The Evolution of Chiefdoms Author(s): Timothy Earle Source: Current Anthropology, Vol. 30, No. 1 (Feb., 1989), pp.

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tion of leaders in maintainingtheirgroups.To underis standthe evolutionof chiefdoms thus simplyto idenTIMOTHY EARLE tify the new conditions created by technology or University California, populationgrowththat requirecentralmanagementfor of DepartmentofAnthropology, Los Angeles, Calif. 90024, U.S.A. 22 v 88 and efficient theireffective operation. attention has Populationgrowth receivedconsiderable held at since Boserup's(i965) workand servesas a motorin the The principalgoal of the seminaron chiefdoms the School of AmericanResearch January i8-22, I988, most recent general synthesis of cultural evolution was to understand the dynamicsof chiefdoms. chief- (Johnsonand Earle i987). In the seminar discussions, A dom was ratherloosely definedas a centralizedpolity however, it received little supportas a prime mover. that organizes a regional population in the thousands Drennan,Feinman,and Steponaitisemphasizedthevery (Carneiro 198I, Earle I987). Some degree of heritable low populationdensitiesthathave been documentedby in social rankingand economic stratification was consid- intensivesurveys the chiefdoms the Oaxaca Valley for ered characteristic. The focus of discussion was on the ofhighlandMesoamerica,fortheBlack Warrior Valley of origin of these polities, their development,and their Alabama, and forthe Valle de la Plata in Colombia. Popeventual collapse, stasis, or transformation states. ulation densityappears also to have been low forthe into early chiefdomsof southernEngland (Bradley).Populai. ? I989 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation Anthropological tion increase was certainlyassociated, however,with for All This the evolution of political systems in the Marquesas, Research. rights reserved OOII-3204/89/300i-ooo6$i.oo. the of and papersummarizes discussions conclusions an advanced Greece, and medieval Italy. On the Marquesas, populaseminar wereas follows:Richard Bradley whoseparticipants (ArRobert Drennan(Anthropology, Pittsburgh), ton growthand resultingenvironmentaldeterioration chaeology, Reading), Timothy Earle (Anthropology, UCLA), GaryFeinman (Anthropol- created a susceptibilityto droughtthat bound a local stores(Kirch). Yale Ferguson ogy,Wisconsin-Madison), (PoliticalScience,Rut- populationto its leader and his breadfruit CaliforniaState-North- In Greece, population growthaccompanied Mycenean gers),Antonio Gilman (Anthropology, School of American Haas (ex officio, Research), state formationand, followingthe precipitous "Dark ridge), Jonathan Kristian Kristiansen Patrick Kirch(Burke Museum,Washington), to in for Candelario Age" decline, contributed the emergenceof the polis Copenhagen), (Center Research theHumanities, and Saenz (Anthropology, Texas-Austin), VincasSteponaitis (An- (Ferguson). Hill). thropology, NorthCarolina-Chapel were willingto accept Generallyseminarparticipants

The Evolution of Chiefdomsl

of doms varyin complexity/scale development(simple (stavs. complex [SteponaitisI978]), mode of financing ple vs. wealth [D'Altroy and Earle I985]), structure vs. (group-oriented individualizing[Renfrew I974]), and concenspecifichistory.With this accord,participants the tratedon understanding dynamicsof chiefdomsas political institutions.This requiredoutliningthe variby ous strategies which rulerstriedto extendand mainTudor. the PROVINE, W. B. I97I. Theorigins theoretical of population genet- tainpoliticalcontroland the conditionsthataffected ics. Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press. success of these strategies.The unstable and cyclical . I986. Sewall Wright evolutionary and biology. Chicago: characterof most chiefdomswas apparentin the cases Universityof Chicago Press. discussed. RIPLEY, W. Z. I9IO (i899). Theraces ofEurope: sociological A Discussions of power relationships frequentlyrestudy. New York: Appleton. SHAPIRO, H. L. I939. Migration and environment. York: New to turned followers'evaluationofthe cost ofcompliance OxfordUniversityPress. with a leader's demands relative to the cost of refusal S P E N C E R, F. I 98 I. The riseofacademic in physical anthropology a (Haas i982). Constructing complex polity requires a the United States (i880-i980): A historical overview. Amerileader to bind a followingto himself.Simply,he must can Journal Physical of 56:35 Anthropology 3-64. control people's labor (Feinman and Nicholas I987). STOCKING, G. I968. Race, culture, and evolution. Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press. What keeps them from"votingwith theirfeet"-movTANNER, j. M. I959. "Boas' contributionto knowledge of human ing away from the centers of power and extraction? growthand form,"in The anthropology FranzBoas: Essays of Largergroupsdo not formnaturally;technologicaland on thecentenary his birth. Edited W. Goldschmidt, of by pp. social adjustments are necessary to concentrate and 76-I I I. San Francisco: Chandler. P. I890. Anthropology. TOPINARD, London: Chapman and Hall. i982). numbersofpeople (Johnson coordinate increasing answerto thisquestionhas been to point The traditional to the management functions that leaders perform. thoughtsince the I950S (see Much of neo-evolutionary

