Bangladeshis in Madrid: CLASS, COSMOPOLITANISM AND TRANSNATIONALISM

Benjamin Zeitlyn*
This paper describes the Bangladeshi community in Madrid. Bangladeshi migration to Madrid is a relatively recent and undocumented phenomenon, this study analyses the status of the community in relation to other Bangladeshi migrants. It will be argued that Bangladeshi migration to Europe, (excluding the UK), has a particular status compared with other receiving regions. What has been described as global socio-economic segregation means that certain types of Bangladeshi migrants go to different parts of the world depending on their socio-economic status. Migrants to Madrid, like those described by Melanie Knights, in her study of Bangladeshis in Rome, are relatively wealthy well educated risk takers. Quantitative data gathered during a month of research in Madrid shows the basic demographic information about the Bangladeshi community in Madrid. Postmodern notions of culture and identity, and Hannerz and Werbners analyses of Cosmopolitans and Transnationals create a theoretical framework for analysis of supporting/further qualitative research. An attempt is made to assess and analyse the socioeconomic status of Bangladeshi migrants and how this is different in Bangladesh and in Madrid. Bangladeshis in Europe Knights (1996) outlines the shifting nature of Bangladeshi communities across Europe and the perceived prestige of Europe as a destination for Bangladeshi migrants. Europe is an expensive and risky place to migrate to. This means, according to Knights, that Bangladeshis in Europe are well educated risk takers. Knights gives a history of Bangladeshi migration in Europe, painting a picture of an opportunistic group, travelling the continent in search of asylum opportunities, amnesties, immigrant training programmes, legislative loopholes, lax border controls, friendly administration and of course job opportunities. She outlines the rise and fall of Bangladeshi communities in response to political and economic factors and policies in Switzerland, France, and Germany (Knights, 1996:141-143). Knights also briefly describes Bangladeshi migration to and through Eastern Europe and Russia, highlighting the attractions the region holds for Bangladeshi migrants. It was a cheap haven for political exiles from the fallout of the fall of General

In this issue:
Bangladeshis in Madrid The Camp-based Urdu-speaking Youth SAMReN Bulletin: Policy and Statistics on Labour Migration of Women from Bangladesh 1 7 1

Document: The 2nd Labour Migration Ministerial 5 Consultation for Countries of Origin in Asia Need for Training to Nurses 9 Publications 10 Activities 11

Ershad in December 1990. It also became a centre for students and for migrants who had invested in nonexistent work contracts in East Asia and could not return home. Eastern Europe was perceived to be a region of opportunity for capitalist investment, where small investments could lead to big profits. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, it is easy for Bangladeshis to get to. Eastern Europe became a gateway to Western Europe, which was becoming very difficult to enter by air. Migrants aimed to get as far as possible in Eastern Europe legally, and then choose a Western European destination to enter illegally (Knights, 1996:146). Number of Bangladeshi Immigrants in Industrialised Countries
Number of Bangladeshi Immigrants UK 500,000* USA 500,000 Italy 70,000 Canada 35,000 Japan 22,000 Australia 15,000 Greece 11,000 Spain 7,000 Germany 5,000 South Africa 4,000 France 3,500 Netherlands 2,500 Belgium 2,000 Switzerland 1,400 Total 1,178,400 * British official sources put this figure at 300,000 Source: Educated guess made by government officials of Bangladesh who have first hand experience with the immigrant community. Cited in Siddiqui 2004 (emphasis and star added). Country

