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Art History ISSN 0141-6790 Vol. 26 No.

November 2003 pp. 669699

Doubles and Desire: Anatomies of masculinity in the later nineteenth century


Anthea Callen

Recent studies of the naked or semi-naked male body have drawn attention to the hitherto undervalued importance of the male nude in later nineteenthcentury European art. The long-standing preoccupation with the female nude in art-historical studies has tended to overshadow analysis of the male nude, its functions and audiences at a period recognized as one of crisis in notions of masculinity, of male health and potency, and of mans identity. The view put forward by Margaret Walters in 1978, that the male nude disappears in the nineteenth century, must now be revised, particularly when considering a broader spectrum of images.1 Indeed, the wealth of visual evidence whether ne art, photography or medical illustrations attests to a fascination with the male body as well as concerns over its physical condition and aesthetic status. Key issues in representations of the male body are sexuality and gender masculinity which is inseparably linked to class: the majority of models performing male nudity, whether in the artists studio or the anatomists theatre, were of the lower or labouring classes. What, then, is the status of an ideal or paradigmatic masculinity if its physical and aesthetic perfection is embodied in the physique of a working-class male Other? Problems of male identity and intersubjectivity across class boundaries surface, as does the issue of male subjects looking at a potentially sexualized male object of visual pleasure. And while the look of the male spectator may have been problematic, so too was the forbidden gaze of the female viewer of male nudes.2 Given the material under scrutiny here, and its intersection at the boundaries of art and medicine, the relationship between a medical and an artistic gaze requires attention: the dominant model for looking at this moment of emergent modernism has been that of the Baudelairean aneur, but here I offer an alternative vision that of the medical gaze. The Anatomy Class at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts (plate 3.1) by Francois Salle (18391899) provides important material for examining ideas of normality, as against abnormality, in late nineteenth-century social formations of masculinity. Combining medical demonstration and artistic anatomy, it reveals the ways that ideas of the body thus constituted inected cultural concerns about masculinity, class and male desire. In this modern grande machine celebrating a contemporary clinician, the anatomist Professor Mathias-Marie Duval
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3.1 Francois Salle, The Anatomy Class at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, Salon of 1888. Oil on canvas, 223 302 cm. Sydney: The Art Gallery of New South Wales. Photo: courtesy of the Art Gallery of New South Wales.

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3.2 Engraving by E. Pirodon, after Andre Brouillets oil painting, Une Lecon clinique, 1887. 38 54 cm. Photo: courtesy of The Wellcome Institute Library, London.

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(18441907) demonstrates on the live male model. Shown at the Salon of 1888, it was awarded a third-class gold medal. The representation of Duval in Salles Anatomy Class prompts reference to another doctor of the period: Dr Jekyll in British literature. There are parallels between the main gures in this painting and the protagonist(s) in Robert Louis Stevensons novella, The Strange Case of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, published in England in 1886, America in 1887, and with French translations in 1888 and 1890.3 Both works exemplify the interplay between homosociality the socially visible structures of male bonding, friendship, patronage, male mentoring and male homosexuality: the continuum between the spoken and the unspeakable which Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick calls male homosocial desire.4 The context for this study is the more overt contemporary male preoccupation with female sexuality and femininity: the perceived dangers of an uncontrolled female libido, prostitution and the threat to family and patriarchy of sexually transmitted disease. In the late nineteenth century sexualities were in the process of being scientically classied and pathologized: sexologists normalized certain practices as healthy, and categorized others here, male homosexuality abnormal, perverse.5 Although primarily asssociated with deviant female sexuality, any unconstrained or unconventional sexuality at this time was deemed akin to bestiality.6 The bestial, in social Darwinist rhetoric, was attached to a degenerate or atavistic humanity commonly identied with the lower or criminal classes, and people identied as non-Caucasian. Professionalization and masculine identity Andre Brouillets Une Lecon clinique (Musee de Nice), shown at the Salon of 1887, depicts one of Dr Jean-Martin Charcots Tuesday Lectures at La Salpetriere, and is reproduced here in a popularizing print (plate 3.2). The ` complete print includes, beneath the picture but cropped in this illustration, a chart identifying all those present: both print and painting were self-evidently concerned with male professional identity. Painted the following year, Salles composition in The Anatomy Class is obviously dependent on that of Brouillet. In both, the chief protagonists doctor and model or patient are positioned right of centre with the audience of specialists or students placed to the left; the pictures spectators are invited to identify with their concentrated interest. The focus of audience attention reinforces a compositional reading from left to right, towards the narrative climax and pictorial message of both compositions: the demonstration of medical authority. By referring to Brouillets homage to the renowned Charcot, the work in The Anatomy Class of both Salle as painter and Duval as anatomist gained heightened legitimacy. The connection was reinforced because Brouillet had included Professor Duval among the audience for Charcots lecture, immediately behind the window shutter at the far left. Contemporary accounts conrm that those present at the Tuesday lectures commonly included a wide spread of political, literary and artistic gures, an often international audience of the medical and non-medical intelligentsia.7
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Brouillet himself was a pupil of Jean-Leon Gerome, an intimate of Charcot and professor of painting at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, who specialized in licked surface Orientalism.8 Charcot himself was a prominent Third Republican patron of the arts and an ardent supporter of the conservative feminisme du foyer movement reacting against the radical New Woman.9 Both he, and some of the medical men in his immediate circle, were themselves also artists. Most renowned of these was Paul Richer, sculptor and draughtsman, who appears in Brouillets composition, drawing, immediately behind and to the left of Charcot.10 Richers drawings both recorded Charcots cases and were used as an aid in his teaching.11 Richer, who was Charcots chef du laboratoire de la clinique des maladies du systeme nerveux, used his drawings to illustrate his ` own medical publications, such as LEtude descriptive de la grandey hysterie (1881). He was also noted for his research and publications on artistic anatomy, the rst of which, LAnatomie dans lart, on the male body, appeared in 1893. Together Richer and Charcot had published, in c. 1887, Les Demoniacs dans lart, an historical survey of the visible symptoms of madness that they identied in paintings by the old masters. Completing the professional circle, Richer was to succeed Duval in 1903 to the chair of anatomy at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts. Depicted in both these paintings, then, is a complex historical web of connections between artistic and medical professionals. In a tradition going back at least to Dutch seventeenth-century art, the paintings by Brouillet and Salle are both large-scale group portraits;12 in the former, male medical experts predominate, in the latter, art students. These images contributed to the processes of professionalization and legitimation of knowledge in these elds: decoding them also reveals their meanings as representations of male bonding and homosocial desire. How are such relations gured in these paintings; what do they signify; and how do they assist in or complicate the production of broader class and (homo)social relations at the period? Two conventions are present in this genre: the theatrical and the performative. The theatrical is announced in the historical denomination of, and in the social relations inscribed in, these architectural spaces: the anatomy theatre (whether in the medical or the artistic academy); the surgical operating theatre; the lecture theatre; and, closely related, the life studio in the Academie de dessin. In these theatrical spaces, which themselves constitute the spaces of knowledge and learning, both professor and model perform. Within the pictorial space their audience, too, performs if more passively with the paintings viewers as their audience. The gures are principally, though not always exclusively, men, but despite the fact that when women are included, they may be a compositional focus (as in Brouillets Une Lecon clinique), their role is apparently passive, subordinate or subsidiary. However, womens presence or indeed their absence is discursively central, serving to secure the bonds of the homosocial while veiling the homosexual. Beyond any simple group portrait, the staging of male professional solidarity constitutes and celebrates the homosocial world. It is a phenomenon which aptly, one might argue, becomes more urgent when hierarchies of power or status are subject to gendered renegotiation, and at times of crisis in masculine identity.
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Brouillets picture shows Charcot demonstrating on an hysteria patient under hypnosis: Blanche Wittman, one of his so-called vedettes (performers).13 The mise-en-scene of male medical expertise depended upon the very ` theatricality symptomatic of hysteria, involving both visible somatization and visual diagnosis. Much has been written on the hysteria diagnosis, which was closely identied with women and notably with their sex organs, and hence the link between curbing female sexuality and treating hysteria.14 All the patients displayed by Charcot at his Tuesday lectures were women, and from the working classes; they were treated as lles publiques, whereas ladies were segregated as private patients. Particularly pertinent here, in the aftermath of the Franco-Prussian War (1870) and the Paris Commune (1871), was the consolidation of discourses linking the working classes, social unrest, criminality, deviance, prostitution, plague and revolution, which permitted a blurring of boundaries in the regulation of these phenomena.15 The association of hysteria with the feminine, alongside concerns in the wake of defeat by the Prussians about the enfeebled condition of French manhood (both psychological and physical) are relevant to my analysis of Salles The Anatomy Class. Critical reaction at the Salon of 1887 reveals the anxieties associated with female sexual excess in general and, in particular, with the loss of control under hypnosis and the power of suggestion. Where Henri Gervexs pictorial celebration of the pragmatic Pean demonstrating the advantages of his clamp for blood vessels in Avant loperation (plate 3.3) was found unproblematic, Brouillets painting prompted a tremor of terror from the critics: y Voici le Dr Charcot devant non une anesthesisee, mais une hysterique. Que de medecine, bon dieu! Lhypnotisme, oh le cauchemar! Bientot, on fera tout par suggestion y sauf de bons tableaux, sentend.16 Literally, what a nightmare the horrors of the unconscious: the dark, irrational world of sleep now surfacing in broad daylight at the whim of a doctor. Prey to suggestion (and women were thought more so than men), this was a deep-rooted fear of hypnosis. In Gervexs painting of Pean, anaesthesia, a chloroform-induced state which apparently produced erotic behaviour in the patient, is considered unthreatening compared to the hypnotic trance. Submission to the penetrating gaze of the medical hypnotist might allow suppressed unconscious desires to surface, inverting civilized behaviour and freeing the primitive, or the bestial. Yet, paradoxically, it is in Avant loperation that the penetrating plurisensorial gaze which Michel Foucault identies as emerging in the nineteenth-century clinic is apparent, a gaze that touches, hears, and y sees:17 not in the distant, ponticant18 gure of Pean, but in his assistant surgeon. Seated, leaning right over the insensible body of this bizarrely ungowned and uncapped female patient, all his senses are deployed in wrapt attention to the woman. The kinship of medical knowledge and eroticism noted by Foucault is painfully evident here, focused in the mans ambiguous touch: so close to the womans breast, so tender is he really taking her pulse?19 Equally erotic, Charcots staging of his spectacle of female disempowerment was directly equated by contemporaries with prostitution. The novelist Leon Daudet, an habitue, described Charcots lecture theatre as a brothel for voyeurs;
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` 3.3 Henri Gervex, Avant loperation ou le Docteur Pean enseignant a lhopital Saint-Louis sa decouverte du pincement des vaisseux, Salon of 1887. Oil on canvas, 242 188 cm. Paris, Musee dOrsay. Photo: Reunion des musees nationaux, Paris.

