Brogiolo Noricum Moesia

KESZTHELY-FENKPUSZTA IM KONTEXT SPTANTIKER KONTINUITTSFORSCHUNG ZWISCHEN NORICUM UND MOESIA
CASTELLUM PANNONICUM PELSONENSE

Vol. 2
Redigunt
A Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmia Rgszeti Intzete (Archologisches Institut der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften) Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e. V. Balatoni Mzeum (Balatoni-Museum)
Budapest Leipzig Keszthely Rahden/Westf. 2011
KESZTHELY-FENKPUSZTA IM KONTEXT SPTANTIKER KONTINUITTSFORSCHUNG ZWISCHEN NORICUM UND MOESIA
Herausgegeben von
Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska
728 Seiten, 253 Schwarz-Weiss-Abbildungen, 16 Farbabbildungen, 37 Tabellen, 25 Tafeln, 1 Farbbeilage
Gedruckt mit Untersttzung des Geisteswissenschaftlichen Zentrums Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e.V. und der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft
Bibliographische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Heinrich-Tamska, Orsolya (Hrsg.): Keszthely-Fenkpuszta im Kontext sptantiker Kontinuittsforschung zwischen Noricum und Moesia. (Castellum Pannonicum Pelsonense, Bd. 2) Budapest/Leipzig/Keszthely/Rahden Westf. 2011. ISBN 978-3-89646-152-0
2011
Verlag Marie Leidorf GmbH Geschftsfhrer: Dr. Bert Wiegel Stellerloh 65 . D-32369 Rahden/Westf. Tel: +49/(0)5771/9510-74 Fax: +49/(0)5771/9510-75 E-Mail: info@vml.de Internet: http://www.vml.de ISBN 978-3-89646-152-0 ISSN 1869-9901
Keine Teil des Buches darf in irgendeiner Form (Druck, Fotokopie, CD-ROM, Internet oder einem anderen Verfahren) ohne schriftliche Genehmigung des Verlages Maria Leidorf GmbH reproduziert werden oder unter Verwendung elektronischer Systeme verarbeitet, vervielfltigt oder verbreitet werden.
Umschlagentwurf: Anita Mezei, Zalaegerszeg Umschlagvignette: 3D-Rekonstruktion und Grundriss der Befestigung von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta (vorne) Grak: Szabolcs Schunk, Zsolt Vasros, Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska; Rekonstruktion des Sdtores der Festung von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta (hinten) Grak: Natascha Vogt, LVR-LandesMuseum Bonn Satz und Layout: Anita Mezei Scans und Bildbearbeitung: Ulrike Grimm, Sylvia Hipp, Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska, Krisztin Kolozsvri Redaktion: Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska, Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e. V. Internet: www.uni-leipzig/gwzo bersetzung: Pter Tamska, Katarina Urbantat (englisch), Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska (deutsch) Druck und Produktion: druckhaus kthen GmbH, Friedrichstr. 11-12, D-06366 Kthen
Vorwort
Der vorliegende Band prsentiert die Beitrge einer internationalen Tagung, die vom 1. bis zum 4. Oktober 2010 unter demselben Titel wie es dieses Buch trgt, im Balatoni-Museum Keszthely stattgefunden hat. Sie stellte den Abschluss eines von der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft (Projektnr. LU 380/11-1) und der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften nanzierten Forschungsprojekts mit dem Namen Kontinuitt und Migration in und um Keszthely-Fenkpuszta von der Sptantike bis zum 9. Jahrhundert dar. Das Projekt wurde in Kooperation zwischen dem Geisteswissenschaftlichen Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas (GWZO) und dem Archologischen Institut der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (UAW) vom Oktober 2006 bis zum Ende des Jahres 2009 durchgefhrt. An dieser Stelle gilt mein Dank den Projektleitern, Prof. Dr. Christian Lbke (GWZO) und Prof. Dr. Csand Blint (Arch. Inst. UAW), sowie Dr. Matthias Hardt (GWZO) und Dr. Tivadar Vida (Arch. Inst. der Etvs Lornd-Universitt Budapest), die sich der Idee dieses Projektes fr die Antragstellung annahmen und das Vorhaben ber den gesamten Zeitraum hinweg bereitwillig untersttzten. Die Zusammenarbeit zwischen den beteiligten Wissenschaften und Wissenschaftlern des Projektes mit unterschiedlichen Standorten in Budapest, Keszthely und Leipzig erforderte einen intensiven und regelmigen Austausch. Dieser wurde nicht nur durch Korrespondenz und Gastwissenschaftleraufenthalte, sondern auch durch regelmige Arbeitstreffen smtlicher Projektmitarbeiter gewhrleistet; eine Zwischenbilanz prsentierte ein im Februar 2008 am GWZO in Leipzig veranstalteter Workshop. Das Projekt war in zwei Hauptbereiche untergliedert: in einen, der sich der siedlungsarchologischen, historischen und palokologischen Rekonstruktion des Fundortes widmete, und einen zweiten, der sich anhand der Grabfunde und -befunde mit den Lebensbedingungen und den soziokulturellen Hintergrnden beschftigte. Die Bearbeitung des umfangreichen und vielseitigen Quellenmaterials machte die Kooperation mit Kollegen aus verschiedenen Fachrichtungen notwendig, fr deren begeisterte Teilnahme und das fristgerechte Arbeiten ebenfalls an dieser Stelle ein groer Dank ausgesprochen werden soll. Ebenso sei smtlichen ehemals in KeszthelyFenkpuszta ttigen Ausgrbern (ganz besonders Dr. Istvn Erdlyi und Dr. Rbert Mller) dafr gedankt, dass sie die Bearbeitung ihrer Ausgrabungsdokumentation im Rahmen des Projektes ermglichten. Fr die Rekonstruktion der Umweltverhltnisse in und um Keszthely-Fenkpuszta konnte die Mitarbeit von Prof. Dr. Pl Smegi und seinem Arbeitsteam von der Universitt Szeged gewonnen werden. Sie brachten wertvolle Erfahrungen im Bereich der Erforschung des Balaton in das Projekt ein. Die Bearbeitung der makrobotanischen Reste bernahm Prof. Dr. Ferenc Gyulai von der Universitt Gdll. Seine persnlichen Beziehungen zum Museum
Vorwort
in Keszthely und seine Materialkenntnis stellten ebenfalls einen groen Gewinn dar. Die anthropologischen Analysen wurden in Zusammenarbeit von Dr. Erzsbet Fthi vom Naturhistorischen Museum Budapest und Dr. Mike Schweissing von der Staatssammlung fr Anthropologie und Paloanatomie in Mnchen durchgefhrt. Schlielich sind hier mehrere Kollegen aus der Archologie zu nennen, von deren Fachwissen und wissenschaftlichen Erfahrungen das Projekt protierte. Die Ergebnisse von Dr. Rbert Mller (Balatoni-Museum, Keszthely) sind bereits im Rahmen des ersten Bandes dieser Reihe vorgelegt worden. Seine unermdliche Arbeitskraft und sein Interesse an der Erforschung Keszthely-Fenkpusztas boten wichtige Impulse. Ebenfalls grundlegend waren die Vorkenntnisse und Recherchen von Dr. Gbor Kiss (Dir. der Komitatsmuseen Vas = VMMI) und Pter Straub (Dir. der Komitatsmuseen Zala = ZMMI) zu den Fragen der Keszthely-Kultur und zur Forschungsgeschichte von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta. Die vielen Archologen mhsam erscheinende Arbeit der Keramikbearbeitung bernahm mit Dr. Friderika Horvth vom Archologischen Institut der UAW eine ausgezeichnete Spezialistin fr dieses Fachgebiet. Unser Team rundeten meine Kollegin Sylvia Hipp die als Doktorandin am GWZO am Projekt beteiligt war fr den Bereich der Geographie sowie Jens Henker ab, der im ersten Jahr bedeutend an der Erfassung der Grabungsdokumentation und dem Aufbau der Datenbank mitwirkte. Nicht zuletzt mchte ich hier auch die Studentinnen und Studenten der Universitten Leipzig und Budapest erwhnen, die in verschiedenen Projektphasen die Arbeit mit groem Einsatz untersttzten: Rozalia Bajkai, Klaus Cappenberg, Ulrike Grimm, Katrin Hesse, Zsa Masek, Undine Ott, Marco Roner, Emese Szab, Aline Wacke und Gyngyi Zulauf. Das Projekt brachte der Leitung und den Mitarbeitern des Balatoni-Museums in Keszthely in erster Linie eine Menge zustzlicher Arbeit ein, die sie immer hilfsbereit und kompetent bernahmen. Fr die Untersttzung und Kooperationsbereitschaft mchte ich vor allem dem Direktor, Blint Havasi, danken und ebenso Dr. Lszl Vndor (ZMMI), der unserem Vorhaben gleichermaen hilfreiche Dienste leistete. Der vorliegende Band ist in zwei Teile gegliedert, die neben den Projektergebnissen jeweils auch Beitrge externer Kollegen enthalten, welche die Tagung in Keszthely mit ihren Vortrgen bereicherten. Es musste lediglich auf die Beitrge von Pter Tomka und Franz Glaser verzichtet werden, da die Genannten ihre vorgetragenen Ergebnisse andernorts publiziert haben. Der Vortrag Rbert Mllers ber die Grberfelder vor der Sdmauer der Befestigung von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta ist bereits als erster Band dieser Reihe vorgelegt worden. Es konnten jedoch zustzliche Studien gewonnen werden, so jene von Dieter Quast, Gian Pietro Brogiolo, Jnos Gbor dor und Volker Bierbrauer. Die sptrmische Kontinuitt erfhrt in der historisch-archologischen Forschung eine stndige Neubelebung, das Thema scheint jede Forschergeneration aufs Neue zu begeistern. Es zeigt sich aber auch, dass durch Ausgrabungen und die Einbindung naturwissenschaftlicher Methoden neue Ergebnisse erzielt und auf dieser Grundlage weitere Fragestellungen entwikkelt werden knnen. Keszthely-Fenkpuszta mit seiner ber hundert Jahre alten Forschungstradition eignet sich bestens dafr, diese Entwicklung aufzuzeigen und immer wieder Neues zu prsentieren.
Vorwort
Den ersten Teil des Bandes leitet der Aufsatz von Matthias Hardt ein, der anhand eines geschichtlichen berblicks den Kontext aufzeigt, in den das Keszthely-Kultur-Projekt eingebettet war. Es folgen die auf die sptrmische Zeit Pannoniens ausgerichteten Studien Lszl Borhys und dm Szabs (u. a.) sowie drei weitere Beitrge, die sich bereits der Kontinuittsfrage am Beispiel einzelner Fundgruppen (Pter Prohszka, Mnzver) oder Fundorte (Miroslava Mirkovi, Sirmium und Dieter Quast, Velem) widmen. Anschlieend wird ein Blick auf die Nachbarprovinzen gewagt: Die Gebiete von Noricum ber Italien bis nach Dalmatien und im Osten Moesien und Dakien geraten in den Fokus. Die Studien Peter Scherrers und Alois Stuppners analysieren die Entwicklung im norisch-pannonischen Raum, Zvezdana Modrijan und Mihalo Milinkovi verschaffen mit ihren Beitrgen einen Einblick in das Phnomen der Hhensiedlungen im Ostalpen- und Balkanraum, Rajko Brato und Florin Curta greifen das Thema des frhen Christentums als Kontinuittstrger aus verschiedenen Blickwinkeln auf. Weitere Aufstze widmen sich ausgewhlten Fundorten: Yuri A. Marano und Gian Pietro Brogiolo zeichnen die Stadtentwicklung in Norditalien unter dem Kontinuittsaspekt nach, Galena Radoslavova, Gerda von Blow und Soja Petkovi stellen wichtige Fundorte von der unteren Donau vor (Romuliana, Abritus), die als die bedeutendsten sptrmischen Parallelen zu KeszthelyFenkpuszta gelten. Im zweiten Teil des Bandes steht der Fundort Keszthely-Fenkpuszta selbst im Mittelpunkt. Es werden, der Struktur des Projektes gem, einerseits die Ergebnisse der Grberarchologie und andererseits die der Umwelt- beziehungsweise Siedlungsarchologie vorgestellt. Der erste Block widmet sich, ausgehend von Peter Straubs Analyse des ostgermanischen Grberfeldes von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta, dem barbarischen Fundhorizont des 5. Jahrhunderts in Pannonien am Beispiel eines Fundortes (Jnos dor) sowie aus methodologischer Sicht (Volker Bierbrauer). Ebenfalls auffllige Parallelen zu Keszthely-Fenkpuszta thematisiert der Artikel Lszl Schillings, der einen berblick ber Bestattungspltze in Tc zwischen dem 4. und 8. Jahrhundert bietet. In den Studien Tivadar Vidas (mit Beitrgen von Adrien Psztor und Erzsbet Fthi), Mike Schweissings (u. a.) und Bla M. Szkes stehen erneut die Nekropolen von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta im Vordergrund: Tivadar Vida legt eine detaillierte Neuanalyse des bedeutenden Keszthely-Kultur-Grberfeldes neben dem Horreum vor, Mike Schweissing (u. a.) prsentiert die Ergebnisse der Strontium- und Radiokarbonanalysen, die im Rahmen des Projektes erzielt wurden, und Bla M. Szke bewertet die karolingerzeitlichen Bestattungen im Kontext des zeitgleichen Fundmaterials. Den Abschnitt ber die Grberfelder komplettieren schlielich die Studie von Gbor Kiss ber den Stand der Auswertung der Altfunde der Keszthely-Kultur (Nachlass Lipp) sowie jene von Hans Losert ber die frhen Slawen in Pannonien, die von der Nekropole von Regensburg-Groprfening ausgeht. Der letzte Block des Buches umfasst die Beitrge jener Kollegen, die sich im Rahmen des Projektes mit Fragen der Umwelt- und Besiedlungsrekonstruktion auseinandersetzten; bereichert wird dieser Teil noch durch die Studie Hansjrg Ksters, der sich in methodischer Hinsicht mit dem Thema befasst. Die Artikel Pl Smegis (u. a.) und Ferenc Gyulais bieten wichtige neue Erkenntnisse ber die Vernderungen in der Landnutzung und der
Vorwort
Landschaftsstruktur, die fr die archologische Forschung von groem Nutzen sind. Am Ende des Bandes werden schlielich die ersten Ergebnisse der Aufarbeitung der Keramik und der Auswertung der Befunde in Studien von Friderika Horvth und von mir vorgelegt. Jeder Beitrag stellt eine eigenverantwortliche Auseinandersetzung mit der Frage nach Kontinuitt und Diskontinuitt am bergang von der Sptantike zum Frhmittelalter dar. Die redaktionell-sprachliche Bearbeitung der Texte entstand in einem Dialog mit den Autoren, der zu unterschiedlichen Lsungen fhren musste. Den Verfassern sei fr ihre Beitrge gedankt, die, ausgehend von der vorgegebenen Themenstellung, einen reprsentativen berblick ber den Stand der Kontinuittsforschung in den behandelten Regionen ergeben. Nicht zuletzt sei den Kollegen gedankt, die bei der redaktionellen Bearbeitung behilich waren und das Sprachlektorat bernahmen: fr die deutschen Texte Undine Ott und Daniela Ohrmann (Univ. Leipzig) und fr die englischen Katarina Urbantat (Univ. Leipzig) und Dr. Andrew Lawrence (Univ. Bern). Leipzig, Januar 2011 Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska
INHALT
5
VORWORT
TEIL I: SPTANTIKE KONTINUITT UND DISKONTINUITT