Siddiquis recent work on the Bangladeshi diaspora gives some estimates of Bangladeshi communities in Europe (see Table). Italy (Rome) has the third biggest Bangladeshi community in the world, Greece and Spain have the next largest communities in Europe. These countries are the new immigration countries of Europe; all of them were previously countries of emigration. The transition from a labour exporting country to a labour importing country happened in Spain around the mid-eighties. In the last twenty-five years the number of immigrants in Spain has trebled or quadrupled (Arango, 2000:253). This migration transition has happened simultaneously to, and is perhaps partly the result of, rapid economic growth and development, which in turn is associated with massive investment by the European Union (EU) in its poorest regions. The EU has brought many changes, but not all of them have been purely economic. The 1992 Maastricht treaty also cleared the way for the relaxation of border controls within the EU, and a common visa policy. This has led to fears that Europes soft underbelly of Mediterranean countries with lax controls, long coastlines, and close proximity to poor, labour exporting countries, would let in too many illegal immigrants (Huntoon, 1998:424). Indeed, it is estimated that a quarter of illegal immigrants enter the EU through Spain (Sills, 2004). Bangladeshis in Spain Siddiquis estimate of 7,000 Bangladeshis living in Spain is supported by other estimates. The first secretary at the Bangladesh Embassy in Madrid put the number at roughly 5,000 Bangladeshis in Spain, but acknowledged that this was an educated guess. It is very difficult to get an exact figure for various reasons. Some Bangladeshis live and work in Spain illegally. Another problem common to most migrant groups and particularly of migrants in Spain is the transient nature of many of them, who may be in Spain on their way to somewhere else. Bangladeshis seem not to exist in official records in Spain, although Indians do. During the research, Sri Lankans, Pakistanis, and Bangladeshis were all encountered but not a single Indian, this may be coincidental, or may point to errors in official statistics. Spain does not have an embassy in Bangladesh, so many Bangladeshis go to the embassy in Delhi to get a visa, and perhaps in this way they are counted as Indians. In Spain, Bangladeshis live in the big cities such as Barcelona, Madrid and Valencia, but also in tourist resorts such as Alicante and Malaga. Work in tourist
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Knights research was carried out between 1992 and 1996. The timing of research must be taken into account. At that time, immigration to Middle Eastern countries had decreased due to the first Gulf War. The Soviet Union had just collapsed, and a new era of capitalism and relative freedom to cross the borders of Eastern Europe had just started. Perhaps as a result of these factors, Europe was emerging as a destination for Bangladeshis in the early nineties. Now there is new instability in the Middle East and the economies of East Asia are not as buoyant as they were ten years ago. Eastern Europe is still in a situation of transition, and provides much clandestine immigration into the EU. Does Europe still have the same attraction for the same group of Bangladeshis as it did ten years ago?
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resorts fluctuates with the seasons, so the populations there may be transient. Barcelona and Madrid have by far the biggest populations of immigrants of any region in Spain. Madrid has a lower proportion of EU and rich world immigrants compared to the rest of Spain and a higher proportion of poor world immigrants (Lora-Tamayo Docon, 2003:29). This may be due to the relative attractiveness to rich world foreigners of Barcelona or coastal regions, or may have more to do with the type of employment available. The high proportion of female poor world (usually Latin American) immigrants in Madrid is associated with the demand for domestic servants, carers, and nannies in Madrid (Lora-Tamayo Docon, 2003:30). Within Madrid there is a great concentration of the Bangladeshi community in an area called Lavapies. Lavapies is the Brick Lane of Madrid, due to the concentration of the Bangladeshi community in the area and other similarities. Lavapies is a run down area with some of the lowest rents in the centre of Madrid. It has various immigrant populations, and is probably Madrids most multicultural area. Big Moroccan, Chinese and Senegalese communities all live in the area. Recently the area has started to become fashionable and a new wave of young Spanish and foreign (mostly EU) students and professionals have started to move in. The area is being gentrified and rents are rising. The multicultural, vibrant youthful feel the immigrants and young people have created is ironically pushing prices up and will eventually force them to move elsewhere. The Bangladeshi Community in Madrid Exact figures are difficult to get, but based on estimates from many sources and the membership of the Bangladeshi Association in Madrid, there seem to be between one and two thousand Bangladeshis in Madrid. Forty Bangladeshis were interviewed, during this study. All the respondents were men, aged between eighteen and forty-eight. Their average age was thirtyone, and most were married (27 out of 40) although very few of them said their family lived with them in Madrid (8 out of 40). The majority were legally living and working in Madrid (32 out of 40), although many who did not have papers refused to be interviewed. Of the twenty of so who refused to be interviewed, most probably
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did so because they did not have a secure legal status to be in Spain.