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Alain Corbin identies it as above all a symptom, and perhaps an unwitting therapy, for an afiction of men. The complex game of exhibitionism and voyeurism y dramatised a sick relation to desire on the part of both participants and onlookers.20 Feminist theorists have analysed, within a Parisian visual culture centred on the Baudelairean aneur, the representation of woman as the passive object of an actively sexualized male gaze: from the early 1860s, for example, in Parisian argot the verb voir meant heterosexual intercourse.21 Hypnosis extends that masculine power and, by apparently offering complete control over the female patient, heightens the erotic frisson. Yet there are clearly distinct visual economies at work here, however much they may overlap in their representation and inscription of a submissive and sexually charged femininity. For although Brouillets painting deploys the stereotypical binaries associated with male voyeurism (male/female; dress/ undress; professional/working class; vertical/supine; conscious/unconscious; rational/irrational), the clinic provides a powerful legitimation of the act of looking, re-conguring voyeuristic sight as a disinterested diagnostic tool. The pivotal binary in the Brouillet image, then, is health versus pathology. An ideal objectivity may be embodied in medical scrutiny, yet the modern diagonistic gaze presupposes an intimacy alien to the anonymity associated with the aneur. His is the knowing look which separates him from the crowd, providing him with a means of distinction within the urban public space. The medical gaze, however, belongs within the hierarchical structures and spaces of professional life: a gaze inviting conformity, and consensus, and afrming the bonds of the group. Medical vision combined with the other senses touch, hearing and, of course, smell to achieve a new plenitude, the plurisensorial structure identied by Foucault. Under the dominant sign of the visible each of the senses is endowed with a complementary instrumental function (and with a physicality foreign to the aneur) which anticipates the ultimate triumph of the gaze at the moment of autopsy.22 Similarity, therefore, in the representation of the available erotic body, veils perhaps due to the limitations of pictorial convention the different visual practices at work. Useful for my purposes here, is the meaning anatomical dissection brings to these images: the visibility of those parts invisible in life, the interior of the body which artistic anatomy, like modern pathological anatomy, sought to reveal. Since the eighteenth-century medicine had designated female physiology as inherently pathological, a product of womans biological difference. Afrming the sexual excess attached to her class origins and degenerate femininity, Blanche Wittman in Brouillets painting is seen to perform the amboyant deviancy which guarantees her close scrutiny as pathological. The obvious reading, then, is that her sickness secures the healthy heterosexuality of her observers. But I want to complicate and extend this reading to consider a diseased male heterosexuality, and to ask whether pathological masculinity is a contradiction in terms? Brouillet employs a female as the object of inquiry, as do the majority of images in which the homosocial world of these emergent male professions is articulated. As Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick convincingly argues in respect of
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mid-Victorian literary examples, y in the presence of a woman who can be seen as pitiable or contemptible, men are able to exchange power and to conrm each others value even in the context of the remaining inequalities in their power. The sexually pitiable or contemptible female gure is a solvent that not only facilitates the relative democratization that grows up with capitalism and cash exchange, but goes a long way for the men she leaves bonded together towards palliating its gaps and failures.23 The female patient in Brouillets picture provides the solvent to bind these male professionals, authorizing their shared expertise, their power and their voyeurism. Simultaneously, the works focus on female sexuality veils the same-sex desire latent in this serene vision of male homosociality. In this communal act of voyeurism in which its audiences are complicit unrecognized homosexual desire is relocated, and projected onto the safer spectacle of female sexual deviance.24 Aided by the open foreground, Brouillets painting invites the implied male spectator to identify with his peers in the condemnation and control of female sexual excess, while sharing the thrill of its display, like a middle-class version of the barrack-room pin-up. Like Gervexs Avant loperation, Brouillets portrayal contributes to a visual iconography of modern medicine carving out its professional terrain and status upon the semi-naked bodies of inert women patients. Equally, however, the male medical professionalism which Brouillets picture authorizes is a story of male bonding: pioneers at the frontiers of medicine in a masculine quest romance, a true boys adventure of medical discovery. Here, the alarming Pandoras Box of female sexuality is transgured as a manly Treasure Island Stevensons rst bestseller, identied by Arthur Conan Doyle as the beginning of the modern masculine novel. Whether imagined as tropical island, Joseph Conrads Congo, or Charcots madwoman, the exotic wilderness stands for the tangled terrain of a feminized alterity which required exploring, mapping and containing.25 The conquest, medical or imperial, of the dark interior of the body or the jungle, had its search for treasure to be discovered, excised and heroically returned to masculine order: the treasure was the diseased feminine, the heart of darkness. This idea of a femininity resistant to masculine conquest found apt pictorial expression in another contemporary painting of anatomical dissection, Enrique Simonet y Lombardos She had a Heart! (1890, plate 3.4).26 In a title which plays on the meanings of heart, the anatomist reects on the said organ, held in his hand after its removal from the beautiful woman whom he had evidently found submissive only in death. As in the modern masculine novel, the unnamed subtext in Brouillets Une Lecon clinique is male homosexual desire. Representations of male homosociality risk transgressing the fragile boundary between the licit and the illicit, between the homosocial and the homosexual, but the risk is greatest, perhaps, where no female is portrayed. Identifying the homoerotic as about the articulation of a desire that cannot be validated (rather than the validation of homosexual desire), it has been
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3.4 Photogravure by R. Shuster, 1906, after E. Simonet y Lombardos oil painting, She had a Heart! 1890. Malaga: Museo de belles artes. Photo: courtesy of The Wellcome Institute Library, London.

suggested that homoeroticism male pleasure in a male body not only marks the visible boundary which divides the realms of the homosocial and the homosexual but, by introducing the eld of desire, destabilizes the professional objectivity of medicine and art, two disciplines within which a rationale is offered to explain the insistent male gaze on the male body.27 In Salles The Anatomy Class this discursive strategy combines with that of hierarchy, where categories of otherness turn the gaze into an administrative instrument.28 However, here the function of this administrative instrument is inected by its location within the medical visual economy. A professional medical subject position, as well as a difference of class, are central to the construction of meaning in Salles painting. At a time when masculine subjectivity was in crisis, it is precisely in the tension between his deployment of these competing strategies for containing the homoerotic, and their ultimate failure to mitigate desire, which mark this painting as signicant. The substitution of a male body as the focus of medico-artistic attention in pictorial narratives of male professionalization is unusual; another exception is that of Thomas Eakinss The Gros Clinic (1875, Philadelphia: Jefferson Medical Collection), where its youthful male patient is also exposed semi-naked, foreshortened with his buttocks towards the viewer. To a degree, Salles choice of model is dictated by the strict regulations governing the use of models at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts; yet a closely contemporaneous print of the anatomy class simply avoids the problem by showing Duval demonstrating on a skeleton (plate 3.5).
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3.5 Engraving of Alexis Lemaistre, Le cours danatomie, under Mathias Duval, 1889, published in Lemaistre, LEcole des Beaux-Arts, Paris, 1889. Photo: courtesy of the Ecole nationale superieure des beaux-arts, Paris.

