RELIGION AND CITIZENSHIP

Social Constructions of Religiosity and Corruption

Vinod Pavarala, Kanchan K Malik

Religion coexists with what may be described as a liberalised, cosmopolitan and global outlook among Indians and remains an indispensable part of the cultural ethos and social fabric of Indian society. However, interpretations of both religion and corruption are extremely diverse. Notwithstanding the existence of deep-seated faith with strong moral values, religion is not seen as contributing to the moral or spiritual fabric of the nation in present times, while corruption is regarded as pervasive. Very few of the respondents canvassed in this study thought that we should count on religion to make a difference in peoples general attitudes towards corruption. Respondents indicated that their confidence in the accountability of religious organisations is low, and it is therefore problematic to assume that religious organisations are likely to be either appropriate or effective vehicles for fighting corruption. In fact, religion is looked upon as a discredited entity by many, largely due to a sense of popular disillusionment with its caretakers.

Vinod Pavarala (vpavarala@gmail.com) and Kanchan K Malik teach at the department of communications, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW

otions of religiosity vary greatly and religion means different things to different people. However, there is no denying that religion plays an important role in the everyday lives of people in India, both inside the home and in the public domain. It is also looked upon as a potent tool for promoting moral and ethical conduct and for inculcating discipline in the lives of individuals. In countries where religion plays a vital role in the lives of most people, it has often been assumed that many persons, including public servants, derive their ethical framework from their religion. Faith does indeed provide many with a language of ethics and, often, an actual list of rules to live by, some of which can be interpreted as being of particular importance in fighting corruption. In India, neither the prevalence of corruption nor anxieties over it are new. A number of public officials, politicians, corporate executives and so-called spiritual leaders amongst others implicated in corruption scams and scandals continue to make regular headlines, even as we approach the 65th year of our independence. Corruption is a taken-for-granted reality, and one with a strong multi-sector presence in India. One cannot help but empathise with the views of the former Central Vigilance Commissioner of India, N Vittal (2003: cover page) that the average Indian citizen cannot go to any public organisation or office today and get the services which they are supposed to get without either paying [a] bribe or bringing influence by way of recommendations or references from VIPs. Academic scholarship on the issue of corruption draws on theory from economics, public administration, and political science. Such approaches have produced a materialistic understanding of corruption, resulting in a focus on issues of good (or bad) governance, bureaucratic (in)efficiency in postcolonial state formations, political scandals that erupt from the politics-business nexus, and rent-seeking behaviours. Although such understanding may prove to be a basis for policy formulation, it does not adequately capture the complexity of the field beyond paying lip service to how cultural factors embodied in religion, morality, ethics, and notions of modernity and tradition determine the nature, content, and context of corruption. This paper seeks to address this oversight. It explores the hitherto uncharted relationship between religion and corruption, before examining related concepts of morality, ethics, modernity and tradition. The idea is that corruption cannot be understood as a purely political and economic phenomenon; nor is religion merely a set of textual tenets, but is rather a lived reality embodied in social and cultural practices. We explore the terrain of beliefs, ideas, and meanings embedded in constructions of religiosity and corruption in order to understand socially constructed

january 7, 2012

vol xlvIi no 1

61

RELIGION AND CITIZENSHIP

realities, as well as locally contingent and emergent meanings when people categorise themselves as being religious or others as being corrupt. We seek to understand the influences that shape the value systems of people, to assess the extent to which the patterns of thought and behaviour of our respondents are underwritten by religion and to what extent non-religious factors shape their personal and professional codes of practice, and to ascertain whether people believe that religion can play any role in promoting more ethical conduct in public life.

Religious Values and Corruption in India

The recurrent theme in the literature on religion and morality, and specifically in Hindu thought, is the concept of dharma, commonly translated as duty and righteousness. Its significance resides in texts that prescribe a moral course of action and a code of conduct that advances an idealistic prescription for how one should lead ones life. The most widely cited text that offers Hindu perspectives on dharma is the Bhagavad Gita, a dialogue between Lord Krishna and Arjuna in the Mahabharata, the great Indian epic. Manusmriti, Arthashastra, Rajatarangini, and Harshacharita are some other examples of ancient Indian works which give insights on the history of corruption (John 2000: 61). According to McGregor (1973: 70), dharma tells us what our duties are, both social and religious. It tells us what vices to avoid, mainly those flowing from Kama (lust), Lobha (covetousness) and Krodha (anger). Thus dharma, as expressed in religion or religious texts, becomes a code of conduct to be followed in routine actions by human beings. Sheth (1995) draws upon the Bhagavad Gita to offer a similar definition. According to this source, whenever dharma (collective behaviour guided by values) is in jeopardy and society is dominated by adharma (violation of values), there is a human incarnation of a god who comes to the rescue.1 There has been a reasonable amount of research and theorising on corruption in India and this has produced several definitions, explanations, taxonomies and typologies for public discourse around the problem. Given the nature of corruption, there is rarely any agreement concerning the concept except, perhaps, with regard to bribery and the interpretations of corruption tend to vary with specific social contexts and archetypical knowledge. While scholars seek to provide a working, universal definition of corruption, our literature review suggests that we are unlikely to find a definition that is universally applicable across and between cultures. In his study of a variety of definitions given by the elites from the state of Andhra Pradesh in India, Pavarala (1996) demonstrated that corruption is indeed a site for contested meaning. Narrow/legalistic definitions list a limited number of acts under the category of corruption and approximate the definition of corruption as established by the law. While these definitions are mainly a simplistic reflection of existing legal provisions, more commonly they are an expression of the spirit of the law, and are therefore fundamentally legalistic. Although legal codes are usually products of complex negotiations among dominant elites over issues of morality and moral boundaries, narrow/legalistic definitions are often expressed in language that is instrumental, rational and even amoral.