The main area of origin was Dhaka or the Dhaka area (13 out of 40), (four said they came from Narayanganj), followed by Chittagong (9 out of 40). Five came from Noakhali, (it is interesting to note that a straight line drawn between Dhaka and Chittagong provides an axis, from which almost all the respondents came from). The majority come from cities and non-agricultural backgrounds. All of them were educated to secondary level (college or high school). Fourteen had bachelors degrees, and three had masters degrees. Many of them spoke some English, and one or two spoke very good English. Their level of Spanish was generally good and some spoke several other languages as well. Several spoke Italian, Portuguese or Arabic, the most travelled usually spoke good English. In learning Spanish, some had forgotten the English they had learnt at school. Employment The majority of the interviewees work in or own shops. Most of these are wholesalers selling clothes, belts, caps, scarves, cheap jewellery and mobile phone accessories. Some run food shops (alimentaciones), which often included a halal butcher. Some run Locutorios; internet cafes and places to phone abroad, usually run by immigrants and associated with one national group - offering cheap calls to their own country of origin, and other countries. There are also a number who work in restaurants. There are three Bangladeshi run restaurants in Lavapies, typically they are called Indian restaurants. I was told that there are thirteen Indian restaurants in Madrid.

The multicultural, vibrant youthful feel the immigrants and young people have created is ironically pushing prices up and will eventually force them to move elsewhere.

Most of the interviewees felt they had taken a step down in the jobs they now did compared to the jobs they had done in Bangladesh. Some had owned small businesses in Bangladesh.

Thirteen out of the group own their own business, and the majority work in Bangladeshi run businesses. Only three of the interviewees worked in nonBangladeshi owned businesses. Many of the group complained of underemployment, they worked a little bit in a friends shop but desperately needed more work. Those that do not have papers have to make a living working illegally, either in Bangladeshi businesses or by selling sunglasses, scarves or caps in the street, which they buy or get on credit from Bangladeshi wholesalers.

