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Journal of the COALITION FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT By William R. Pace, Convenor of the Coalition for the International Criminal Court
THIS YEAR HAS provided many compelling reasons to be hopeful for the future of international justice in 2012 and beyond. The wheels of justice at the International Criminal Court (ICC)an institution so groundbreaking in its ambition that many believed it would never see the light of dayare fully in motion.
The ICC and the Rome Statute (RS) system have indisputably become major actors in international peace and security affairs. Wherever widespread violence and crimes against humanity are occurring, the ICC is being invoked by governments, United Nations (UN) institutions and civil society. The Court is demonstrating its ability to be An outreach session with affected communities in Bossemptele (Central African Rea potent force for both peace and justice around the world. With the conclusion of its first trial, simultaneous courtroom hearings, two new potential cases in Kenya, a sixth in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), the first Darfur trial on the horizon as well as new investigations in Libya and Cte dIvoire, the ICC has never been so busy. One hundred and nineteen states have now joined the Court, reflecting a growing global consensus towards ending impunity through the RS system. Five new ICC states parties in 2011the most in any given year since 2003make reaching the goal of two-thirds of UN member states in the not too distant future ever-more likely.
public) in September 2011 to raise awareness on the Bemba case, the Courts third trial. With three ongoing trials, the first Darfur trial on the horizon, two new potential cases in Kenya, a sixth in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), as well as new investigations in Libya and Cte dIvoire, the ICCs caseload is growing. Credit: ICC-CPI
Yet, the RS system finds itself at a critical juncture. The coming months will see a major changeover in those who will lead the ICC and Assembly of States Parties (ASP) have stood in solidarity with peoples across the Arab over the next years, as well as crucial decisions to be made world in their efforts to bring about democratic change, regarding the budget of the Court. It is imperative that the ASP in December 2011 represents a crucial opportuthe advances achieved in the last years are built upon. It nity for states to further demonstrate their commitment to is equally essential that those elected to lead the Court justice by opposing a blinkered vision of zero-growth for are provided with the political support and financial rethe ICC and supporting the continued development of the sources needed to effectively carry out their duties. In conCourt in its fight against impunity for the gravest crimes. crete terms this means, for example, ensuring that affected communities understand the Courts work or that victims A Busy and Crucial Year are afforded meaningful participation in court proceedThe geographical spread of new ICC states parties in 2011 ings that may impact upon their lives. Tunisia, Grenada, the Philippines, Maldives and Cape In a truly inspiring year when civil society and many states Verdeis a telling reminder of the universal nature of the
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The Rome Statute system finds itself at a critical juncture. The coming months will see a major changeover in those who will lead the ICC and Assembly of States Parties over the next years, as well as crucial decisions to be made regarding the budget of the Court.
The
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MONITOR
Issue 43: November 2011April 2012
CICC STAFF LIST
William R. Pace Jelena Pia-Comella Devon Allison Amielle Del Rosario Meriam Manell Sassi Oriane Maillet Agustina Bidart Linda Gueye Niall Matthews Peony Trinh Dan Verderosa Frdric Viennot Gabrielle Mertz Laura Baber Krista Hahn Daniel Rees
Convenor, New York and The Hague Program Director, New York Executive Program Officer, New York Program Assistant, The Hague Program Associate, New York Head of Communications, The Hague Spanish Communications Officer, Buenos Aires, Argentina Senior Communications Officer Francophone Africa, New York Communications Assistant, The Hague Design Manager, New York Communications Fellow, New York Website Developer, The Hague Director of Development, New York Development Officer, New York Development Associate, New York Senior Development Officer, New York Finance Director Finance Associate and Office Coordinator, New York IT Consultant, Texas Accounting and Human Resources Associate, New York Administration and Finance Officer, The Hague Head of Legal Section, The Hague Legal Fellow, The Hague Legal Officer, New York Legal Officer, The Hague Director of Regional Programs, Los Angeles Regional Program Assistant, New York Outreach Liaison for MENA/Europe, New York Africa Outreach Liaison/Situations Advisor, New York Outreach Liaison for Latin America, Caribbean, Asia and the Pacific, New York
COMMUNICATIONS SECTION
DEVELOPMENT SECTION
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Sunil Pal Matthew Cannock Tobias Hanson Alix Vuillemin Grendel Brigitte Suhr Tania Deigni Ata Hindi Stephen Lamony Michelle Reyes Milk
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ABOUT US
The Coalition for the International Criminal Court includes 2,500 civil society organizations in 150 different countries working in partnership to strengthen international cooperation with the ICC; ensure that the Court is fair, effective and independent; make justice both visible and universal; and advance stronger national laws that deliver justice to victims of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. The Monitor is the Coalitions flagship publication. It is distributed worldwide in English, French and Spanish and is available online at www.coalitionfortheicc.org/?mod=monitor The Coalition encourages readers to submit letters on any of the articles or issues contained within the issue of The Monitor. Please write to the address below or email communications@coalitionfortheicc.org
c/o WFM-IGP, 708 3rd Ave, 24 fl New York, NY 10017 USA Phone: + 1 212-687-2863 Fax: +1 212-599-1332 Email: cicc@coalitionfortheicc.org Bezuidenhoutseweg 99a, 2594 AC The Hague, The Netherlands Phone: +31-70-363-4484 Fax: +31-70-364-0259 Email: cicc-hague@coalitionfortheicc.org
Mae Buenaventura Marcelina Valderama EUROPE Virginie Amato Europe Programme Officer, Brussels, Belgium Kirsten Meersschaert Duchens Europe Coordinator, Brussels, Belgium AMERICAS Francesca Varda Regional Coordinator for the Americas, Lima, Peru MIDDLE EAST/NORTH AFRICA Abeer Al-Khraisha MENA Regional Advisor, Cairo, Egypt Amal Nassar MENA Program Officer, Amman, Jordan
Adaleh Center for Human Rights StudiesAmman, Jordan Amnesty International Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA)Bangkok, Thailand Asociacin Pro Derechos Humanos (APRODEH)Lima, Peru Civil Resource Development and Documentation Centre (CIRDDOC)Enugu, Nigeria Comisin Andina de Juristas (Andean Commission of Jurists)Lima, Peru Fdration Internationale des Ligues des Droits de lHomme (FIDH) Georgian Young Lawyers AssociationTbilisi, Georgia Human Rights Network-Uganda (HURINET-Uganda)Kampala, Uganda Human Rights Watch Justice Without FrontiersBeirut, Lebanon No Peace Without Justice Parliamentarians for Global Action The Redress TrustLondon, United Kingdom Womens Initiatives for Gender Justice World Federalist MovementInstitute for Global Policy
Web: http://www.coalitionfortheicc.org
Together for Justice: Civil society in 150 countries advocating for a fair, effective and independent ICC.