Broad/moralistic definitions, on the other hand, include aspects identified by the law as corruption, but often go beyond a legalistic view, articulating an abstract, amorphous morality. They list a large number of acts under the category of corruption: gift-giving, nepotism, cheating, fraud, lying, lobbying, and adulteration of food. Some definitions even include intellectual corruption, corruption of the soul and moral corruption. Heidenheimer et al (1989) have organised definitions of corruption available in the social science literature around three basic models: public-interest-centred, public-office-centred and market-centred (see also, Pavarala 1996; Sandholtz and Koetzle 1998; Amundsen 2000). Sangita (2000: 91), for example, provides a definition of corruption concerning public interest: public-interest centred definition stresses the violation of common interest that provides direct or indirect benefits to the public officials. Guhans and Samuel (1997), in summing up a critique of definitions that tend to be either too broad or indeterminate (misuse, violation), or too narrow (bribery), stress the need for an operational rather than an abstract definition. These classification schemes may be helpful in sorting out an often confusing variety of activities considered by many to be corrupt, but they tend to impose an order on things that may inherently be less orderly in real life. As a consequence, classification schemes are likely to have limited value in comparative and cross-cultural comparisons (Pavarala 1996). Understanding of corrupt behaviour needs to be culture-specific, as practices that one society may disapprove of and label as corruption may be considered acceptable in a different sociocultural context (Sandholtz and Koetzle 1998).

Findings from the Fieldwork

This study focused on two religions Sikhism and Hinduism chosen partly because of the research teams cultural and linguistic familiarity with these traditions, and partly because of the nature and scale of influence these religions exert in Punjab and Andhra Pradesh. Research was carried out at Amritsar, a major city in northern Punjab and home to the Golden Temple, Sikhisms holiest shrine; Chandigarh, the capital of the region; and finally, Hyderabad, the capital city of Andhra Pradesh in southern India. Thirty-nine in-depth interviews and 11 focus group discussions were conducted with a total of 120 representatives from a variety of social groups, including the media, bureaucracy, academia, the corporate world, development organisations, youth/students, and religious associations. The majority of our respondents were, thus, urban, English-speaking, and to an extent, cosmopolitan. In this paper, the views of the respondents of both religions in general, and their own religiosity are presented first, followed by their conceptions of corruption and their perceptions of how their ethical codes are shaped. Before concluding the paper, the views of the respondents about the potential for religion to be harnessed in attempts to reduce corruption are summarised.

On Being Religious
Not a single respondent among those we interviewed or held discussions with claimed to be an atheist, although a majority said they were not religious in any dogmatic, or narrow way. One
january 7, 2012 vol xlvIi no 1
EPW Economic & Political Weekly

62

RELIGION AND CITIZENSHIP

interviewee, an anthropologist and a public servant, claimed, I have never really been a religious-minded person as he challenges the opinions, beliefs and ideas propagated by religion and analyses them very critically. However, he clarified, I am an agnostic; Im not atheistic. Our interaction with representatives from different social groups (both Sikhs and Hindus) revealed considerable diversity in the interpretation of religiosity, as well as being religious. Professionals such as bureaucrats, corporate executives, media persons, and academics wanted to be categorised as partly or moderately religious (which they did not think in any way meant being less religious), as they are not particularly ritualistic in their outlook. Still others in the same categories emphasised the spiritual and values dimensions of religion. Those in the development sector insisted that it is only by the practice of teachings that one justifies a claim that one is religious. Respondents who are traditional business people were emphatic in highlighting the importance of both the ritualistic and symbolic as well as the values and ethical characteristics of religion and made no bones about defining the role that religion plays in their lives. The responses from among the youth and students on professional courses were wide-ranging and many of their interpretations reflected one or the other of the four viewpoints mentioned here.