thecentenary his birth. of EditedbyW. Goldschmidt, 4-28. pp. San Francisco: HowardChandler. KROEBER, A. L. I923. Anthropology. New York:Harcourt, Brace. . I948. Anthropology. New York: Harcourt,Brace. LESSER, A. I968. "Franz Boas,"in International encyclopedia of thesocial sciences, vol. 2, pp. 99-I IO. MAYR, E. I980. "Prologue: Some thoughts thehistory the on of evolutionarysynthesis," in The evolutionary synthesis. Edited by E. Mayr and W. Provine, I-48. Cambridge: pp. Harvard University Press. MAYR, E., AND W. PROVINE. I980. The evolutionary synthesis. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. M. F. A. I944. Ales Hrdlicka, MONTAGU, I869-I943. American Anthropologist I I 2-I 7. 46: E. I928. Thehistory biology. NORDENSKIOLD, of New York:

poaccepted two important The seminarparticipants sitions to guide theirconsiderationof the evolution of chiefdoms:that research must focus on sequences of and hischange documentedarchaeologically long-term

I982) and thatchief(KirchI984, Kristiansen torically

the funcI955, Servicei962) has emphasized Steward

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pressurewas a cause of social change, through thatdemographic has conquest and alliances. Warfare been recogof (Carneiro especially where, as in the Marquesan case, resulting nized as a commoncharacteristic chiefdoms pressure could be demonstratedto intensifycircum- I98i), with warriorsbeing used to conquer new combase) and to intimidatecomscription.The largely unspoken consensus, however, munities(and theirtribute againstpopulationas munitiesreluctant giveup theirfullshareto the overfavored Cowgill's (I975) argument to a primemover.As Feinmanand othersemphasized,pop- lord. At the end of the Greek Dark Age, forexample, ulation growthrates are highlyvariable in prehistory, Sparta expanded through conquest (Ferguson). Interforce the and changingrates must themselvesbe explained. Re- estingly, potentialforcontrolbased on military ferring the basic Darwinian model of natural selec- seems quite limited and unstable. In the Iron Age of to BronzeAge of the Kristiansen), Argaric tion, Gilman remindedthe seminar that as far as the Europe (Bradley, family was concerned, population pressure was con- southeasternSpain (Gilman), and the pre-Columbian stant,the size of the familyalways pressingagainstits Mantaro Valley in Peru (Earle), warfarewas prevalent unable to expand abilityto feed itself.Any suggestionof an ecological or but local chiefdomswere apparently economic primemover seemed to meet with discredit- spatially to incorporatesizable regional populations. ("But among the ing counterexamples Many of the small Greek poleis remainedpoliticallyin"). focused on the political process dependentof the expandingstatesfora long time. Local Instead,participants for responsible the creationand maintenanceofregional groupsseem to have been able to retainpolitical autonlocations virthemselvesin fortified polities-as Gilman put it, what the bosses do to gain omy by defending a and extend power. Steponaitis offered listing of ten tually unassailable with the tactics that characterize chiefdoms. political strategies: and prestations. on i. Giving (inflicting debt); feasting Strategies 7-IO depend primarily an ideologythat the infrastructure subsistence pro- legitimizesthe positionofleadersas necessary mainof for 2. Improving duction. tainingthe "natural" orderof the world.In many cases circumscription. this involves the leaders' securely connecting them3. Encouraging force. 4. Applying selves to the past. The English Neolithic and early externalties. 5. Forging BronzeAge burialmounds seem to planta community's 6. Expandingthe dependentpopulation. leadershipline on an eminencethatdominatesthe landof is principles legitimacy scape (BradleyI984). Equally important competition 7. Seizing controlofexisting and natural). (supernatural forties to a new ideologyfromoutside,oftenassociated new principlesof legiti- with an "international 8. Creatingor appropriating style,"thatis used to set offthe macy. I968, Helms rulingelite as a separateorder(cf.Flannery and I979). For example,the warrior Europe elite ofnorthern 9. Seizing controlof internalwealth production distribution. used such symbolsas war chariotsand stools fromthe io. Seizing controlof externalwealth procurement. distantMediterraneanstates to defineits status (Krisare How these strategies viewed by the populationof tiansen I987). The increasingcontrol of long-distance theirsuccess (Drennan).In Strat- wealth exchangeand the use ofexoticwealth to attract/ courseradicallyaffects egies i and 2 leaders attemptto seize the power that control local laborappearto be important facetsofchiefand/or dom developmentin highlandMesoamerica (Feinman); comes from controloverthemeans ofproduction distribution. the degreethata people's subsistenceis a similarpattern To would appearto existfortheMississipits controlled, capacityto rejectcentraldecisionsis lim- pian chiefdoms(Steponaitis).Elites justifiedtheirposiited. Such control may result in a system of staple tions