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At the Ecole, only male models were permitted in the life class; female models were considered to be too distracting for the students and insufciently elevating to embody the seriousness and propriety sought in history painting. Whereas the Academy, the male professional space, was the domain of the male model, the female model was more associated with the private domestic setting of the artists studio.29 The employment of live female models at the Ecole was restricted to the clothed, expressive head exercise and students could only work from the female nude in the form of casts, mainly after the antique.30 Duvals Cours danatomie of 1873 makes frequent mention of horses and comparative anatomy, but there is no explicit reference to female anatomy: animal and racial difference were included, but not gender difference.31 The Ecole, therefore, itself still an all-male institution, endorsed looking only at male bodies. In anatomy teaching, the rationale for not using female models was augmented by assumptions about physiological difference. Although both sexes have the same basic chassis, the skeleton and supercial muscles are far more clearly visible in a t, athletic male body, than in the average female body (especially the curvaceous body type then fashionable) on which layers of subcutaneous fat tend to obscure the muscle groups. That is, unless the female is also an athlete. But whereas, in a man, such attributes were generally admired, muscle development in a woman was associated with manual labour (or gymnastic entertainment) and considered unfeminine. Of course, the men who modelled, whether for the life class or the anatomy class, were selected with an eye to their manliness, vigour and athletic musculature characteristics that they needed to maintain in this job. Modelling is hard physical work, and for many men who took it up it became a lifetime career; they were by no means ordinary types. The appearance in Salles The Anatomy Class of a semi-naked male body foregrounds the tensions between the homosocial and the homosexual. No longer safely polarized in a gender binary by the inclusion of the contemptible or pitiable female, the satisfactory projection of unwanted homosexual desire onto the Other is compromised. The empowerment of the male sexual gaze is premised upon objectication, usually with the female body as the object of scrutiny. Without the trappings of a classicizing academicism to distance the gaze from desire, objectication of the male body could best be achieved by exploiting class difference: as here, professional middle-class viewers and a working-class body.32 But although Salles dual positioning of his model as scientic specimen and as working-class Other doubly legitimizes his scrutiny as an object, the artists characterization of him as an individual makes this male nude a sexualized person, rendering his objectication unstable. Because masculine identity was secured primarily through individualization, the conicts entailed for Salle in objectifying his model remain visible. Despite the signs of class, this is not a male gure devoid of agency or subjectivity; objectication is incomplete. This is one important reason why the male nude was a troubled commodity, especially in a naturalist style, and less common than the female nude in late nineteenth-century French painting.33 Individual characterization (as in portraiture) of female nudes had already been recognized as transgressive, and had its own recent, notorious history in the Paris art world in the work of
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Manet.34 Salles The Anatomy Class, too, is transgressive; its failure to contain the homoerotic permits male homosexual desire a visibility which subverts the paintings sober project and threatens homosocial propriety. Charcot, visuality and doctors with doubles The artistic and medical professions coincide in important ways with respect to the treatment of human bodies. Both involve prolonged and careful looking, even touching, which transgress the moral boundaries of inter-personal social contact. Artist and doctor alike are objects of envy and fantasy, because, for them, this transgression is sanctioned. Yet, as Foucault notes, the distance permitted by the stethoscope, for example, was also a measure of the physical disgust attached to touching patients, especially women.35 Arguably, when the two disciplines are brought together these nonetheless distinct cultures of visuality complement and reinforce each other. Thus, looking and touching are prominently gured in the images by Gervex and Salle, as well as that by Brouillet.36 In the context of socially sanctioned forms of voyeurism, it is signicant that Charcots studies of hysteria were so wholly dependent on and an extreme example of the modern diagnostic gaze. His procedure to reveal illness was based on visual examination of the naked live patient, rather than post-mortem investigation once the patient had died. Surrounded by students, assistants and visiting stagiaires, Charcot had patients brought in, one after another, and stripped, and then proceeded to study them in silence. He commanded them to move, made them answer questions, had their reexes checked and their bodies examined for loss of sensation. Charcot maintained a constant silence mysterieux, while attentively observing, looking again and again; he contended that it is only by this means that one comes to see ` [a voir].37 Having from the rst shown an artistic talent, Charcot opted for a medical career, sans pour autant mettre ensommeil ses dons artistiques qui vont etre lallie de sa conception de la medecine, fondee sur letude visuelle.38 His emphasis on the visual was equally apparent in his teaching, not simply through the use of Richers drawings and his own on the blackboard: Charcot fut un des premiers a utiliser y des appareils de projectiony.39 This emphasis on the ` visual image, and on minute observation of the patients body, was lorigine de toutes les decouvertes de Charcot; lartiste qui, chez lui, allait de pair avec le medecin, na pas ete etranger a ces trouvailles.40 Again, the rhetoric of the ` explorer on uncharted female territory or, mixing the literary metaphors, the Sherlock Holmes of the consulting room. Charcot was represented as both doctor and artist, rationalist and creator, as potentially two masculine aspects of a single personality. Yet just as Sherlock Holmes had his Moriarty, and Dr Jekyll his Hyde, was Charcots sinister Other his star hysteric, Blanche Whitman? The n-de-siecle preoccupation with ` doubles and its importance with regard to homosexuality at this time has, especially in the context of the Gothic novel, received considerable attention in literary studies.41 In the novel, representation of an imagined double, alter ego,
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or suppressed second identity, is perhaps simpler to realize than in visual media. With literary doubles in mind, and a view to exploring comparable dualities in the visual arts, I want now to reposition the question of binaries as one of doubles: the two in one, the dual personality, or the conscious/unconscious split as in the case of Robert Louis Stevensons Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, what Sedgwick calls paranoid Gothic.42 Examining the male world of The Anatomy Class alongside contemporary literary narratives, whether in the quest romance or, especially revealing, in the Gothic horror of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, suggests ways of unpacking Salles representation of male homosociality. His painting contains three pairs of gures, and the meanings of each of these doubles Duval/the model; the model/the ecorche; the model/the youthful student will be explored. Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde Two sources have been identied for Stevensons novella.43 The rst was a medical case, that of a male hysteric Louis V. (Stevensons second given name was Louis). Louis V. presented a morbid disintegration which fascinated French doctors. His hysterical attacks caused him to undergo a startling metamorphosis in adolesence. Having been a quiet, well-behaved, and obedient street urchin, he abruptly became violent, greedy, and quarrelsome, a heavy drinker, a political radical, and an atheist; what seems to have upset his doctors particularly was that he tried to caress them. His physicians attributed Louis V.s condition to a shock he received from being frightened by a viper. They cured him through hypnosis so effectively that he could not even remember what he had done.44 The second source for the novella was a powerful dream Stevenson experienced while in a hectic fever resulting from a haemorrhage in his lungs.45 Both sources emphasize the importance attributed to the unconscious which, in Stevensons text, nds literal embodiment as Hyde through Jekylls splitting. The case of Louis V. in particular, where fear of splitting and of actions beyond conscious control is hysterically manifest, provides a further link in the chain connecting all my protagonists. Both as a working-class man sexually attracted to his doctors and as an hysteric the more feared because a male one Louis V. powerfully enacts unspeakable male desires. The hierarchy of class difference underpinning this case professional doctors versus a politically radicalized street urchin is present, too, in the Jekyll/Hyde duality, and in Salles Anatomy Class. Reading Dr Jekyll and Hyde as a story of conicted male homosexual desire, Stephen Heath argues that male sexual normality is secured by xing the problem on woman. The more urgently difference is articulated, he argues, the greater the need to veil the underlying perverse desires.46 Citing Freuds essay on civilised sexual morality and modern nervous illness, in which, in pathological manifestations, Freud associates perversion with male (active) sexuality, and neurosis with female (passive) sexuality, Heath identies Dr Jekylls problem as the suppression of the perverse instincts. This takes
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place under the inuence of education and social demands. Stevensons Hyde, he argues, is a creation of civilized sexual morality.47 Concomitant with late nineteenth-century notions of ideal masculinity, and like Stevenson and his character Jekyll, Freud himself shared the over-valuation of consciousness.48 For him, Civilisation y obtains mastery over the individuals dangerous desire for aggression by weakening and disarming it, and by setting up an agency within him to watch over it, like a garrison in a conquered city.49 Again, this is the Boys Own metaphor. When lacking the sanctioned sublimation of, say, imperial conquest, civilized man turns on the inner savage, scrutinizing, policing his self to keep under control the instinctual, primitive forces: the excess commonly associated with the feminine. Robert Louis Stevenson described this splitting of the masculine self in visual terms: The prim obliterated polite face of life, and the broad, bawdy and orgiastic or maenadic foundations, form a spectacle to which no habit reconciles me.50 As Foucault suggests, Carl Westphals famous article of 1870 on contrary sexual sensations, marked a key change: [A] medical category of homosexuality was constituted from the moment it was characterised y less by a type of sexual relations than by a certain quality of sensibility, a certain way of inverting the masculine and feminine within oneself. Homosexuality appeared as y a kind of interior androgyny, a hermaphrodism of the soul. The sodomite had been a temporary aberration; the homosexual was now a species.51 Foucault locates Charcots enterprise within this medicine of sex. Jekyll, Freud, Charcot, Duval: all were doctors, and all familiars of that other theatre the anatomy theatre. It was in the old anatomy theatre on his premises (housed in a building across his yard) that Jekyll created the chemical potion which released the Hyde in him: the building y indifferently known as the laboratory or the dissecting rooms, the anatomical y theatre, once crowded with eager students now lying gaunt and silent y.52 Freud, of course, was directly familiar with Charcot, with whom he undertook a crucial six-month stage at La Salpetriere in ` the winter of 18856, a period which marked the beginning of Freuds move from the physiological to the psychological study of nervous disorder. This moment in the mid-1880s coincides not only with the appearance of the two key paintings discussed here, and with the English publication of Stevensons Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde (1886), but also of French Symbolist novels like Joris-Karl Huysmanss story of male decadence A Rebours (1884),53 and of Richard von Krafft-Ebings Psycopathia Sexualis (1889). My analysis does not assume any direct inuence on Salle of Stevensons novella; it suggests parallels. Freud himself described Charcots methods in the preface and footnotes to his translation of 1892 of Charcots Lecons du Mardi de la Salpetriere, orginally ` published in 1888.54 Freuds rst public paper, given to the Vienna Society of Medicine in October 1886 was, signicantly, on a case of male hysteria. The paper was badly received apparently due to incredulity and has not survived.55 Freuds paper, deriving directly from his stage with Charcot, suggests a greater awareness of male hysteria in France in the 1880s than is commonly
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assumed.56 Indeed, Elaine Showalter draws attention to the publication in 1886 of Augustin Berjons book on male hysteria.57 She notes that [W]hile it was recognised in men, hysteria carried the stigma of being a humiliatingly female afiction.58 She cites Emile Batault, another scholar of male hysteria and one of Charcots disciples at La Salpetriere (not shown in Brouillets picture), observing ` that hysterical men in the Salpetrieres special ward were timid and fearful ` men, whose gaze, unlike the virile male, is neither lively nor piercing, but rather soft, poetic, and languorous. Coquettish and eccentric, they prefer ribbons and scarves to hard manual labour. Manly health is here associated with honest toil and, given the reference to manual labour, the patients in question were undoubtedly working class. Among Richers drawings of hysteric patients there are several of men, one with his shirt (provocatively?) drawn back below his shoulders the better to expose his characteristic swollen neck (plate 3.6). Richer shows the head hair growing low on the patients forehead and in this prole view a weak, receding chin is emphasized. Showalter argues that the medical view of the hysterical man as effeminate would later be carried into psychoanalytic theory, where the male hysteric is seen as expressing his bisexuality or homosexuality through the language of the body.59 The (re)presentation and treatment of hysteria were class-specic, echoing the classed mindbody image; thus it was in dialogue with the articulate uppermiddle-class female that Freuds talking cure emerged: broadly, Freuds ear as against Charcots eye. Charcots public patients whose symptoms were dramatically somatised as possession were subject to a more violent physical expression of doctorpatient power relations in, for example, electric shock treatment.60 In respect of Stevensons Hyde, the androgeny associated with male hysteria surfaces in the rough, brutal man who wrestles against the approaches of the hysteria, or weeps like a woman, or a lost soul.61 Viewed as remorse, this trait has been identied as the remnants of a Jekyllian morality but can surely be best understood in terms of class difference. Represented in criminal anthropology as closer to the primitive,62 working-class man was also closer to the feminine, and hence the emotions: repression of the baser instincts was less complete in the lower-class male than in his professional counterpart. Paradoxically, then, the admired manly physique seen as the privilege of the working classes (as opposed to the sedentary bourgeois) contained what was deemed to be an infantilized or femininized personality. The question of class has received little attention in the scholarly literature on Stevensons novella. Psychoanalytic readings predominate, and only passing reference is made to the class-specic caricature of the Hyde persona: physical brutishness, his ape-like or troglodytic63 appearance and coarse manners. In the late eighteenth century, the anatomist Peter Camper began the comparative study of skull structures measured according to his facial angle, a technique later exploited in a social Darwinist rhetoric of relative evolutionary development to demarcate class difference.64 In this context, Hydes atavistic anatomy closely identied him with what in France were dubbed the classes dangereuses.65 That such criminal traits (both physical and moral) might be hereditary compounded widespread fears of hereditary syphilitic contagion:
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biological evolutionism provided the scientic rationale for social control. In the Lamarckian view of evolution, environmental factors impacted upon the individual, and could precipitate a degeneration which became hereditary. In Hyde, too, these fears materialize: Evil y had left on that body an imprint of deformity and decay,66 and the submerged atavism in civilized man threatened to resurface. Yet, Stevenson simultaneously represented the ugly idol Hyde as seductive: as Hyde, Jekyll felt whole, express and single, whereas (combining good and evil) Jekylls countenance was imperfect and divided. Taking on the Hyde form for the rst time, Jekyll recalled I felt younger, lighter, happier in body; within which 3.6 Paul Richer, Gonement du cou chez un I was conscious of a heady reckless- hysterique, December 1884. Preparatory study ness, a current of disordered sensual for illustration in La Nouvelle Iconographie de ` images running like a mill race in my la Salpetriere, no.1, 1889. Pen and ink on paper, fancy, a solution of the bonds of 34 26 cm. Richer Family collection. Photo: obligation, which released a self that courtesy of Musee de lassistance publique, Paris. 67 seemed natural and human. Theories of duality were given a new biological credibility when, in 1863, French neuro-anatomist Paul Broca, a Darwin-inspired biological determinist, published his work on the asymmetry of the human brain. In 1865 Broca argued the importance of the left brain, which controlled the right side of the body, as against the more primitive right globe, which controlled the left or sinister side. The left brain was associated with the higher faculties intelligence, articulate language, morality, reason; it virtually dened the distinction between the animal and the human.68 In contrast, the right brain was found weaker and linked with the emotions, instincts and insanity. This provided new means to evaluate different classes of humanity in the natural scheme of things,69 which entailed the attribution of relative brain development according to race, class and gender. Criminality was associated with a dominant right brain, whence the animal in man springs to the surface.70 Double-brain theories gave a biological underpinning to the Jekyll/Hyde splitting and grounds for contemporary anxieties about the unity of the masculine self which Stevensons text explores. Brain asymmetry was also gendered: men, it was proposed, had larger left brains than women, whose instinctual, or right side, was more developed. Freuds close friend Wilhelm Fleiss went further, arguing that all human beings were bisexual, with the dominant side of the brain representing the dominant gender, and the other the repressed gender. Fleiss believed that normal, heterosexual people would be
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right-handed, while effeminate men and masculine women are entirely or partly left-handed.71 Although Hyde is not specically designated as lefthanded by Stevenson, it is implied. In the novella Guest recognizes that Hydes handwriting is identical to Jekylls, but differently sloped, implying lefthandedness; in adapting his handwriting to his Hyde (to hide his) character, Jekyll writes that by sloping my own hand backwards [i.e. leftwards], I had supplied my double with a signature. Hyde is described by Guest as an odd hand in reference to his writing but relevantly, too, not right.72 Hands themselves gure signicantly in the novella: Jekylls hand was professional in shape and size; it was large, rm, white and comely, whereas Hydes was lean corded, knuckly, of a dusky pallor, and thickly shaded with a swart growth of hair.73 Hydes corded hand has been read as an emblematic penis,74 but, more immediately, it is the hand of a manual labourer, as juxtaposition of the two hands in Stevensons text implies. The comely effeminacy of Jekylls hand also suggests a predisposition to bisexuality. Hydes overall physique is smaller than Jekylls, so he appears caricature-like in Jekylls clothes. Although of a rich and sober fabric, they were enormously too large75 for him: foreign to his body76 and hence producing a foreign body, a working-class Other the trousers [were] hanging on his legs and rolled up to keep them from the groundy. In short, Hyde is dwarsh, while Jekyll is a tall ne build of a man.77 These distinctions nd their parallel in the contemporary awareness, in Britain and France, that malnutrition, stress and harsh environmental conditions had made the working classes physically smaller and less healthy than their betters. The dualities proposed here are twofold: those which inected the popular characterization of the male homosexual, whether the butch, athletic (workingclass) type admired by Edward Carpenter, or the Wildeian aristocratic effeminate;78 and those representing a psychic doubling, a conscious-unconscious duality already emergent in debates on psychiatry, mesmerism and hypnosis, which was to be theorized in the writings of Breuer and Freud. In this latter example, the split personality in Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde evokes not simply an embattled ego, but the return of the surpressed: that male same-sex desire which the respectable middle-class man was expected to disavow, and which, in the wider social context and exemplied in the Gothic novel, emerged as paranoid homophobia. As Karl Miller comments in his discussion of Stevenson, the Nineties School of Duality framed a dialect, and a dialectic, for the love that dared not speak its name for the vexed question of homosexuality and bisexuality.79 Keeping Hydes trousers in mind, I now return to Duval in his Anatomy Class. The lesson of Dr Duval The Ecole des Beaux-Arts as Salles painting shows and Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde were both renowned for their exclusion or marginalization of women. Female roles in Stevensons novella are marginal and exclusively working class,
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including a female child victim of Hydes aggression. In The Anatomy Class, as in the academy life class, it was not the female, but the male model who was subjected to the collective scrutiny of male artists, bound together in a brotherhood, the artist, through the model, exploring the self.80 In Salles pictorial world of male knowledges and professional identity formation, Duval forms the central pivot; he dictates the balance of power (plate 3.7). Yet this is a professor passionately engaged in his subject and in sharing it; stepping down from his podium, he moves away from the disused lecturn (with its accretion of precarious bottles), away from the traditional space of disinterested knowledge professed.81 The relation of Salles two main protago nists, his Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, is gured in their body language: Duval leans forward, his whole body actively engaged in his professional persona; the model, weight on his rear leg, leans back and away from the doctor, almost languid, perhaps, like Hyde, suffering from a combination of great muscular activity and
3.7 Detail of Francois Salle, The Anatomy Class at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, Salon of 1888. Oil on canvas, 223 302 cm. Sydney: The Art Gallery of New South Wales. Photo: courtesy of the Art Gallery of New South Wales.
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great apparent debility of constitution.82 Like Charcots hysterical specimen Blanche Wittman, and Stevensons chemical specimen Hyde, Duvals male anatomical specimen is both the raw material of science, and its product the body transformed into legible text. Gripping the models wrist, Duvals right hand seems almost like a surgical clamp, while his left hand is visibly digging into the esh of the models upper arm, thereby alerting us not only to the sensuality of the gesture, but to the importance of touch in the plurisensorial medical armoury. Indeed, as Alan Krell notes, Duvals hold on his model was noted in the only review to comment on The Anatomy Class at the Salon of 1888: y Salle has painted a solidly made Anatomy Lesson, in the middle of which a ne piece of nude (un beau morceau de nu) stands out: the model obligingly allowing a professor to knead (petrir) his biceps.83 The models closed eyes show absorption in his physical self and the relaxed submission of his body to touch as much as to scientic meaning. He succumbs, yet remains a vigorous male. Aware that his physique is admired, he is evidently happier in body than the taut Duval, and hence quietly self-assured in his performance both of the male anatomy and of his own masculinity. Chosen for his developed physique the better to exhibit the male anatomy, Duvals model is evidently an outdoor manual worker, a fact signalled by his dusky pallor (to use Stevensons description of Hydes skin). He is weathered to the waist, and not simply to the neck, by semi-naked exposure to the elements. He must be a labourer temporarily unemployed, because any professional model, working constantly indoors, would be white-skinned. As Richard Dyer argues, the white muscleman heros body is darker than that of upper-class men, but paler than that of native peoples.84 Salle/Duvals representation of the labourer as a good anatomical specimen suggests that well-endowed manhood could best be exemplied in the 1880s by a working-class physique, a type rst widely celebrated and idealized in France at the time of the 1848 Revolution. However, as Dyer explains, [I]n most hierarchical systems, however much the toiler may be lauded in some traditions, the very dreariness and pain of their labour accords them lowly status: thus to be darker, though racially white, is to be inferior.85 Work outside the home meant not only out-of-doors but away from the values of domesticity: hence less civilized but also less effeminized.86 Men who labour were, generally, men without education a sign of social status on which the primary meaning of Salles painting depends, since the exchange of knowledge is the bond which unites all these men, but which excludes the model, who is their text. Being so obviously modern and lacking full nudity and a classical head the model is awed as a classical ideal; yet the pose Salle gives him, loosely based on the Borghese Mars, invites a reading of the models body as assertively masculine in an iconographic tradition linking sport, bodily health and tness for war. However, the paradox in using as a model of physical perfection a man of the lower classes, in a society where evolutionism identied this class as degenerate, an atavistic throwback, and furthermore stunted by deprivation,
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exposes the contradictions at the heart of this enterprise. The rise at this time of a male culture of body building, and of sport in emulation of both Ancient Greek and upper-class pursuits, expressed a general desire in England and throughout Continental Europe to strengthen male populations. France in particular had been scarred in its peremptory defeat by the Prussians in 1870. This new body culture aimed to stem the physical degeneration of the working classes, and also to reverse middle-class mans decline into decadence and effeminism. In recognition of the bodily enfeeblement caused by splitting, it was also perhaps an attempt to reintegrate body and mind in Western societies riven by an overvaluation of the cerebral and a consignment of the sensual to the closet, which in turn spawned a burgeoning market in illicit sexualities. The rise of sport and body-building is thought to be linked, too, to the sudden notoriety attached to homosexuality, and the need to nd spaces, aside from the military, where men could enjoy legitimate bodily contact and the pleasures of a deeroticized male nudity.87 Photography offered a new, mediated experience, widening visual access to the male body, and popularizing the consumption of naturist, aesthetic and overtly pornographic male nudes the visual pleasures of which could, of course, be enjoyed in private.88 Salles model evidently has a more developed muscular physique and stature than did the runtish Hyde, yet there remain similarities. Stevensons description of the ill-tting tramp-like appearance of Jekylls clothes on Hydes body is paralleled in the dress of Duvals model. Half-naked, undone at the waist, his casually hoisted, ill-tting trousers are coarse and crumpled; they speak of a careless, rapid toilet and a poverty stark in contrast to the neat bourgeois attire of the class, most of whom are disembodied by the raked desks. Like tailors dummies, or artists lay gures, the costumes of the foreground gures displace their bodies. With the exception of the foreground youth, their undifferentiated forms sink into shadow, and individuation relies solely on facial distinctions. Decency, effort, sobriety and self-control were the values signied by the habits noir, which have also, for the bourgeoisie thus armoured and protected y buttoned-up, been identied as a defence against anxieties over male potency.89 Opposed to the close-cropped, clean-shaven students, the models black hair is, like his trousers, unkempt, his moustache swaggering. His thick head-hair, low forehead and narrow facial angle would all have been perceived as characteristics of human degeneration associated with the mans social class. Identied by contemporary anthropologists with atavism and a low position on the evolutionary scale, in terms of class these particular physiognomic signs dened low social status, potential deviance and criminality. They evoke an embodied physicality akin to that attributed by Stevenson to Hyde.90 In the pairing of Duval and his model, sobriety and spectacle are contrasted, evoking an erotic subtext which can be read through the processes of dissection. The anatomist unpacks the body, systematically exposing all, right down to the skeleton, in order to grasp its fundamentals. From the initial aying, to the excavation of the supercial muscles, to the exposure of the deep muscles, then the vital organs: the inner man is laid bare. Like Salomes dance of the seven veils, the divestment begun by the model in Salles painting pregures the anatomical striptease down to the bones but here the body is male.91
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Duval is demonstrating the morphology and movement of the forearm, therefore the painting shows the model naked only from the waist up. This is the case, too, in Zoffanys painting of Dr William Hunter lecturing at the Royal Academy (plate 3.8), where the anatomist demonstrates the scapula and thus the model has his back turned. Whereas Duval concentrates exclusively on his students, Hunter looks self-consciously out at the spectator, both displaying his knowledge and inviting his audience to celebrate it. Yet it is clear from the curriculum and from surviving anatomical drawings in the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Paris, that student anatomy competitions, at least up until Duvals time, required drawings of the whole gure, and thus that models were posed fully nude. Hence the deshabille and half-open ies of Duvals model suggest only a momentary break in this process of revelation a frozen moment of morbid erotic suspense. Locked into an historical tradition which repeatedly enacted dissection as a narrative of unveiling, the iconography constructed anatomy as a necrophilic strip-show. Thus, Salle counterpoints the live model with the plaster ecorche in an axis to which his lighting draws our attention, to emphasize the physical vitality of his model. This pairing highlights not only the process of stripping down, but the scientic guise which renders it acceptable. This theme is echoed in the pedagogical prints on the back wall: large-scale anatomies showing, left, the skeleton and right, a closely annotated muscleman, whose virile body language is echoed in the sculpted ecorche.92 The dynamic between model and ecorche is replayed in the paired still lifes of discarded clothes and bones. This dynamic invokes the plurisensorial medical gaze: a penetrating vision which unveils the hidden secrets of the inner body.93 Foucault also called medical sight the loquacious gaze. He thus identies it (in contrast to what I see as the mute vision of the solitary aneur), above all, with minute observation, with the accretion of empirical detail which builds into the description, revelation and communication of bodily mysteries: the professional knowledges of medicine. In The Anatomy Class this process is evoked in Duvals range of visual aids, in his attentive look and pince-nez, and in his eloquently performative delivery; it is also evidenced in Richers task as draughtsman mediating in drawings the work of the gaze, and then again re-presented embodied in Salles own painted record of the layered anatomical process. Given that, for Foucault, the clinical gaze invites mutuality, a communication subject to subject rather than reductive objectication, the patients (or models) performance of their symptoms (or morphology) entails intimate engagement as distinct from the anonymous distance cultivated by the aneur. By extension, this intimacy includes the students particularly the foreground youth, whose prominence and wrapt attention mark him as an active agent of mutuality. What might be termed the plurisensoriality of the painters gaze is evident here in the youth: purposefully highlighted, the one of his hands that grips his buckskin gloves replicates the doctors touch on the models esh.94 An erotic gesture, it is also a reference to the artists own touch when posing the model, and a metaphor for his tactile engagement with the matter of painting and the handling of esh. Hence the multiple and complementary sensualities of art
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3.8 Johann Zoffany, Dr William Hunter lecturing at the Royal Academy c. 1772. Oil on canvas, 77.5 103.5 cm. London: Royal College of Physicians. Photo: Picture Library, National Portrait Gallery, London NPG RN 3995.