PANNONIA
15 MATTHIAS HARDT Pannonien im Spannungsfeld zwischen Rmer- und Vlkerwanderungszeit eine geschichtliche Einfhrung LSZL BORHY Die letzten Jahrzehnte der Erforschung des sptrmisch-pannonischen Limes seit Sndor Sopronis Die letzten Jahrzehnte Ein berblick DM SZAB, ORSOLYA HEINRICH-TAMSKA Eine sptrmische Innenbefestigung in Krnye PTER PROHSZKA Bemerkungen zum sptrmischen und frhvlkerwanderungszeitlichen Goldmnzverkehr in Pannonia I und Valeria MIROSLAVA MIRKOVI Kontinuitt und Diskontinuitt bei der Entwicklung der Stadt Sirmium DIETER QUAST Eine vlkerwanderungszeitliche Hhensiedlung in Velem Szentvid?
29
47 61
87 97
NORICUM, DALMATIA, VENETIA ET HISTRIA

103 PETER SCHERRER Noricum in der Sptantike Zu den Forschungen des vergangenen Jahrzehnts. Mit einem Beitrag von BERNHARD SCHRETTLE, Neue Forschungen in Rannersdorf und auf dem Frauenberg zur Sptantike im Umfeld von Flavia Solva ALOIS STUPPNER Zur Kontinuitt in der Sptantike am norisch-pannonischen Limes in Niedersterreich ZVEZDANA MODRIJAN Continuity in Late Antiquity Slovenian fortied hilltop settlements YURI ALESSANDRO MARANO The towns of the central and eastern Venetia in the Ostrogothic period GIAN PIETRO BROGIOLO From ancient to early mediaeval town: reections starting from the case of Verona
129
157 173 195
10 211 RAJKO BRATO Die kirchliche Organisation in Westillyricum (vom spten 4. Jh. bis um 600) Ausgewhlte Fragen
MOESIA, DACIA
249 257 GALENA RADOSLAVOVA Abritus eine sptrmisch-byzantinische Stadt in Moesia Secunda GERDA VON BLOW Archologische Evidenzen zum bergang von der Sptantike zum frhen Mittelalter an der unteren Donau SOFIJA PETKOVI Late Roman Romuliana and Mediaeval Gamzigrad from the end of 4th to 11th centuries AD MIHAILO MILINKOVI Hhensiedlungen des 6. und 7. Jahrhunderts in Serbien FLORIN CURTA New remarks on Christianity beyond the 6th and early 7th century frontier of the Roman Empire
267
285 303
TEIL II: KESZTHELY-FENKPUSZTA UND SEINE BEZIEHUNGEN

GRBER UND GRBERFELDER (4.9. JH.)
325 PTER STRAUB Angaben zum hunnenzeitlichen ostgermanischen Fundhorizont in Sdtransdanubien ausgehend von der Nekropole in KeszthelyFenkpuszta JNOS GBOR DOR The 5th-century cemetery and settlement at Mzs (Tolna County, Hungary) some issues concerning the East-Germanic period in Transdanubia VOLKER BIERBRAUER Zum pannonischen Ostgotenreich (456/457473) aus archologischer Sicht LSZL SCHILLING Bestattungen und Grberfelder von der Sptantike bis zum Frhmittelalter in und um die sptrmische Befestigung von Tc/Gorsium (4.8. Jh.) TIVADAR VIDA Das Grberfeld neben dem Horreum in der Innenbefestigung von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta. Mit Beitrgen von ADRIEN PSZTOR, Auswertung der Perlen aus dem Grberfeld Keszthely-Fenkpuszta, Horreum und ERZSBET FTHI, Anthropologische Analyse des Skelettmaterials aus den Grbern neben dem Horreum und in der II. frhchristlichen Basilika von KeszthelyFenkpuszta
347
361 381
397
11 457 ORSOLYA HEINRICH-TAMSKA, MIKE SCHWEISSING Strontiumisotopen- und Radiokarbonuntersuchungen am anthropologischen Fundmaterial von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta: Ihr Aussagepotenzial zur Fragen der Migration und Chronologie HANS LOSERT Das Brandgrberfeld von Regensburg-Groprfening und die frhen Slawen in Pannonien in Gedenken an Marek Dulinicz, Warschau ( 2010) GBOR KISS Die Entstehung und Anwendung des Keszthely-Kultur-Begriffs aus forschungsgeschichtlicher Sicht BLA MIKLS SZKE Beziehungen zwischen Keszthely-Fenkpuszta und Mosaburg/Zalavr in der Karolingerzeit
475
491
509
UMWELT- UND SIEDLUNGSFORSCHUNG