with reference externalsources of power inacto financein which the surplusgenerated rentis used to cessible to others.The special wealth objectswere often as sector of the population. The associatedwithpowersthatbothsymbolizedand encapsupporta nonproducing ownership of the irrigationsystems in southeastern sulated the elites' divinityor at least nonlocal legitiSpain (Gilman) is such a circumstance.The develop- macy. The importance of ideology as a source of chiefly ment of field systemsin the EuropeanIron Age (Earle) may well representan attemptto control subsistence power has several historicalexamples. State ideologies from Roman textsheld bythe churchfollowthe productionthroughlandownership.In pastoral chief- derived doms such as those of the AfricanTwareg (Saenz) and ing the collapse of Rome were used to "civilize" the and thento legitimizethe emerging the EuropeanNeolithic and BronzeAge societies (Brad- invadingbarbarians another ruling system of small Italian city-states(Ferguson). ownershipof animals offered ley, Kristiansen), basis for control. Alternatively, chiefs' domination of Again, in the emergence of the polis, the myth of a long-distanceexchange with external urban markets Golden Age servedas a rulingideology;each polis had in and staple mythsof heroes and patrongods important creating technology controloverproductive may offer The Saharan nomadic chiefssimifoods (Saenz). Such exchange relationshipswere cer- its political identity. in tainlyimportant the Aegean, where an exportecon- larly used the externalIslamic state ideology in their civilizations political maneuverings (Saenz). omy directedat the EasternMediterranean contributed Exoticwealth,withassociated external significantly Minoan and Myceneanstate to ideologies,can formation serve as a status-defining (Gilman). markerand as political curStrategies3-6 may involve the extensionof control rencyformaterializingpolitical relationships.Control

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objectscan be used to draw of ofthe distribution foreign An in a local population and rewardits participation. ideology derived from external relations is, however, conditionsof trade vulnerableto changinginternational less inherently stable thana and exchangeand therefore of system.The character the financesysstaple-finance in tem may thus give distinctdynamicsto the chiefdom terms of scale of integrationand stabilityof control. maybe gainedbylinkingexoticobjectsto Some stability local ceremonies,as in theirassociation with ceremoin nial architecture the Formativeculturesof highland Mesoamerica (Feinman)and in theMississippianculture (Steponaitis).Here, as in the Wessex case (Earle),cereIt monial places mayhave been tied to landownership. is probablynot coincidental that the firstceremonialarand seems to have been foractivitiescreating chitecture reinforcingcommunity bonds rather than stressing (Drennan).Many earlychiefdomsapstatus differences within Renfrew'smodel of the pear to fitcomfortably chiefdom. group-oriented Perhaps the most heated discussion in the seminar focused on the bases of power. Drennan, Feinman,and Steponaitisheld that in the Mesoamerican and Mississippian chiefdoms no convincing argumentcould be made forsuch stricteconomic controlas would be seen in ownershipof land or centralstorage.Rather,populations seem to have been drawn into sociopolitical systems in part by "smoke and mirrors"-an ideologyof symbolizedby ceremosanctionedcentrality religiously objectswith and exchangesofforeign nial constructions probable sacred significance.The argumenthere was thatin simple chiefdomsthe amount of labor and goods froma dependentpopulationwas small being extracted enoughto presenta low cost ofcompliance;the question ofeconomic coercionbecame moot,as the cost ofrefusal could be minimal and ideologicallybased. On the other side, Gilman and I insisted that power, even though ceremoniallysanctioned,depends on controlover subas sistence.At least in some circumstances, in the PolySpain, control nesian cases and those fromsoutheastern and ownershipof land, productivetechnology, through storageis evident. I argued that the developmentof complex political systemsreliesnot simplyon access to a sourceofpower but on the abilityto controlit. Althoughideologyand militarymight are potent forces(cf. Mann I986), systems based on them cannot be expectedto become stafragorganized;theywill continually ble and regionally ment in the course of the competition for central positions that characterizes any hierarchicallystructuredsociety. The maintenanceof power relationships would seem to involve economic controlover people's lives. This position was eventuallysomewhat everyday accepted, but the question remainedwhat, grudgingly ar"economic control."Kristiansen after constituted all, ideologypenegued that,priorto true class formation, tratedsocial life as a cosmology of natural orderand was therefore a necessaryelementin the controloflabor For and production. example,in Mesoamerica,economic power seems to have derivedfroma complex systemof

