Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Glimpses of Zou EthnoHistory
David Vumlallian Zou, MA; M.Phil (Hist.)*
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
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observer that the Zous ‘are supposed to have been Chien [Chin]’, the context
suggests that Sangermano was referring to the same group of people later known as
Chin-Kuki-Lushais, of whom the Zou tribe is a historical component today. Of late,
many scholars collectively refer to the Chin-Kuki-Lushai group simply as ‘Zo’4 people;
this generic term is justified largely on historical, anthropological and linguistic
affinities of the ethnic group.
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
3
But it is beyond the scope of this present study to go into detailed comparative
cultural studies though it may be interesting. Suffice to note here that the term ‘Zou’
is officially accepted to refer to the Zou tribe in Manipur since 1956, and this tribe
itself is a constituent of the larger Zo ethnic group collectively used for referring the
Zomi, the Kuki, Chin, and Mizo.
800
700
600
500
No. of households
400
Tax assessment (Rs)
300
200
100
0
te
u
o
te
u
)
ga
ha
ad
ng
Zo
ui
k
un
Su
G
Th
za
m
-G
Ka
ih
(S
te
k
n
Su
yi
Si
households
assessment
No. of
No. of villages
(Rs)
Tax
Name of tribe
S/No.
Siyin(Sihzang
1 ) 4 362 409
2 Sukte 9 492 440
3 Sukte-Gungal 10 714 639
4 Zou 19 630 550
5 Thado 21 570 495
6 Guite 13 606 530
7 Kamhau 25 470 401
Total 76 3374 3063
Table showing statistical information of Northern Chin Hills in 1892-
94
[Source: NAI, Foreign Dept. Sept 1893, Nos.
80 –88]
The above tables indicates that the Zou tribe enjoyed a relatively strong position in
terms of numerical size and other resources vis-à-vis other kin Chin-Kuki tribes at the
end of the nineteenth century. The tribe had the second largest number of villages,
next only to the Thado tribe. Likewise, it had the second biggest number of
households, next to Sukte-Ngungal. In terms of the assessment of the tax-paying
capacity, the Zou ranked second again, preceded by Sukte-Ngungal.
Of the nineteen Zou villages surveyed by the political officer of the Chin Hills,
sixteen were ceded to Manipur in 1894, and only three were retained under the
control of Chin Hills administration which partially explains the demographic
marginalization of the Zous on both sides of the Manipur and Burma frontier. ‘And
although many of these villages were awarded to Manipur’ wrote Carey and Tuck, ‘by
the Chin-Manipur Boundary Commission in 1894, it appeared advisable not to lose the
information gained’20.
The discourse of awarding Zou villages to Manipur like a trophy is
understandable only in the context of nineteenth century imperialism. Here an
academician may be cautioned against the fallacy of being trapped into the politically
charged discourse of the day that tends to view the Chin-Kukis (the Zous being no
exception) from the prism of migration in or out of Manipur or Burma, depending on
the political position one may take. The hill tracts occupied and contended by the
Zous and the Kamhau-Suktes was historically a neural zone, what might
approximately be called ‘no man’s land’. According to the boundary laid down by
Captain Pemberton, contained in the Treaty of 1834, the people of this neutral zone
were described as partly in ‘Manipur and in part in Burma or independent territory’21.
In the context of the Somra Tract, Sir Robert Reid once referred to this spatial zone as
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
6
‘[t]he only doubtful point … a small area, hatched on the map, and in subsequent
proceedings known as the “cross hatched area”, as regards which there was no doubt
as to whether it should go to Assam or to Manipur State’22. In fact Assam was reported
earlier to have claimed some Zou-inhabited areas in 189323. On the whole, the
colonial authorities are anxious to ‘award’ both the Zou and Sukte tribes to
responsible and pliable centres of administrative control. In November 1872, Colonel
Mowbray Thomson, the officiating Political Agent, come to a decision that this ‘cross-
hatched area’ should go to Burma, and that ‘Manipur has no right to make war in that
direction, but that if threatened or injured by the Sooties [Kamhau-Sukte], they should
refer their grievances to the Burmese Government through the Government of
India’24. But Alexander Mackenzie totally disagreed with Colonel Thomson’s report and
recommendation, stating:
“So far as our records show, the Burmese Government do not appear to
ever have exercised any control over the Sooties to the south of the Manipur
boundary line. The whole tribe seems to be practically independent, and not to
have been affected at all by the Treaty of 1834. Though a line was drawn
westward from the source of the Numsaulung to the Kathe Khyoung, there is no
mention in the treaty of the territory south of this line having been made over
to Burma”25.