and medicine are revealed in all their fullness in the eld of anatomical study, where these disciplines intersect. Pleasure in the male body-beautiful slips into desire, then, with the nal living double in this composition: model and youthful student (plate 3.9). Salle stressed the youths prole through contrast with the pale prints beyond him, while the models prole is starkly etched against the blackboard.95 The youth, with his striking blond hair, is distinguished from the crowd not only by his prominent position, but by his proximity to the viewer (hence his size), and the greater solidity of his body: a sculpting fall of light on his back and the selfshadow it produces strengthen this bodys form while the rest remain at. Salle further separates him from his background by exploiting strong contrasts of tone, especially where the sooty black meets the brilliant whites of the tablecloth replete with its mediating memento mori still life. This youth is not concentrating studiously on Duvals face, hands or the forearm under discussion; his eyes are directed at the models naked torso. The attentiveness of this young man, the tenderness with which he gazes, head tilted upwards, on the models tanned and muscular body, reveals not only the importance of this pairing in the
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3.9 Detail of Francois Salle, The Anatomy Class at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, Salon of 1888. Oil on canvas, 223 302 cm. Sydney: The Art Gallery of New South Wales. Photo: courtesy of the Art Gallery of New South Wales.

artists eyes, but also the discursive centrality to this painting of male same-sex desire. The youth is rendered by Salle with notable care: the soft line of his face caught in the light, the skull revealed beneath cropped hair, the attention to detail in the ear, the vulnerable nape of the neck exposed by his pose which positions the viewer behind him, an unwitnessed voyeur. The sensuality of Salles handling and matiere on the youth and the model is ` also deployed elsewhere in the painting to strengthen this subtle eroticism. Thus, marginalized in the composition, but crucial to its narrative, is the eloquent still life on a studio turntable, at the far right (plate 3.10). Its placing means that, importantly, like punctuation in a text, it closes the composition on the right, preventing the eye from drifting out of the canvas and drawing the viewers gaze back to the youth. When seen in the esh, this still life is intensely moving. Those elsewhere in the picture are marked by death, or the cool restraint of scientic distance: white bones, plaster, cloth, glass phials and bottles. This still life on the turntable is of the models clothes and hat and full of life. Two things are remarkable here. First, the undressing of the model is normally sacrosanct in the etiquette of the academy: models usually had (and still have) a changing room in these institutions. From at least the nineteenth century models disrobed in privacy, ` emerging either wholly naked, or draped in a gown almost a la Grecque prior to posing. In images of artists studios screens are ubiquitous, and the fact that they were often used as props in a sexual narrative of male artist and female model testies to the erotic power of disrobing as opposed to blunt nudity. To watch the process of transformation from clothed individual into nude model is to witness a narrative involving movement over the passage of time, creating a suspense which compromises decency. The illusion of propriety could be maintained, as in artistic tableaux (which were condoned), provided that the
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naked gures remained static: narrative movement in time implies there is more to come. So the erotic was constituted in the act of disrobing, in transgressing the boundary between functional nudity and obscene undress(ing) in Salles painting, between the homosocial and the homoerotic. As Michael Hatt remarks, It is not enough to identify a homosocial scrutiny of the [male] body. We have to nd the places where such a scrutiny is pulled back from the obscene to the acceptable.96 The Anatomy Class is one such place and yet the professional setting barely disguises its discrete obscenity. Posing a partly dressed model in the life class was always highly problematic. Partial coverage draws excessive attention to the hidden bits, often the erogenous zones, arousing in the spectator the desire to see more while freeing him/her to fantasize on what is veiled. Inviting respectability with his capital Ns, a near-contemporary wrote: We want to make ourselves familiar with the Nude, because the Nude is not immoral, a semi-dressed body is more perverse than absolute nudity.97 Modern semi-dress in particular (as opposed to timeless drapery) locates the artist/viewer in their own time, making identication immediate and casting partial nudity as obscene. The partially dressed male model, as in Salles painting, appears palpably erotic and perhaps for this reason was less common in images of the teaching studio or the Academy. Partial nudity is especially erotic given the unequal relations of power it renders explicit. This is most obvious where a modern semi-dressed body is placed among clothed gures: it exposes disturbing conicts over professional propriety, social difference and sexual desire which are more effectively disguised by complete nudity. The second issue to which this particular still life in The Anatomy Class alerts us is simple but audacious the inclusion of the models discarded clothes. The physical evidence of an act of undressing (clothes) belonged to the 3.10 Detail of Salle, iconography of the scene of seduction, not the academic life The Anatomy Class, or anatomy class. Discarded garments were deployed to courtesy of the Art Gallery of New South signal the lust of an urgent sexual transaction, as in another Wales. painting by Henri Gervex. His Rolla (plate 3.11) was refused at the Salon of 1878 precisely on the grounds that his composition included the womans discarded attire, notably her raunchy red corset placed prominently in the foreground. What made the work obscene was not her nudity, but her undress, the narrative of her dishevelled clothes, and the unseemly haste with which they had been removed. Degas, who had advised Gervex to add these garments to ensure his nude was not mistaken for a model, remarked to him after its Salon rejection, Tu vois yon a compris que cest une femme qui se deshabille.98 The issue was topical, then. In Salles painting, the models clothes are not only prominently displayed and lovingly painted in colours and brushwork designed to catch the eye, but the mans shirt of coarse and doubtless soiled fabric retains the form of the body which so recently lled it. One senses almost the fading warmth of the body and its smells pervading the cast of the abandoned garment.
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3.11 Henri Gervex, Rolla, 1878, refused at the Salon of 1878. Oil on canvas, 175 220 cm Bordeaux: Musee des beaux-arts. Photo: Reunion des musees nationaux, Paris.