exotic wealth obtained fromlong distances, ceremony, and local markets(Drennan,Feinman). production, craft Several felt that the stricteconomic controlsthat Gilfor man and I discussed became important understanding the originsof chiefdomsonly with more complex ones in which a virtualclass systemalreadyexisted. The resolutionof this debate was based on a recognition by all participantsthat the three componentsof power (control over the economy, militaryforce,and thatcan set up ideology)are to some degreealternatives opposing factions within a chiefdom.The Marquesan and warriors, inspirahow chiefs, case (Kirch)illustrates power bases, comtional priests,with their different peted with each otherwithoutbeing able to dominate. the Domination would seem to depend on interlocking strategiesto concentratepower. For example, different in the EuropeanNeolithic and BronzeAges,thebasis for economic controlwas probablyanimal herds,and the ideological element involved the use of the animals as assoCeremonialconstructions foodforfeasts(Bradley). and ciated with both funerary cosmic ritualdefinedthe controlledby chiefs (Earle),who productiveterritories theirroles in maincould retainleadershipby affirming thatritual.Estainingthe subsistenceeconomythrough sentiallythemonumentsmaterializeda social and ritual and landscapethatcould be owned bythosemaintaining defendingrights to them. Through long-distanceexchange, elites entered into an internationalstyle and ideologythat both legitimizedtheirstatus and, in the dominaof case of metals, createda technology warrior tion through force (Kristiansen).Thus the different Wheretheydo not,compesourcesofpowerfittogether. tition will be resolved in the long run by a test of In strength. the Wessex case, an apparentoppositionexby istedbetweentheideologyrepresented the traditional ceremoniesat the henge monumentsand the military with the bell warriorelites identified forceof emerging appropriated beakers;eventuallythe successfulwarriors the earlierceremonialplaces (Bradley). The success or failureof the various political stratethat eminstitutions gies (and ultimatelyof the chiefly ploy them) would appear to be in part determinedby ecological and social conditions.The nine "environmenin tal" conditionsmost responsiblefordifferences traand potential for jectories are (i) natural productivity (2) intensification, regionalpopulationdensity,(3) existence of externalmarkets,(4) natural circumscription, of (S) concentration productiveresources,(6) proximity to to needed nonfoodresources,(7) proximity avenues of trade and communication, (8) social circumscripAs tion, and (g) structuralpreconditionsof hierarchy. this Steponaitisemphasizedin offering list,these condicauses. not sufficient tions are certainly It is convenientto recognizetwo aspectsoftheseenvithe ronmentalconditionsthat especiallyaffect developFirstare the conditionsthatpermit ment of chiefdoms. of and extraction a surplus.This surplus, the generation of on which the new institutions chiefdomsdepend,is potentialofthe land (Conthe productofthe productive (Condition dition I), the human laborto make it fruitful

