international styles (jazz, free, art music, world music), and, on the other, atonal and inharmonic sonorities found in nature (animal sounds, human speech) and in unconventional everyday sound objects (pieces of iron, pans, wooden shoes, asks for oral hygiene, etc.). In combining the conventional with the natural, the composer creates a third hybrid substance, which is no longer either one or the other, but a fusion of the two: For me nature is everything you see in front of you. It is daily life (Pascoal, Vivendo musica 48). To conclude, Hermetos professional trajectory in the second half of the twentieth and early twenty-rst centuries can be dened as utopian. The word utopia itself can be dened as a non-place or a place that does not exist and is normally used in the sense of a search for an idealized and fantasy world, different from the real world. In his utopia, Hermeto rejects the real world, the profane world, and struggles to keep intact the singular authenticity of his sacred Musica Universal, even in the commercial world of the contemporary culture industry, where music loses its artistic aura and becomes merchandise. Competing for a space on the popular instrumental music scene, which also includes choro, frevo, and jazz, and removed from the national traditions built around folk music, samba, bossa nova, and MPB, as well as the tropicalist avant-garde and comercial music for the masses, Hermeto Pascoal is something quite unique in the popular music of Brazil. However,

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considering the recent site, podcasts and virtual communities on the internet, he appears to be more at home than ever before.31 Dribbling the Big 5 Labels (BMG, Warner, Universal/Vivendi, Sony, and EMI) through a surprising strategy of cultural resistance, the wizard of sound has ploted his time-suppression machine, passed through the ritual of renovation and re-encountered his public in another world, in the virtual space of the internet. Accordingly, projected in the transnational and transpopular media-ized dimension, the musician has gone beyond the frontiers between the cultural dividers of town and country, universalizing himself in an act of cultural cannabilism. As a reaction to global capitalism, neocolonialism and the economic oppression practiced by the big transnational record companies (see Bishop), the albino musician Hermeto Pascoal, a different kind of Indian, makes use of modern internet technology to try to achieve his pre-capitalist religious utopia. A similar procedure to this is used in the Musica Universal. In a long saga that took him to countless Brazilian and foreign cities, the rural Northeastern emigre superimposed modernity on the past and begins to exercise experimentation and innovation through tradition and everyday life, at times in a highly radical way. Violence and harmony: his BrazilianUniversal cultural identity reveals the hybrid nature that characterizes countries formed from the shock, conict, and mixture of cultures, besides the complexity of political, economic, racial, and class relations of Brazilian society. Through his Musica Universal, the Brazilian composer, band leader and multi-instrumentalist Hermeto Pascoal overcomes, on the one hand, the colonized reproduction of European and North American models and, on the other, defensive and xenophobic nationalistic posturing, and thereby consolidates his position as a pioneer in the history of popular music in Brazil. Acknowledgements
I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers of Popular Music and Society for their helpful comments and criticisms. Tom Moore and Geoffrey Gilbert for the translation. Teacher, musician, and producer Mauro Brandao Wermelinger for the interviews he kindly gave me. Pianist and composer Jovino Santos Neto for the important information sent through the mail and nally, Sean Stroud, friend and colleague, for his generosity.

Notes
[1] Panelada is a typical dish from the Northeast region of Brazil, resulting from Portuguese colonial inuence. It is made with the offal of mutton, goat, or beef, mixed with vegetables and rice. [2] It is common practice in Brazilian academic writing for well-known public gures, such as Hermeto Pascoal, to be referred to by their Christian names. This practice will be followed in this article. [3] In 1988, Hermetos son, Fabio Pascoal, joined the Group. [4] Five of these six discs were recorded at a small independent record label Som da Gente (Sound of Our People) in 1982, 1984, 1985, 1987, 1989. The sixth and last disc was recorded at PolyGram in 1992.