The truth is Captain Pemberton had not, however, visited this part of the country, for
in the same letter he said ‘he had not been able to go so far south’26. In 1856, Colonel
McCulloch said that the south-eastern portion of Manipur had never been ‘explored,
and that the Manipur authorities had never tried to bring the tribes inhabiting it into
subjection’27. Manipur, in fact, made a number of abortive attempts to subjugate the
whole cross-hatched area and its inhabitants, chiefly the Kamhau-Suktes, the Thados
and the Zous – collectively and incorrectly called Khongjai by the Meiteis. In the
Administrative Report for 1873 – 74, Dr. Brown mentioned that, in the event of any
real or imagined raid by the Kamhau-Suktes, ‘the Burmese invariably make the
matter one of complaint against the Manipur State, assuming that State to be
responsible for their good behaviour’. But knowing the case better than the Burmese,
Dr. Brown made his own middle-path prescription that ‘for all practical purposes this
tribe should be considered as independent, and liable to punishment from either
power it raids upon’28. Writing later in 886, E.W. Dun saw little prospect of subjugating
the Kamhau-Suktes with the imposition of colonial ‘law and order’. Dun helplessly
looked the independence displayed the inhabitants of this cross-hatched border,
where the influence of neither Burma nor Manipur can be felt, stating:
All attempts to subdue them [Kamhaus] whether made by Manipur or Burma,
have hitherto been unsuccessful … Unless Manipur and Burma will combine to
subdue them, which, in the present state of their relations, seems highly
improbable, there appears very little chance of their altering their ways, but
rather they will continue, as now, every year to grow more fearless and more
aggressive’29.
So what often is called migrations would appear to be shifting of village sites by
these groups in an attempt to cope with ecological constraints like scarcity of suitable
jhum land, water supply, etc. Unfortunately such movements have been politically
interpreted in some quarters to label the Chin-Kukis as immigrants or intruders into
some sacrosanct areas. It would be more helpful and historically sound to see the
inclusion or exclusion of the Zou population into either Manipur or Burma within the
context of colonial Boundary Survey practices and its arbitrary lines of demarcations
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
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and practices of ‘awarding’ land and even people to its colonial collaborators. Not
only the Zous and Kamhau-Suktes, but other tribes like the Nagas, Chins, Lushais, and
Kukis were also equally victims in varying degrees to such colonial policies and
practices. Narrow and myopic interpretation of the past has done a lot of irreparable
harm in Northeast India, and more democratic values of peaceful co-existence have
often been thrown to the winds in this region.
Siyin(Sihzang
)
Sukte
Sukte-Gungal
Zou
Thado
Guite
Kamhau
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
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The Zou tribe joined the so-called ‘Kuki Rising’44 in Manipur against the British
from 1917 to 1919. Hiangtam and Gotengkot Forts were two main centres of
resistance among the Zous. Pu Doungul Taithul was the chief of Gotengkot, which was
a fairly big and fortified Zou village45. Captain Steadman was the man responsible for
suppressing Gotengkot with considerable casualties on both sides.
The Zou tribe was a non-Thado tribe to have participated in this abortive, yet
bold attempt to oust the white imperialist from Manipur, even as a local folk song
composed on the occasion of the revolt runs in the Zou dialect as follows;
Tuizum Mangkang kiil bang hing khang
Zota kual zil bang liing e
Pianna ka gamlei hi e! phal sing e!
Ka naamtem hiam a, i Zogamlei laal kanaw
Sansii’n zeel e!
Ngalliam vontawi ka laulou lai e 46.
Free translation:
The seafaring White Imperialist coils like the ‘kill’ plant,
Tremors of earthquake do quiver the Zo world,
’Tis the land of my birth: I shall not part with it!
Stain’d with blood is my Sword
That has routed the adversaries of Zoland,
I shall yet fight with the wild Boar, injured.
This folk song of the Zou, reflecting the collective mind of the natives, indicated that
the anti-imperial fervour was very high in 1918; and interestingly the Britishers were
compared by the native mind with the wild Boar, or with a native wild creeper-plant
called ‘kill’.
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
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“The famine referred to several times in this report has been the outstanding
event of 1912. It will go down to posterity as the first famine experienced by the
Lushais under British Rule. Whatever feelings of resentment may have lingered in
the hearts of some of these hill people against those who have occupied their
country … this famine must surely have dispelled it, for there are hundreds who
would have starved to death this year but for the kindly help rendered by
Government in bringing up many thousands of maunds of rice to supply their
need … To the east of us, in the Chin Hills, the Burma Government organized a
great battle and destroyed scores of thousands [rats]. But man was powerless
against such visitation, and nothing that was done seemed to make the slightest
impression on the great army of invaders which overran the land, and, in spite of
everything, from the Chittagong Hill Tracts, right across the Lushai hills, and away
into the chin hills in Burma, the crops were destroyed wholesale”48.
During the post-Independence period, the Zous found themselves getting more
and more tied up with the larger process of modernisation in Manipur. Since World
War II, Zenhang’s new village at Hiangtam Lamka – literally meaning ‘cross-road of
Hiangtam’ – in Southern Manipur was been rapidly expanding as an urban centre.
Hiangtam was one of the important forts of the Zous during their resistance against
the British Government from 1017 – 19. So Hiangtam Lamka gradually swallowed up
even the village of Suangpi located on its western direction. It was later officially
renamed Churachandpur (after the name of a Meitei prince, Churachand) and it
became the second biggest town in the state, next only to the capital city of Imphal.