541 PL SMEGI, ORSOLYA HEINRICH-TAMSKA, TNDE TRCSIK, GUSZTV JAKAB, PTER POMZI, PTER MAJKUT, GERGELY DVID PLL, GERG PERSAITS, ELVIRA BODOR Reconstruction of the environmental history of Keszthely-Fenkpuszta HANSJRG KSTER Bemerkungen zur Klima- und Landschaftsrekonstruktion ab der Rmerzeit bis zum Mittelalter in Mitteleuropa FERENC GYULAI Pannonische Panzenbaukultur am Beispiel der Makroreste von KeszthelyFenkpuszta in memoriam Mikls (Frech) Fzes FRIDERIKA HORVTH Das sptantike Keramikspektrum in Keszthely-Fenkpuszta erste Ergebnisse ORSOLYA HEINRICH-TAMASKA Die sptrmische Innenbefestigung von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta: Innere Chronologie und funktioneller Wandel
573
581
597
653
703 721 725
FARBTAFEL BILDNACHWEIS AUTORENVERZEICHNIS
From ancient to early mediaeval town: reections starting from the case of Verona
Gian Pietro Brogiolo
INTRODUCTION
Resuming some of the themes I have approached in my previous contributions1, I will consider here, on the basis of the archaeological data, the transformation process of the classical city and the urban models of newly founded towns. This issue has been the object of important studies that have mainly focussed on the transformation of ancient cities2. However, a synthesis on Early Mediaeval Italian towns based on archaeological data, is still lacking. In suggesting an image of the wider context and of the general issues, I will focus on Verona for a series of reasons. In the context of the reorganisation of urban hierarchies in northern Italy during the 5th and the 6th centuries, Verona was one of the most successful towns of the region (g. 1). Royal seat of the Ostrogothic and Lombard kings Theoderic and Alboin, Verona maintained its pre-eminence during the Carolingian period and under the German emperors. Verona was directly connected to the Adriatic Sea through the Adige River, a fact remarked by Paul the Deacon when he was referring to the ight of Rosmunda and Elmechi. After the assassination of Alboin they had swiftly reached Ravenna on a boat offered by the Byzantine prefect Longinus. Because of its direct link to the Adriatic and Byzantine centres of the coast, the town might be considered an exemplary channel for Byzantine goods to reach the Lombard
1 2
mainland. Excavations carried out in Venice and Comacchio have indicated traces of an uninterrupted ow of Mediterranean commodities during the Early Middle Ages. The importation of these goods to the mainland and, in a wider perspective to the heart of the successor kingdoms, is at the core of the European historiographic debate3. Due to a series of recent publications on excavations that have been carried out since 1982, Verona is one of the better investigated Italian towns4. Along with that on Brescia, the case study on Verona initiated, in the middle of the 1980s, a debate on the transformation of urbanism between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages in Italy5. General interpretations on the transformation of this city, suggested on the basis of the rst stratigraphic excavations, were simple, and I claimed the necessity of at least twenty years of research to clarify the detected phenomena. Although data of every region of the Mediterranean and Europe is at our disposal, the interpretations are still divergent, in a historiographical game fuelled by a deconstructionist approach that is moving us away from a rational use of sources.
URBAN
IDEAL-TYPES IN THE IMAGINATION OF
CONTEMPORARIES
The iconographic sources of the period between the 6th and the 9th centuries that are consi3 4
BROGIOLO/GELICHI 2009; BROGIOLO 2006a; 2006b. Among the works in the last ten years are BROGIOLO/ WARD-PERKINS 1999; BROGIOLO/GAUTHIER/CHRISTIE 2000; LIEBESCHUETZ 2001; HAUG 2003; ORTALLI/HEINZELMANN 2003; WICKHAM 2005; SARADI 2006; AUGENTI 2006; OLMO ENCISO 2008.
For an overview see MCCORMICK 2001; WICKHAM 2005. BRUNO/CAVALIERI MANASSE 2003; CAVALIERI MANASSE 2008. For a commentary on the debate see WARD-PERKINS 1997, 157176.
196
Fig. 1
Plan of Verona during the Gothic period with walls dating to the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th c.
dered here, always depict a walled town, inside of which there are monumental buildings of the Roman period, such as public areas, temples and spectacle buildings, streets with porticoes and Christian places of worship progressively inserted into the landscape of the classical city. These images are often stereotyped, as in the 8thcentury mosaics which decorated churches in Jordan where it is difcult to recognize a direct link with reality. In some cases, on the contrary, the picture appears realistic. The mosaic of Madaba (Jordan) represents the city of Jerusalem as the Church capital of Palestine encircled by its dependent seas. It is shown with walls and crossed by a colonnaded street, beginning in the square inside the Damascus Gate with a celebrative column in the middle. The image also includes the forum, the church of the Holy Sepulchre, and the countless places of worship that, in the 6th century, dot the town (g. 2)6. A representation of Verona, the Iconographia Rateriana named after the bishop Raterius, who received a copy of it in the mid-10th century, shows two wall circuits, indicated by two dif6
ferent colours, the arena, the theatre, the palace built by Theoderic on St. Pietro hill, on the left bank of the Adige, the porticoes of the forum, the Horreum, the stone bridge on the Adige, and some churches (g. 3)7. In these sources, the social and cultural message is implicit and requires further interpretation by modern scholars: in the case of Jerusalem, the mosaic of Madaba celebrates the role of the city as a Christian metropolis, while the Iconographia Rateriana rhetorically recalls the ancient glories and the monuments of Verona, along with its Christian topography renewing the image and the ideology of the town. The same view is shared by literary sources, although they refer more directly to urban society. For instance, two poems, the Versum de Mediolano Civitate (c. 739) and the Versus de Verona, praising the classical past of the two towns8 like the Iconographia Rateriana, should be compared. Both poems mention not only the monuments and the infrastructures of the ancient town, but also the churches and the tombs of the martyrs
7 8
SARADI 2006 119144.
MARANO 2007. PIGHI 1960; HYDE 1966.
197
THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE CLASSICAL CITY