IN THIS ISSUE
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Assembly of States Parties 2011: Coalition Calls on States to Secure ICCs Future
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civil society organizations, particularly in underrepresented regions, the Coalition has launched a global membership drive for 2011-2013. Begun in September 2011 with the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), where civil society has played a crucial role in the fight for democracy, justice and accountability, the drive will target each regionAsia and the Pacific, Europe, Africa and the Americas and the Caribbeanfor one semester over the next two years. As part of the drive, the Coalition has been contacting its members to request them to identify and recommend potential new Coalition members from among their civil society partners. In addition, the Coalition has reached out directly to organizations whose work in human rights, rule of law, justice, gender and democracy could make them interested in Coalition membership. The Coalition looks forward to expanding its current membership base of over 2,500 NGOs and working with an increasingly broad and diverse group of partners in the future. For more information on the drive or on becoming a member, please contact cicc@coalitionfortheicc.org.
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Coalition advocacy and developments in Africa, the Americas, Asia, Europe and MENA
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GLOBAL PARTNERS
THE COALITION WORKS in partnership with many individuals and institutions from around the globe in its mission of advancing international justice. One of these partners is Dr. Karl Fossum of New York, who has supported the work of the Coalition and other civil society efforts around the world for many years. Dr. Fossum first became involved with global issues at the age of 17, when he joined En Verden, a Norwegian organization engaged with peace and international law. As a longtime supporter of WFM-Institute for Global Policy, a founding Steering Committee member of the Coalition, his commitment to core international causes has continued. I have long been impressed with the work of the Coalition and Bill Pace, said Dr. Fossum. The International Criminal Court is so important, it has become central to the peace and justice movement and the Coalition is at the forefront of this movement and is tackling the most pressing issues. The Coalition is deeply appreciative of the generous support provided by all of its many partners and donors from around the world. In addition to individual supporters like Dr. Fossum, major funding has been provided by the European Union, the Ford Foundation, Humanity United, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Open Society Institute and the Sigrid Rausing Trust, as well as by the governments of Australia, Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, Ireland, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland. Support from individuals, foundations, governments and other institutions is essential to the Coalitions efforts to end impunity. If you would like more information about how you can support the Coalition, please visit www.coalitionfortheicc.org or contact us at +1.646.465.8527 by phone or at development@coalitionfortheicc.org.
This publication has been produced with the assistance of the European Union, as well as other donors. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the Coalition for the International Criminal Court and should in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union, Irish Aid or any other donor.
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ideals enshrined in the RS. That one of the first acts of the interim Tunisian government was to ratify the RS, along with a number of other human rights treaties, illustrates the ever-present desire of all peoples to live in a world in which they have unhampered access to justice and the rule of law. Encouragingly, the implementation of ICC legislation at the national levela crucial element of the RS systemhas also advanced in the past year. In parallel, the Courts unique ability to fill the gaps where impunity prevails means that it continues to be asked to do more and more. The past year has witnessed the opening of two new investigations and an increasing number of courtroom hearings. A unanimous vote of the UN Security Council referring the situation in Libya to the Court in February 2011 resulted in the issuance of arrest warrants for key figures in the former Libyan government. In October 2011, ICC judges authorized the opening of an investigation in Cte dIvoire, a state that is not party to RS, but whose leaders have acknowledged the Courts jurisdiction through a special declaration foreseen in the RS. In September 2011, key hearings took place to decide whether to send to trial two cases against six high profile suspects for their alleged roles in crimes against humanity committed during the 2007-2008 post-election violence in Kenya. Similar hearings to decide whether the case against Callixte Mbarushimanaa Rwandan rebel leader active in the DRCshould move to trial offered a glimmer of hope to the thousands of lives shattered by years of unimaginable violence in the DRCs Kivu provinces. In August 2011, the closing statements in the Courts first trialthat of Thomas Lubanga Dyilowere delivered. Judgment is expected soon, but with a possible appeal and/or the opening of reparations proceedings, much work remains to be done. Delays in the Lubanga proceedings frustrated all participants, not least the victims involved, but much of the work to iron out the difficulties encountered during the course of this trial will undoubtedly serve to improve the expediency of those to follow. The case has done much to highlight the barbarity of the crime of using children as soldiers in
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arise. This is a key moment in the Courts ing down of several ad-hoc tribunals, states manent institution of their own creation. Indevelopment. In the context of the billions must have the resolve to take the long-view vesting in justice today means savings tomorspent on military campaigns and the wind- of international justice and the ICC, a per- rowboth in finances and in lives.