Dress is a crucial device to demarcate boundaries of class and to signal professional afliation. The lack of tactile, visible brushwork in the dark areas of his painting enable Salle to stress the material sensuality of the model and his clothes. In Brouillets Une Lecon clinique the homogeneity of the male professional world is visually reinforced not only by the compositional organization of the gures, but by the unifying effect of their habits noirs, which contrast with the pale deshabille of Blanche Whitman. Similar devices are employed in Salles painting. Here, Duval gures the intellectual/sensual splitting entailed in n-de-siecle ideal masculinity,99 his entire body melting ` into the black of the blackboard. His bodiliness is fused with, subsumed into, his own professional text: just legible in faint white chalk on the blackboard, between Duval and his model, appear the traces of his lesson, drawn outlines of the shoulder and upper arm bones in precise echo of the live naked variant he grasps. Duvals body appears amorphous, effaced, while his illuminated head stands out, as if decapitated. His hands, too, the tools of his brain and of the diagnostic touch, are starkly highlighted. The mindbody, or more properly intellectualsensual split is again gured in the Duval/model duality.
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Salles painting draws attention to the warm, sensual vitality of the models labouring body, as against the black professional uniformity epitomized by Duval, and by the cold, hard perfection of the white plaster ecorche, all taut muscles and heroics. Yet, in the nal analysis, this classed opposition intended to celebrate the victory of mind over matter, of knowledge over ignorance, is undermined by Salle. His painting celebrates sensual matiere and uses it ` strategically to establish a distinct space where youthful student, model and still lifes especially the discarded clothes articulate an unspoken homosocial formation: male same-sex desire. Reinforcing the left-to-right pictorial reading and movement of his composition, Salle uses the fall of light to direct the spectators gaze to be in line with that of the youth: our eyes are inexorably drawn towards the model. The climactic pictorial focus is on the strength, beauty and physical power of the male body.100 While Duval/Jekyll is trapped by the self-denying toils of my professional life, by the bonds of obligation, it is Hydes wonderful love of life101 which is recognized in the youths transparent admiration of the models semi-naked body. This look is reinforced by the shaft-like gloves that the youth clasps at crotch level, which, Krell suggests, signal his sexual interest in the man.102 Conventional pictorial allusions and serious subject matter normally guarantee the excision of the homosexual from the acceptably homosocial. But in Salles The Anatomy Class these conventions are destabilized by the powerful dynamic between the young student and the male model. Literally foregrounded, the pleasure of looking for its own sake, the sensual homoerotic pleasure in the male body, intrudes as unregulated desire. This calls into question the professional disinterest of both the medical and artistic gaze. The male model may be Duval/Jekylls working-class Other, the projection of unwanted desire, but he is simultaneously the object of that desire: the young gentlemans bit of rough. Anthea Callen University of Nottingham
Notes
I am very grateful to Michael Hatt and the readers for Art History for their helpful comments on this paper. I am also indebted to the British Academy for their support in the research of this paper.

1 Margaret Walters, The Male Nude. A new perspective, London, 1978, pp. 228ff. For recent revisions to this view, see, for example, Tamar Garb, Bodies of Modernity: Figure and Flesh in Fin-de-Siecle France, London, 1998, and Exposed: ` The Victorian Nude, ed. Alison Smith, London, Tate Publishing, 2001. The present article was written before the publication of Susan Wallers relevant work Professional Poseurs: The male model in the Ecole des Beaux-Arts and the Popular Imagination, Oxford Art Journal, vol. 25, no. 2 (2002), pp. 4164.

2 See Tamar Garb, The forbidden gaze: women artists and the male nude in late nineteenthcentury France, in Kathleen Adler and Marcia Pointon (eds), The Body Imaged: The human form and visual culture since the Renaissance, Cambridge, 1993, pp. 3342. 3 Although there may well be others, to date I have found two early French translations: Le cas extraordinaire du Dr. Jekyll et de M. Hyde, trans. J.P. Tardival, Quebec, 1888; Le cas etrange du Dr. Jekyll et de M. Hyde, trans. Mme B.J. Lowe, Paris, 1890. Stevenson was a Francophile, spoke uent