There are a number of Zou villages in and around the town of Churachandpur. At
present, Zomi Colony, Zovneg, New Zoveng, Hiangzou, Kamdo Veng (Tuibuong), and
Simveng are the major Zou villages or settlements within Churachandpur. The Zou
urban population shows an increasing trend; and by 1981, it stood at 20.7% of its
total population49. Figures for Paite tribe, the single largest constituent of the town,
stood at 33.7% for the same period. The educated section of the population often
managed to find alternative avenues of occupation in the service sector under the
state or central government, odd jobs in Christian mission work, NGO, private schools,
etc. With rising educated unemployment problem, absorption in state Government
has already reached a saturation point. However, the bulk of Zou population lives in
rural areas practising either jhum (shifting cultivation) or paddy cultivation, or both in
many cases.
The Kuki-Zomi (1997 – 98) ethnic clash in Churachandpur gave a severe blow to
the economic development of the whole of Manipur’s southern district. The Zous
were also hard hit by this event. Some of the direct economic consequences of the
ethnic clash are migration of rural population into urban areas (especially to
Churachandpur itself), collapse of Government-sponsored development activities,
informalisation of the economy, and new forms of tax imposition by militant
organisation, and atmosphere of insecurity that kills the spirit of economic enterprise
for fear of extortion, etc.
Since the informal sector of the local political economy often goes completely
unnoticed, I would like to focuss attention on a few cases of informal economic
institutions evolved within the framework of the church. This study will take up the
informal institutions of antangham (Handful of Rice Collection) and Khutsiam Silbawl
(Arts and Handicrafts) in the context of the Zou society.
Antangham: This is a self-help initiative by which a handful of rice would be set
aside by each housewife before she starts cooking for the family. The savings of rice
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
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would be collected every week from each family by young ladies to be pooled
together and sold at the Sunday morning worship. This collection of rice would be
purchased in cash or on credit by a church member identified on the list prepared
usually on a rotation basis by the rice collectors. The economically weaker families
are often given certain extra benefits. The revenue generated from the antangham is
managed by the local Women’s Wing, which, in turn submits a substantial amount of
the money to the women’s Headquarters at Zomi Colony, Churachandpur. The
Manipur Women Christian Association (MWCA) of the Presbyterians, and the Zomi
Women Christian association (ZWCA) of the Lutherans are the two most important
Christian women organisations among the Zous. MWCA was established in 1960 at
Mata Lambulane with Ms Nuamzavung of Tuaitengphai as foundersecretary; ZWCA
was also historically part of MWCA till 1976 when the former became practically an
independent body.
The money annually collected and pooled together at the Headquarters (that is
Zomi Colony for both MWCA and ZWCA) would often amount to substantial figures.
According to the amount of money collected, plans for spending were discussed and
made. Some of the money go back to the villages in the form of assistance for Church
building construction and other aids, but maximum share would be spent in procuring
durable assets and capital asset like land at the headquarters. Moreover, there are
paid women workers on full-time basis to be supported financially. Below is a record of
telling some of the ways in which anntangham money has been spent and utilized by
ZWCA for a period covering over twenty years –1976 to 199750:
1. Human Resource-related Expenses
1976: Employed a full-time women evangelist, Numei Sawltah.
1988: Employed a woman full-time worker as ‘Woman Promoter’, and purchased a
Printing Press.
1995: Sponsored two ZWCA ladies to participate at NEICORD workshop held at
Shillong in Meghalaya.
2. Durable Assets
1983: Made an Wooden Almirah for official use.
1992: Purchased a Type writer (Remington Company) at the cost of Rs. 10,492/-
3. Construction &Land Purchase
1984: Contributed Rs. 12, 500/- for purchasing land at Zomi Colony to build Church
Headquarters.
1987: Contributed Rs. 10,000/- for building construction of Office Headquarters.
1991: Constructed a staff-quarter with the Headquarters premises at the cost of Rs.
30,736/- ; also acquired another building for staff quarters at the cost of Rs. 30,000/-
1993: Contributed Rs. 30,000/- towards the construction of a Chapel at the
Headquarters.
1996: Contributed Rs. 66,505/- towards construction of the first floor of Headquarters
Office ; also purchased a Steel Almirah worth Rs. 3,600/-
4. Spendings outside Headquarters
1990: Contributed Rs. 630/- for the construction of a chapel at Suangphu village.
1997: Contributed Rs. 8,000/- towards the purchase of a Generator meant for the
Youth Department; and contributed Rs. 1,700/- for the construction of Pastor quarters
at Tuining village.
1993: Rs. 1000/- towards construction of chapel in Moreh town.
5. Publications and Literature
1992: Purchased books on Tonic Solfa worth Rs. 1,000/-
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
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1992: Published a book in Zou language, Gospel Galhangt (Gospel Heroes),
authored by Pastor Dongzathong.