gourmet tasters who travel among global cultures, savouring cultural differences as they flit with consummate ease between social worlds. Such gorgeous butterflies in the greenhouse of global culture are a quite different social species from the transnational bees and ants who build new hives and nests in foreign lands. Transnationals are people who move, often in great swarms in order to create collective homes around them wherever they land. (Werbner, 1997:12) Werbners critique of Hannerz is revealing and shows the implicit eurocentricity and class assumptions in his analysis (Werbner, 1997:12 and 1999:17). Friedmann also touches on this in his discussion of transnational subjectivity. He describes a global elite of rich, Western, professional cosmopolitans, who dominate interpretations of the world (Friedmann, 1995:79). Werbner and Friedmann reveal the crudeness of Hannerzs cosmopolitan-transnational distinction. Their analysis is important and shows common problems in the analysis of so-called subaltern groups by western academics and indeed by diaspora intellectuals (Werbner, 1999:18, 1997:12) Werbner explodes Hannerzs distinction by giving several examples of what she calls working class cosmopolitans. Poor migrants, who have nonetheless engaged with the other and who are comfortable interacting with several very different cultures. Her case studies provide clear examples of cosmopolitanism from people not usually identified as cosmopolitan and who would be described as transnationals by Hannerz (Werbner, 1999). Bangladeshis in Madrid provide an interesting addition to this discussion; they are neither global elite, diasporic intellectuals nor working class cosmopolitans, they fit in somewhere in-between. They are, as Knights describes them, well educated risk takers, they assume some features of cosmopolitans and some of transnationals. Their place in this framework is interesting and revealing. Global Socio-Economic Segregation Bangladeshis in Madrid are very well educated, well travelled and speak several languages. They have some characteristics of the classic cosmopolitan, but are definitely not part of a global elite. They have some characteristics of Werbners working class cosmopolitans. In Spain, Bangladeshis may be regarded as working class or underprivileged, because of the work they do, the areas and conditions they live in and their unstable immigration and
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Most of the interviewees felt they had taken a step down in the jobs they now did compared to the jobs they had done in Bangladesh. Some had owned small businesses in Bangladesh and now worked for someone else. One had worked for UNICEF and another as an accountant for a large and well-known Bangladeshi NGO. Others had been teachers, painters or journalists. Several had worked in a family business. Eighteen of the group said they had been students in Bangladesh before they went abroad, and had never worked there. This reflects partly on their young age, but also on their level of education and the relative wealth of their families. Class, Cosmopolitanism and Transnationalism Hannerz suggests a distinction between transnationals, who travel frequently, usually for work and who share structures of meaning carried by social networks, and cosmopolitans who are willing to engage with the Other (Hannerz, 1992:252). Transnationals, according to Hannerz keep foreign cultures at arms length and create a surrogate home ... with the help of compatriots, in whose circle one feels most comfortable (Hannerz, 1992:248). Werbners description of Hannerzs distinction is creative and illuminating. Cosmopolitans ... are multilingual
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employment status. They do not regard themselves as working class, and are not regarded as such in Bangladesh. Gardner points out a similar miss-match of perceptions of class and affluence with regards to Bangladeshis in Britain. In Britain, Bangladeshis are amongst the most underprivileged ethnic groups; the same people are regarded as lucky and rich by their neighbours, friends and family in Bangladesh (Gardner, 1993:3). What class are they then, how can we analyse the effects of class or relative affluence on migration patterns? The Bangladeshi community in Madrid is relatively well educated and affluent. They are neither the poorest unskilled Bangladeshi migrants working in construction in the Middle East, nor are they the richest, well connected Bangladeshi migrants studying in the US or Canada. Knights identifies this phenomenon, calling it global socio-economic segmentation. Her enquiries yielded estimates of relative prices of migration from Bangladesh to various parts of the world. The prices depend on the perceived desirability of each region. Her estimates are of costs of $2,000 for passage to the Middle East, $5,000 to Singapore or Western Europe, and $10-12,000 to the USA, Canada and Australia (Knights, 1996:100). Although, almost ten years later, it is important to remember that these figures may have changed considerably. Perhaps the Bangladeshis in Madrid, and the Mediterranean countries represent the middle class of the Bangladeshi diaspora, a diaspora where your wealth, education and connections determine where you can go? Conclusions Are the Bangladeshis in Madrid from an emerging middle class in Bangladesh? They are well educated and relatively affluent, and this has influenced their choice of migration destination. They have mainly left Bangladesh for economic and political reasons, and chosen Spain due to networks of friends or family and the relative ease in securing legal status in Spain through the regularisation programmes. Their level of education has helped them to negotiate their arrival and survival and suggests that if Bangladesh is to keep exporting labour it must keep investing in basic education. Bangladeshis seemed very confident of their chances applying for residence permits through regularisation processes; no doubt their education helps them with this type of bureaucracy.
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As stated earlier, many of this community speak several languages and have lived in various countries. They are comfortable conversing in and learning new languages. They are interested in travel and discovering and understanding different cultures and places. Their migration project has economic motives but is also driven by a sense of adventure and discovery. They are risk takers in their migration choices.

Some of the community display attributes that clearly identify them as cosmopolitans; they relish their contact with the other. Many of these well educated risk takers were keen to travel and see the world. Cosmopolitans, as Werbner points out, are not always upper class jet setters. Unlike in Werbners paper however, the Bangladeshis in Madrid are not working class cosmopolitans. This case study demonstrates that there is a middle ground between Hannerz and Werbners cosmopolitans. Their multiple identities encompass the status of affluent, educated and well travelled in Bangladesh and hard working hard done by immigrants in Spain. Perceptions of class, migration and affluence in the two countries are very different even in the age of globalisation. This suggests that Werbners critique of Hannerz is valid and that cosmopolitans are not always from an international elite. Many different groups can become cosmopolitans, through experience or necessity. Hannerzs distinction between cosmopolitans and transnationals is useful to describe behaviour but must not be used to distinguish between different classes.
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Bangladeshis in Madrid are neither global elite, diasporic intellectuals nor working class cosmopolitans, they fit in somewhere inbetween. They are well educated risk takers, they assume some features of cosmopolitans and some of transnationals.

