Historically correct Jang The News 2003 By Mohammad Shehzad We have a lesson to learn--no federation could survive without

extending the just rights to its units Ahmed Salim insists to be known as a Punjabi poet--disregarding his admirers' claims that he is a historian. He has compiled more than 90 books that reveal shenanigans of the rulers. His archives of historical documents have benefited researchers like Ayesha Jalal, Tariq Rehman and Ian Talbot. A gold-medallist in Philosophy from Punjab University, Salim is a political activist, a journalist, and a writer. In a recent interview with Political Economy he shared his views on the political history of Pakistan. Excerpts follow: PE: You are a member of the International Punjabi Conference (IPC). Why are its activities viewed as anti-Pakistan? AS: A section of Pakistani press has been propagating that Pakistan's integrity could be in danger if languages of the Sufis are promoted. We witnessed bloodshed over the Sindhi and Bengali issue. If it happens again over Punjabi, it would not be a surprise for me. The country disintegrated because we did not respect 'languages'. On 21 February 1952, we witnessed 'Bengali Shaheed Minar' emerging and 'Minare Pakistan' collapsing. The rulers should not repeat past mistakes and promote languages, which unite people. It disappointed me that Pakistan celebrated all UN days with tremendous fervour but there was no enthusiasm on 22nd February when the Mother Tongue Day was observed. PE: The coalition government of religious parties in NWFP has declared Urdu as official language in the province. What is IPC's reaction in this regard? AS: These religious parties have been betraying their people on this issue. They did it in 1972. NAP had it in its manifesto that Bengali and Pushto will become provincial languages in East Pakistan and NWFP, respectively. But they acted against the wishes of the people. Now, they have done it again. IPC, in its recent conference, has condemned it in a joint resolution. It has again reiterated that Punjabi should be the official language of Punjab. Similarly, Sindhi, Balochi and Pushto should be the official languages of Sindh, Balochistan and NWFP, respectively.

PE: What prompted you to become an archivist? AS: I was collecting material for my book Toot'tee Banti Assemblian (1990). I could not find the relevant material despite running from pillar to post. My frustration took me to a junk-seller where I found what I needed. Since then, I have been collecting reading material from junk-sellers, which proved to be very useful. I was thus motivated to build my own archives. When my friends came to know about my new passion, they started donating me their 'junk' material. I have stuffed my home with mounds of papers and have literally become roofless! PE: What do your archives comprise of? AS: 1000 books on Pakistan's political history; some 3000 books on every province including East Pakistan; 3000 books on Indo-Pak culture, arts, society, history, etc. I have got complete unpublished material on various commissions set up by Ayub Khan. I have collected personal papers of Sikandar Mirza (including his unpublished autobiography), Masood Khaddarposh, G M Syed, Maulvi Tamizuddin and Ghani Khan. I have leaflets, correspondence letters, reports and memorandums of almost all political parties. Similarly, I have an archive on all published material on water, agriculture, and all census reports (pre/post partition). My archives include complete material on Pakistan's Parliament (1947 to date) and Punjab Assembly (1921-to date). Complete issues of Daily Mashriq, Pakistan Times, Dawn, Jang, Imroz, Morning News, and many others. Archives of Illustrated Weekly of India and Illustrated Weekly of Pakistan (1947 to mid '60s); Viewpoint (1975-1992); Newsline (1989 onward); The Friday Times (complete file); Herald (1984 onward). My archives also contain material on various movements--labour, women, youth, children (pre/post partition) and some very rare books. PE: Who manages your archives? AS: I manage it myself. It costs me around Rs20,000 every month. I have to pay rent of two houses, one in Lahore and the other in Islamabad, and give salaries to the staffs. We have transformed these archives into an institution--South Asian Research & Resource Center (SARRC), which is open to public. I am making no profit out of it. Often, I provide free photocopies to needy students. People only pay photocopy charges. I would like to get SARRC registered. It is becoming difficult to manage it professionally, as it has expanded too much. Rain, termite and other factors are damaging my archives. Every six months, I have to discard a lot of valuable stuff.