Likewise, the Zou women within the Presbyterian denomination were organised
under the banner of MWCA, and this wing too has similarly contributed to economic
activities related to building construction and land purchase. At Zomi Colony, this
organisation has purchased land and constructed staff quarters, and the MWCA House
itself, which became the centre of other wings of the church where now a fine Zou
Presbyterian Secretariat stands. A Zou women leader of ZWCA called Ruth
Dimkhochin comments on the practice of antangham in a very casual way: ‘Though
most Zou women are housewives with no cash income, we can contribute to the
family earning in subtle frugal ways. We save money spent on food by running a
kitchen garden; and we save the fees meant for private tuitions of children by
teaching our kids at home. Though not an income-earner like man, the Zou woman
seems to be very creative in managing financial matters … The practice of
antangham, started by a Khasi woman, has been transformed by us into an
instrument for generating impressive income for the benefit of the whole church’51.
Antangham was originally said to be practised by the Garo52 Christians and then
diffused to the Khasi hills. This was introduced by the Welsh missionary D.E.Jones in
Mizoram from where it was imported into Manipur. Due to the cultural and linguistic
affinities of the Mizos and the Zo/Zomi tribes of Manipur, it is not unusual to find such
instances of cultural traffic between these two geographically contiguous regions. In
case of Mizoram, it was reported that the ‘Bible numei’ (Bible women) were
instrumental in popularizing the antangham practice in its initial days; and they
collected money was used to support eight Mizo girls undergoing nursing training at
the Civil Hospital53.
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
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While Downs’ own CHAI volume leads the way, there are a number of interesting
works written from a ‘socio-cultural perspective’57. Here special mention made be
made of O.L. Snaitang’s Christianity and Social Change in northeast India (Vendrame
Institute, Shillong,, 1992), Mangkhosat Kipgen, Christianity and Mizo Culture: The
encounter between Christianity and Zo culture in Mizoram (Mizo Theological
Conference, Aizawl, 199 ), Khup Za Go, A Critical Historical Study of Bible Translation
among the Zo tribes of Northeast India (1996), Sangkima, etc.
However, even the ‘socio-cultural perspective’ itself has practically failed to
appreciate substantial sections of local Christians in Northeast India who had little
contact with foreign missions, but still experienced mass conversion into Christianity
as a result of a powerful ‘local church movement’ initiated mainly by the tribal literati
within their communities. This local church movements were often conditioned, but
not created, by interaction and competition with neighbouring tribal communities who
had converted to Christianity themselves. In this case, neither the ‘sending’
perspective of foreign missions, nor the ‘coming’ perspective of socio-cultural
approach has enough room to accommodate independent local church movements;
what is required is a kind of ‘going’ perspective in which a group set on an unknown
journey to search and explore new religious experience of their own initiative with
hints taken form neighbours. This is both a spiritual and social process informed to a
large measure by a reformist spirit, without wholly losing traditional roots. It was
partly due to their conservatism that such Christian communities, despite their desire
and experience of mass conversion,, still felt reluctant to be identified with
mainstream churches like the Roman Catholic, Baptist, Presbyterianism and
Lutheranism. There are substantial cases of such missionary movement all over
Northeast India outside the fold of foreign missions. In Manipur, such local church
movements have been identified among the Zeliangrong Nagas, the Zous, and the
Simte tribes. Ramkhum Pamei, in fact, has done a work on this line among the
Zeliangrong Nagas58. But no study has been done in the case of the other two tribes.
At present, we shall take up the specific expression of the local church movement
among the Zou people in Manipur.
The mass conversion of the Zou to Christianity in the mid-1950s cannot simply
to explained in terms of simple binary oppositions of “civilised” Christianity emerging
victorious over “barbaric” Zou Lawiki-paganism, or Western religious light overcoming
the darkness of the Lawki soul. In fact, the Zous did not came in contact with any
Western Christian missions which operated at Aizawl and Kangpokpi centres.
Surrounded by a sea of new Christian tribes like the Lushais, Paites, Thadous, Hmars,
etc. on all sides, the Zou tribe looked like a fixed island of native culture amidst
sweeping social changes. It was mainly as a response to the new challenges of the
times that the Zou Christian pioneers strategically charted a new course of action to
form the first Christian organisation in 1954. Equipped with nothing but an
evangelical zeal and an ecumenical vision to unite all the Zous, the first Christians
converts laboured ceaselessly to redeem and mould all their Lawki brethren into a
united Zou church where the doctrinal divisions of Western Christian would be simply
irrelevant. This was true at least till 1976 when a new generation of leadership
consisting of the first Zou theological graduates lost the earlier ecumenical vision of
undivided Zou Christianity while retaining only the evangelical zeal. By importing the
ancient debate on Scriptural cannons into the Zou context, this became the setting
was enacting the unfortunate drama of MGP-ZCC division later in 1976.
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
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Thus, the first organised Christian community for the Zou tribe was the Jou
Christian Association (JCA) which was established at Daizang village on 20 February
1954. There was initially some confusion as to the exact date of this historic
conference due to marginal differences in the observance of the JCA day for Jubilee
celebrations59. The chronology of this basic event has been settled once for all with
the discovery of the old JCA Minute Book which is now preserved in the custody of
Evangelical Lutheran Christian Church Office, Zomi Colony, Churachandpur60. It was
Pu Kamzakhup who was instrumental in organising the JCA conference of 1954 at
Daizang village where he was also the first Secretary of the nascent church. But the
real pillars of the JCA in its initial days were the three educated figures of Pu
Thonghang, Pu Semkhopau, and Pu Kaizakham. The three were still students at
Imphal at that point of time, and they were entrusted with the task of drafting a
‘Constitution’ for JCA, which was finally adopted at the Daizang assembly61.