The archaeological data, now available either in the publication of single excavations or in general summaries, allows the identication of a plurality of indicators through which the transformation of the classical city might be evaluated. These parameters, operative in the period between the end of the 3rd and the end of the 6th centuries, might be clustered into three different processes. These processes are rst the construction of new structures, second the destructuration, refunctionalisation or/and demolition of ancient monuments and infrastructures, and third the transformation of others10. Late antique cities include buildings and spaces of Christian topography probably existing in the East from the end of the 3rd century11, but established only after the Edict of Constantine in 31312 , palaces of the new autocratic authorities, which replaced civic magistracies, and productive and artisanal activities, previously relegated to the suburban areas. The most prominent aspect in the sources is either the strengthening of the already existing defences in towns as happened at Aquileia, Verona (g. 3), Mantua, Brescia, etc., or the erection of new walls, in those places which saw a noticeable urban expansion such as Milan and Ravenna13. Expensive alterations, often motivated by emergency situations such as the use of ancient public or funerary monuments at Verona (g. 4), Milan, Mrida, Barcelona, Arles should not be referred to as an embellishment of the most important towns14. As traditional scholarship afrmed, they appear instead to have been built because of the barbarian menace and because of internal political instability15. The erection of walls had important consequences for the mobilisation of signicant resources, but also in the accentuation of strategic and military functions of urban centres. In this context, the regression of some towns into simple fortied strongholds, protecting only a fraction of the in10 11 12 13
Fig. 2
Mosaic of Madaba representing the city of Jerusalem.
ringing and protecting it, as well as its walls, and the civil and religious authority within the defences. Moreover, the Versum de Mediolano Civitate explicitly mentions the economic and commercial activities of the town, which receives goods from different areas of production9. The iconographic and literary sources are an expression of the fact that the same ecclesiastic milieu is producing them. They suggest an urban ideal that is the product of a selective process where only those aspects of urbanism are ltered that are congenial to the ruling lites of the time. This ideal shows a town protected and separated from the countryside by its walls, and reclaiming its ancient origins through its monuments; a town that in the 6th century had been christianised through a network of worship places and buildings, distributed in its quarters and suburbium. These sources are not interested in describing the urban landscape of the lower classes, attested by poor houses, production activities implanted in the town centre, and the waste heaps discarded in the public and private spaces, which, having lost their original function, were either abandoned or converted into cultivated areas. These aspects of early mediaeval urbanism, are clearly highlighted by archaeological excavations carried out in the successor kingdoms of the West and in the Byzantine East. Archaeology has also demonstrated that the architectural quality of the surviving Roman monuments was inferior to that suggested by the iconographic and literary sources.
PIGHI 1960; HYDE 1966.
14 9 15
BROGIOLO/WARD-PERKINS 1999. CHAVARRA ARNAU 2009. MONFRIN 2002. Overview on urban fortications in DEMEGLIO 1992; BROGIOLO/GELICHI 2009. FERNANDEZ-OCHOA/MORILLO 2005. HEATHER 2005.
198
Fig. 3
Iconographia Rateriana depicting the city of Verona.
habited quarters, for example at Oderzo, Aquileia, Trieste, Bologna, Pollenzo, to mention only a few northern Italian cases, should be stressed. These were less dramatic changes in comparison with the complete disappearance of towns in southern Piedmont and in the northern Adriatic arch. Towns such as Altinum and Concordia are among those who disappeared; others such as Thuri in Calabria, where the episcopal centre and a great part of the settlement moved into a new castle, built on a rise near the ancient town shifted to a hill that was easier to defend16. The process of destructuration, refunctionalisation and/or demolition affected fundamental monuments and the infrastructure of the classical town, no longer indispensable for various reasons. As a consequence of progressive Christianisation which was concluded between the 5th and 6th centuries, but varied from region to region, the rst monuments to lose their function were obviously the pagan temples. A longer lasting decline was that of the fora and of the civic magistracy buildings abandoned parallel to the shift of the seat of power17. The destructuration of basic infrastructure such as roads, aqueducts and drains, with the consequent instability of public and private oor levels is also well-documented. This phenomenon has numerous local variants. In some towns, the aqueducts remained in use, as did the four in Rome, whose maintenance between the end of the 8th and the 9th centuries is reported in the Liber Ponticalis, and that in Brescia, a branch of
16 17
which was diverted for the water supply of the monastery of St. Salvatore in 76118. Aqueducts were mainly used for baths and the habit of bathing survived, although it was restricted to the lay and religious aristocracies, and to the occasional baths offered to the poor by the Church. Utilitarian buildings such as the horrea were treated differently. Their function never ceased, but was expressed in less monumental architectural forms, such as in buildings with their oors supported by pillars, i. e. the structure in via Alberto Mario at Brescia (Gothic period)19. Spectacle and recreational buildings underwent a selection and abandonment process, well testied by written sources and abundant material evidence. In terms of new data from northern Italy, on the other hand, only a hut discovered on the terraces in the amphitheatre at Pollenzo20, traces of metallurgical activities and a lime-kiln, associated with buildings of the poor and a burial in the theatre at Brescia, could be brought to light21. This is very fragmentary evidence if compared to 6th century habitation quarters discovered in the theatres of Cartagena and Leptis Magna22. After their defunctionalisation, public monuments might simply have been closed, for a period of uncertain length, as is the case with the capitolium at Brescia. This was unused for more than 150 years until its rededication for craft activities (production of lime and pottery) in the Lombard period23. The end of the capitolium in Verona, between the end of the 4th and beginning of the 5th centuries, is marked by accretion layers accumulating in the area, representing a clear hint of abandonment and minor activity. In the rst decades of the 6th century, the building was demolished so that its bricks could be used in new constructions, possibly in the walls and/or the monuments that Anonymous Valesianus attributes to Theoderic24. This suggests that the capitolium was part of a public property, a situation attested by several hints for a later
18 19 20 21 22
NOY 2006. SARADI 2006; LAVAN 2007.
23 24
Rome: Liber Ponticalis I, 504; Brescia: BROGIOLO 1993. BROGIOLO 1993. MICHELETTO 2006. BROGIOLO 1993 Cartagena: RAMALLO ASENSIO 2000; Leptis Magna: CAPUTO 1990. BROGIOLO 2006a. ANONIMUS VALESIANUS 71.
199
Fig. 4
Wall of Verona with a pentagonal tower (5th century) and the fortication of Theoderic.
period (g. 6). If this hypothesis is correct, the productive activities, attested by the llings of the despoliation trenches of the temple, among which remains of a glass furnace and crucibles have been discovered in the layers of the rst half of the 6th century, could also have been publicly controlled. On the other hand, not only the destruction of the capitolium radically changed the image of the forum of Verona. The paving in the western portico (Piazza Erbe 27) was stripped off during the 5th century and covered by layers on which, in the 6th century, a wooden building was built. The latter was destroyed by a re in 589/590, mentioned by Paul the Deacon. This catastrophic event which is archaeologically proven, ruined a great number of buildings in town. After the re, a layer of dark earth, ranging up to 2 metres in depth, contains the rubble of the monuments in the forum and indicates the conversion into an orchard or a garden of at least a part of the area25. After the demolition of the capitolium, the cryptoporticus survived until its collapse between the second half of the 7th and the beginning of the 8th centuries, in a landscape dotted
25
by the remains of ancient monuments and many heaps of architectural elements26. This image of the early mediaeval town is also supported by other urban excavations, and resembles the 18th-century drawings by Piranesi more than the monumental picture of the Iconographia Rateriana. Its landscape was dominated by inhabited islands alternating with either uncultivated or abandoned areas and either urban gardens, elds, or pastures27. In Italy, the best known examples of this landscape are in Brescia, where the great part of the eastern sector of the town is covered by dark layers28, and in Rome, where the excavations in the forum of Caesar have documented that an area of 20002500 m2, 1000 of which have already been accurately investigated, was used for agricultural activities. After the stripping of the stone paving slabs, parallel trenches were dug for the cultivation of cabbages, spices, and herbs. After several decades, a vineyard was planted on an earth dump: the presence of vines is attested by a series of parallel trenches, 60 cm wide, ranging in depth from 60 and 100 cm, and ve meters
26 27
HUDSON 1989.
28
CAVALIERI MANASSE 2008. BROGIOLO 1993. BROGIOLO 1993.
200
Fig. 5
Verona, Detail of the wall from the age of Theoderic.
distant from each other. In this case, this was a real urban eld, whose dimensions and functions differ from those of private gardens surrounding the houses29. In this new urban landscape, new housing models make their appearance along with the end of peristyle domus, the last examples of which date to 6th century and, in some cases, to the 7th century30. These new buildings differ qualitatively, but are generally of poor quality. The process is well documented in Verona, where, in via Vescovado, a domus with a wide bath, dating to the Ostrogothic period, survived down to the Lombard period, while another, in via Adua-vicolo Monachine, east of the forum, has opus sectile oors, one of which is plausibly of the 6th century, and remained in use in the 7th century31 (g. 7). By contrast, the domus at the Ufci Giudiziari-western side (Cortile del Tribunale), refurbished between the end of the 4th and the 5th centuries, was affected by a marked decay in the second half of the 5th6th centuries and later abandoned after the re in 589/590 (g. 8). In the course of the 7th century several graves with grave goods were dug in the dark layers accumulated in the area, while in the 8th century (as attested by a coin of Leo III of 732 735) the structures of the house were despoiled. A similar development has been detected in
29 30 31
Vicenza, where a recent but still unpublished excavation investigated the seat of collegia. Between the 5th and the 7th centuries, some the oors were stripped and replaced by beaten earth surfaces. Timber houses, associated with smelting activities, were implanted in the courtyard and in the southern sector of the building. A great re made an end to the smelting activities, and a dark organic soil deposit reveals the existence of either an orchard or a garden in the central area of the block, with eight inhumations. In the towns of the Lombard kingdom, evidence related to the quality of housing is more occasional and from later periods. These structures are referred to either as domus, an older term, or as casae solaratae more recently that indicated buildings with an upper oor (solarium). In Brescia, these houses, considered solaratae because of their mortared walls, have been dated to between the 8th and the 10th centuries32. Five masonry houses have been discovered close to the faade of the Basilica and along the new street crossing the square that faces the latter Basilica itself. Another two-storey masonry house has been discovered in via Musei, in front of the theatre. Not far away, in via Piamarta, the facade of the xenodochium of St. Salvatore can be found. A stone round arch and part of its masonry are still preserved with brick courses alternating to opus incertum33.
32 33
SANTANGELI VALENZANI/MENEGHINI 2004. Continuity of domus in Rome: FONTANA et al. 2004. BRUNO/CAVALIERI MANASSE 2003.
BROGIOLO 2009, 223. BROGIOLO 1993.
201
Fig. 6
Capitolium of Verona: despoliation trenches.
religion are all factors concurring in modifying, the ancient custom to bury the dead in spaces other than those meant for civic life. The moving of burials into the city centre is attested all over the West, although with varied intensity, depending on the attention paid by archaeological research to this theme. In northern Italy, the phenomenon is particularly well known in a variety of forms and places. However, only a few cases, such as Verona, Brescia, Cividale and Trento38 have been studied extensively. Besides the burials next to places of worship, associated with houses and abandoned spaces, suburban cemeteries were still in use, and martyrial and funerary Christian basilicas rose on them, as well as on the tombs of the martyrs and of the rst bishops.
Evidence from Byzantine territories is much more abundant. At Classe, several two-storey buildings, set around a courtyard, are attested: the upper oor was used as a living space, while the ground oor was a multifunctional space34. From an archaeological point of view, the best known and most signicant examples of this kind of structure are those excavated in the last 15 years in Rome which could be completely uncovered up to their upper oor. They were buildings from the 7th until the 9th centuries with foundations in tufa and peperino blocks taken from Roman structures, and an upper oor also built with reused blocks and bricks (opus incertum)35. A last noteworthy phenomenon of the transformation of ancient urbanism is the introduction of burials in city centres (intra muros), with the concomitant contemporary presence of different rituals, such as the Christian type, that of Germanic tradition, and the deposition of the dead next to residential buildings, with the implicit abandonment of the space for public functions and ceremonies. The phenomenon, which some modern scholars consider to be a symptom of the decay of urban life36, and others as the result of the Christianisation of the town37, is much more complex. Contingencies, social and cultural traditions, different death-rituals and
34 35 36 37
THE NEW EARLY MEDIAEVAL TOWNS