PE: What made you write Pakistan Aur Mazhabi Aqliattein? AS: Creation of Pakistan was impossible without minorities' struggle. Instead of rewarding them, we stabbed in their back. We usurped their rights that Jinnah had promised them. Liaquat Ali Khan made them 'shoodars' in this country by playing up with the Objective Resolution. Jinnah had no objection if Pakistan was headed by a nonMuslim. The 1956 Constitution ruled this possibility out. Ayub initially named the country as 'Republic of Pakistan' but due to clergy's pressure he had to add the word 'Islamic' as prefix. Similarly, Z A Bhutto tried to Islamise Pakistan by declaring 'Islam' as state's religion. The nasty Ziaul Haq outperformed all his predecessors in marginalising minorities by masterminding 'separate electorate'. This was like encouraging them to struggle for a Christian, Hindu, or Parsi Pakistan within Pakistan. My book exposes our rulers' macabre policies and acknowledging minorities' contribution. PE: How did Kalat accede to Pakistan? AS: Under the agreement of 4 August 1947 between Khan of Kalat, Lord Mountbatten and Jinnah, Kalat was supposed to be declared as an independent state on 14 August 1947. Kalat announced its independence on 14th August, which was endorsed by its Senate and General Assembly. On 1 April 1948, Liaquat Ali Khan obtained an instrument of accession from Khan of Kalat on gunpoint with army's help. Jinnah was seriously ill in those days. Jinnah had been contesting Kalat's independence case as Khan of Kalat's lawyer. Khan's brother, Prince Abdul Karim refused to accept the accession and waged an armed struggle. He was arrested. On 6 October 1958. Pakistan's army started bombarding Kalat, accusing that the Khan had reneged on the accession instrument. The next day, martial law was imposed. From then until the end of Ayub's regime, Balochistan was continuously bombarded. Nobody knew what an ugly role Pakistan army was playing in the massacre of Balochis. The secret was made public by a few Baloch representatives in Ayub's parliament. In 1972, NAP formed the government in Balochistan. In the NWFP, the NAP formed a coalition government with Jamiate Ulemae Islam. Bhutto transferred the power to both parties but the wicked establishment did not accept it and Balochistan was again bombarded during 1973-1977. Bhutto asked Shah of Iran for warplanes, which bombarded the innocent Balochis. PE: Are Mohajirs really an oppressed community?

AS: Sindhis have been the victims of an inflow of Mohajir and Punjabi migrants since 1947. From 1947-1950, a Mohajir-Punjabi coalition suppressed them. In this alliance, Mohajirs were a dominant party. After 1960, Punjabi-Mohajir union crushed Sindhis and Balochis. In this case, Punjabis were a stronger party. In the third phase (1973-1977) Punjabis and Pathans formed an alliance and suppressed both Sindhis and Mohajirs. Zia's obsession was PPP's elimination. To achieve his nefarious designs, he created militant monsters like MQM and Punjabi Student Federation. PE: Why were you jailed in 1971? AS: I was a worker for NAP. We were against 'Bhuttoism' and military action in East Pakistan. In our opinion, Mujeeb had the legitimate right to form the government. My writings were anti-Bhutto and proMujeeb. Therefore, I was jailed for about eight months in 1971. I was arrested again in 1975 for publishing a poem against Nusrat Bhutto. PE: How did Zia treat you? AS: Terribly! Zia's rule was most inflicting. He had no right to 'hijack' and 'pervert' Islam and the country. The tension was diffusing. Bhutto and the opposition had sorted out their differences. Zia sabotaged the reconciliation. He vulgarised Islam by giving it absurd meanings to perpetuate his stay. He was hated by all Godfearing Muslims. My father had not missed a single prayer in his life, and he abhorred Zia. He would say, "Does Zia want people like us to reembrace Islam?" PE: Why did you quit NAP? AS: NAP was pro-languages. When it came to power in 1972, it refused to declare Balochi and Pushto as official languages in Balochistan and NWFP, receptively. I felt betrayed and resigned. PE: According to a report some 3m Bengalis were killed in East Pakistan. General Tikka Khan probably said that the figure was 35,000. What is the correct figure? AS: Genocide is not condemned on the basis of figures, but on account of brutality. Even if 35,000 human beings were killed, is it something we should be proud of? Murder of a single human being is synonymous to the murder of entire humanity. Our rulers usurped Mujeeb's right of becoming Prime Minister and coloured their hands with the blood of thousands of innocent people. Army desecrated Jinnah's poster in Dhaka at the house of Maulvi Tameezuddin's daughter. Tameezuddin was pro-Muslim League and very

close to Jinnah. He had a great role in Pakistan's creation. If Jinnah's friend were not safe from army's wickedness, how could followers of Sheikh Mujib have escaped it?