However, there seemed to be a lot of spade work before the JCA assembly can
be called on 20 February 1954. A preliminary meeting was held at Tuaitengphai
village on the occasion of ‘Haitha’ (first fruit) festival in which the villages of Daizang,
Bohlui and Khianglam were also scheduled to participate; but the last two did not
turned up. Pu Kamzakhup was a resident of Daizang village since 1951, having
migrated from a place called Mawngawn, and it was his presence in Daizang that
made it a hub of Christian activities in the 1950s. Though a peasant by occupation,
Kamzakhup appears to be a born reformer, and he was consumed with a zeal to
initiate a local church movement among his tribesmen, the Zous. In 1951, when he
moved into Daizang, there were reportedly only four Christian villages out of the total
sixty-six Zou villages62. This was taken as a burden and as a challenge by this lay
man. He would share his vision with his confident one called Thawngzakhup, with
whom he managed to bring the village elders for a group discussion at Tuaitengphai
in 1952; but nothing concrete came out of the meeting. Undaunted Pu Kamzakhup
would continued his discussions on the need to start a local church movement with
his friend Thawngzakhup even while working in the paddy field. The first important
outcome of all these untiring discussion and persuasion was the partially successful
joint meeting between Daizang and Tuaitengphai in 1953. This was the prelude to the
historic JCA meeting at Daizang on 20 February 1954. It may also be noted that the
social environment of his days in Mawngawn had contributed significantly in the
making of this Zou social reformer.
Pu Kamzakhup had participated as a member of the Christian association of a
neighbouring smaller tribe called the Simte. In fact, it was his initial vision to merge
both the Simte and Zou tribes into a single Christian community, and possibly into a
single constitutional tribe as early as 195063. Considering the fact that both the tribes
share very close dialectal and cultural affinities, it was a viable and highly desirable
option then as it is now. However, this unfortunately never happened due to the
narrow tribalism of certain community leaders, and subsequently Simte and Zou got
separate tribe recognition from the Government in 1956.
Concluding Remarks
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
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This concise ethno-history of the Zou attempted to provide an account of how the
evolution of this community reflects elements of continuity and change. While
preserving the historical name of the whole Chin-Kuki-Lushai (Zo) nomenclature
various recorded as Yo, Yaw, or Jo, the Zou community had always adapted with new
challenges from outside. Like other Zo kin groups, the Zou community had resisted
assimilation by the Burmese culture in the Chin Hills, but later decided of their own to
appropriate and adopt the new Western religion – Christianity in the mid-1950s by
abandoning their traditional religious practice best known as Lawki religion. This is a
painful but wise strategy of adaptation which opened up the new Judeo-Christian
world-view which was translated into local categories by utilising Zou traditional
linguistic and cultural resources.
The separation of evangelical mission and the ecumenical vision has always
resulted in unfortunate lines of divisive action among the Zou Christians as it
happened in 1976 and 2003. Western Christianity and its civilisation has no uniform
characteristics, so the Zous need to be critical in appropriating the “doctrines” of
Western Christianity into the Zou cultural context. Needless to say that the Zous
requires to be firmly rooted in the finest elements of their traditional culture while re-
discovering the ecumenical vision of JCA pioneers without losing their evangelical zeal
to re-create the life of people in divine image. But unbridled evangelicalism’s desire to
change and transform individual lives soon becomes short-sighted without the over-all
ecumenical vision of Christian unity and social stability. To divorce evangelical mission
from ecumenical mandate both in theory and practice is always lamentable in its final
outcome. Evangelicalism is driven by “change” – the zeal to change individual lives;
and ecumenism is inspired by “continuity” – the continuing unity of Christianity
collectively amidst changes over time. Both in the religious and secular spheres, the
balance between these two supplementary forces of society need to be carefully
maintained. Critical history-writing is concerned with change as much as continuity
over time in the collective memory.
Glimpses of Zou Ethnohistory ©The Zou Critical and Creative Workshop 2004
Notes and References:
1
Brauel, F. History and Sociology. In On History. Chicago: university of Chicago Press, 1980, p.27
2
Padre Vincentius Sangermano was ‘one of the earliest of that type of Christian missionaries who, in order
to influence people, set themselves to study their language, literature and institutions. He became fluent
in both spoken and written Burmese. But Sangermano rendered his accounts in Latin, which was
translated and published into English by Dr. W. Tandy in 1833, with the support of the Roman Sub-
committee of the Oriental Translation Fund. See Sangermano, Father, A Description of the Burmese Empire:
Compiled chiefly from Burmese Documents, Tr. William Tandy (Susil Gupta, London, 966; first published,
1833) p. 43.