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On 2 November 2011, Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo held a press conference following his briefing to the UN Security Council on the Courts investigation in Libya. His nine-year term as the first ICC prosecutor will come to an end in June 2012. Credit: UN Photo/JC McIlwaine
As the ICCs first prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo has made important progress in kick-starting the Courts work. The ICC has a significant workload, but key crimes and perpetrators have at times been bypassed in the ICCs first investigations, leaving gaps in its delivery of justice. As his term comes to an end, the prosecutor should take stock and put plans in place to fill these gaps, including through recommendations to his successor. In addition, the prosecutor should further his policy of using the preliminary examination period as an opportunity to catalyze domestic trials. This is an important policy, but the absence of regular reporting has weakened the ICCs hand with national authorities. The prosecutor should draw lessons learned to strengthen this policy and issue progress reports on all situations under preliminary examination before leaving office. Elizabeth Evenson, senior counsel, international justice program, Human Rights Watch (HRW) We have followed with particular interest OTP policies and activities on situations under preliminary examination. It is our recommendation that the prosecutor make public his conclusions on these preliminary examinations before leaving office. In 2006, the OTP issued reports concluding that the conditions to open investigations under Article 53 (1) of the Rome Statute (RS) had not been met in either Iraq or Venezuela. However, the OTP has not made public its analysis and conclusions on any other situations under preliminary examination. That some of these have lasted for as long as six (Afghanistan) or eight years (Colombia) is of serious concern for victims of serious crimes who do not have access to legal remedy in their home countries. We also believe that the judges of the ICC pre-trial division should be presented with reports on the OTPs preliminary examinations so that they can make judicial determinations on the situations in accordance with the RS, ever mindful of the rights of victims to have justice delivered within a reasonable timeframe. Such a course of action would also give victims the opportunity to participate in impartial proceedings. Mariana Pena, permanent representative to the ICC, International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) More than three years have passed since the opening of a preliminary examination by the OTP into the armed conflict between Georgia and Russia in August 2008. Evidence from a wide range of sources indicates that grave crimes occurred during the conflict, including war crimes and crimes against humanity. The OTP has stated that it is currently monitoring national investigations into these crimes in both Georgia and Russia. However, these national investigations have now been ongoing for three years without conclusion. GYLA recommends that the OTP, before the current prosecutor leaves office, publish its findings on the information received from the Georgian and Russian authorities, as we believe that they will lead to the opening of a full investigation by the ICC into the alleged crimes committed during the conflict in 2008. Tamar Chugoshvili, chairwoman, Georgian Young Lawyers Association (GYLA)
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In Colombia the right to justice for war crimes and crimes against humanity is not guaranteed effectively. Six years after being enacted, the so-called peace and justice law has not led to the prosecution of those most responsible for crimes under the jurisdiction of the ICC. In addition, the decision of the Colombian government to extradite 16 high-level paramilitaries to the United States on drug-trafficking charges has removed them from the grasp of both the Colombian courts and the ICC. It is clear that the state is neither willing nor able to render justice for ICC crimes at the national level. For this reason, many human rights organizations are asking the prosecutor to ensure the commencement of a formal ICC investigation in Colombia in his final months. Colombian Commission of Jurists (CCJ)
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We would like to see the ICC prosecutor, before the end of his term, open investigations into all those who orchestrated the commission of grave crimes in the Central African Republic (CAR) over the past number of years. While the opening of the trial of Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo in November 2010 was a welcome development, it has not gone far enough in addressing prevailing impunity in CAR. Human rights NGOs in CAR have longed called for senior officials in the Patass government, as well the leaders of the rebel groups Union of Democratic Forces for Unity (UFDR) and Convention of Patriots for Justice and Peace (CPJP), to be brought to justice. Finally, it is difficult for victims to understand the slow pace of proceedings in the Bemba trial. Some victims have already passed away without seeing justice done, while those remaining urge the Court to bring this case to a conclusion as expeditiously as possible. Lucille Mzangue and Bruno Gbiegba, Central African Republic Coalition for the ICC (CCPI-RCA) What do NGOs want from the ICC prosecutor before leaving office? An Apology.1 To: Girl Soldiers; Women in eastern DRC; Victims; Trial Chamber I; Women in Kenya (Kisumu, Kibera, Naivasha); Men of Luo ethnicity; Victims of the Uganda Peoples Defence Force; Victims of the Haskanita attack; The ICC judiciary; Staff of the OTP (past and present); Feminists; States Parties; Journalists; The cinema-going public; Information providers under Article 54 (3)(e); The concept of the presumption of innocence; The global legal community; Academia; The concept of impartiality; Staff of the ICC; Drafters of the Rome Statute; Article 42(3); The public; The principle of safety in the workplace; Womens human rights organisations; The principle of good governance and accountability; the next Chief Prosecutor. Womens Initiatives for Gender Justice
1 For information and analysis about the issues referred to above, please see the following publications for further details: Gender Report Card on the International Criminal Court 2005, 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011 (to be published December 2011), Womens Initiatives for Gender Justice; Legal Eye on the ICC, 2009-2011, Womens Initiatives for Gender Justice; Womens Voices, 2009-2011, Womens Initiatives for Gender Justice; Making a Statement, Second Edition, February 2010, Womens Initiatives for Gender Justice; Legal Filings by the Womens Initiatives for Gender Justice to the International Criminal Court, 2010, Womens Initiatives for Gender Justice; Eye on the ICC, 2007-2008, Womens Initiatives for Gender Justice.