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French and had from his youth lived in the country for extensive periods. He moved in the same Anglo-American-French artistic and literary circles as did all the major gures of his time, e.g. Sargent, Henry James, Oscar Wilde, Whistler, Monet, the Pissarros. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire, New York, 1985, pp. 15. See also Abigail SolomonGodeau, Male Trouble: A Crisis in Representation, London, 1997, chap. 2. See especially Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, volume I: An Introduction, New York, 1978; and Jeffrey Weeks, Capitalism and the Organisation of Sex, in Homosexuality: Power and Politics, ed. Gay Left Collective, London, 1980, pp. 1617, and J. Weeks, Sexuality and its Discontents: Meanings, Myths and Modern Sexualities, London, 1985, p. 92. On the n-de-siecle split between the rational and ` the animal in masculine identity in France, see Annelise Maugue, LIdentite masculine en crise au tournant du siecle, Paris, 1987, esp. pp. 2838. On ` British masculinity, see John Tosh, A Mans Place, New Haven and London, 1999, and Joseph Bristow, Empire Boys: Adventures in a Mans World, London, 1991, p. 65, in reference to the education of boys. On denitions of sex, and gender and sexuality, see Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Epistemology of the Closet, Berkeley, Los Angeles, 1990, pp. 2730. See Leon Daudets comments which are quoted by Charles Bernheimer in his major book on sexuality in the period, Figures of Ill Repute: Representing Prostitution in Nineteenth-Century France, Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1989, p. 315, n. 32, and see La Lecon de Charcot, esp. pp. 1721, and pp. 3840. On Charcot and the arts, see Deborah Silverman, Art Nouveau in Fin-de-Siecle ` France: Politics, Psychology and Style, UCLA Press, 1989, chap. 5, and passim. Included in Brouillets group portrait are three prominent writers, two of whom Philippe Burty and Jules Claretie had also promoted avant-garde painting through their art criticism; (La Lecon de Charcot, pp. 3940). A diagram in La Lecon de Charcot, pp. 45, identies all the sitters and on pp. 201, thumbnail biographies are given for many of Charcots colleagues at La Salpetriere. ` Gerome was a regular guest at Charcots Tuesday soirees, see La Lecon de Charcot, p. 16, and Silverman, Art Nouveau, p. 161. See Silverman, Art Nouveau, pp. 102106, 11920 and passim, and chap. 11 on Mme Charcots role. Richer was a sculptor of plebian genre gures in the late style of Aime-Jules Dalou and Constantin Meunier, but he also made heroic athletic gurines celebrating male physical prowess. These will be discussed in my forthcoming book, Dangerous Liaisons: Art and Anatomy from Albinus to Freud. La Lecon de Charcot, pp. 51ff. 12 For the major historical anatomy classes, see Martin Kemp and Marina Wallace, Spectacular Bodies: Art and Science of the Human Body from Leonardo to Now, London, 2000, esp. Introduction, pp. 1120. A recent critical case study is Julie V. Hansens Resurrecting Death: Anatomical Art in the Cabinet of Dr Frederk Ruysch, Art Bulletin, vol. 78, no. 4 (December 1996), pp. 66379. 13 La Lecon de Charcot, p. 17 and p. 20, note 2; and see chap. 9, p. 81ff on hypnosis at La Salpetriere; ` see also Silverman, Art Nouveau, chap. 5, Psychologie nouvelle, pp. 75ff. 14 See Jan Goldstein, Control and Classify: The French Psychiatric Pofession in the Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, 1987, and her The Hysteria Diagnosis and the Politics of Anticlericalism in Late Nineteenth Century France, Journal of Modern History, vol. 54 (1982), pp. 20939. On the visual, see Anthea Callen, The Spectacular Body: Science, Method and Meaning in the Work of Degas, New Haven and London, 1995, pp. 55, 59; also Rencontre avec lhysterie, in La Lecon de Charcot, chap. 8, pp. 6978; and G. DidiHuberman, Invention de lhysterie. Charcot et liconographie photographique de la Salpetriere, ` Paris, 1982. 15 See Nicholas Green, The Spectacle of Nature: Landscape and Bourgeois Culture in Nineteenthcentury France, Manchester, 1990, esp. pp. 4853. 16 Here is M Charcot before not an anaestheticised patient but an hysteric. What medicine, good God! Hypnotism, what a nightmare! Soon everything will be done by suggestion y except good paintings, of course. M. Hamel in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts, quoted in La Lecon de Charcot, p. 20. 17 Michel Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic: An archaeology of medical perception, trans. A.M. Sheridan, London and New York, 2003, p. 202. 18 The word used by Ch. Ponsonailhe in his review in LArtiste, 1887, reprinted in Equivoques: peintures francaise du XIXe siecle, Paris, 1973, n.p. (entry ` on Gervex). 19 Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic, p. 210. 20 L. Daudet, Les Morticoles, Paris, 1894, cited by Bernheimer, Figures of Ill Repute, p. 315; and A. Corbin, Cries and Whispers, in M. Perrot (ed.), A History of Private Life, vol. 4, trans. A. Goldhammer, Cambridge, Mass., 1990, p. 631, note 32. 21 Deborah Bershad, Looking, Power and Sexuality: Degass Woman with a Lorgnette, in R. Kendall and G. Pollock (eds), Dealing with Degas: Representations of Women and the Politics of Vision, London, 1992, p. 99. 22 Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic, pp. 2023. 23 Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men, p. 160. 24 In a psychoanalytic reading, Kaja Silverman (Male Subjectivity at the Margins, New York and London, 1992, pp. 456) differentiates two forms of meconnaissance or failure to recognize, which,

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depending upon its object, can pertain either to the self or to the Other: The subject classically refuses to recognize an unwanted feature of the self by projecting it onto the other, i.e. by relocating it. He or she refuses to recognize an unpleasurable or anxiety-inducing aspect of the Other by disavowing it, a process which sometimes requires the support of a fetish. (her emphasis). Arthur Conan Doyle, cited in Tosh, A Mans Place, p. 74, and see his discussion of the rise of the modern masculine novel. Joseph Conrads novella The Heart of Darkness (1899), is discussed by Nicholas Mirzoeff, Photography at the Heart of Darkness. Envisaging the Congo, in his Bodyscape: art, modernity and the Ideal Figure, London and New York, 1995, pp. 14157. See chapter on mens Flight from Domesticity in late nineteenth-century Britain in Tosh, A Mans Place. On Quest Romance, see also Elaine Showalter, in Sexual Anarchy: Gender and Culture at the Fin de Siecle, London, 1991, chap. 5. The ` Spanish painter E. Simonet y Lombardo (1864 1927) exhibited at the Paris Salon. Michael Hatt, The Male Body in Another Frame, in Journal of Philosophy and the Visual Arts; The Body, ed. A. Benjamin, 1993, pp. 12, 13. Hatt, The Male Body, p. 13. Noted in respect of the British context by Martin Postle (Martin Postle and William Vaughan, The Artists Model from Etty to Spencer, London, 1999, p. 55), this is also relevant to France. On models at the Ecole, see Philippe Grunchec, Le Grand Prix de Peinture: Les concours des prix de Rome de 17971863, Paris, 1983, and The Grand Prix de Rome: Paintings from the Ecole des Beaux-Arts 17971863, Washington DC, 1984. For the anatomy classs, see Anthea Callen, The Body and Difference: Anatomy training at the Ecole des Beaux-Art in Paris in the later nineteenth century, Art History, vol. 20, no. 1, March 1997, pp. 2360; Duvals curriculum is reprinted as an Appendix. Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men, p. 174, and pp. 172ff, on class and homosexuality more broadly. Cf. Edward Carpenters advocacy of homogenic love across class boundaries as a means of social renewal, cited in Tosh, A Man Place, p. 190. See my discussion of Caillebottes male nude Man at his Bath, Drying Himself, in Callen, The Spectacular Body, pp. 1457, and Alex Pottss analysis of masculinity and dancing in Dance, Politics and Sculpture, Art History, vol. 10, no. 1, March 1987, pp. 91109. On Caillebottes male gures, see Garb, Bodies of Modernity, chap. 1. Victorine Meurend is very recognizable in Manets gure painting in the 1860s and had her own strong identity in art circles of the period. On the reception of Manets Olympia, see T.J. Clark, The Painting of Modern Life: Paris in the Art of Manet and his Followers, London, 1985, chap. 2. The anxieties provoked by Olympia remained into the 1890s, when Monet began his campaign to persuade the State to buy it for the Luxembourg. Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic, p. 201, and pp. 200ff, on medical touch. For a gendered reading of touch and the medical gaze, see Lynne Walker and Deborah Cherry, Elizabeth Garrett Anderson: Image, Identity and Space in the Modernisation of Nineteenth-Century Medicine, in Journal of British Visual Culture, vol. 3, no. 2, 2002, pp. 3846. A. Souques and H. Meige, Les Biographies Medicales: Jean-Martin Charcot (18251893). Notes pour server a lhistoire de la medicine et des ` grands medecins, Revue medicale illustree, 13e annee, 1939, part. 1, p. 333. y without for all that putting to bed his artistic gifts which were to be the ally of his conception of medicine, founded on study of the visual (my trans). Nadine Simon-Dhaouilly, in La Lecon de Charcot, p. 31; for examples of his drawing, see Charcot artiste, in La Lecon de Charcot, pp. 40 3; and see H. Meige, Charcot artiste, Paris, 1925. Charcot was one of the rst to use projection apparatus [lantern slides]. (My trans.). G. Guillain, J.-M. Charcot, sa vie, son oeuvre, Paris, Masson, 1955, quoted in La Lecon de Charcot, p. 62. y the origin of all Charcots discoveries: the artist who, in him, is paired with the physician, has not been a stranger to these discoveries. (My trans., my emphasis). Souques and Meige, Les Biographies Medicales: Jean-Martin Charcot (18251893), p. 333. The 1880s and 1890s have been called the golden age of literary and sexual doubles. See Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, pp. 106ff, and p. 222, n. 14; Karl Miller, Doubles: Studies in Literary History, London, 1987, esp. chapter 11, Queer Fellows, which examines the concept of doubles in the work of Robert Louis Stevenson, pp. 20916. Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men, p. 92. She argues that the Gothic novel crystallized for English audiences the terms of a dialectic between male homosexuality and homophobia, in which homophobia appeared thematically in paranoid plots. Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, chap. 6, pp. 105ff, and W. Veeder and G. Hirsch (eds), Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde after One Hundred Years, Chicago, 1988, especially Veeders essay, Children of the Night: Stevenson and Patriarchy. Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, p. 105 (my emphasis); she states (p. 105, and notes 1 and 2, p. 221) that, according to Stevensons wife, he knew of this case from its write-up in the Archives de Neurologie, before it appeared in English translation, in January 1886, in the Journal of Mental Science. Stephen Heath, Psychopathia Sexualis: Stevensons Strange Case, Critical Quarterly, vol. 28 (1986), pp. 100101 and note 22; Veeder and Hirsch, Jekyll and Hyde, p. 3. Heath, Psychopathia Sexualis, pp. 99, 100.