3
ibid.
4
See Go, Khup Za, A critical Historical Study of Bible Translations among the Zo people in Northeast India
(Chin Baptist Literature Board, Churachandpur, Manipur, 1996) ; Kipgen, Mangkhosat, Christianity and
Mizo Culture: The encounter between Christianity and Zo culture in Mizoram (Mizo Theological conference,
Aizawl, 1997) ; Khai, Sing Khaw, Zo People and their Culture; A historical, cultural study and critical analysis
of Zo and its ethnic tribes (Published by Khampu Hatzaw, Churachandpur, Manipur, 1995), and Vumson,
Zo History: With an introduction of Zou culture, economy, religion and their status as an ethnic minority in
India, Burma and Bangladesh. (Aizawl, n.d.)/ .
5
JCA Minite Book: Proceedings and Resolutions of the Jou Christian Association at Daizang villae, 20
February 1954; preserved in ELCC Office Collections, Zomi Colony, Churachandpur,
6
The Zou community living in Myanmar formed a Christian association of their qwn called Zo Baptist
Association (ZBC) as distinct from Zomi Baptist Convention (ZBC) mainly constituted by the Tedim Chins.
7
Khai, Sing Khaw, Zo people and their Culture: A historical, cultural study and critical analysis of Zo and its
ethnic tribes (Churachandpur, 1995), p.22.
8
Lebar, Frank M; Hickey, Gerald C; and Musgrave, John K, Ethnic Groups of mainland Southeast Asia
(Human Relations Area Files Press, New Haven, USA, 1964), p. 82.
9
Ibid.
10
ANSAA to give Alishan new development momentum, 27 march 2003, by David Hsu, The China Post.
[on-line] The Zou people also celebrate the annual millet harvest ceremony around July, an event which
brings their people, spread out in other areas, back home to the distinctive thatched grass roofs, which act
as a barrier against the sometimes harsh weather of the mountain and are a special attraction in
themselves, as are the special pavilions in the area. The men of the Zou tribe traditionally used special
shelters call "Kuba" to gather in, relax and hold discussions.
11
Tedim Thu Kizakna Lai (hereafter Thu Kizakna), July 1937, p.4. This was a church journal edited by the
Baptist missionary J.H. Cope in Tedim since 1919. photo copies of the journal were procured by Lam Khan
Piang ( a research scholar) from Gin Za Tuang Private Collections, Lawibual Veeng, Tedim, Myanmar,
during his field trip in 2003. I received copies of the same from the latter.
12
Thu Kizakna, October 1937, p.3.
13
ibid.
14
ibid.
15
Mackenzie, Alexander, The Northeast Frontier of India (Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2003; first
published 1884) p.163.
16
National Archives of India, New Delhi (hereafter NAI), Foreign Department, Extl. A, October 1893, Nos.
33 – 34, dated Camp Falam, 28 September 1892.
17
Ibid.
18
NAI, Foreign Department, Extl. A, September 1893, Nos. 80 – 88.
19
Ibid.
20
Carey, Bertram S. and Tuck, H.N., The Chin Hills: A History of the people, our dealings with them, their
customs and manners, and a Gazetteer of their country (Delhi, Cultural Publishing House, 1983; first
published, 1896) p.140.
21
Mackenzie, Northeast Frontier p.172.
22
Reid, Sir Robert, History of the Frontier areas bordering on Assam from 1883 – 1941 (Spectrum
Publications, Guwahati and Delhi, 1997; first pub. 1942), pp. 93-94.
23
NAI, Foreign Dept., Extl. ‘A’ 1893, Nos. 80 – 88. The relevant report stated that the Yoe [Zou] tribe
inhabited ‘a tract lying between 60 and 90 miles north and north-west of Fort White’. It added that ‘[n]o
tribute could be demanded during the year as the administration of the tract by Burma is disputed by
Assam and the Boundary Commission which should have met during the open season to deliminate the
boundary between Chinland and Manipur was postponed owing to the expedition in the Siyin-Sokte tract’.
(p. xxxi).
24
Mackenzie, Northeast Frontier , p.172.
25
Mackenzie, Northeast Frontier , p.173.
26
Mackenzie, Northeast Frontier , pp.174-75.
27
Mackenzie, Northeast Frontier , p.175.
28
Mackenzie, Northeast Frontier , p.174.
29
Dun, Captain E.W., Gazetteer of Manipur (Manas Publications, Delhi, 1992; first pub. 1886), p. 34.
30
Carey and Tuck, Vol. II, pp. cxx – cxxvi.
31
Carey and Tuck, Vol II, pp.cxxiii.
32
NAI, Foreign Department, September 1983, No. 80 - 88, p.xxix.
33
Kaizakham, P., Phiamphu Khang Thu Suut Na (Genealogy of the Phiamphu Clan), Churachandpur,
Manipur, 2000, pp.25 – 29.
34
Ibid.
35
It may be noted that tribes like Simte and Paite found in Manipur are of recent formation through the
process of state recognition by the Constitution Amendment Act (SC/ST List Modification Order , 1956).