Within the Bangladeshi community in Madrid there are differences in integration. Some were clearly more cosmopolitan than others. The cosmopolitans were characterised by being young men who were not married and had no children. Others were more interested in the Bangladeshi community than engaging with others, they were mostly older, had families, and were better educated. This contradicts the class and educational assumptions Werbner points out in the cosmopolitans debate. In fact, attributes such as adaptability, language skills and practical vocational skills were more useful to the group than their academic qualifications. This suited the young men best, who were quick and eager to learn. This implies that greater investment in certain aspects of education by the Government of Bangladesh could increase the economic options, and security of migrants. Knowledge of languages and skills such as computer literacy are useful in a wide range of contexts. Bangladeshis in Madrid are a good example of a relatively successful group who are confident and competent at negotiating policies and economies to survive and achieve their goals. Their level of education has helped them to establish themselves in Spain, secure legal status and start businesses. However they may also be an example of brain waste, a highly qualified group that is prevented from using their specialist skills due to language or qualification barriers. This represents a significant loss for the migrants themselves, for Bangladesh and for the host country. Does the global socio-economic segregation contribute to this problem? As the regularisation policy continues, the Bangladeshi community in Spain will grow. It is important that the Spanish government learns from the mistakes of others from the past. A restrictive immigration policy may lead to the Bangladeshi community staying in Spain for fear of losing their legal status. Allowing them to come and go freely would allow them to return to Bangladesh to visit or retire as many of them aspire to. Secure immigration status would also make them more likely to travel within Spain and Europe, satisfying demand for labour and skills, using their own skills more fully, and benefiting the European economy as well as the economy of Bangladesh.

Bibliography
Arango, J., 2000, Becoming a Country of Immigration at the end of the Twentieth Century: the Case of Spain, in King et al., eds., 2000, Eldorado or Fortress? Migration in Southern Europe, Macmillan, London Friedmann, J., 1995, Global Systems, Globalisation and the Parameters of Modernity, in Featherstone et al., eds., Global Modernities, Sage Publications, London Gardner, K, 1993, Desh Bidesh: Sylheti images of home and away, Man, vol. 28, no. 1, March 1993 Gardner, K., 1995, Global Migrants, Local Lives, Oxford University Press, Oxford Hannerz, U, 1992, Cultural University Press, New York Complexity, Colombia

Huntoon, 1998, Immigration to Spain: Implications for a Unified European Union Immigration Policy, International Migration Review. Knights, M, 1996, Migration in the new world order :the case of Bangladeshi migration to Rome, Sussex University Thesis. Knights, M, 1997, Migrants as Networkers: The Economics of Bangladeshi Migration to Rome, in King, R., ed., 1997, Southern Europe and the New Immigrations, Sussex Academic Press, Brighton. Lora-Tamayo Docon, G., 2003, Extranjeros en Madrid, Informe 2001 - 2002, Delegacion Diocesana de Migraciones - ASTI, Madrid. Siddiqui, T., 1998, National Responsibility Towards the Migrant Workers, Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit, Dhaka. Siddiqui, T, 2004, Institutionalising Diaspora Linkage: The Emigrant Bangladeshis in UK and USA, Ministry of Expatriates Welfare and Overseas Employment, Government of Bangladesh and International Organization for Migration, Dhaka. Sills, B., 2004, Spain Promises Amnesty to Immigrants, The Guardian, 23rd August 2004. Werbner, P, 1997, Introduction: The Dialectics of Cultural Hybridity, in Werbner and Modood, eds. 1997, Cultural Hybridity, Zed Books, London. Werbner, P., 1999, Global Pathways. Working class cosmopolitans and the creation of transnational ethnic worlds, Social Anthropology, Vol. 7, No. 1, 1999, pp 17 35.
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* Benjamin Zeitlyn has completed his Masters degree in

Migration Studies at the University of Sussex, United Kingdom. 6 Udbastu, Issue 30, October December 2004