Note: opinions expressed in these articles are those of the authors and do not represent the views of the Coalition as a whole.
national judicial institution. The Coalition, balance in the Courts decisions, impacted as part of its global Campaign on ICC Elec- the 2011 judicial elections nomination protionswhich called on states to ensure a fair, transparent and merit-based election cess. The nomination period had to be extended to allow the Latin American and Ca-
processactively promoted the nomina- ribbean states to nominate four candidates tions of the most highly qualified candidates to fulfill the MVR of two judicial positions to reflect fair gender and geographical rep- from that region.
THE COST OF TRYING TO DELIVER INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE ON A SHOE-STRING By Jonathan ODonohue, legal adviser for Amnesty Internationals
International Justice Project and team leader of the Coalitions Budget and Finance Team
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IN THE LAST decade, the new International Criminal Court (ICC) has weathered attacks from its opponents and emerged as an established part of the international system. However, a new and more serious threat is emerging that could permanently undermine the Courts effectiveness. Disturbingly, the ICCs strongest supporters are unwilling to fully fund its work. Tensions have been building for some years as a group of the highest paying states have sought to limit the Courts budget to around the 100 million mark. Their demands do not take into account the fact that the Court has not yet reached its full case load and that ICC activities have expanded to new situations such as Cte dIvoire, Kenya and Libya. The ICCs request of an additional 14 million for 2012, primarily for the new Libya situation and costs for legal aid i.e. funding for defense and victims legal representation before the Courtarose from a projected increase in judicial activities and caused a major backlash behind the scenes in The Hague that will play out in the lead up to the Assembly of States Parties (ASP) in December 2011. The risk of arbitrary cuts to the ICC budget or, worse still, the prospect of resorting to funding core functions through voluntary contributions threatens to set back the work of the Court and frustrate justice for victims. Demands for zero-growth by these governments defy logic and are extremely hypocritical, considering that a number of them were also members of the UN Security Council (UNSC) that referred the Libya situation to the ICC in February 2011. Indeed, 117 million to fund a permanent international criminal court currently dealing with seven situations worldwide appears rather reasonable when one considers that in 2011 more than US$560 million was invested in the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, the Special Court for Sierra Leone and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia. Regrettably, the ICCs far from convinc-
Jonathan ODonahue delivers Amnesty Internationals statement during the General Debate of the 2010 Assembly of States Parties. Credit: Peter de Groot/CICC
The failure of the Registry to obtain missing details to process over 1,500 victim applications for the two Kenya cases, to process 470 victim applications in time for the Mbarushimana hearing or those of 27 victims in time for the closing hearings of the Lubanga trial is a clear illustration of the impact of under-resourcing at the ICC. Victims are finally coming forward to engage with the Court, but the Court is not ready or capable to deal with them. If not granted necessary resources, victim participation may become an empty promise Carla Ferstman, REDRESS ing role in the budgetary process contributes to the erroneous perception that it is flush with cash, and that its budgetary requests are inflated. Ironically, rather than being over-budgeted, the ICC has been severely under-budgeted in some areas in recent years. In holding back from requesting the resources it needs, the Court has repeatedly failed to deliver clearly justified budgetary proposals and has consequently underperformed on some aspects of its work. In particular, decisions by the ICCs leadership to absorb new costs without credible explanation have perpetuated states theories of over-budgeting. For example, in response to the opening of a new situation in Kenya in 2010, the ICC announced that it would absorb all the
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appointment was expressed at the low number of female candidates nominated for these elections, with only two put forward by the Dominican Republic and the Philippines.
didates, noted Brigid Inder, executive director of the Womens Initiatives for Gender Justice. It appears some states did not want to mobilize for an election this time around due to interests in
It is surprising only two women were other United Nations posts even though nominated and it remains unclear why they had highly experienced women so few women were amongst the can- judges interested in running in 2011.
On 26 October 2011, the Independent Panel on ICC Judicial Elections issued a report on the 19 candidates for judicial elections. The Panel was established by the Coalition to help fulfill the need in the elections process for a fair, independent assessment of whether each nominee fulfills the qualifications prescribed by the RS. The views of the Panel and its assessments of the judicial candidates are its own and do not reflect those of the Coalition.