Religious vs Ritualistic
A majority among the bureaucrats, young corporate executives, media persons, and academics preferred not to be categorised as very religious, at least if a strictly ritualistic sense of the term were adopted. Sikh respondents indicated that they may not strictly follow some religious practices, such as visiting the gurdwara regularly, reciting the holy scriptures, baptism, and wearing of religious symbols. Among Hindus, rituals like temple attendance, fasting on holy days, doing pujas (special prayers), going on pilgrimage, and wearing of bottu (vermilion) on the forehead were suggestive of a persons religious inclination. Although it was evident from the appearance of many of the Sikh respondents that a majority displayed the prescribed symbols of their religion, clearly many felt that this was not enough to be called religious. As one bureaucrat who is the managing director of a public sector company claimed, I am religious by appearance because we have some [overt] symbols, and so I display those symbols. But he did not want to be categorised as stringently religious, as he felt that his actions are not guided by ritualism. He claimed instead to be religious to the extent that he consistently follows the basic tenets of every religion humility, service to humanity, and welfare of the needy and downtrodden. A Sikh media person who considered himself religious said that at the very crux of it, it means accepting and trying to understand certain core values of religion as a part of your life and at a very superficial level it means adhering to the various symbols. A public servant and president of a trade association in Punjab suggested that there are two types of religious Sikhs: first, the person who looks Sikh, i e, is externally religious (by way of dressing), and second, the person who follows the path set by the gurus. The second, he asserted, is more important, but he also emphasised the need to be a Sikh of the first kind, as outward symbols, in his view, inculcate the discipline of learning about and understanding the religion.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW

Hindu bureaucrats, corporate executives, media persons and academics from Hyderabad were also liberal in terms of their interpretation of religiosity and wanted to be identified as going beyond the ritualistic aspect of religion. They regarded religion as a higher reality not limited by rules which define a particular religion. A dynamic woman civil servant was quick to confess that, although she believed in prayer, she was a quintessential cosmopolitan, and did not take going to temple regularly as being religious: I go there because it is a place which has a particular energy. I could find the same energy in a mosque or a church. ...It is not as though I must go there. It is not a dogma. A young proprietor of an IT company in Hyderabad was clear that religion is about realising oneself and not about rituals. In the long course of history, he suggested, people have forgotten the real meaning of religion and mistake the rituals that they practise for religion. Some of the bureaucrats and several corporate executives, in both Punjab and Andhra Pradesh, also regarded religiosity per se as relatively unimportant, while emphasising the need to be spiritual and follow the underlying philosophy and values professed by religion. A former chief secretary of the government, in his late 70s, stated that he did not have any faith in rituals or what he called superstitions. For him, every religion has a spiritual basis, leading him to prefer to follow the teachings of those gurus who were, in his opinion, mystics of the highest order. Religion for him was a thing of personal faith and spirituality. Similarly, an IAS officer and a managing director of a public sector company in Hyderabad did not equate religion with ritualism, saying I dont run from temple to temple and perform all religious ceremonies. In addition, he claimed to believe in what he called humanitarian religion, where one human being is not pitted against another in the name of religion, a view that was echoed by a radio producer from the state-controlled All India Radio, Hyderabad, who was of the opinion that: We must be religious in a very broad sense. Religion interests me in a cultural sense, basically as a thing which defines the way people behave and live. In India culture and religion are not separate things. The development workers interviewed largely attributed their inspiration to work in the social sector to have come from religion and its teachings. As a doctor by profession and social worker by choice, the woman president of an internationally acclaimed home for the destitute called her institution a laboratory of the teachings of the Guru Granth Sahib. The main thing in the book, she asserted, is to work for the well-being of all creatures Sarbat-da-bhala. She thought rituals to be important because if one does not go to the gurdwara, it would be difficult to know what the gurus have written, but, she argued, if one only follows ritual and forgets ethics, it is of no use: Do not just chant wahe-guru wahe-guru [the name of God]; act according to the written rules and follow ethics. A physician and social worker in a renowned medical centre in Punjab believed that his values come from his religion, and asserted that Sikhism was unique in many ways
the tenth guru gave us the tag Khalsa and he gave us this form, he gave us this particular appearance. So, he said that with this appearance you cant hide anywhere and every Sikh is the messenger of the Almighty that itself alters your behaviour and everything, in personal and official life.

january 7, 2012

vol xlvIi no 1

63

RELIGION AND CITIZENSHIP

Interviews with some young managers working at different levels in international NGOs in Hyderabad confirmed our observation that those working in the social sector derive practical guidance in their lives from religion, underlining that religion must be reflected in the way people live their lives and not just praying to God: We need to be good citizens and help others. A total identification with religion and the Gurus bani (words) or god by two of the traditional businessmen interviewed in Amritsar and Hyderabad stood in striking contrast to the moderate stance that we have discussed so far. These respondents were outspoken concerning their faith in god, the religious scriptures, and rituals, which they considered to form an indispensable part of their personal and community lives. Although they claimed that being religious had nothing to do with business as such, we might infer that such a close identification with religion might also have been necessary in order to build up an image of good conduct among members of the society and their credibility among customers. The first businessman, a senior citizen with a flourishing business in the central market of Amritsar, declared unequivocally: Of course, I am religious, with Gods grace! He asserted that he was religious and that his faith brought meaning to his life. The businessman we interviewed in Hyderabad was equally positive about the influence of religion in his life:
I am very religious and I frequent temples very often. I have faith in God. I dont need a philosophy to believe in God. I like to be absorbed in rituals. Religious beliefs are totally a part of me I go to temples for satisfaction, nothing linked to business. It makes me feel happy and peaceful towards life.