The towns founded during the Early Middle Ages show features which appear characteristic of a new urban canon: a fortication circuit, a few road axes, a water supply system, based mainly on cisterns rather than on imposing aqueducts, church seats, with a plurality of places of worship, and administrative, scal and military authorities, with their residences. These towns might have had artisanal and commercial quarters and a harbour, in some cases located close to the headquarters of the authorities, in others, as in the emporia, being the economic core of the urban community. On the other hand, there was no space either for luxurious domus, as could be found in the classical town, or for baths and spectacle buildings. Such a situation is attested in the towns founded by the Byzantines in the 6th century for propagandistic reasons , such as the emblematic Iustiniana Prima39 and those founded by the Visigoths, such as Recpolis and El Tolmo de Minateda40. Although on a less monumental level, the same characteristics recur in the castra, erected in several regions during the 5th century, on state initiative, to face the external menace of the Barbarians and for
38 39 40
CIRELLI 2008. SANTANGELI VALENZANI/MENEGHINI 2004. CANTINO WATAGHIN/LAMBERT 1998. GALINI/ZADORA RIO 1996.
CANTINO WATAGHIN/LAMBERT 1998. BAVANT 2007. For these sites see OLMO ENCISO 2008; ABAD CASAL et al. 2008 respectively.
202
Fig. 7
Domus in via Adua-vicolo Monachine in Verona with 6th c. opus sectile oors.
internal insecurity, as in the case of urban defences41. The biggest and most important castra, controlling an independent territory, became the seats of administrative and religious authorities, perhaps also having markets and hosting a sizeable number of inhabitants. So resided, for example, in the Lombard period a iudex, at Sirmione and Garda42, in the countryside of Verona and sometimes a bishop, as at Grado and Sabiona, more frequently a baptismal church ad at Castelseprio and on the Isola Comacina43. Reduced towns and castles, with a growing population and an independent territory, converge in a hybrid urban ideal, as revealed by the lexical uncertainty of written sources. Cassiodorus dened Squillace indifferently as both a villa urbana and a civitas ruralis44. Paul the Deacon mentions Cividale sometimes as a castrum and sometimes as civitas45. The same oscillation interests Grado, according to the desire to either lessen or emphasise their importance.
41 42 43 44 45
TOWNS AND ECONOMY BETWEEN THE 6TH AND THE 9TH CENTURIES
The above mentioned urban ideals, expressed by religious lites between the 6th and the 9th centuries, are not illusory, but simply mark the special charisma of towns, due to their Roman origins, a charisma reected in the monuments of the town. Archaeological sources, on the other hand, allow us to frame a more complex reality, in which the lower classes are also present. They were involved in productive activities, sometimes taking place in de-functionalised buildings within city centres, because of the available space. These activities were often arranged by representatives of the Church (the bishops and the monasteries) and by civil authorities (royal and ducal). The 7th century phases of the Crypta Balbi in Rome, the monastery of St. Lorenzo de Pallacinis46, and the curtis regia at Brescia are examples of this.47 This production testies to the economic role of towns in the Early Middle Ages. Unfortunately, some of these mechanisms, essential to dene the economic level of an urban centre, cannot
46 47
BROGIOLO/GELICHI 1996; BROGIOLO/POSSENTI 2007. BROGIOLO/GELICHI 1996. BROGIOLO/CAGNANA 2005. CASSIODORUS, Variae XII, 15. PAULUS DIACONUS, Hist. Lang. II, 9.
SAGU 2002. BROGIOLO 2006a.
203
Fig. 8
Cortile del Tribunale in Verona: remains of early mediaeval buildings.
be evaluated quantitatively. It is only possible to draw an approximate estimation in relation to the Mediterranean and interregional trade uxes and to the production carried out either in the urban centres or in the territories administratively or politically controlled. This evaluation should be extended to the share of resources between the provincial capital and the main towns of the territory, in light of the real control capacity of the different centres and their different hierarchies48. Archaeology has documented the continuity of exchanges between the Byzantine Mediterranean and the successor kingdoms. In northern Italy, the presence of the soapstone quarried in the Alps which was controlled by the Lombards, is attested in the Byzantine towns of the coasts, while slip-wares and amphorae were reaching some towns and castles in the 7th century49. More recently, targeted research in the Byzantine area of the lagoons, and namely excavations of the site of Comacchio, offered a quite nuanced image of international trade. A great number of amphorae and small double-handed amphorae of light fabric were probably locally-made from the 8th and 9th centuries and were supposed to be destined for a network of exchanges connecting the Mediterranean with the Lombard mainland, have been brought to light50. The problem is not understanding the exchange mechanisms, described in detail by a famous document (the
48
commercial agreement signed with the milites of Comacchio by king Liutprand in 715), but their economic signicance. For instance, the small amphorae of light fabric, made in Comacchio, are copiously found in the 8th century levels in the monastery of Nonantola, but so far they have not been discovered in the other important town excavations, such as in Brescia and Verona. The case of Verona demonstrates the paucity of attestations for 7th8th centuries amphorae. While the imports still varied between the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century, they generally decreased in quantity51. A further reduction took place after the Lombard conquest. The pottery nds are dominated by local productions, although some selected imports must still have been reaching Verona, possibly as the result of non-commercial transactions. A Keay 8B, perhaps non-residual, is attested among at least two big amphorae Keay 61 and Keay 62; about twenty little spatheia; a fragment of an amphora
51
49 50
For the Lombard period: the king, the dukes, the bishops, the great monasteries, and the aristocracies. NEGRELLI 2008. GELICHI 2007; 2009.
BRUNO 2008a; 2008b; BIONDANI 2008. At Verona there are: the Palestinian LRA4 and LRA4a amphorae of the late 4th5th century; the 6th century variants of LRA4a, b1, b2 with a tapered body; a very few examples of Aegean/Eastern LRA1 amphorae (mostly the Kellia 169 type of the 5th6th c.); LRA2a (mid 5thmid 6th c.); LRA3, drastically reduced in the 6th c.; sporadic presence of the amphorae of the type Cistern of Samos and of African productions; spatheia, perhaps attested until the second half of the 6th century (Keay 35, Keay 62Q, 55a, of the mid-/end of the 5th6th c.). As for the slip-wares, in the destruction levels of the Tribunale (end of the 6th c.) the following shapes were found: Hayes 99, 104A and C, 97, 50, 61B (imitations?), and lamps Atlante VIII, XA1, XB1; Atlante X, HIIB, typical of the late 6th7th c.
204
Fig. 9
Plan of the church of St. Stefano at Verona from the 5th century.
of the Castrum Perti type, with an umbilicated bottom, and another piece that can be attributed to Keay 8A. Among the slip-wares there are (still) 7th century forms (H105, 106, 109). For the 8th and 9th centuries, only a few amphorae reveal the arrival of Mediterranean goods. This frame of progressive reduction of Mediterranean imports is similar to that of Brescia52 and to that proposed for Gaul and Hispania. In mainland Gaul, at Bordeaux, the chief harbour along the maritime route leading to Britain, there are (still) slip-wares (Hayes 90B, 105, 109), and amphorae (Keay 61 and 62) of the 7th century53. Besides some slip-wares and lamps of the second half of the 6th centuries (Hayes 104C, Atlante X) , there are Keay 61 D (6th and the rst half of the 7th century), Keay 61A/D (central decades of the 7th century), Keay 61 (perhaps dating to the 7th century), a late variant of Keay 61 and a Type 3 spatheion (mid or second half of the 7th century) in Hispania, at Recpolis, the town founded by king Leovigild in 578. At Cartagena the same associations are also attested in contexts of the end of the 7th or beginning of the 8th centuries (late variants of Keay 61 and Keay 8A)54.
52 53 54
On the basis of archaeological evidence (excluding all perishable products, from the spices to the slaves, mentioned by written sources)55, African and Eastern imports, although in reduced quantities in comparison with the coastal regions, were still arriving in the mainland of the successor kingdoms. The great amphorae possibly contained oil, not only for culinary use, but also for lighting (when the containers are pitch-lined their lling could not be consumed as foodstuff). The little spatheia (usually pitchlined) transported wine, garum, preserves, and ointments. These goods reached the mainland selectively, according to strategies still to be claried, although most modern scholars afrm they were aimed at the seats of the lay and religious aristocracies, as was a spatheion discovered in the village at Gozquez, near Madrid56. For pottery, a rst phase, covering the period from the 5th to the end of the 7th centuries, is marked by the diffusion of regional productions (in the case of Verona and Brescia, glazed and Lombard stamped pottery, common and coarse wares57), progressively supplanting the imports. On the whole, these artefacts were used for the storage, preparation, and consumption of food.
55 56 57
BROGIOLO 1999. BERTHAULT 1999. BONIFAY/BERNAL CASASOLA 2008.
MCCORMICK 2001. VIGIL ESCALERA 2006. HUDSON 2008.
205
Fig. 10
Plan of the church of St. Procolo at Verona from the 6th century.
This situation, suggesting quite a socially articulated consumption of pottery, clashes with the contemporary urban and architectural disruption of urban life. In one word, housing and infrastructure (whose quality required higher investments to be maintained) were affected by faster changes than the food consumption habits. Further proof of such an evolution, over a long period of time from the 7th until the middle of the 12th centuries is again offered by the evidence of Brescia and Verona58. This phase was characterised by a marked impoverishment of pottery classes limited to coarse wares and globular amphorae until the 8th and 9th centuries and shapes, reduced almost exclusively to kitchen wares. Evidently, the tableware represented mainly consisted of wooden vessels. A recovery of pottery classes and shapes is attested for the 13th15th centuries, with the diffusion of glazed pottery, becoming signicant only at the end of Middle Ages59. This pattern of evolution imposes caution on the interpretation of pottery as an economic indicator: in the rst phase, the risk is an overestimation of the importance of ceramics, if they are not compared with other indicators, such as urbanism and architecture; on the other hand, in the last segment of the second phase and at the beginning of the third one (from the 11th to the mid 13th centuries), the depressed image offered by pottery clearly contrasts with that of architecture. The conclusion is that, in evaluating the overall economic level of a town, pottery does