FACTS FROM THE FIELD

THE CAMP-BASED URDU SPEAKING YOUTH: THEIR PRESENT CONDITION AND PERCEPTION ABOUT THE FUTURE
Muhammad Hasan*
The creation of Bangladesh had led to major problems for the Urdu-speaking Muslims who had in the aftermath of the partition of 1947 moved to then East Pakistan from different states of India, principally from Bihar. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) assumed responsibility of the community soon after the independence of Bangladesh. Of the 475,000 members of the Urduspeaking community, 325,000 wanted repatriation, the rest wished to stay. Consequently the ICRC began negotiations to repatriate those who had shown this preference. In 1974 a trilateral agreement was signed between Bangladesh, India and Pakistan. Under this agreement, repatriation started in 1973 and 1,08,000 were repatriated up to 1974. However, the process was stalled in the late 1970s, and since then a large number of the Urdu-speaking community has been spending their lives in camps, located in different areas in Bangladesh. The community has been misled by its leadership for over three decades with the dream that repatriation to Pakistan is in the offing. This hindered efforts of community members from permanently settling in Bangladesh, and claiming rights that are enjoyed by other Bangladeshis. The community lacks education, healthcare and housing, and new generations are facing uncertainty. For 33 years the community has been waiting for repatriation. In order to assess the present generations views and opinions, the Urdu Speaking Young Generation Association conducted a sample survey on present conditions and future aspirations of the youth of the Urdu-speaking community. The number of respondents was 100, among which 37 were from Dhaka, 16 from Khulna, 23 from Rangpur and Saidpur, and 24 from Mymensingh. Among the total respondents 48 were males and 52 were females. Their age ranged between 15 and 35. Among the female respondents 30 were married, 21 were unmarried, and one was divorced. Of the male respondents 15 were married, and 33 unmarried. Among the respondents,
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14 were engaged in different businesses, 19 government employees (Railway employees), 3 teachers, 10 mill workers (jute, apparel and sugar), 8 in different private jobs and 31 in other professions. In response to the question why they had been living in the camp, 73 stated that they had sought refuge soon after the war, 10 due to economic difficulties and one stated that she came because her daughter was married to someone living in the camp. About their knowledge and experiences of the Liberation War, 11 stated that some members of their family died in 1971 and their properties were subject to pillage, plundering and harassment. The vast majority (89) informed that they had no experience of the Liberation War, were not interested in the past, and thought it would be wiser to focus on the future. With regard to the camp conditions and problems answers included: difficulties in earning a living (17), housing problems (60), difficulties regarding water supply and sewage (76), absence of health facilities (5), lack of education facilities (25), lack of privacy (1), unhygienic surroundings (18), lack of unity (4), and difficulties in getting married (3). However, eight respondents reported that they did not face any problem. Questions were asked about adaptation into the mainstream society as well as relationship with the local community. An overwhelming majority (90) informed that they tried to adapt to the local community. A large number (80) of the respondents stated that they had not faced any problem of interacting with their Bengalee friends, while ten said they faced problems due to poverty. They thought that if economic conditions were better there would be no problem. However, others identified that there is cooperation from the mainstream community irrespective of language, creed and origin.
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They were asked if they were enrolled in the electoral register. Among them, 16 stated that they were enrolled as voters. A resident of Rangpur Ispahani Camp informed that along with some others he was registered earlier, but after the present government came to power, they felt that they were being politically oppressed. The winning candidate of the ruling party did not care for them. On the other hand, the candidate who lost in the last election frequently threatened them and accused them of not voting for him. This incidence led some voters to remove their names from the register. This survey was conducted during the election campaign of Saidpur Municipality. There are 70,000 members of the Urdu-speaking community in this municipality, of them 24,000 live outside the camp and are enrolled in the voter register. Ashraful Huq, President of the municipal committee of Bangladesh Nationalist Party and a candidate in the municipal elections, regretted that some so called community leaders are discouraging the Urdu-speaking community to vote on the grounds that it will impede their repatriation. The respondents were also asked about their personal opinion regarding the intention of their parents to be repatriated to Pakistan. 31 respondents reported that their parents were eager to be repatriated, while 61 stated that their parents would be happy to reside in Bangladesh permanently. It was noted that many of the older generation were no more obsessed with the idea of moving into Pakistan because they believed it would be of little benefit for them, having already wasted years waiting in vein. Many were keen to ensure that their childrens lives were also not spoilt. The chairman of Khalishpur Camp in Khulna stated that they were not at all interested in repatriation, but consistently they were raising the demand because they think if the demand persisted they would remain in the camp. The respondents were questioned about their citizenship. 90 respondents described themselves as Bangladeshis, while 9 described themselves as Pakistanis and one was not confident about his citizenship status. Those describing themselves as Bangladeshis did so because they were born and brought up in Bangladesh. They believed they were intrinsically related to the nature and environment of
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Bangladesh and at their age it would be difficult for them to adapt to life in any other country. They were asked what difference there would be if the government, civil society or other organisations take initiative to improve their condition. Improvements in education and healthcare were cited by 59 respondents, 58 mentioned improvements to housing and sewerage, 11 mentioned housing, 54 said improved employment opportunities, 11 identified rehabilitation, one was for recreation grounds, and six said that the problems would only be resolved through repatriation to Pakistan. When asked about the competence of the communitys leadership, 45 of the respondents reported that they were satisfied, while 50 noted dissatisfaction. The cause of their dissatisfaction was the rigid attitude of the leadership and their traditional style. This section felt that young leadership could bring substantive changes. The camp-dwellers explicitly expressed their opinion regarding the leadership crisis. The younger respondents regretted the absence of a competent leadership. They thought such leadership was needed to draw international attention to their plight. The older members of the community did not accept the idea of leadership coming from the younger generation. They thought only the elder members had the right to decide the future of the community. They also thought that the problem was historical in nature and could not be resolved by someone born recently. In analysing the findings of the survey, it is evident that the majority of the respondents are against the request for repatriation given 33 years ago. For more than three decades the community has been confined to the camps and both the male and female members are eager to address this situation. They have no fascination with a country that they were not born in; instead they wish to build lives in Bangladesh. They pointed fingers at some self-declared community leaders for increasing their sufferings. They believed that if they were included as part of the mainstream society it will be congenial for national development. It will create sense of belonging among them and portray Bangladesh internationally as a liberal democratic and pluralist country.
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* Md. Hasan is the Convener of the Association of Urduspeaking Youth. He and his team conducted the study under the Young Researchers Forum of RMMRU. Udbastu, Issue 30, October December 2004