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CASES/SITUATIONS
HISTORIC FIRST ICC TRIAL DRAWS TO A CLOSE: CHILD SOLDIER ISSUES REMAIN A CHALLENGE By Bukeni Waruzi, program manager for Africa and the Middle East
at WITNESS and former director and founder of AJEDI-Ka/Projet Enfants Soldats
children are considered victims under the Rome Statute of the ICC and the law on the protection of children adopted by the DRC in January 2009. The gravity of the destruction entailed in the recruitment and use of child soldiers lies not only in the loss of the joys of childhood and education to guns and violence, but also in A group of unemployed, homeless ex-child soldiers, in a village the permanent stigmatisation outside of Gbadolite, DRC. Many have wives and children and are and the reduction of the human expected to provide for their family with no regular means of invalue of the child, which will comeoften picking up odd jobs around town or walking to the fields to help out local farmers. Credit: Warchild UK/Flickr undoubtedly continue to affect the offspring of these former IN THE DEMOCRATIC Republic of child soldiers. No reparation of Congo (DRC)its eastern region in parany kind can change this. ticularmany children have been recruited and used as child soldiers by all parties Reintegration of child soldiers in the in the armed conflicts that have ravaged DRC, even with financial support, canthe country since 1996. These children not be effective while infrastructural were first seen as heroes for spilling their and developmental problems persist in blood in bringing Laurent Desire Kabila host communities. The issue of reinteto power in Kinshasa in 1997, and then gration should therefore encourage the as criminals for having been forced to DRC government to include child solcommit crimes that for the most part left diers in its longer-term national develthemas well as their communitiesse- opment policies, rather than simply adverely traumatized. Today, many of these dressing the issue within the framework of aid projects for the most vulnerable (as exemplified by the failure of several projects carried out by large financial institutions, such as the World Bank). Child soldiers are present in many conflict and post-conflict countries. Both girls and boys are constantly used by the parties involved. Some of these same countries are even states parties to the International Criminal Court (ICC). While the trial of Thomas Lubanga Dyilo before the ICC has highlighted the gravity of the recruitment and use of child soldiers and the importance of holding the perpetrators of such crimes to account, states must do their part in ensuring that their national legislation is sufficiently robust on issues of child protection and that the issue of reintegration is included in their national development policies. The ICC, while pursuing its goal of preventing and punishing grave crimes, should establish a new message in affected communities throughout the DRC: child soldiers are neither heroes nor criminals, nor are they just victims. They are survivors.
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People at a bus station in Abidjans Adjam District, looking to flee the post-election violence. Credit: Alexis Adl/IRIN
ON 3 OCTOBER 2011, Pre-Trial Chamber (PTC) III of the International Criminal Court (ICC) granted authorization to open an investigation into war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed in Cte dIvoire (CDI) following the presidential election of 28 November 2010. While this has been a welcome and long-awaited development in the fight against impunity in CDI, the decision by the ICC prosecutor to restrict the investigations time-frame to one that covers crimes committed only on or after 28 November 2010 has created a situation whereby the Court could be perceived to be applying selective justice. Although not a state party to the Rome Statute, the ICC has jurisdiction over events in CDI from 19 September 2002 onwards, owing to a special declaration made by its leaders in 2003. For Ivorian civil society organizations (in particular those engaged in ensuring that the ICC is credible, independent and contributes to an effective fight against impunity), it is crucial that the ICC prosecutor investigate the entire period of crisis in CDI. It is well known that violent conflict
has been ever-present in CDI from September 2002 through May 2011. Grave crimesdocumented by many independent observersunder the jurisdiction of the ICC have been committed by all sides of the conflict in CDI. Examples include the mass grave of Monoko-Zohi allegedly created by pro-Gbagbo forces in December 2002 and the massacres of Dukou allegedly committed by proOuattara forces in March 2011. Prolonged conflict has torn apart the very fabric of society in CDI, and the ICC has in fact come to be seen as a key element in the reestablishment of the rule of law in the country. The crisis was marked in particular by the weakening of the national justice system. The impartiality and independence of the judiciary was severely undermined, and with it, its ability to address crimes committed during the civil war as well as those connected to both sides of the disputed elections. Meanwhile, most police officers and magistrates left the north, an area formerly controlled by the New Forces (former rebels), to seek refuge in the southern region of the country. There is consequently an urgent
Prolonged conflict has torn apart the very fabric of society in Cte dIvoire, and the ICC has in fact come to be seen as a key element in the reestablishment of the rule of law in the country.
a window of opportunity that may allow the ICC to win over those who now doubt its impartiality. Ivorian civil society therefore urges the ICC pre-trial chamber to use the information provided by the prosecutor to extend the timeframe of the investigation. Should this transpire, civil society calls on the prosecutor to investigate and prosecute all those most those responsible for bringing death and destruction to CDI from 2002 onwards, and bring justice to the far too many victims of this conflict. The ruptures between the proOuattara supporters and pro-Gbagbo supporters cannot heal if justice is seen as serving one side or the other.