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2), and external markets(Condition3) thatoffer for and these differences alterna- portunities controland finance, tive sources of energy.Second are the conditionsthat createdifferent for The potentrajectories development. limit a people's options and thus permita surplusto be tial forintense irrigation, in Hawaii or southeastern as channeledtowarda center.Circumscription, Cameiro Spain, permitsstronglocal controlover staple resource as (I970) has describedit, essentiallylimits the opportuni- production,but in the absence of movable wealth the ties available to a human population.Environments dif- systemtends to remain limited in scale. The developfer in degree of circumscription (Condition 4), as of ment of a wealth-finance systemlinked with an exotic course is evident in the contrastbetween the isolated ideologyand/ormilitarysuperiority overcomethis can islands of the Pacificand the broad continentalareas of localism,but it makes the systemdependent external on Europe or Mesoamerica. To some extent this circum- relationsthat can disruptlocal patternsof domination. scriptionis locally a productof the concentration and Althoughwe are only beginningto understandthe dethusease ofcontrolofthemost productive lands (Condi- velopmentaldynamicsof stateless societies,the potention 5), necessarynonfoodresources(Condition6), and tial forunderstanding social process fromthis perspectrading opportunities (Condition7). Beyondtheseare the tive is exciting. externalpolitical environment In studyingthe dynamics of chiefdoms,researchers (Condition 8), including antagonisticgroupswhose controlof land in effect so- have focused almost exclusively on the polity. An cially circumscribes group. the of understanding theiroperationshould considermultiInternal sociopolitical structure(Condition 9) may ple levels of analysis-the household, the community, also exclude much of the populationfrompolitical ac- the polity,and the region(Johnson and Earle I987). The tion, as in the case of the Polynesian chiefdoms.The household and the communitymust be understoodas inherent and acceptedbasis forsocial stratification con- semiautonomous units that may compete with each tinued to structure and constrainpolitical behaviorin otherand with the polity.The chiefdom must therefore Europe well afterthe fall of the Roman empire (Fergu- be viewed as a fragile,negotiatedinstitutionheld toson). gether by economic interdependence,ideology, and and integration The discussionsmade clear thatenvironmental condi- force.Centersofpowerin a regionshift, tions are not somethingsimply presentedto a human increases only to collapse. Sustaining integrationrepopulation. Rather,they are both cultural and natural quires the leadershipto maintain the balance between and are constantlybeing modifiedby human interven- the costs of compliance and ofrefusal.Given constantly tion (Bargatzky changinglocal and regional conditions,this will be a I984). For example,in the Valley of Oawith theirfew xaca, the earlyconcentration social and economic ac- continuingstruggle. of Further, chiefdoms, tivities including ceremonies,craftspecialization,and high-statuspositions, are inherentlycompetitive in the like attractedpopulation to the center and made theirpolitical dynamics.A centralizing tendencyas inlabor controlpossible (Feinman).Althoughthe concen- dividuals seek to concentratepower and eliminate the trationof natural productivity initiallyderivedfrom opportunities rebellionis opposed by a fragmenting for is as soil, rainfall, vegetativecover,and the like, the resource tendency local leadersseek to establishtheirindepenbase is quickly altered by human intervention-im- dent authority. is perhapsmore surprising It that some proved by irrigation, terracing, and drainage,degraded chiefdoms are able to sustain themselves than that by overuse and induced erosion. In Hawaii and in others disintegrate, and here economic control would Europe,the two processestogether the effect con- seem of paramountimportance. had of centrating productiveresources in limited zones that As Kristiansenkept remindingthe group,however, came to be owned by the elites. Some of this interven- chiefdoms can onlybe understood broadly as interacting tion may have been part of a strategy increase eco- polities linked into regional interactionspheres (peer to nomic control, in the Hawaii case (Earle);some is the polityinteraction[Renfrew as I982]) and world economic unforeseen consequence of the effortsof individual systems (core-periphery relations [Rowlands, Larsen, households and communitiesto improvetheirlot, as in and KristiansenI987]). Thus systemevolutionand colthe Danish case (Kristiansen). lapse must often be interpreted terms of political in Other examples of changing conditions have to do competition, long-distance exchange,and international with circumscription.In a continental area such as ideologiesthatbind elites moreto each otherthanto the Europe,natural circumscription be may originally low local groupstheydominate. but increaseas the landscape is filledin and dividedinto Our discussions were at once excitingand discouragowned territories. had been made made the interesting Ferguson sugges- ing. It was apparentthat much progress tion that warfarebetween polities in the Aegean Dark in understanding chiefdomdevelopment,but each atAge may have been encouragedat times as a strategy was met withcriticism. Drento temptat simple synthesis increasesocial circumscription. Thus regionalextension nan, cast in the role of spoiler,was especiallycriticalof could actuallyweaken a chiefdom eliminating ex- theformulations offered. Drawingevidencefrom presix an by temal threat.Similarly, was suggested it thatthe fortifi- historic sequences in Mesoamerica, Panama, and Cocations of a European hillfortor a medieval city-state lombia, he arguedconvincingly that the differences becould act as much to enclose (circumscribe) population tweenthemhad not been adequatelyexplained.Some of a as to protectit froman enemy. these differences appeared early in the respective seDifferent environments probably presentdifferent op- quences and conditionedlater developments.This led