Andhra Pradesh. Borrowing from Pavarala (1996:60), the definitions and interpretations that shape our respondents understanding of corruption are grouped into two general categories: narrow, or legalistic, and broader and more moralistic, which, as Pavarala recommends, should be seen more as definitional tendencies than fixed categories. As noted above, there is a certain amount of ambiguity in what people consider to be corrupt, as illustrated by these definitions, which suggest that a community of shared meanings is unlikely to exist. The wide range of reactions that our interviews and discussions elicited confirm this, revealing what Pavarala (1996:53) describes as fluidity in marking the boundary between corrupt and non-corrupt acts and confirming his contention that the concept of corruption is fixed neither in time nor space; rather, it evolves.

Narrow and Legalistic Definitions

In this study, almost three-quarters of the bureaucrats, two-thirds of the corporate executives, nearly half of the academicians/ media persons and two development workers offered some form of a narrow legalistic definition. The young students and professionals also came up with legalistic definitions, but an equal number defined corruption within a broad, moralistic idiom. Among those who gave a narrow legalistic definition of corruption, the vast majority identified acts that involve monetary exchanges as corrupt. Bribery, misuse of office, and misappropriation of public funds and donations were the most frequently cited examples of corruption. These respondents were also of the view that corruption involves the use of public office for private gain and is in violation of the public interest. However, it was interesting that none of those who gave a narrow/legalistic definition identified gift-giving, adultery or nepotism as a form of corruption (Table 1).
Table 1: Social Groups That Offered a Narrow/Legalistic Definition
Social Groups That Offered a Narrow/Legalistic Definition Examples of Corrupt Acts Cited by Them

Different Meanings
Among the youth, young Sikh women were okay with not being too religious. They seemed to think of themselves as religious, but there was clear discomfort with some of the restrictions that religion imposes: I am religious, but I do not compromise on my looks. I like cutting [my hair]. And I like Western outfits, although, my parents are very much against it. This does not make me less religious. In contrast, young professionals from management and engineering departments in a higher education institution in Punjab were quoting verbatim from the book and flaunting their grasp of the essence of the Sikh religion. However, even they were sceptical about the practicability of some religious teachings in their personal and professional lives: Many people think I dont go to Gurdwara, so I am not religious. As students of technology, we have such busy schedules and no time to go to Gurdwara. But, I have wahe-guru [God] in my heart and that is more important than going to Gurdwaras. In Hyderabad, the youth tended to endorse spiritual interpretations of religion. Both young men and young women favoured universalist and supposedly more progressive or individualistic interpretations of being religious: For me, religion is for doing good things. It just shows you the path for good things. Every religion is [the] same to me.

Bureaucrats (75%) Corporate executives (60%) Academics/media persons (50%) Youth (50%) Development workers (30%)

Bribe (monetary exchange) Use of substandard material in construction Misuse of discretionary powers Siphoning off money

Definitions and Perceptions of Corruption

In this section, we focus attention on the different ways in which the problem of corruption is constructed by members of the various social groups with which we interacted in Punjab and

All the respondents were asked to define/explain what for them amounts to corruption. As is clear from the samples of definitional statements given below, these individual responses relate to the professional social roles of individuals and do not include activities within the private realm of life, such as the family: (1) In public office, corruption is when you are demanding something from somebody or pressurising the other person to make payment before his or her routine job is done (A senior Sikh bureaucrat and head of a public sector enterprise in Chandigarh). (2) Supposing I have to get a birth certificate made, I have to make 10 rounds [visits] for it. This is corruption. When a medical representative from a pharmaceutical company asks a doctor to prescribe drugs manufactured by their company for two or three years and in return they give him/her a car or a sponsored trip abroad, (this is corruption) (A middle-aged Sikh public servant).
january 7, 2012 vol xlvIi no 1
EPW Economic & Political Weekly