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seventh annual report to the UNGA. President Song highlighted key ICC activities and other developments of relevance to UN/ ICC relations. He also stressed the importance of close ICC engagement with states, the UN and regional and intergovernmenNassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser (second from right), President of the 66th sestal organizations to sion of the General Assembly, and Sang-Hyun Song (third from left), Presienhance international dent of the International Criminal Court (ICC), meet at UN Headquarters with their delegations on 27 October 2011. Credit: UN Photo/JC McIlwaine cooperation in the fight against impunity, SINCE THE UNITED Nations Secuparticularly in the exrity Council (UNSC) referral of Libya to ecution of the Courts 11 outstanding arthe International Criminal Court (ICC) rest warrants. in February 2011, the Courts work has 66th UNGA continued to remain high on the agenda of many at the UN headquarters in New The ICC and the fight against impunity York. In addition to the yearly United again featured extensively in the 196 adNations General Assembly (UNGA) dresses made during the General Debate resolution on the ICC, issues relating to of the 66th UNGA held from 21-27 Septhe Court have arisen in various fora, in- tember 2011 on the role of mediation cluding in the deliberations of the UNSC in the settlement of disputes by peaceon the cases of Syria and Palestine. ful means. The UNGA, spearheaded by the Netherlands, adopted its yearly ICC Annual Report resolution on the ICC. The resolution On 26 October 2011, ICC President Judge welcomed the report of ICC President Sang-Hyun Song presented the Courts Song and called upon all states that have not yet ratified the Rome Statute to consider doing so. The resolution also called upon states to provide cooperation and assistance to the Court in the arrest and surrender of ICC suspects. Libya On 4 May and 2 November 2011, ICC Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo reported to the UNSC on progress made in his investigation regarding the situation in Libya, which he opened on 3 March 2011 following a preliminary examination of available information. This came after UNSC Resolution 1970 (2011), adopted on 26 February 2011, referred the situation to his office. As the situation continued to develop on the ground, ICC supporters within the UNSC worked behind the scenes to ensure that subsequent resolutions passed on the situation continued to recognise the importance of the Court. In particular UNSC Resolution 2009 (2011), passed on 16 September 2011, contained language reiterating the importance of cooperation with the ICC in Libya. Since the killing of former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi on 20 October 2011 the attention of UNSC members has shifted towards securing the arrest of ICC suspects Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi and Abdullah Al-Senussi.
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UPDATEAFRICA
OPPORTUNE TIME FOR CIVIL SOCIETY ADVOCACY AT THE AU
ALTHOUGH AFRICAN STATES were instrumental in the creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and 32 of them have ratified the Rome Statute (RS), the African Union (AU) has continued to assume a negative stance toward the ICC since it issued arrest warrants for Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir in 2009 and 2010. African civil society is calling on states to support the rights of victims and uphold the rule of law by adhering to their obligations under the RS and under their constitutions in order to ensure that African leaders and bodies respect human rights and that those responsible for violating these rights are held accountable. The AUs influence over its member states has recently been called into question by civil society in Africa and by some of its members that are also RS states parties. Several states, such as Botswana and South Africa, have stood by their obligations under international criminal law and have not been particularly pleased with the AUs decisions on ICC-related matters. But, in the interest of harmony and given the realpolitik that still governs many relations, those opposing such decisions have had to accept the AUs position. Civil society in Africa has opposed the hijacking of the AU leadership by certain heads of state that exert immense influence. In a statement issued by 125 civil society groups across Africa in advance of the June 2011 AU Summit, NGOs called on African states to take clear positions in support of the ICC. Africa was a major player in creating the ICC, said Stephen Tumwesigye of Human Rights Network Uganda. African states should urge the AU to increasenot scale downsupport for holding the worst rights abusers to account. Recent developments have served to challenge this incongruous situation within the AU leadership. It has been known for some time now that former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi held a huge amount of influence over several African states and that economic development and social programs over the years severely compromised the independence of many AU states in governing meetings. The fall of certain leaders within the AU augurs well for the ICC, stated the Ivorian Coalition for the ICC. It is indeed expected that Gaddafis overthrow will gradually lead to a positive change in the AUs policies vis--vis the ICC. Gaddafis ouster from power has created an opening that should be exploited by civil society in Africa. Given this context, the Coalition will continue its work with civil society groups across the continent and focus on initiating strategies that will help to advance human rights and the Courts work in Africa, particularly through campaigns, outreach and media actions.
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INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION AGAINST IMPUNITY IN GUATEMALA Strengthening the National Judicial System
THE FOLLOWING IS an excerpt from an interview conducted with Thomas Pastor, registrar of the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (Comision Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala), or CICIG, published in the Coalitions Latin America/Caribbean (LAC) Newsletter, LAC al Dia. The International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), a joint creation of the Guatemalan government and the United Nations, was established to support the Guatemalan state in the fight against illegal security groups and clandestine security organizations known by their Spanish acronym CIACS. The CIACS were created during the internal armed conflict in Guatemala and were criminal illegal structures that included the participation, or at least acquiescence, of state actors. Despite a specific commitment included in the peace agreement upon the ending of the conflict, these groups were not dismantled. They were instead consolidated into organized crime that operated with impunity in conjunction with state agents. The CICIG has delivered important contributions to the strengthening of the judicial system and the rule of law in Guatemala. It plays a role in providing support for penal investigations, and is mandated to intervene as a special prosecutor in cases against CIACS memberscollaborating with, rather than replacing, the Public Ministry (the police and the judicial body responsible for investigations and criminal prosecutions). Since its creation, the CICIG has received more than 2,000 complaints and opened 100 investigationsof which half have been processed and approximately 20 have resulted in convictions. The CICIG has spearheaded the introduction of important legal and institutional reforms aimed at promoting the adoption of strategies to advance criminal policy in Guatemala. As well as expediting investigations and prosecutions of CIACS members, it has provided important technical support to the Public Ministry and strengthened, in particular, the specialized human rights and organized crime prosecutor offices. With a view to establishing a more independent judicial branch in Guatemala, the Commission has produced important thematic reports on issues related to criminality and other problems that affect the exercise of judicial functions, among others. Given the lessons learned from the CICIG experience, proposals have been forwarded to establish a similar institution with jurisdiction in El Salvador and Honduras, the aim being the establishment of uniform standards across the region in the fight against impunity. However, before proceeding with a project of this nature, careful considerationas well as a good understanding of these countries is required. El Salvador and Honduras may face challenges akin to those in Guatemala, but they also have differences. A thorough analysis of their judicial systems is therefore necessary in order to determine compatibility with an international commission such as the CICIG. Its establishment also needs to be weighed against the likelihood of successful implementation of legal and political reforms at the national level in order to determine whether such a project is feasible.