FEMALE MIGRATION FROM BANGLADESH: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS

Tasnim Jahan*
Around 185 million women are international migrants globally, which is around 48% of the total migrant population. Women are preferred for a number of specialised sectors such as ready-made garments, nursing, housekeeping etc. As per capita income is increasing in many countries, demand for female migration is also increasing. Official data indicates that the share of Bangladeshi women in this labour force is very low. Less than 1% of the total migrants from Bangladesh are women. However, over the last decade female migration from Bangladesh has increased. In many developing countries women are involved in formal sectors of the economy. Some take up employment overseas. Their success through migration has a demonstration effect within a community and has encouraged others to migrate. Migration thus becomes a livelihood option for many women. In many cases, however, state policies hinder female migration. Instead of facilitating female migration, the state takes up a protective role. However, empirical evidence suggests that when there is demand for female labour, there are women who are willing to migrate, and there are agencies to facilitate migration, and it is very difficult for the state to succeed with its restrictive policy. In this article I have examined the policy of the Bangladesh state on migration of female workers, noted how the policy is
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changing, and the problems that women are facing. In the end, a set of recommendations has been presented. Female Migration from Bangladesh In the 1970s the government did not have any specific policy on female migration. The government first took initiative in 1981 through a presidential order, declaring that professional and skilled women would be allowed to migrate as principal worker but semiskilled and unskilled women would not be allowed to take up overseas jobs without being accompanied by a male guardian. Then in 1988, the government withdrew the ban and imposed restriction on migration of only unskilled and semi-skilled women. This implies that these categories of women should not be allowed to migrate on their own. However, a provision was made that the government would consider specific cases and let women migrate be securing special Figure 1: Migration of Men and Female Workers from Bangladesh (1997-2004)

Table 1: Migration of Female Workers from Bangladesh (from 1991 to August 1999)
Profession Doctor Nurse Teacher Factory worker Garments worker 3 694 161 76 Housemaid 373 2,212 1,344 217 717 110 21 37 13 6 56 81 5,187 Cleaner/ Labour 13 1,364 83 53 15 13 Total 925 3,590 2,129 5,171 960 219 21 54 158 6 53 56 96 13,438