64

RELIGION AND CITIZENSHIP

(3) In the engineering field, there is cheating in quality of construction work by contractors to make profit (A 40-year old woman engineer of the Government of Andhra Pradesh). (4) Basically, giving a person a favour s/he is not entitled to, or disfavouring somebody using your discretionary power for your self-interest that is corruption (Woman bureaucrat, Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation). (5) Although I am a god-fearing person conducting my business honestly, I gave five lakh rupees for admission of my daughter because they were demanded from me I had to arrange it by hook or crook (A Sikh businessman in Amritsar). (6) Anything which is not legitimate, offering to get certain things done by taking money, taking a favour is corruption. Something that is damaging for the system, for the taxpayers and ultimately for our work culture (Director of HR in an IT company in Hyderabad). (7) I think there are two things, one is, you are siphoning off the money meant for welfare and secondly, you are not performing your duty sincerely (A Sikh 30-year old woman lecturer from Punjab). (8) If you want to gain more than what you are entitled to legally, it is corruption (A media person from Hyderabad). (9) The private auto fellows in my village have gone to the depot manager of RTC (Road Transport Corporation) and asked him to reduce the bus service as it is affecting their livelihood. He agreed to reduce the bus service by 50% if they can pay him Rs 3,000 a month. It was done (Head of Legal Affairs with an NGO in Hyderabad). Other acts which were considered to be corrupt by both the Sikh and the Hindu youth, represented by young college and university students from diverse educational and family backgrounds, include: (10) Bribing to get even registration of birth done or to get a death certificate you have to bribe the panchayat. (11) When you are driving and do not have your vehicle papers or your helmet, instead of giving fine on a chalan (ticket) of Rs 500, you can give Rs 50 to the cop and escape. (12) I wanted to have a licence, so we went to the Road Transport Organisation office and wrote a test that one has to write before you get your licence. The person there failed me and the second time I went, he demanded I give him Rs 500 and he will get me the licence. (13) To give a bona fide certificate, the office superintendent in the college office is asking us for money even if it is just Rs 5-10 we have to pay.

their view, gift-giving, nepotism, womanising, tipping and dowry all amount to corruption. In addition, some more unusual types include psychic corruption and moral corruption. There was a general feeling among the respondents that personal agendas have taken over from the public good. Today, it is claimed, people proudly admit how much they get as a bribe. Some blamed the non-implementation of strict rules and laws for corruption. One would expect bureaucrats to advance more restrictive and legalistic definitions of corruption because they are steeped in the norms of public office. However, as noted above, although not representative of all bureaucrats among the respondents, some in this category favoured broad/moralistic definitions (Table 2), of which a selection is given below: (1) It means gratification of ones needs. It can be a physical need, womanising or illegal gratification of any kind bribery. It includes gratification, in all senses of the word physical, material, tangible, intangible and all (A senior civil servant, Government of Andhra Pradesh). (2) Corruption essentially is when you give something and get a favour in return. But there is also moral corruption (A female bureaucrat, Andhra Pradesh).
Table 2: Social Groups That Offered a Broad/Moralistic Definition
Social Groups That Offered a Broad/Moralistic Definition Examples of Corrupt Acts Cited by Them

Bureaucrats (25%) Corporate executives (40%) Academics/media persons (50%) Youth (50%) Development workers (70%)

Not dispensing your duty Nepotism/favouritism Flirting Tipping Corporate corruption Womanising/sexual favours Defamation Exploiting the helpless Bias based on looks/caste/religion Dowry Fake certificates for admission Bribing god

Broad/Moralistic Definitions
Broad/moralistic definitions include aspects identified by the law as corruption, but go beyond a legalistic view, articulating an abstract, amorphous morality, and listing a large number of acts as corrupt. Almost one-quarter of the bureaucrats, one-third of the corporate executives, nearly half of the academicians/media persons/ youth and a significant number (three-quarters) of the development workers interviewed presented broad/moralistic definitions of corruption, listing several different acts as corrupt. In
Economic & Political Weekly EPW

(3) It is the total destruction of the administrative system, justice, ethics (A retired Sikh civil servant). (4) Corruption is when ones thought is corrupt. In Punjab, people proudly admit how much they get as bribe. And people who do not accept such money are said to have khushki [some disease] (A middle-aged public servant from Punjab). (5) Corruption is when you do not do your duty. Like, in my profession at the health centre, if someone comes to me with a prescription, and I am continuing to chat on the mobile phone, ignoring my job, this is corruption (A middle-aged public servant from Punjab working in a Primary Health Centre). (6) If I use my official vehicle outside of the office, it is corruption. If I use my position to do some favour to a relative or a friend, which is also corruption (Bureaucrat in a central government service in Andhra Pradesh). (7) Corruption may be of the psyche, of the mind, of the situation, of intent, of process corruption takes on lots of things and forms, just like violence (A 50-year old senior Sikh marketing professional). (8) Beda garkkeetahoyahai [It is ruining everything!] Those who are corrupt cannot be religious. You would think in a