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him to stressdifferences opposedto similarities. as ProbamptonConference. Edited C. Renfrew, Rowlands, B. by M. and Seagrave, 24i-80. New York:AcademicPress. pp. lems in identifying economic basis of social comthe . I987. "FromStoneto Bronze: The evolution social of plexityin thewell-documented archaeological record for complexity northern in Europe, B.C.," in Specializa2300-I200 Oaxaca and the Black Warrior Valley keptbeingreferred tion,exchange, complexsociety. and Edited E. Brumfiel by and to, and Kristiansenpointed to the need to identify the T. Earle,pp. 30-5 I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. structural principlesgenerating apparently the contrast- MANN, MICHAEL. I986. Thesourcesofsocialpower:A history ofpowerfrom beginning A.D. 1760. Cambridge: the to Caming archaeologicalsequences. bridge Press. The synthesisthat emergedfromthe seminardiscus- RENFREW, University COLIN. I974. "Beyond subsistence a economy: The sions is ultimatelymore powerful because it recognizes evolution social organization prehistoric of in Europe," Rein the extreme complexity and interdependenceof the constructing complex society. EditedbyC. B. Moore, 69-95. pp. of SchoolofOriental Research 2o. sources of power in societyand the forcesof instability Bulletin theAmerican . i982. "Socio-economic change ranked in society," in and divisionthatconstantly to threaten tearit apart.Of and Ranking, EditedbyC. Renfrew S. resources, exchange. and particularinterestare long-term local and regionalpatShennan, i-9. Cambridge: pp. Cambridge Press. University terns of expansion and collapse. All accepted that to ROWLANDS, MICHAEL, MOGENS LARSEN, AND KRISTIAN KRISTIANSEN. I987. Centre and periphery theancientworld. in understand the developmentof chiefdoms must exwe Cambridge: Press. Cambridge University amine the ways in which finance,control,and ideology ELMAN. social organization. i962. New empower an emergingruling class. While the linear SERVICE, RandomHouse. Primitive York: causality that we once felt comfortable with has cer- S T E P O N A I T I S, V I N C A S. I 978. "Locationaltheory complex and tainly been outgrown,the new synthesisoffers rich a A chiefdoms: Mississippian in settleexample," Mississippian mentpatterns. EditedbyB. Smith, 4I7-5 3. New York:Acapp. and varied interpretation sociopoliticalprocess. of

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thankGordonC. Hillman.D. R. Harris, H. Newcomer, R. M. F. Hodson,C. Orton, Kathryn and Ataman(Institute Archaeology, of 0. London), Zohary, Bar-Yosef, Goldberg, Belfer-Cohen, D. P. A. N. Goren,N. Goring-Morris, Y. Garfinkel and (HebrewUniversity, M. Jerusalem), Kislev(Bar-Ilan A. University), Ronenand E. Nevo D. (Haifa University), Joel (Ministry Agriculture of Research Centre, Neve Yaar),Z. Naveh and M. Blumler (Technion, Haifa), F. Valla (CNRS, Jerusalem), de G. Sieveking G. (British Museum), P. Carter (MuseumofAnthropology Archaeology, and Cambridge), J. Crowfoot-Payne (AshmoleanMuseum), J. Zias (Rockefeller Museum),T. Noy and staff (IsraelMuseum),the Harpers (British School of Archaeology Jerusalem), John in and Hope Mason. The researchwas fundedby the Science and Engineering Research Council of Great Britainand by travelgrants fromthe British Academy and theBritish SchoolofArchaeology Jerusalem. in 2. The Epi-Palaeolithic thesouthern in Levant divided is intoKebaran(from I7,000 B.C.) and Natufian ca. (io,ooo-8000 B.C.) technocomplexes.

Research. All rights reserved OOII-3204/89/300I-0005$I.00.

I989

by The Wenner-Gren Foundation Anthropological for

I