In comparison with Zou, Thado, Guite, Kamhau, Sukte or Siyin of the older or historical tribes dating back
to the periods of settlements in Chin Hills, the new order of tribes like Simte and Paite are instances of new
official ‘tribe-identity formation’. This explains the immense zeal of the latter in asserting their community
identity often effusively. But tribe consciousness is relatively weak among the historical tribes – Zou,
Thado, Guite, Sukte and Siyin. In fact, older categories like Guite, Sukte and Siyin have already become
obsolete as tribe-identity with the emergence of Paite tribe. Likewise, the historical Thado identity is
overshadowed by a generic Kuki identity, and the Zou tribe is engulfed in another generic nomenclature
Zomi till recently. Of late, it appears even the older tribes are no longer immune to acute tribe-
consciousness reflected by the new tribes.
36
Carey and Tuck, Vol. I, p.140.
37
Guite, Douzathang, Zogam Thuchin Mualsang (Guwahati, 2003), pp. 218 –219.
38
Ibid., p.221.
39
E.O.Fowler, letter to Howchinkhup, General Department, No. 3432/7M-11, office of the Commissioner,
North West Border Division, 25 march 1924, in Acts and Achievements of Hau Chin Khup, KMS, Chief of the
Kamhau clan, Chin Hills, Tiddim (Ratnadipan Pitika Press, Mandalay, 1927) p. 17.
40
Kapchinlam, P., Tanglai Zomi Pasal Hatte, Part I (Ancient Heros of Zomi), Churachandpur, 1994, pp.21-
26.
41
Raja Chandrakirti Singh was formally installed as king in 1834/1844 and 1850/1886, born 1831,
married (amongst others), Rani Chongtham Chanu Kooseswari Devi . He died 1886.
42
Kapchinlam, Tanglai Zomi ,p.24.
43
Ibid.
44
S. Haokip argues that what has been called ‘Kuki uprising’ may better be termed ‘Kuki rising’ since the
latter is a ‘political terminology symbolizing the national status of the Kuki’. See, British Library , London,
Political Department, No. 8856 P, 27 September 1920, Burma and Assam Frontier L/PS/10/724.
45
Haokip, P.S., Zale’n-Gam: The Kuki Nation (KNO Publication, 1998) p.100.
46
Unpublished compilation of Zou folk songs by the Zomi Saangnaupang Pawlpi, Delhi Branch (Undated
mimeograph).
47
Kipgen, 1996, p.76.
48
Annual Reports of the Baptist Missionary Society in South Lushai Hills, Assam, 1912. The BMS reports
from 1901 –1038 have been collected by the Mizoram Gospel Centenary Committee, Baptist Church of
Mizoram, 1993, Serkawn.
49
Computed on the basis of figures for rural and urban demography for all Scheduled Tribes in
Churachandpur district provided in Census of India 1981.
50
40th Anniversary of Zomi Women Christian Association Souvenir,2000; pp. 8 - 9.
51
Dimkhochin, Ruth, ‘Sum leh Paai a Numeite Mawpuohna’ in Lentang Women Christian Association
(MWCA) 25th Souvenir 1976 – 2000; pp.16 – 17.
52
.Meirion Lloyd, History of the Church in Mizoram: Harvest in the Hills, Aizawl, Synod Publication, 1991,
p.146.
53
Lloyd, pp. 186, 342
54
Downs, Frederick S., Essays on Christianity in Northeast India (Indus Publishing Company, New Delhi,
1994), pp. 17 – 18.
55
This volume is well-written and reflects the initial objectives of CHAI even better than the many of the
earlier volumes which appeared to be higher in its Editorial Board’s priority. See Frederick S. Downs,
history of Christianity in India: Northeast India in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Volume V, part 5,
Bangalore, 1992.
56
Quoted in Downs, 1994, p.17.
57
Downs, 1994, p.18.
58
Pamei, Ramkhum, The Zeliangrong Nagas: A study of tribal Christianity, New Delhi, Uppal Publication
House, 1996.
59
In a paper entitled “The Idea of Church Archives and Literature Ministry” – submitted to JCA Golden
Jubilee souvenir magazine – I have referred to the needless storm of confusion that raged around the
historic date of Jou Christian Association (JCA)’s first formal meeting at Daizang village. There is, however,
no controversy about the locale of the conference; but the date and the year? Those were the problems.
Revd Kamkhosoi (who dealt with this knotty problem earlier) had written in a conclusive air for his M.Th
thesis that there are three traditions regarding the formation of JCA;as –
(a)22 January 1952, based on oral testimony of T. Dongzagin, one of the JCA founding members, (b) 10
February 1953, based on the ZCA Silver Jubilee souvenir of 1978, and (c) 20 February 1954, based on
Tapidaw ZCC souvenir of 1994. Revd Kamkhosoi, it would appears, was earlier deprived of the light that
the JCA Minute has to show for a crucial chronological signpost of his research. My historical sense was
really pricked by what I considered to be the lack of our archival documentation when I first investigated
this question. But thank God, things were not as hopeless as we initially assume it to be! It is a pleasant
surprise that a new source of information and archival documentation has come to my notice since then.