january 7, 2012

vol xlvIi no 1

65

RELIGION AND CITIZENSHIP

medical college named after Guru Ram Das [everyone] would follow some ethics, but it is only in name (A Sikh woman president of a NGO in Punjab). (9) When you make a conscious decision which is not fair towards somebody, for example in journalism, when I am writing anything where I am not being fair, it is a kind of corruption. Corruption is something that corrodes the core value system (A senior Sikh editor of an English daily in Punjab). (10) Bias based on looks/caste/religion is also corruption. Human rights violation is also a form of corruption when you trample on someones life, when people are discriminated against (A 45-year old Sikh advocate and a human rights activist). Other acts falling within the broad/moralistic range of definitions which were considered to be corrupt by both the Sikh and the Hindu youth represented by young college and university students from diverse educational and family backgrounds include: (11) Teacher who is teaching in the school is engaged as a tuition teacher. By giving him/her extra income as a tuition teacher, you want extra marks for your children. (12) If the deserving do not get what is due to them that is corruption. (13) A person gets his hand injured, he goes to a hospital. Even though it is a small thing, nowadays what most hospitals are doing, they are giving a whole list of scans just so they can earn money. It is not necessary but they are like, you need this operation, that operation. That is corruption. (14) So there is accepting gifts because that is part of Japanese culture is all about gift giving and gift accepting. And if you dont, you are not building relationships. But if you take too much of a gift, now you are at their mercy. You have lost leverage. You have lost power for your company. As is apparent from the definitions above, corruption takes on various forms and explanations. Even within the two definitional tendencies identified here, diverse views were expressed both by those who offered narrow legalistic definitions and by those who had a broad/moralistic perspective. The notion of corruption presented by different respondents in the study appears to have come out of their experiences during the course of their working lives and their day-to-day interactions with other members of the society. The choice of definition depended on both practicalities and the assumptions of the respondents about the social world and their place in it. It may be futile to assume that a consensus can be achieved about the norms and values that specify what can be called corruption.

regarding codes of conduct indicated that most regard a value system as a composite idea or belief-set, although it is difficult to identify a systematic and unambiguous list of factors that dictate the personal as well as professional codes of ethics of a particular person. This section presents a collage of factors that our respondents believed were the important influences that have shaped their value systems. Understandably, almost all the respondents were non-committal in attributing their value system to any single source of influence. For most, codes of behaviour are a combination of several ideas and stimuli it is not possible to segregate the important influences as one grows, one imbibes them from all around. However, from among the numerous factors that over 100 people interviewed named/listed as influencing their moral or ethical behaviour, the analysis clearly indicates that the dominant category was family ideals and principles taught by parents, followed by religion. It was interesting that although bureaucrats and other professionals like media persons, corporate executives and academics did quote from the code of conduct booklet they follow in their service, they also cited other sources from where they draw their personal and professional codes of conduct.

Family Ideals and Upbringing

Family values emerged as exercising a big influence even on those pursuing professions with ethical guidelines: We have to face them [parents] if we indulge in corrupt practices and they would not tolerate it. This senior Sikh bureaucrat felt that once a bureaucrat gains a reputation as an honest person, he/she may be given bad postings, but because of the importance of integrity, this had to be accepted. A similar response came from a dynamic woman bureaucrat in her early forties, who believed herself to be brutally honest in her dealings. She felt that more than professional training, where nobody advises you to be corrupt, what helps those in public life to make ethical choices when in a position of power is ones family and upbringing. A middle-aged Sikh corporate executive in a senior managerial position felt that his value system came essentially from my middle class background; parents have the maximum influence. Similarly, a director of projects at a corporate nongovernmental organisation (NGO), whose father was a freedom fighter, also felt that the value system definitely comes from home and depends on how you have been brought up. In addition, responses among youth attributed the basis of their value systems to family: For me its from home. They have put our ideologies in our mind. Some regarded the behaviour of some people associated conspicuously with religion as undesirable, but others were quick to point out that a family may have been influenced by religion, So, what we are imbibing may be coming indirectly from religion.

Religions and Value Systems: Ethical Codes of Conduct

One of the central objectives of the study was to investigate how people relate religion to their personal values and to their professional conduct and aspirations. An important sociological point reiterated by many respondents was that values are rooted in a multiplicity of culture-specific factors, such as family ideals, upbringing, religion, education, social status, etc, which manifest their influence in varying degrees in the lives of different individuals. Moreover, it emerged that values governing human behaviour may differ according to the context, i e, personal, professional or sociopolitical. The responses to our enquiry

Religion Is Fairly Important

Sikh as well as Hindu bureaucrats, media persons, and academics also listed religion as a major factor that had shaped their value systems and influenced their personal and professional conduct. However, the nature, extent and mode of influence of
january 7, 2012 vol xlvIi no 1
EPW Economic & Political Weekly

66

RELIGION AND CITIZENSHIP

religion differed from person to person, depending on their interpretation of being religious. A Sikh bureaucrat from Chandigarh who had joined public service in 1974 and claimed that he had remained honest even when there were difficult times in managing his family was sure that, I have imbibed my core values of sacrifice and humility from the Sikh religion. However, he admitted that he has come across people who while appearing very religious, were disappointing when their value system is examined at close quarters. For the Sikh editor of a well-established English daily, being born into a religion and into a certain value system was enough to believe that religion and its value system had played a fairly prominent part in his life you just imbibe it, he told us. A pharmacist in a government health centre emphasised the importance of religious teachings and stated that his values had all come from religion, although only after he had developed a deep understanding of the scriptures. For a female development worker from Punjab, her value system had come from the teachings of the guru and from parents who were also deeply religious. She attributed to religion the inspiration for her work at the home for the destitute that she runs: When God is in the heart, goodness comes in a natural way. This level of certainty that value systems do emanate from religion was also expressed by the director of the Anti-Corruption Bureau of Andhra Pradesh:
Religion plays a very important role in most peoples life, giving them a good value system. But it does not mean that people who are religious have a good value system it cannot be a linear relationship between being religious and having a very strong value system.