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UPDATEASIA
REFLECTING ON ICC STATUTE ADVANCES IN ASIA
THIS YEAR THE Asia-Pacific region has made significant advances in fighting impunity. Maldives and the Philippines acceded to and ratified the Rome Statute (RS) on 21 September 2011 and 30 August 2011 respectively. Meanwhile, Vanuatu and Malaysia are finalizing their official accession instruments. After more than 11 years of collective advocacy efforts from civil society, governments, parliamentarians and the International Criminal Court (ICC), the region is increasingly recognizing the RS as a crucial mechanism for justice and accountability. ICC President Sang Hyun Songs visit to Asia from 5-13 March 2011 effectively encouraged the Philippines and Maldives to complete their ratification processes and further inspired countries such as Malaysia, Vanuatu and Brunei Darussalam to consider ratifying the RS. Having experienced colonization, repressive regimes and conflict, the people of Asia hold a strong desire to be part of an international community that respects the rule of law and human rights, which has motivated many NGOs in the region to join in the call on governments to be part of the ICC. Countries that have experienced significant conflictCambodia, Timor-Leste, Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Korea, Japan, Mongolia, the Philippines and Maldiveshave been the first to recognize the Courts role in fighting impunity for the gravest crimes, particularly as they can intimately relate to the sufferings of victims and the societal effects of such crimes. Obstacles to ratification in the region were often manifold, leading to slower progress in certain countries. In some areas internal conflicts and various other dynamics hin> CONTINUED ON P. 18
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Alleged war criminals, Ratko Mladic and Goran Hadzic. Credit: Wikimedia Commons
EU would not advance without the arrests of the two fugitives. Indeed, Brammertzs unfavorable assessment would have had a significant impact on Serbias EU accession bid, as full cooperation with the tribunal was an essential condition for it advancing. In addition, at the time of Mladics arrest, European Council President Herman van Rompuy commended Serbian President Boris Tadi for his work aimed at realizing Serbias European perspective, calling it a turning point for Serbia, the region and international justice. Although Serbia may have handed Mladic and Hadi over in the interest of EU accession rather than justice per se, this is no less a victory for justice. Essentially, these arrests send a clear message to perpetrators of the
UPDATEMENA
WINDS OF CHANGE IN THE ARAB WORLD
Demonstrations are sweeping all parts of Syria and violence in no small measure has erupted as a result. On 23 August, the UN Human Rights Council held an emergency session on Syria. It was decided with the approval of 33 member states to form an investigative committee on allegations of crimes against humanity carried out by the Syrian government against its citizens. The Council also condemned the widespread violations carried out against protestors by security forces in the country. Although Qatar was among the seven states that voted against the adoption of the RS at the 1998 Rome Conference, it has recently expressed some interest in the ICC. Qatar hosted the Regional Conference on the ICC in the Middle East in Doha on 24-25 May 2011. It also signed an agreement with the ICC on 19 June 2011, according to which Doha will be the ICC regional seat of information, training and qualifying of Arab counsel to work for the ICCa move that will not only benefit the ICC, but arguably strengthen national capacity. In addition, on 26 May 2011, a new campaign, Calling Arab Lawyers, was launched by the ICC at the University of Qatar, which seeks to increase the number of Arabic-speaking lawyers on the ICCs list of counsel. The time has come for our countries to join the international community in the fight against impunity for the most serious crimes, and to make the strongest commitment for justice and redress for victims of grave atrocities, stated Souhayr Belhassen, president of the International Federation for Human Rights, in a press statement. Supporting ratification of the RS is a cornerstone objective to ensuring a truly global membership at the ICC. The Coalition will continue to closely follow all developments in the MENA region and encourage governments and civil society to work toward increased acceptance of the RS.
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THE PAST MONTHS have been marked by unprecedented change in the Arab world. Protests occurring throughout the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) have had immense political impact and have resulted in the ousting of the presidents of Tunisia and Egypt, and the removal of Muammar Gaddafi from his seat of power in Libya. Demonstrations suppressed by violence are continuing in some areas, including Syria, Yemen and Bahrain. Furthermore, calls for democracy and reform are sweeping the region. Democracy, transparency, social justice, the rule of law and respect for human rights are the main demands of the people. In some countries, the Arab Spring has resulted in the adoption of international human rights standards and increased respect for the rule of law. Tunisia ratified the Rome Statute (RS) on 24 June 2011, becoming the first state party in North Africa and the fourth from within the Arab League states. In Egypt, the foreign minister during the transition period explicitly said that Egypt would work on joining the International Criminal Court (ICC) and other agreements on human rights. Libya was referred to the ICC by UN Security Council Resolution 1970 (2011), which was adopted unanimously. On 16 May 2011, ICC arrest warrants were issued for Muammar Gaddafi, Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi and Abdullah Al-Senussi.