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[5] Tios and Tias were the names given to the leaders of Candomble, a religion brought to Brazil by the Africans, in which the Orixas (divinities) are worshipped. Hilaria Batista de Almeida, Tia Ciata, was born in Salvador, Bahia, on 23 April 1854, arriving in Rio de Janeiro in 1876. See Napolitano (18). [6] The oldest datings of prehistoric archeology in Brazil go back 50,000 years. See Guidon; Pessis. For prehistoric rock paintings in Brazil, see Fundacao Museu do Homem Americano. It is interesting to note that the rst known descriptions of Amerindian music in Brazil are two ritual chants of the Tupinamba of Rio de Janeiro, transcribed in 1558 by Jean de Lery, a French Calvinist pastor: Pira-uassu a ueh (Tasty Fish) and Canide-iune (Yellow Bird). See Lery. [7] For Hermeto playing the pfano accompanied by his Group, in 1985, State of Sao Paulo, see Hermeto Pascoal Sinfonia do Alto Ribeira. [8] Feijoada, one of the symbols of Brazilian cuisine, is a dish linked directly to the presence of blacks in Brazil, and is the result of the mixture of European culinary customs with the creativity of the African slave. It is made with black beans, pork, sausage, and jerky. [9] The samba-exaltacao Aquarela do Brasilthe musical symbol of the Estado Novo of Getulio Vargasacquired international projection when it formed part of the soundtrack of Walt Disneys lm Alo amigos (Hello, Friends, 1943). See Desenho Aquarela do Brasil. [10] The young guard emerged in opposition to the old guard (velha guarda), a term used to refer to traditional samba composers. The movement is also known as ie, ie, ie, which problably refers to its most likely source of inspiration, the Beatles song She loves you yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah (Ulhoa, Musica Romantica in Montes Claros 13). Musica sertaneja in the 1980s became the most widely consumed mass musical genre in Brazil. [11] The drummer Marcio Bahia married one of Hermetos daughters and the bassist Itibere Zwarg chose Hermeto and his wife, Ilza, to be the godparents of his children. [12] The Friday rehearsals were open to the public. I went to four rehearsals in Jabour between 1987 and 1992. In 1998 99, during my Masters course, I went twice to the house to interview Hermeto. [13] Hermeto married Dona Ilza in Pernambuco in 1954. They lived together for forty-eight years and had six children before her death several years ago. See Santos Neto (Tudo som 8). e [14] Umbanda is a religion marked by the fusion and syncretism of various elements, including other religions such as Catholicism, Kardec spiritualism, and Candomble. [15] Listen also to Caminho do sol, Tributo ao papagaio Floriano (Path of the Sun, a Tribute to Floriano the Parrot, 1999), the instrumentation of which includes a whistling section and percussion, simulating a Northeastern Banda de pfanos. In this solo disc released in 1999 (Eu e eles), Hermeto plays forty sound sources, among keyboard, strings, wind, and percussion instruments, in addition to non-conventional sound objects. See Hermeto Pascoal: Eu e Eles Parte 3Final. [16] Dense description is a type of ethnographic description which seeks not only to narrate the facts as they present themselves supercially to the eyes of an observer, but to interpret what these facts signify in a particular context, in accordance with codes socially established by the natives of a specic cultural group. See Geertz (13 41). [17] It is interesting to note that, because of his visual deciency, Hermeto was not accepted by teachers of musical theory. For this reason he taught himself to read and write music. [18] Listen to Tiruliruli, Vai mais Garotinho, Tres coisas, and Pensamento Positivo. Listen also to Hermeto performing the music of aura of the French actor Yves Montand on Hermeto Pascoals Aura of Sound of Yves Montand. [19] On the location of Indigenous Lands near to Palmeira dos Indios and Lagoa da Canoa, see Caracterizacao Terra Indigena Xukuru Kariri. [20] At the time of this excellent disc, the Group which accompanied Hermeto was made up of Nene, Zabele, Cacau, Jovino, Pernambuco, and Itibere. I note that in popular Afro-Brazilian syncretism Saint George corresponds to the warrior Orixa Ogum and Saint Anthony to the hunter Orixa Oxossi. [21] The Group formed by Hermeto at this time included Ron Carter, Airto Moreira, Flora Purim, Raul de Souza, Chester Thompson, David Amaro, Hugo Fatoruso, and Alphonso Johnson.

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[22] Embolada is a poetic-musical genre in which the difculties of diction transform the singing into a game of vocal dexterity which distracts the listeners attention from the semantic content to the sonorous value of the words (Travassos, O aviao brasileiro 91). [23] Hermeto has various choros in his repertoire, including Chorinho para ele (Chorinho for Him, 1977), Salve Copinha, and Chorinho MEC (1999). See Choro arabe (Arab Choro) at Hermeto Pascoal e Big Band. [24] With whom he had one of his rst recorded compositions, the soundtrack Coalhada, (Curdled Milk) on the 1965 LP. Available at Miscelanea Vanguardiosa. [25] Carinhoso was originally composed by the choro composer and instrumentalist Pixinguinha, in 1916 17, with lyrics by Joao de Barro. Listen to a excerpt of Suite Pixototinha, for orchestra, at Hermeto Pascoal and Orchestra. [26] Listen to Little Church and Nem um talvez, on Miles Davis, Live Evil. Hermeto dedicated to Miles Davis the composition Capelinha e lembrancas (Little Chapel and Memories) (1999), in which Hermeto alternates between playing the ugelhorn section and the acoustic piano, as well as singing in a pan of water. See Little Chapel and Memories at Hermeto Pascoal: Eu e Eles Parte 2. [27] On the track Velorio (Mourning) (1972), in addition to this song, Hermeto uses fty-two tuned bottles in Criancas, cuida de la (Kids, Watch Yourself ). [28] The Group in Montreux was made up of the musicians Nene, Cacau, Itibere Zwarg, Jovino Santos, Pernambuco, Zabele and Nivaldo Ornellas. See Hermeto and Group live in Montreux on Hermeto Pascoal: Live at Montreux Jazz Festival. [29] Jovino Santos and Carlos Malta left the Group for solo careers and were replaced by Andre Marques (keyboard) and Vinicius Dorin (wind), respectively. Itibere Zwarg, Marcio Bahia, and Fabio Pascoal continue to play with Hermeto, while pursuing solo activities. For more on the Group, see Jovino Santoss website. [30] See Luz e som (Light and Sound), a kind of Universal-Brazilian Suite with four parts (Banda de Musicasambajazzsamba), corresponding to the four stages of Hermetos career (rural Brazilurban Brazilinternationalurban Brazil/Ritornello) at Hermeto Pascoal e Grupo: Live in Spain 1985. [31] See Hermeto Pascoals ofcial website, Miscelanea Vanguardiosa, and, nally, Orkut.