Codes of the Organisation or Profession

A central belief that prevailed in discussions with respondents about personal morality and public roles was that personal values have a bearing on integrity in professional life and provide the strength to stay away from unethical behaviour. However, a majority of the corporate executives and many young professionals regarded the idea of ethical conduct as being incompatible with a fiercely competitive environment. The corporate executives articulated that, although the idea of corporate ethics reflects some of the same values as those promoted by most religious teachings, there is a big gap between precept and practice: It basically depends on the character and expectations of the organisation you are working with nothing to do with religion or values. Even the businessman from Hyderabad who was deeply religious in personal life expressed his inability to carry all the values that his religion preaches into his business code of conduct, I have to be flexible, I have no choice.

Religion: A Discredited Entity?

As discussed in the introduction, it is sometimes suggested that an appeal to the values associated with religion might increase the effectiveness of anti-corruption initiatives, and it is clear from the evidence presented so far that religion is an important, if not the only, source of ethical values for middle class Indians. In the Indian context, therefore, could it be a resource to be drawn on in efforts to combat corruption?
Economic & Political Weekly EPW

Many of the respondents in this study did express their faith in the potential of religion to act as a powerful force in the fight against corruption. Many respondents strongly felt that, If people follow religion, there will be no corruption. They were, however, quick to emphasise that this can happen only if the true meaning of being religious is understood: If anyone really follows religion and knows the values through religion, there should be no corruption in the country or the world. If religion is given the place it deserves in the lives of the people and moral values and ethics embedded in it are not just preached, but also followed, definitely religion can settle our problem and make this place a better place to live in. They were also strong in their view that No religion tells you to be corrupt. No faith tells you to be corrupt. However, while claiming that religion can introduce discipline, many respondents also noted that we have become very pragmatic; we are not actually practising what the religion teaches us; we disregard ideas of the religion which do not suit us then, how can religion help? If we bend the rule once, we can do it again. They contended that, if somebody calls themselves religious, and is still corrupt, they are not following the religion in spirit. They believed that religion today emphasises rituals and does not inspire a change in heart to take man closer to God, so that religion or spirituality does not curb greed. Many shared the view of a development worker from Hyderabad, who was unsure if people understood the true spirit of religion nowadays: Religion has also become one of the sources of income. You become a God-man or God-woman and exploit the sentiments of the public. Thus nearly all the respondents in this study agreed with a media person who felt that, in the present times, religion is a discredited entity organised religion has become politicised: and does not have force of the word behind it. A majority of the respondents, especially youngsters, expressed disillusionment with what is termed religious and with those who claim to be religious. They considered female foeticide as a glaring example of how people are not following religious values. In fact, they regard overly religious persons with suspicion, alleging that extreme religiosity generates doubts in the minds of observers about a persons true character and purpose as, in their view, such people are the most corrupt and most inhuman persons. Another example of the disappointment felt by respondents with the standing of religion in contemporary times was that people tend to use religion to misrepresent themselves as spiritual beings while being engaged in unethical practices. For example, a corporate executive from Hyderabad observed, Is there any religion that can claim that nobody from among them is involved in corruption? People of all religions are directly or indirectly a part of corruption. So, religion has no role in stopping corruption. In particular, they expressed anguish over the fact that some leaders of religious bodies are corrupt: most religious institutions are now managed by the moneyed people and the type of people (of whom it is reputed) that they have made money through wrong means and some of them are suspected of even misusing Gods money. Despite their belief that religion offers a

january 7, 2012

vol xlvIi no 1

67

RELIGION AND CITIZENSHIP

potential weapon in the struggle to reduce corruption, therefore, respondents in this study were sceptical about whether it can play a positive role in practice.

Conclusions
Religion forms an important part of peoples lives in India, even if interpretations of religiosity and what is considered as being religious are interpreted in diverse ways. Religion coexists with what may be described as a liberal, cosmopolitan and global outlook among middle class Indians and forms an indispensable part of the cultural ethos and social fabric of the country. It emerges from this study that value systems are an amalgamation of several factors and influences that cannot be tidily isolated, and which may be rooted in a multiplicity of culture-specific factors, like family ideals, upbringing, religion, education, social status and socialisation. Respondents confirmed that in their view, human behaviour is governed not only by value systems but also by personal, professional or sociopolitical circumstances and the environment. A common understanding was that those who profess to be religious are not necessarily morally and ethically strong. Religiosity is not a guarantee of virtuousness. The exercise of defining corruption by members of various social groups from Punjab and Andhra Pradesh did not point towards a shared meaning. The concept of corruption is fluid and indeed a site for multiple and even contested meanings. The misuse of public office for private gain was the dominant conception of corruption among the respondents, although some simply defined it as deviation from a code of conduct laid down in any walk of life. While a significant majority identified acts that involve monetary exchange as deserving of the label and excluded gift-giving, adultery or nepotism, an equal number defined corruption in a broad, moralistic idiom. In general, the researchers sensed the prevalence of a view that suggested the
Notes
1 2 For more discussion see Mohapatra 1998; Bardhan 1997; Padhy 1986; Chakravarti 1998; Caiden 1988; Dwaraki 2000; Widgery 1929; Tatla 2008. A recent article, Dont Hindu Gurus Care about Corruption? by Amrit Dhillon in Open dated 8 January 2011 http://openthemagazine.com/article/nation/don-t-hindu-gurus-care-about-corruption specifically questions Hindu religious leaders for not speaking out against corruption in public and critiques Hinduism for being apathetic.