58 59
not represent a sufcient indicator, at least not at Verona and in the rest of the Po valley. Archaeology will never have at its disposal quantitative data on perishable commodities, representing the most important component of trade, and it is obliged to evaluate economic trends on the basis of building activity, towards which the productive surplus was diverted. The realization of high quality buildings involved the functioning of a cycle of the different phases of production, transport, and construction, each necessitating very complex systems in proportion to the grandeur and height of the dimensions and the quality of the building itself. It is not only a question of building techniques, but also one of quantitative aspects of production and complexity of the work organisation, presupposed by the latter. Moreover, it is also worth mentioning that the churches and palaces erected in the 4th6th centuries were sufcient to full the exigencies of many early mediaeval towns. At Verona, for example, the walls, the palace, and the great early Christian churches have survived60. Unfortunately, archaeological data relates only to the episcopal complex, the martyrial and funerary churches. In the episcopal complex, during the 8th century, the lavishly decorated northern hall, entirely covered by mosaics, was reduced by the construction of a small apsed basilica61. Among the suburban churches, the elevation of St. Stefano is still entirely standing (g. 9): built at the beginning of the 5th century near the theatre, the church
60 61
HUDSON 2008. HUDSON 2008.
As demonstrates the Iconographia Rateriana (see note 7). LUSUARDI SIENA et al. 1989.
206
had a cruciform plan with great windows in its sides62. An excavation has documented the plan of the funerary church of St. Procolo (g. 10), probably erected in the 6th or 7th century on a funerary area west of the town63. In the Lombard period, the majority of the most prestigious churches did not introduce new building techniques, or the rst phase of the construction cycle, that is the quarrying64. However, the repetitiveness of techniques, representing an evolution from those used in the Roman period, is matched on the one hand with
62 63 64
LUSUARDI SIENA et al. 1989. HUDSON 1988. CAGNANA 2008.
the intentional reusing of architectural elements such as columns, on the other, with the blooming of new architectural models. The buildings still standing and those brought to light by archaeological investigations suggest a variety of quality levels for a very limited activity, involving not more than a few dozen itinerant artisans. In this respect, the construction of churches, attested all over Lombard Italy during the 8th century, might be considered a hint of social dynamism and had a positive effect on the economy. However, the level of this recovery was very low and can be compared neither to the degree of economic development of 4th century northern Italy nor to that of the contemporary new Arab towns.
Sources
Anonimus Valesianus Anonimi Valesiani pars posterior, hrsg. v. Th. Mommsen. In: Chronica minora saecc. IV., V., VI., VII. MGH Auctores antiquissimi 9 (Hannover 1892, Ndr. Mnchen 1981). CASSIODORUS, Variae Cassiodorus Senator, Variae, hrsg. v. Th. Mommsen, MGH AA 12 (Mnchen 1981, unvernderter Nachdr. der Ausg. Berlin 1894). PAULUS DIACONUS, Hist. Lang. Paulus Diaconus, Historia Langobardorum, hrsg. v. L. Bethmann und G. Waitz. In: MGH Scriptores rerum Langobardicarum et Italicarum, saec. VIIX (Hannover 1878), 12187. Liber Ponticalis I Gesta ponticum Romanorum: Liber Ponticalis, hrsg. v. Th. Mommsen, Teil 1, MGH (Hannover 1898).
goda. Zona Arqu. 9 (Alcal de Henares 2008) 323326.
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Von der sptantiken zur frhmittelalterlichen Stadt: Bemerkungen am Beispiel von Verona
Der Groteil der bisherigen Studien ber die Transformation der Stdte zwischen Sptantike und frhem Mittelalter in Norditalien konzentrierte sich vor allem auf die Vernderungen der stdtischen Topographie, eine zusammenfassende Darstellung ber die frhmittelalterliche Stadt auf der Grundlage archologischer Ergebnisse liegt jedoch bis heute nicht vor. In diesem Aufsatz wurde, neben Verweisen auf die allgemeine Situation, das Fallbeispiel Verona behandelt. Nach der Umgestaltung der Stadt im 5. und 6. Jahrhundert, die parallel mit den Vernderungen in der Hierarchie der norditalischen Stdte verlief, wurde Verona als Hauptstadt des gotischen Knigs Theoderich und des Langobardenknigs Alboin zu einer der wichtigsten Stdte, und auch in karolingischer und ottonischer Zeit behielt sie diese Position. Aufgrund der vielen Ausgrabungen, die hier seit 1982 stattfanden, zhlt Verona zu den am besten erforschten italienischen Stdten. Es ist kein Zufall, dass die Debatte ber die Stadtentwicklung am bergang von der Sptantike zum Frhmittelalter Mitte der 1980er Jahre am Beispiel von Verona und Brescia begann. Die Interpretationen, die nach den ersten Ausgrabun-
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gen vorgeschlagen wurden, waren noch recht undifferenziert, und ich hatte gemutmat, dass noch mindestens zwanzig Jahre kontinuierliche Forschung ntig sein werden, um ber genauere Vorstellungen verfgen knnen. Aufgrund neuerer Daten und Vergleiche wird jetzt das wirtschaftliche Potenzial des frhmittelalterlichen Verona deutlich, einer Stadt, die eine besondere Stellung im Knigreich der Langobarden einnahm.
Verona verfgte ber einen direkten Anschluss an die Adria und damit ber eine Verbindung zu den byzantinischen Ksten. Jngste Ausgrabungen in Venedig und Comacchio belegen diesen Zustrom an mediterranen Gtern whrend des frhen Mittelalters. Veronas Fall demonstriert aber exemplarisch, wie diese Waren durch den Transport auf der Etsch auch das Hinterland erreichten.
BILDNACHWEIS
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361380 Bierbrauer, V.: Abb. 1 KISS 1996a, Abb. 1; Abb. 2,19 KISS 1996a, Abb. 16,18, 10; Abb. 2,1011 BIERBRAUER 1991, Abb. 20,46; Abb. 3,14 KISS 1984b, Abb. 4; Abb. 3,56 Ebd., Abb. 5,9; Abb. 3,711 BIERBRAUER 1991, Abb. 7; Abb. 3,1213 MENGHIN u. a. 1988, 206, Nr. V,23a; Abb. 4 KISS 1996b, Abb. 68; Abb. 5,14 DOMBAY 1956, Tab. XVII; Abb. 5,514 DAX 1980, Abb. 5; 7; 11; Abb. 6,12 BIERBRAUER 1991, 22,4; Abb. 6,39 BIERBRAUER 2010, Abb. 811; 9,13; Abb. 6,1015 KISS 1995, Abb. 8; 12; Abb. 7 BIERBRAUER, 2008, Abb. 17; Abb. 8,112 KISS 1995, Abb. 13; Abb. 8,1317 TEJRAL 2002b, Abb. 4,26; Abb. 9 KISS 2001, Abb. 57. 2946 Borhy, L.: Abb. 1 umgearbeitet von O. Heinrich-Tamska und S. Hipp nach den Vorlagen von SOPRONI 1985, Beilagen 12; Abb. 2 umgearbeitet von O. Heinrich-Tamska und S. Hipp nach der Vorlage von GRF/GRH 1997; Abb. 3 GRF/GRH 19981999, 106, Abb. 2; Abb. 4 Ebd., 108, Abb. 4; Abb. 5a Ebd., 110, Abb. 5a,1/ac; Abb. 5b Ebd., 111, Abb. 5b,2/ac; Abb. 5c Ebd., 111, Abb. 5c,3; Abb. 6 GRH 2001, 23, Abb. 3; Abb. 7ab umgearbeitet nach GRH 2000, 32, Abb. 1; Abb. 8 MRV 2003, 93, Abb. 13; Abb. 9 MRV 2009, 16, Abb. 19.
211248 Brato, R.: Abb. 1, Anhang 13: Autor. 195210 Brogiolo, G. P.: Fig. 1 CAVALIERI MANASSE 2008, tav. 1; Fig. 2 after SARADI 2006, g. 11; Fig. 3 after MARANO 2007, 184, g. 23; Fig. 4 by G. P. Brogiolo; Fig. 5 and 8 by Soprintedenza archeologica del Veneto; Fig. 6 after CAVALIERI MANASSE 2008, 79, g. 10; Fig. 7 BRUNO/ CAVALIERI MANASSE 2003, 54, g. 8; Fig. 910 by R. Benedetti. 257266 Blow, G. von: Abb. 15 Krivina, Archiv; Abb. 6 Arch. Inst. Beograd; Abb. 7 PETKOVI/IVI 2006b, Abb. 2; Abb. 8 Autorin. 303321 Curta, F.: Fig. 1 Data after GARAM 1993; Fig. 2 Data after the studies cited in notes 7, 8, and 10; Fig. 3 Data after STADLER 2005; Fig. 4 Data after the studies cited in note 19; Fig. 5 Data after STADLER 2005; Fig. 6 Data compiled from SOMOGYI 1997; 2008; CURTA 2001, 180, g. 12; WOOSZYN 2005; MILITK 2009; Fig. 7 Data compiled from SOMOGYI 1997; 2008; CURTA 2001, 179, g. 910; 180, g. 11; WOOSZYN 2005; GNDIL 2009; HUNKA 2009; MILITK 2009; WINTER 2009; Fig. 8 Data after the studies cited in notes 28, 29, and 31; Fig. 9 Data after DIACONESCU 1995 and the studies cited in notes 41 and 42. 581595 Gyulai, F.: Abb. 12 anhand der durch den Autor gelieferten Daten erstellt von O. Heinrich-Tamska; Abb. 3, Tab. 14 Autor; Abb. 45 Fotos und Grak: . Kenz. 653702 Heinrich-Tamska. O.: Tab. 1 Autorin; Abb. 1 Fldmrsi s Tvrzkelsi Intzet, Budapest 1980-279-1930 (1000 m); Abb. 23 umgezeichnet nach TTH 2009, Taf. 1, 1112, 14, Abb. 2, 6; Abb. 4 Civertan GmbH; Abb. 512.1; 1314.1; 15.1; 1617; 19 Autorin, technische Bearbeitung: S. Hipp und K. Kolozsvri; 12.2ab Grabungsphotos: K. Sgi 1973; 12.2c, 18ab Grabungsphotos: R. Mller 2002 (Archiv d. Balatoni-Mus. Keszthely); Abb. 14.2ab Grabungsphotos: L. Barkczi 1960 (Archiv d. Arch. Inst. d. Ung. Akad. d. Wiss.). 457474 Heinrich-Tamska, O./Schweissing, M.: Tab. 13 zusammengestellt von O. HeinrichTamska auf der Grundlage der von M. Schweissing und MLLER 2010 ermittelten Daten; Tab. 4 zusammengestellt von O. Heinrich-Tamska auf der Grundlage der von M. Schweissing ermittelten Daten; Tab. 5 zusammengestellt von O. Heinrich-Tamska auf der Grundlage der Daten aus Wien.
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597652 Horvth, F.: Abb. 1 O. Heinrich-Tamska; Abb. 220,13 Zeichnung, Foto, Tafelzusammenstellung: Autorin; Abb. 20,4 nach SALAMON/BARKCZI 1970, Abb. 15,2; Abb. 20,5 nach BNA 1993, Abb. 20; Tab. 16 Autorin. 491507 Kiss, G.: Tab. 1 nach HAMPEL 1894; 1905; Tab. 2 nach KISS 1999, 8588; Tab. 3 nach KISS 1992b, 245; Abb. 1ac Fotoarchiv Balatoni Mus., Keszthely; Abb. 2 LIPP 1885b, Abb. 361; Abb. 3 nach HEINRICH-TAMSKA 2002, Abb. 2; Abb. 4 nach KISS 2009a, Abb. 33b; Abb. 5a nach HAMPEL 1905, III, Taf. 166; Abb. 5b nach FETTICH 1951, Taf. XLII; Abb. 5c nach KISS in Vorbereitung; Abb. 6a nach HAMPEL 1905, III, Taf. 168; Abb. 6b nach FETTICH 1951, Taf. XL; Abb. 6c nach KISS in Vorbereitung; Abb. 7 Grak: Autor. 573579 Kster, H.: Abb. 1 Autor. 475489 Losert, H.: Abb. 1 Landesamt fr Denkmalpege Regensburg, mit Ergnzungen des Autors; Abb. 2a Foto: Eichinger; Abb. 2b Foto: Scherbaum; Abb. 2c Foto: Scherbaum; Abb. 3,17; Abb. 5,14; Abb. 6,16; Abb. 7,17 Zeichnung und Foto: Losert; Abb. 4 Kartierung: Losert; Abb. 8 BRATHER 2003, Abb. 69, mit Ergnzungen: Enns/Lauriacum und RegensburgGroprfening; Abb. 9 Kartierung: Guido Apel, Bamberg. 173194 Marano, Y. A.: Fig. 1 from SENA CHIESA/LAVIZZARI 1998, 1; Fig. 2 from GHEDINI/BUENO/ NOVELLO 2008, 24 f.; Fig. 34 from GHEDINI/BUENO/NOVELLO 2008, g. 21 and 18; Fig. 5 from BERTACCHI 1980, g. 216; Fig. 6 from VILLA 2004, g. 17; Fig. 7 from BONETTO/VILLA 2003, g. 12; Fig. 8 from BOWDEN 2003, g. 5,5; Fig. 9 redrawn from BORZACCONI/COLUSSA 2001, g. 7; Fig. 1011 from LUSUARDI SIENA et al. 1989, g. 113. 285302 Milinkovi, M.: Abb. 1 nach MILINKOVI 2010, Abb. 282; Abb. 2 Foto: G. Toi; Abb. 3, 6a, 12 Foto: Autor; Abb. 4 nach PREMOVI 1989; Abb. 5 Autor, unverff.; Abb. 6b nach MILINKOVI 1983, Taf. I; Abb. 7 nach IVANIEVI 1990, Abb.1; Abb. 8 Dokumentation Nationalmus. aak, ergnzt durch M. Milinkovi und M. Petrainovi; Abb. 9 nach MILINKOVI 1986, Taf. I, ergnzt durch RADIEVI 2006, Taf. I; Abb. 10a Dokumentation Nationamus. aak, unverff. Ausgrabung Djukni und Vukadi; Abb. 10b nach MILINKOVI 1995, b.18ab; Abb. 11 Dokumentation Nationalmus. abac, unverff. Ausgrabung Vasiljevi und Popovi; Abb. 1314, 15ab nach MILINKOVI 2010, Abb. 286, 293, 46, Taf. XII,7; Abb. 16 nach MILINKOVI 2010, Abb. 284. 8796 Mirkovi, M.: Abb. 1 nach POPOVI 1987, Abb. 6; Abb. 2 Ebd., Abb. 5; Abb. 3 nach POPOVI 1982, Abb. 9.