The original hand-written minute book is fortunately neither destroyed nor lost to us. It still fortunately
survives, and is available for reference. This 50-year old rare document is preserved in the custody of
ELCC Office, Zomi Colony, Churachandpur. I have seen it myself a scanned copy of it, and it settles all my
earlier questions. The open page of the JCA Minute runs as follows:
“MEMBAR 1954. Date 20.2.54 ni a Daijang a J.C.A. kikhop na a thu kipua sah te a nuai ah te ahi. Mipi
lemsah dung zui n member mi giat (8) a kitel a, member ten jong J.C.A. kivai puahna thu dung jui a um
ding in suai a pe chiat uhi.
1. Khupmeng Tuaitengphai Chairman
2. Kamjakhup Daijang Secretary
3. Thongjakhup Tuaitengphai Treasurer
4. Dongjagin Tuaitengphai member … …”
I think the document speaks for itself. The name of Revd Kamkhosoi’s informant – Dongzagin – reappears
in the JCA Minutes signed on 20 February 1954. Poor fellow, the memory of this informant has cruelly
failed him to the extent of pushing back the date to 22 January 1952. Anyway human memory is a
treacherous and paltry thing; we cannot really rely on it. However, what is written remains forever; it is the
most faithful mirror of our past. While we are at liberty to celebrate JCA jubilee at any date of our choice,
we are now left with no doubt about the actual historical date of JCA’s formation. Note well, the JCA
Minute Book records it as 20 February 1954 A.D.
60
Proceedings and Resolutions of the Jou Christian Association : Minute Book, Special Collections of
Evangelical Lutheran Christian Church Office, Zomi Colony, Churachandpur, Manipur, India. (Hereafter
JCA Minutes).
61
JCA Minute Book.
62
JCA Minute Book.
63
JCA Minute Book.
64
Thangkhanlal, Naupangte Zou lai Patna – Zomi Primer (Churachandpur, 1967).
65
Grierson, G.A. (ed.) Linguistic Survey of India: Tibeto-Burman Family, Part III (Low Price Publication,
Delhi, 1990; first pub. 1904), p.5.
66
Zou lai Patna, p. (iv).
67
Thangkhanlal, Learners’ English Grammar and Composition (Published by M. Tongzapau, Imphal, 1967).
68
Ibid., p. 1.
69
Thangkhanlal, ‘Zou kam leh Zou La’ in Zomi Sangnaupang Pawlpi (ZSP) Annual Magazine, 1995 – 96,
pp.56 – 58.
70
Hastings, 1997, p. 194.
71
Hastings, 1997, p. 195.
72
See Sanneh, Lamin, Translating the Message: The Misionary impact on Culture i(Orbis, New York, 19900.
73
Go, 1996, Bible Translation,p. viii.
74
Besides Suangphu, there are villages like Khuaivum and Vanglai (Tuntum) where Tungkua is still
spoken across the Indo-Myanmar border. I visited the village of Suangphu a couple of times in 1988 and
1991 as an interpreter for a researcher associated with a Roman Catholic seminary. This field-researcher
was trained as a priest, and he was from South India. Due to his different physical traits, the villagers
were at first suspicious of my friend whom they took to be ‘galkaapte’ (an army personnel) since Indian
military men of the Border Security Force was encamped near the village at that point of time.
75
Thangkhanlal, ‘Zou kam leh Zou La’, p. 58.
76
Clifford, James, ‘On Ethnographic Authority’ in Representations No. 2 (Spring 1983), pp. 136 – 137.
77
Go, 1996, p. 85.
78
Samte, David K., ‘Jou Christian Association (JCA)’ in Tapidaw 40th Souvenir 1954 – 1994, ZCC, Zomi
Colony, Churachandpur, p. 44.
79
Though no official figures are available, it is possible to arrive at a rough estimate of the Zou population
in Myanmar who organised themselves as Zo Baptist Association (ZBA) as different from the Zomi Baptist
Convention (ZBC) which is dominated by the Tedim Chins whose population is about 100,000 in 1983
according to the Report of United Bible Societies (1994). It is obvious that there will be an overlapping in
statistical figures since most of the Zous in the Chin Hills are equally fluent in Tedim language; however
this does not apply in case of Manipur Zou-speakers.
80
Sowing Circle, Bible Society of India, Vol. 8, No. 2, p.37.
81
Jougamthusuo March 1954 Ist Issue (Monthly) Babulane, Imphal, Editor S. Semkhopao. Preserved at
ELCC Hqrs. Office’s archival dossiers, Zomi Colony, Lamka.
82
See Hastings, Adrian, The Construction of Nationhood: Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism (Cambridge
University Press, 1997), p.34.
83
Ibid.
84
See Lonsdale, John, ‘Moral Ethnicity and Political Tribalsim’ pp. 103 – 30 of Preben Kaarshohn and Jan
Hultin (eds.) Inventions and Boundaries: historical and Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Ethnicity
and Religion (Roskilde university Press, Denmark, 1994)