proliferation of a culture of corruption which is corrupting the culture in India. Although there is a deep-seated faith that, if harnessed, religion has the potential to be a powerful moral force to fight corruption, in present times, religion is not seen as contributing to the moral or spiritual fabric of the country. Very few respondents in the study thought that religion can be counted on to make a difference in peoples general attitudes towards corruption. They have limited confidence in the accountability of religious organisations. It is, therefore, problematic to assume either the appropriateness or the effectiveness of religious organisations in fighting corruption. In fact, religion is looked upon as a discredited entity by many, largely due to a sense of popular disillusionment with its caretakers. Religion is perceived as being in the wrong hands, misused by powerful people, and overemphasising ritual and fanaticism rather than the true spirit of religion. The perception of respondents of a moral vacuum at the heart of organised religion is not surprising in the light of recent scandals associated with religious organisations, maths (spiritual ashrams) and temples of worship, which point towards a lack of any moral engagement whatsoever on the part of religious leaders and the priestly class. Rarely does one find a religious organisation or leader articulating a stand against corruption in public life.2 They no longer seem to exert moral influence over citizens, especially young men and women, who commonly express cynicism towards those who preach the importance of accountability whilst themselves remaining unaccountable. However, if religion were to be a practised art rather than the performative one that it has become in modern times, perhaps specific religion-based morals and narratives could contribute in subtle ways to curbing corruption and generating an environment in India in which honesty, integrity and hard work are rewarded and celebrated.
Sangita, S N (2000): Corruption in Administration: Causes and Consequences in N Narayanasamy, N, M P Boraian and M A Jeyaraju (ed.), Corruption at the Grassroots: The Shades and Shadows (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company). Sheth, N R (1995): Values in Search of an Identity Journal of Human Values, 1: 75-79. Tatla, Darshan S (2008): Sikhism and Development: A Review, RaD Working Paper 21. International Development Department, University of Birmingham. http://www.religionsanddevelopment.org/ index.php?section=47 Vittal, N (2003): Corruption in India: The Roadblock to National Prosperity (New Delhi: Academic Foundation). Widgery, Alban G (1929): Ethical Aspects of the Religion of the Sikhs, The Journal of Religion, 9. 2: 281-90.

References
Amundsen, Inge (2000): Corruption: Definitions and Concepts, Development Studies and Human Rights, Chr Michelsen Institute. Bardhan, Pranab (1997): Corruption and Development: A Review of Issues, Journal of Economic Literature, 35.3: 1320-46. Caiden, Gerald E (1988): Toward a General Theory of Official Corruption, Asian Journal of Public Administration. Chakravarti, Kunal (1998): Honey on the Tongue, Shiv Visvanathan and Harsh Sethi (ed.), Foul Play, Chronicles of Corruption 1947-97 (New Delhi: Banyan Books). Dwaraki, B R (2000): Corruption and Public Morale,

N Narayanasamy, M P Boraian and M A Jeyaraju (ed.), Corruption at the Grassroots: The Shades and Shadows (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company). Guhan, S and Paul Samuel, ed. (1997): Corruption in India: Agenda for Action (New Delhi, Mumbai Hyderabad: Vision Books). Heidenheimer, Arnold J, Michael Johnston and Victor T Le Vine, ed. (1989): Political Corruption: A Handbook (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books). John, Valampuri (2000): Political and Cultural Causes of Corruption, N Narayanasamy, M P Boraian, and M A Jeyaraju (ed.), Corruption at the Grassroots: The Shades and Shadows (New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company). McGregor, Father Bede (1973): Ethical Standards in World Religions: II. Hindu Ethics in Theory and Practice, The Expository Times 85: 68. Mohapatra, Bishnu N (1998): Languages of Corruption, Shiv Visvanathan and Harsh Sethi (ed.), Foul Play, Chronicles of Corruption 1947-97 (New Delhi: Banyan Books). Padhy, Krushna Singh (1986): Corruption in Politics (Delhi: BR Publishing Corporation). Pavarala, Vinod (1996): Interpreting Corruption: Elite Perspectives in India (New Delhi: Sage Publications). Sandholtz, Wayne and William Koetzle (1998): Accounting for Corruption: Economic Structure, Democratic Norms and Trade, Centre for the Study of Democracy, University of California, Irvine.
january 7, 2012

available at

Rajesh Manish Agencies

Shop No. G3 B II, Jaipur - 302 003, Rajasthan. Ph: 2326019
EPW

68

vol xlvIi no 1

Economic & Political Weekly