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47 Heath, Psychopathia Sexualis, p. 99, and note 19. 48 Heath, Psychopathia Sexualis, p. 101; Maugue, LIdentite masculine, pp. 28ff, identifes the brain as the organ of French nineteenth-century male dominance. 49 Quoted in Heath, Psychopathia Sexualis, p. 101; on Freuds gendering of the distinction between neurosis and perversion, see Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, p. 120. 50 In a letter to R.A.M. Stevenson, September 1894, quoted in Heath, Psychopathia Sexualis, p. 101, my emphasis. On masculinity and imperialism, see Flight from Domesticity, in Tosh, A Mans Place, chap. and passim. 51 Foucault, History of Sexuality, p. 43. 52 Stevenson, Jekyll and Hyde, p. 34. On p. 50, it is referred to as a surgical theatre. 53 See Bernheimer, Figures of Ill Repute, chap. 8. 54 Sigmund, Freud, The Standard Edition, ed. James Strachey, Harmondsworth, 1996, vol. 1, pp. 13343; see also Freuds translation of Charcots Lectures on the Diseases of the Nervous System, in Freud, Standard Edition, vol. 1, pp. 212, and his report of his stage with Charcot, pp. 515. 55 See Freud, Standard Edition, ed. Strachey, vol. 1, p. 24; challenged in response to his paper to present a case of male hysteria to the Society, Freud demonstrated on a suitable patient in November 1886; the resulting paper, which emphasized the somatization of hysteria (a hemianaesthesia), appears in translation in Freud, Standard Edition, ed. Strachey, vol. 1, pp. 2531. 56 See Goldstein, Control and Classify: France took the lead in the professionalization of psychiatry. 57 Augustin Berjon, La grande hysterie chez lhomme, dapres les travaux de Bourru et Burol, ` Paris, J.B. Bailliere, 1886, 80pp. ` 58 Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, pp. 105106. 59 Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, pp. 105106. 60 La Lecon de Charcot, chap. 9, p. 81ff. 61 Quoted in Heath, Psychopathia Sexualis, p. 100. 62 Cesare Lombroso, Criminal Man, in relation to Anthropology, Jurisprudence and Psychiatry, London edition, 1876. 63 Stevenson, Jekyll and Hyde: for example, p. 23 (troglodytic), p. 30 (ape-like fury) and p. 88 (ape-like spite); and see Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, p. 103, and Heaths discussion on this point in Psychopathia Sexualis. 64 On the physiognomic signiers of class, see Callen, The Spectacular Body, chap. 1. 65 The term classes dangereuses was rst popularized by Louis Chevalier (Labouring and Dangerous Classes in Paris y [1973], Princeton, 1981). The danger posed by the great unwashed masses was later theorized by Gustave Le Bon, anthropologist and crowd pshychologist: see S. Barrows, Distorting Mirrors: Visions of the Crowd in Late Nineteenth-Century France, New Haven, 1981. 66 Stevenson, Psychopathia Sexualis, p. 73, and his reference, p. 15, to Enelds repeated naming of Hyde as deformed in appearance. 67 Stevenson, Psychopathia Sexualis, pp. 72 and 73. 68 Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, p. 114. 69 Broca, quoted in Callen, The Spectacular Body, pp. 1415, notes. 4951; Broca was founder in 1861 of the modern French school of anthropology; in 1876 he founded the Ecole publique danthropologie in Paris. 70 J.G. Kiernan, Sexual perversion and the Whitechapel murders (1888), in F.J. Sulloway, Freud, Biologist of the Mind, 1979, p. 292, quoted in Heath, Psychopathia Sexualis, p. 103. 71 Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, pp. 11415. 72 Stevenson, Jekyll and Hyde, pp. 38, 76. 73 Stevenson, Jekyll and Hyde, p. 77; and see Vedeers comments on an earlier, draft variant of the novella, in Veeder and Hirsch, Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde, p. 145, and also cf. p. 138. 74 Showalter, Sexual Anarchy, p. 115, equates Hydes phallic hand with the twisted, sadistic, and animal nature of improperly socialized sexual desires. 75 Stevenson, Jekyll and Hyde, p. 65. 76 Heath, Psychopathia Sexualis, p. 103. 77 Stevenson, Jekyll and Hyde, pp. 23, 65, 52. 78 Kosofky Sedgwick, Between Men, p. 94. 79 Miller, Doubles, p. 216. 80 Postle, in Postle and Vaughan, The Artists Model, p. 55. 81 I am grateful to Marcia Pointon for drawing this to my attention. 82 In Dr Lanyons words, in Stevenson, Jekyll and Hyde, p. 65. 83 Ch. Laurent, Le Salon de 1888, Paris, 1 May 1888, translated and quoted by Alan Krell, Fearful Desires: Embodiments in Late Nineteenth-Century Painting, in Body, Sydney: Art Gallery of New South Wales, 1997, p. 126. Krell also gives a classed and homoerotic reading of the Salle, and notes that he has found no further reviews of the painting. 84 Richard Dyer, White, London and New York, 1997, p. 57 and chap. 4. 85 Dyer, White, p. 57; on 1848, see T. J. Clark, The Absolute Bourgeois, London, 1973, esp. chap. 1. 86 See Flight from Domesticity in Tosh, A Mans Place, chap. and passim. 87 Tosh, A Mans Place, pp. 1878, associates the rise of sport and sport clubs in Britain with the expansion of middle-class public schools from mid-century. 88 On body-building in France, see Garb, Bodies of Modernity, chap. 2; cf. Keith R. Dutton, The Perfectible Body, London, 1995 and Emmanuel Cooper, Fully Exposed: The Male Nude in Photography, London, 1996. 89 Garb, Bodies of Modernity, pp. 35, 368, discussing the theories of psychoanalyst and historian of costume J.C. Flugel, The Psychology of Clothes, London, 1930, p. 105.

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90 Charles Darwins The Descent of Man, and Selection in Relation to Sex had rst been published in 1871. 91 Wildes biographer reproduces a photograph of a man contentiously identied (?) as Wilde himself, dressed in female drag apparently for a performance of Wildes Salome; although the story of this performance may be apocryphal, the fact that it emerged nevertheless adds resonance to my argument. 92 The skeleton relates closely to Jan Wandelaars Skeleton with putto drawing (1726), for a plate (reversing the pose) in B.S. Albinus, Tabulae sceleti et musculorum corporis humani, 1747; the muscleman is an as-yet unidentied example in an athletic or ghting posture typical of the ecorche genre since the Renaissance, which simultaneously exposes maximum muscle structure (for prints and sculpted examples, see Kemp and Warner, Spectacular Bodies, pp. 489, 545, 789, 813 and passim, and for the Wandelaar, p. 37). 93 Foucault, Clinic, p. 202 and passim; see also Ludmilla Jordanova, Sexual Visions Images of Gender in Science and Medicine between the Eighteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Hemel Hempstead, 1989, chap. 5 Nature unveiling before science. 94 Alan Krell, in Fearful Desires: Embodiments in Late Nineteenth-Century Painting, p. 126, aptly stresses the theme of homoerotic desire in his identication of the glove ngers as standing for male genitalia. 95 According to the Art Gallery of New South Wales, Helen Toussaint tentatively identied this gure as the young Leon Bonnat (see Callen The Body and Difference, note 70, p. 59). In 1888 however, Bonnat (18331922) would have been fty-ve, and as this is a modern subject (Duval, Richer and Cuyer are shown the correct age), this identication is unconvincing. The ecorche is by Jacque-Eugene Caudron (181865). ` Hatt, The Male Body, p. 14. L.D., Le Nu nest pas immoral: nos photographies sont artistiques, La culture physique, 14 April 1905, p. 40, quoted in Garb, Bodies of Modernity, p. 73. LD was one of the editors of this journal, which published and distributed photographs of artistic male and female nudes. You see y they have understood that this is a woman who takes her clothes off. Edgar Degas, cited by Ambroise Vollard, Degas, Paris, 1924, quoted in Equivoques: Peintures francaises di XIXe siecle, Paris, 1973, n.p. (entry for Gervex). ` See Hollis Claysons extensive analysis of this painting in Painted Love: Prostitution in French Art of the Impressionist Era, New Haven and London, 1991, pp. 7993. See Maugue, LIdentite masculine, esp. pp. 2838. French seventeenth- and eighteenth-century theories of pictorial unity to which Salles treatment of light and shade principally conforms are discussed in T. Puttfarken, Roger de Piles Theory of Art, London, 1985, esp. chap. 4 and pp. 1313. Stevenson, quoted in Veeder, in Veeder and Hirsch, Jekyll and Hyde, p. 147. Krell, Fearful Desires, p. 126.

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