157171 Modrijan, Z.: Fig. 1 Cartography: M. Belak (Inst. of Arch., SRC SASA); Fig. 2,1 MILAVEC 2009, pl. 1,4; Fig. 2,2 Ibid., pl. 1,5; Fig. 2,3 Ibid., pl. 2,2; Fig. 2,4 Ibid., pl. 2,1; Fig. 2,5 Ibid., pl. 2,3; Fig. 2,6 CIGLENEKI 2008, g. 22,2; Fig. 2,8 Ibid., g. 2,1; Fig. 2,9 Ibid., g. 22,10; Fig. 2,11 Ibid., g. 22,11; Fig. 2,12 Ibid., g. 22,27; Fig. 2,7, 10; 3; 4,13, 56; 5,16; 6 Drawing: D. Knic Lunder (Inst. of Arch., SRC SASA); Fig. 4,4 CIGLENEKI 2005, g. 10; Fig. 4,6 CIGLENEKI 2008, Abb. 23,16. 347359 dor, J.: Fig. 13, 9 Maps by author, realisation: A. Mezei; Fig. 47, 10 Drawing by A. Csiszr. 267283 Petkovi, S.: Fig. 1 Gradient Map: T. Schler (Arch. Landesamt Thringen, Documentation of Arch. Inst., Beograd); Fig. 2ad; 3a; 11ab; 12b Photo: S. Petkovi (Arch. Inst., Beograd); Fig. 3b Photo: M. ivi (National Mus., Zajear, Documentation of Arch. Inst., Beograd);
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Fig. 4ad; 8a; 9b; 12a; 14 ab, d Photo: N. Bori (Arch. Inst., Beograd); Fig. 5ab; 6; 10; 13 Plan: A. Kapuran (Documentation of Arch. Inst., Beograd); Fig. 7 Photo and Plan: G. von Blow (DAI, RGK, Documentation of Arch. Inst., Beograd); Fig. 8b; 9a; 14c Photo: R. Milojevi (National Mus., Zajear, Documentation of Arch. Inst., Beograd). 6186 97101 Prohszka, P.: Abb. 18 Autor, technische Bearbeitung: Cs. Tth, Ung. Nationalmus.; Anhang 12 Autor. Quast, D.: Abb. 1 zusammengestellt auf der Grundlage der Vorlagen von SZAB/ GUILLAUMET/CSERMNYI 1994, Abb. 23 und Google maps 2010; Abb. 2,13a, 412 MISKE 1908, Taf. 43,50.53; 45,2223.38.43; 46,22.2526; 70,3.2425; Abb. 2,3b MISKE 1898, 143, Abb. 32.
249256 Radoslavova, G.: Abb. 1 IVANOV/STOJANOV 1985, g. 8; Abb. 2 zusammengestellt nach den Grundrissplnen von IVANOV 1980, g. 10, IVANOV/STOJANOV 1985, g. 41, und RADOSLAVOVA 2010, g. 1; Abb. 3 IVANOV/STOJANOV 1985, g. 48; Abb. 4 RADOSLAVOVA/DZANEV 2003, g. 47; Abb. 5 RADOSLAVOVA 2010, g. 2; Abb. 6 RADOSLAVOVA/DZANEV 2007, g. 1. 103127 Scherrer, P.: Abb. 1 berarbeitet nach SCHERRER/SEDLMAYER 2006; Abb. 2 nach UBL 2008; Abb. 3 nach FISCHER 2002a, Abb. 52; Abb. 4 nach WEBER 2008; Abb. 5 nach SCHERRER 2004a; Abb. 6 nach SCHRETTLE 2008; Abb. 7 erstellt von B. Schrettle; Abb. 8 berarbeitet nach MODRIJAN 1953. 381396 Schilling, L.: Abb. 12 Fotos und Ergnzungen: L. Schilling. 325345 Straub, P.: Abb. 1 J. Bicskei nach der Vorlage von O. Heinrich-Tamska; Abb. 2 Fotos: J. Bicskei (Zala Megyei Mz. Ig.); Abb. 3 Zeichnung: G. Barta (satrs Kft.) und Zs. Czabarka (Csongrd Megyei Mz. Ig.); Taf. 16 Zeichnung und technische Bearbeitung: J. Bicskei und Zs. Czabarka. 129156 Stuppner, A.: Abb. 1 nach FISCHER 2002, 42, Abb. 45; Abb. 2 Ebd., 142, Abb. 211; Abb. 3 und 10C,ac Inst. fr Ur- u. Frhgesch. Univ. Wien, Archiv; Abb. 4 nach FRIESINGER/KRINZINGER 1997, 231, Abb. 84; Abb. 5 nach UBL 1986, 315, Abb. 21; Abb. 6,1 nach KRONBERGER 2005, 324, Taf. 26,612; Abb. 6,2 nach POLLAK 1992, 151, Taf. 10,89100, 157, Taf. 13,136140; Abb. 7 nach GUGL/KASTLER 2007, 493, Abb. 184; Abb. 8 nach DUEK 1992, 77, Abb. 25; Abb. 9 nach CHINELLI 2007, 232, Taf. 1,1a1m; Abb. 10AB Grak: B. List, Czernin Verlag Wien; Abb. 10C,d Grak: S. Schwarz, Bruck/Lafnitz; Abb. 11 nach LIPPERT 1986, Abb. 6 und 13; Abb. 12,1,af, 2,a ,3,a Autor; Abb. 12,1,gh nach POLLAK 1980, Taf. 154,34; Abb. 12,2,b und 12,3,b nach KASTNER/MITSCHA-MRHEIM 1932, Taf. 1,89. 541572 Smegi, P. et al.: Tab. 12, g. 18 P. Smegi, T. Trcsik, G. Jakab, P. Pomzi, P. Majkut, G. D. Pll, G. Persaits, E. Bodor. 4759 Szab, ./Heinrich-Tamska, O.: Abb. 1 nach . Szab (unverff. Grabungsdok.) und dem Fundplatzkataster (SZAB in Vorbereitung) zusammengestellt von O. Heinrich-Tamska und S. Hipp; Abb. 2a, 3ab, 4 Fotos: A. Radnti; Abb. 2b Foto: K. Posztczy; Abb. 3c Zeichnung: A. Radnti (Archiv Ungarisches Nationalmus./Krnye); Abb. 3c, 56 Fotos: . Szab.
509540 Szke, B. M.: Abb. 1 ergnzt nach MLLER 2010, Verbreitungskarte 6; Abb. 2, 6, 11 zusammengestellt von B. M. Szke auf der Grundlage von MLLER 2010; Abb. 3 zusammengestellt und umgezeichnet von B. M. Szke nach TRK 1973 und Ergebnissen eigener Ausgrabungen; Abb. 4, 7, 10 unpubl. Ausgrabung B. M. Szkes; Abb. 5
724
Bildnachweis
zusammengestellt und umgezeichnet von B. M. Szke nach MLLER 2010, TRK 1973 und Ergebnissen eigener Ausgrabungen; Abb. 8 zusammengestellt und umgezeichnet von B. M. Szke nach TRK 1973; Abb. 9 zusammengestellt nach SZKE 1992b; Tab. 15 zusammengestellt von B. M. Szke auf der Grundlage der Angaben von MLLER 2010. 397455 Vida, T.: Abb. 1 umgearbeitet von O. Heinrich-Tamska nach HEINRICH-TAMSKA im Druck, Abb. 4a; Abb. 2,1 Taf. 18,1 dieses Bandes; Abb. 2,23 MILETI 1970, 120158; Taf. IIIII; MILETI 1975, 180 f., Taf. II,12; Taf. II,32, Taf. XIV,12; Abb. 2,4 BOLTA 1981, 52, Taf. 12,4; Abb. 2,5 MLLER 2010, 243, 296, Taf. 49,9; Abb. 3, 5, 811 Zeichnung: Z. Tth und V. Szinyei; Abb. 4,1 WAMSER 2004, 338; 4,23 DUVAL/JEREMI 1984, 144, g. 152,1, 152,2; Abb. 4,4 MILINKOVI 2010, 135, Abb. 163; Tab. 13,3; Abb. 4,5 Taf. 2,6 dieses Bandes; Abb. 6,1 GIAGKAKE 2004, 200 f.; Abb. 6,2 ELBERN 1986, Abb. 17, 13; Abb. 7,1 BULI 1902, 200, tav. XII, 1; Abb. 7,23 CORRIAS/COSENTINO 2002, 303, g. 150151. Taf. 117,2628, Taf. 18,30 Grabzeichnungen: Umzeichnung nach der Publikation BARKCZIS 1968 bzw. der Grabungsdokumentation durch Z. Tth, Fundzeichnungen: Z. Tth, Fotos (Perlen) nach BARKCZI 1968, Taf. 17,3335, Taf. 18,32; Taf. 19 nach STRAUB 1999a, Abb. 24; Taf. 119 Tafelzusammenstellung: Zs. Rti; Tab. 12 Adrien Psztor; Tab. 3 Erszbet Fthi.
Farbtafeln
703720 berschrift: (Grak: Sz. Schunk, Zs. Vasros und O. Heinrich-Tamska); Taf. IIII; VII; XIVXVI O. Heinrich-Tamska, technische Bearbeitung: U. Grimm, S. Hipp, K. Kolozsvri, A. Mezei; Taf. IV nach den Vorlagen von TTH 2000, Abb. 4, und . Szab (unverff. Grabungsdok.) zusammengestellt von O. Heinrich-Tamska und S. Hipp (vgl. den Beitrag von . Szab/O. Heinrich-Tamska); Taf. V U. Wulf-Rheidt (vgl. den Beitrag von G. von Blow); Taf. VI L. Schilling (vgl. den Beitrag von L. Schilling); Taf. VIII Ungarisches Geolog. Inst., Budapest; Taf. IX nach der Vorlage von A Balaton Krnyknek ptsfldtani trkpsorazata (Budapest 1985), Geormorfolgiai trkp (3) erstellt von S. Hipp; Taf. X auf der Grundlage der Datenerhebung von P. Smegi u. a. erstellt von U. Grimm und A. Mezei; XI Fotos: O. Heinrich-Tamska, zusammengestellt von K. Kolozsvri (vgl. den Beitrag von A. Psztor); Taf. XII Fotos: E. Horvth, zusammengestellt von K. Kolozsvri (vgl. den Beitrag von T. Vida); Taf. XIII O. Heinrich-Tamska, technische Bearbeitung: S. Hipp und K. Kolozsvri (vgl. den Beitrag O. Heinrich-Tamska).
berschriften
13 323 Teil I: Tabula Peutingeriana (http://www.hs-augsburg.de/~harsch/Chronologia/Lspost03/ Tabula/tab_pe06.html). Teil II: Ignc Mller, Mappa, Geographica novissima, Regni Hungariae (Wien 1769), Ungarisches Geolog. Inst., Budapest, bearbeitet von K. Kolozsvri. 3D-Rekonstruktion der Innenbefestigung von Keszthely-Fenkpuszta
Beilage
O. Heinrich-Tamska, technische Bearbeitung: U. Grimm und K. Kolozsvri.
AUTORENVERZEICHNIS
Volker Bierbrauer Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften - Kommission zur vergleichenden Archologie rmischer Alpen- und Donaulnder Alfons-Goppel-Str. 11 D-80539 Mnchen Elvira Bodor Magyar llami Fldtani Intzet Stefnia t 14 H-1143 Budapest Lszl Borhy Etvs Lrnd Tudomnyegyetem - Rgszettudomnyi Intzet Mzeum Krt. 4/B H-1088 Budapest Rajko Brato Universa v Ljubljani - Filozofska Fakulteta Akereva 2 SLO-1000 Ljubljana Gian Pietro Brogiolo Universit degli Studi di Padova - Dipartimento di Archeologia Piazza Capitaniato 7 I-35139 Padova Gerda von Blow Rmisch-Germanische Kommission d. DAI Palmengartenstr. 10-12 D-60325 Frankfurt/M. Florin Curta University of Florida - Department of History PO Box 117320 USA-Gainesville, FL 32611 Erzsbet Fthi Magyar Termszettudomnyi Mzeum - Embertani Tr Ludovika tr 2-6 H-1083 Budapest Ferenc Gyulai Szent Istvn Egyetem - Krnyezet- s Tjgazdalkodsi Intzet Pter Kroly t 1 H-2103 Gdll Matthias Hardt Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas (GWZO) Reichsstr. 4-6 D-04109 Leipzig
726
Autorenverzeichnis
Orsolya Heinrich-Tamska Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas (GWZO) Reichsstr. 4-6 D-04109 Leipzig Friderika Horvth Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmia - Rgszeti Intzet ri u. 49 H-1014 Budapest Gusztv Jakab Tessedik Smuel Egyetemi Kzpont Szabadsg t 1-3 H-5540 Szarvas Gbor Kiss Vas Megyei Mzeumok Igazgatsga Kisfaludy Sndor u. 9 H-9700 Szombathely Hansjrg Kster Leibniz Universitt Hannover - Institut fr Geobotanik Nienburger Str. 17 D-30167 Hannover Hans Losert Otto-Friedrich-Universitt Bamberg Zentrum fr Mittelalterstudien - Lehrstuhl fr Archologie des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit Am Kranen 10 D-96045 Bamberg Pter Majkut Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem - Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6 H-6722 Szeged Yuri Alessandro Marano Via Saldini 38 I-20133 Milano Mihailo Milinkovi Univerzitet u Beogradu Filozofski fakultet Cika-Ljubina 18-20 RS-11000 Beograd Miroslava Mirkovi Univerzitet u Beogradu Filozofski fakultet Cika-Ljubina 18-20 RS-11000 Beograd
Autorenverzeichnis
727
Zvezdana Modrijan Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti Znanstvenoraziskovalni center - Intitut za arheologijo Novi trg 2 SLO-1000 Ljubljana Jnos Gbor dor Wosinsky Mr Megyei Mzeum Szent Istvn tr 26 H-7100 Szekszrd Gergely Dvid Pll Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem - Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6 H-6722 Szeged Adrien Psztor Nemzeti Innovcis Hivatal Neumann Jnos u. 1/c H-1117 Budapest Gerg Persaits Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem - Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6 H-6722 Szeged Soja Petkovi Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti - Arheoloki institut Knez Mihailova 35/IV RS-11000 Beograd Pter Pomzi Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem - Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6 H-6722 Szeged Pter Prohszka Jzsef Attila tr 2 H-2500 Esztergom Dieter Quast Rmisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz Ernst-Ludwig-Platz 2 D-55116 Mainz Galena Radoslavova Historisches Museum Razgrad Apr. Vystanie 70 BG-7200 Razgrad Peter Scherrer Karl-Franzens-Universitt Graz - Institut fr Archologie Universittsplatz 3/II A-8010 Graz
728
Autorenverzeichnis
Lszl Schilling Magyar Nemzeti Mzeum - Nemzeti rksgvdelmi Kzpont Darczi utca 3 H-1113 Budapest Bernhard Schrettle Karl-Franzens-Universitt Graz - Institut fr Archologie Universittsplatz 3/II A-8010 Graz Mike Schweissing Staatssammlung fr Anthropologie und Paloanatomie Karolinenplatz 2a D-80333 Mnchen Pter Straub Zala Megyei Mzeumok Igazgatsga Batthyny u. 2 H-8900 Zalaegerszeg Alois Stuppner Universitt Wien - Institut fr Ur- und Frhgeschichte Franz-Klein-Gasse 1 A-1190 Wien Pl Smegi Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem - Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6 H-6722 Szeged dm Szab Magyar Nemzeti Mzeum Mzeum krt. 14-16 H-Budapest 1088 Bla Mikls Szke Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmia - Rgszeti Intzet ri u. 49 H-1014 Budapest Tnde Trcsik Szegedi Tudomnyegyetem - Fldtani s slnytani Tanszk Egyetem u. 2-6 H-6722 Szeged Tivadar Vida Magyar Tudomnyos Akadmia - Rgszeti Intzet ri u. 49 H-1014 Budapest