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Discography
Beatles, The. Sgt. Peppers Lonely Hearts Club Band. Parlophone, 1967; EMI, 1987. Davis, Miles. Live Evil. SONY, 1972, 2000. Pascoal, Hermeto. Brasil Universo. Som da Gente, 1985. . Cerebro magnetico. Warner Brasil, 1980, 2001. . Eu e eles. CD Selo Radio MEC, 1999.

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. Festa dos Deuses. PolyGram, 1992. . Hermeto Pascoal ao vivo em Montreux. Warner Brasil, 1979, 2001. . Hermeto Pascoal: Brazilian Adventure. Buddah, 1972; Muse, 1988. . Hermeto Pascoal Grupo. Som da Gente, 1982, 1992. . Lagoa da CanoaMunicpio de Arapiraca. Som da Gente, 1984, 1992. . Mundo Verde Esperanca. Som da Gente, 1989. . Mundo Verde Esperanca. Selo Radio MEC, 2002. . A Musica Livre de Hermeto Pascoal. PolyGram, 1973. . Quarteto Novo. EMI, 1967. . Slaves Mass. Warner, 1977, 2004. . So nao toca quem nao quer. Som da Gente, 1987. . Zabumbe-bum-a. Warner Brasil, 1979, 2001. Moreira, Airto. Natural Feelings. Buddha, 1970, One Way Records. . Seeds on the Ground. Buddha, 1971, One Way Records. Sambrasa, Trio. Sambrasa Trio em Som Maior. Som Livre, 1965.

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Websites, Videos, Podcasts, and Communities


Caracterizacao Terra Indigena Xukuru Kariri. 29 Apr. 2009 ,http://pib.socioambiental.org/ caracterizacao.php?ufUF&id_arp4001.. Desenho Aquarela do Brasil. 7 Apr. 2009 ,http://www.youtube.com/watch?v_mQHr8bAojU.. Fundacao Museu do Homem Americano. 30 Apr. 2009 ,http://www.fumdham.org.br/pinturas.asp.. Hermeto Pascoal. Home page. 29 Apr. 2009 ,http://www.hermetopascoal.com.br/english/index. asp.. Hermeto Pascoal and Orchestra. 29 Apr. 2009 ,http://www.hermetopascoal.com.br/english/ orquestra/audio.asp.. Hermeto Pascoals Aura Sound of Yves Montand. 7 Apr. 2009 ,http://www.youtube.com/ watch?vSrgveUpwCnM.. Hemerto Pascoal e Big Band. 29 Apr. 2009 ,http://www.hermetopascoal.com.br/bigband/audio. asp.. Hermeto Pascoal: Eu e Eles Parte 2. 21 Apr. 2009 ,http://www.youtube.com/watch?v NQ_BiscK9ZE&featurerelated.. Hermeto Pascoal: Eu e Eles Parte 3Final. 21 Apr. 2009 ,http://www.youtube.com/watch?v pnHs057-aqQ&featurerelated.. Hermeto Pascoal e Grupo: Live in Spain 1985 (Part 5). 4 May 2009 ,http://www.youtube.com/ watch?vIGFmFywxIa0&featurePlayList&p2BD67EC9AF590C2B&index4.. Hermeto Pascoal: Live at Montreux Jazz Festival. 1979. 7 Apr. 2009 ,http://www.youtube.com/ watch?vW821bgUU_mY.. Hermeto Pascoal Sinfonia do Alto Ribeira. 22 June 2009 ,http://www.youtube.com/watch?v XTgGc0YMTX4.. Jovino Santos Neto. 16 Apr. 2009. ,http://www.jovisan.net/.. Miscelanea Vanguardiosa. 29 Apr. 2009 ,http://www.miscelaneavanguardiosa.com/english/.. Orkut. 29 Apr. 2009 ,http://www.orkut.com.br/Main#Community.aspx?cmm10980..

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