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Englishthe Courts working languages all texts must be translated. Another impediment besides the lack of or poor capacity has been the past political pressure by the United States (US) under bilateral immunity agreements to refrain from ratifying the treaty; however, given the recent change in approach by the US government towards the ICC, states are less restricted than they might have been under the previous US administration when it comes to the RS. Now, as before, given some governments unwillingness to ratify the RS, the burden of pushing for ratification and implementation has rested with an able and willing civil society, supported by the broader international community. With the success of civil society initiatives in pushing for the establishment of human rights mechanisms in the region such as the Association for Southeast Asian
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AFRICA
Rome Statute Ratifications/Accessions: 32 Most Recent: Cape Verde (10 October 2011) APIC Ratifications/Accessions: 12 Most Recent: Gabon (20 September 2010)
AMERICAS
Rome Statute Ratifications/Accessions: 27 Most Recent: Grenada (19 May 2011) APIC Ratifications/Accessions: 15 Most Recent: Chile (26 September 2011)
ASIA/PACIFIC
Rome Statute Ratifications/Accessions: 16 Most Recent: Maldives (21 September 2011) APIC Ratifications/Accessions: 2 Most Recent: Republic of Korea (18 October 2006)
EUROPE
Rome Statute Ratifications/Accessions: 42 Most Recent: Republic of Moldova (12 October 2010) APIC Ratifications/Accessions: 38 Most Recent: Malta (21 September 2011)
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AFRICA
Cte DIvoireOn 3 October 2011, International Criminal Court (ICC) judges authorized the opening of an investigation into alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in Cte dIvoire. On 10 September 2011, the Cte dIvoire Coalition for the ICC (CI-CPI) initiated a three month project called Hearing and Collection Testimonials from Abidjan District Victims. The project will collect testimonies from victims throughout the district and will involve local authorities and NGOs in a public awareness campaign. Cape VerdeOn 10 October 2011, Cape Verde deposited its instrument of ratification of the Rome Statute (RS) at UN Headquarters, the final step in the ratification process and the culmination of many years of Coalition advocacy efforts and facilitation.
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On 26 September 2011, the Coalitions Advisory Board met in New York (USA) to discuss issues central to the global justice movement. The Board tackled key topics related to international justice, including upcoming ICC elections. Members also discussed how the Board could help address other pressing challenges facing the ICC and the Rome Statute system, and noted the need for support from civil society, governments, intergovernmental entities and other institutions. Chaired by former UN Secretary-General and Nobel Laureate Kofi Annan and composed of eminent individuals from a range of sectors, the Advisory Board seeks to raise the profile of peace and justice issues. Credit: CICC
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AMERICAS
ChileOn 26 September 2011, Chile became the 16th state in the region to accede to the Agreement of Privileges and Immunities (APIC). ColombiaOn 28-29 July 2011, Avocats sans Frontires-Canada hosted a meeting in Bogota for regional international justice experts to harness support for the establishment of an academic experts network in the Americas which would support the effective implementation of the complementarity principle and share lessons learned in the investigation and prosecution of grave crimes. El Salvador, Panama and the Dominican RepublicIn September a Parliamentarians for Global Action (PGA) delegation of members of parliament from Belgium, Chile and the Dominican Republic visited El Salvador, Panama and the Dominican Republic to mobilize political support for the ratification and implementation of the RS and the Kampala amendments in the region.
EUROPE
European ParliamentOn 12 July 2011, the European Parliament (EP) Foreign Affairs Committee (AFET) and Human Rights subcommittee held a hearing on EU Support for the ICC: Facing Challenges and Overcoming Difficulties. The panel, composed of former German justice minister and member of PGA Herta Dubler-Gmelin, ICC Vice President Hans-Peter Kaul, and representatives of Africa Legal Aid, Human Rights Watch and the Coalitions Secretariat was followed by a discussion with officials from the European External Action Service, the EU Presidency and the EP. MaltaOn 21 September 2011, the government of Malta acceded to the APIC of the ICC. All EU members have now joined the RS and the APIC. San MarinoOn 26 September 2011, San Marino became the first country to ratify the amendment to Article 8 of the RS, under which the use of chemical weapons and expanding bullets in conflicts not of an international character constitute war crimes. CooperationIn April and May 2011, Finland and Serbias agreements on the enforcement of ICC sentences came into force.
ASIA/PACIFIC
Sri LankaOn 28 September 2011, the UN Office for the High Commissioner of Human Rights (OHCHR) urged the government of Sri Lanka to ensure there is a genuine accountability process to address the serious violations believed to have been committed during the last months of the war in Sri Lanka. The governmentformed Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission is currently investigating crimes allegedly committed by both government and rebel forces during that time. However, several human rights groups have opposed the body for reportedly not being on par with international human rights inquiry standards. Previously, the Sri Lankan government had rejected the experts panel on Sri Lanka appointed by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon. VanuatuThe South Pacific Island nation of Vanuatu also made strides this year in its domestic process towards Rome Statute ratification with the passage in August 2011 of a law that mandates national courts to investigate and prosecute Rome Statute crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Rome StatuteOn 30 August and 21 September 2011 respectively, the Philippines and Maldives joined the Rome Statute of the ICC.
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