Brogiolo Noricum Moesia

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KESZTHELY-FENKPUSZTA IM KONTEXT SPTANTIKER KONTINUITTSFORSCHUNG ZWISCHEN NORICUM UND MOESIA

CASTELLUM PANNONICUM PELSONENSE

Budapest Leipzig Keszthely Rahden/Westf. 2011

KESZTHELY-FENKPUSZTA IM KONTEXT SPTANTIKER KONTINUITTSFORSCHUNG ZWISCHEN NORICUM UND MOESIA

728 Seiten, 253 Schwarz-Weiss-Abbildungen, 16 Farbabbildungen, 37 Tabellen, 25 Tafeln, 1 Farbbeilage

TEIL I: SPTANTIKE KONTINUITT UND DISKONTINUITT

NORICUM, DALMATIA, VENETIA ET HISTRIA

157 173 195

TEIL II: KESZTHELY-FENKPUSZTA UND SEINE BEZIEHUNGEN

UMWELT- UND SIEDLUNGSFORSCHUNG

703 721 725

FARBTAFEL BILDNACHWEIS AUTORENVERZEICHNIS

IDEAL-TYPES IN THE IMAGINATION OF

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

SARADI 2006 119144.

MARANO 2007. PIGHI 1960; HYDE 1966.

THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE CLASSICAL CITY

Mosaic of Madaba representing the city of Jerusalem.

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

Iconographia Rateriana depicting the city of Verona.

NOY 2006. SARADI 2006; LAVAN 2007.

CAVALIERI MANASSE 2008. BROGIOLO 1993. BROGIOLO 1993.

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

Verona, Detail of the wall from the age of Theoderic.

BROGIOLO 2009, 223. BROGIOLO 1993.

Capitolium of Verona: despoliation trenches.

THE NEW EARLY MEDIAEVAL TOWNS

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

SAGU 2002. BROGIOLO 2006a.

Cortile del Tribunale in Verona: remains of early mediaeval buildings.

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

BROGIOLO 1999. BERTHAULT 1999. BONIFAY/BERNAL CASASOLA 2008.

MCCORMICK 2001. VIGIL ESCALERA 2006. HUDSON 2008.

HUDSON 2008. HUDSON 2008.

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

LUSUARDI SIENA et al. 1989. HUDSON 1988. CAGNANA 2008.

goda. Zona Arqu. 9 (Alcal de Henares 2008) 323326.

ty and the Early Middle Ages (Leiden, Boston, Kln 1999).

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

Gian Pietro Brogiolo

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