Saudi Arabia 49 485 2 Kuwait 14 UAE 8 Malaysia 137 4,817 Bahrain 29 Oman 18 Brunei Qatar 4 Mauritius 145 Korea 6 Lebanon Singapore Others Total 49 691 6 4,968 Source: Bureau of Manpower, Employment and Training (BMET)

47 15 1,603

934

permission. Again in 1997 the government imposed a near complete ban on migration of all categories of women workers, except qualified professionals like doctors, engineers and teachers. For the first time the government put a ban even on the professionals and skilled workers such as nurses, typists, secretarial assistants, garments or factory workers along with the unskilled and semi-skilled domestic aides or cleaners. Female workers from Bangladesh migrated to mainly five countries, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Malaysia, UAE and Bahrain. Among them, the portion of qualified professionals is quite low; only 49 female doctors and 6 female teachers have been recruited in Saudi Arabia during this nine-year period. From Table 1, it is observed that till August 1999, female migration to Malaysia was the highest and mainly factory workers have gone there. The second highest number of women workers had gone to Kuwait, where they were mainly engaged as housemaids and cleaners. Saudi Arabia mainly recruited housemaids and nurses, while UAE mainly recruits housemaids and garment workers. If we analyse the scenario from 1997 to June 2004, we can see that in 1997 the flow of female migration was comparatively high. Then it decreased substantially and during 1999-2000 it was less than 500. However, from 2002 the number has gradually increased at a faster pace, the increasing rate being around 100%. Table 2 shows that there has been a sharp increase in the number of female migrants through official channels since 2001. Until June 2004, the maximum
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number of females migrated to Saudi Arabia. Currently the female labour flow is almost nonexistent to Malaysia, which was once one of the main countries for female migration. From 2001, Jordan became another major destination for Bangladeshi female workers. Now Jordans position is second in terms of the number of female migrants it receives and between January 2000 and June 2004 it recruited more than 2,000 women from Bangladesh. Within this 3.5 year period Bangladeshi female workers have been recruited into mainly Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait and Jordan. Present Policy Changes In 2003 the government formed a new ministry, the Ministry for Expatriates Welfare and Overseas Employment. The new ministry, along with some other changes specified some conditions for the aspirant migrant workers as well as the recruiting agencies with regard to migration of female workers from Bangladesh. The major conditions are1: A. For female workers Female workers, who wish to take up household jobs, must be 35 years of age or more, must be physically fit and in good health. They will have to submit a No Objection Certificate from her legal guardian. All workers will have to undergo a training programme of no less than 30 days but preferably for 60 days. This will enable them to gain sufficient knowledge in handling and operations of all kinds of household equipment and electronic apparatus. Women having experience in beauty parlour and physical fitness programmes will be given added preference.
SAMReN Bulletin, October December 2004

B. For the employers/recruiting agents The recruiting agencies will have to establish a training centre and must obtain prior permission from the Ministry of Expatriates Welfare and Overseas Employment before they can start any training programme. This must occupy an area of no less than 10,000 square feet and must have dormitory/hostel facilities. This training institute should invariably be located in a city centre. The ratio of trainer and trainees will have to be 1:30.

Table 2: Migration of Female Workers (Country-Wise)

Year 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 (Jan-Jun) 1,098 61 Total 3,068 172 41 997 7 3 919 1 7 1 2,161 2 4 5 2 47 1 1 2 15 7,456

For recruitment, preference will be given to married female workers who are accompanied by their husbands or sons. The recruiting agencies must deposit an amount of US$550 against each worker as security money. The minimum salary of female workers will be fixed, depending upon the country of employment. Free healthcare and social security must be ensured. Insurance facilities (in case of death, accident, major operation, disability etc.) for all workers will have to be provided. The employer will be responsible for payment of insurance premium for one year. The rest will be borne by the recruiting agencies. The employer will provide free return air ticket after completion of the tenure. C. Additional requirements Recruiting agents will not be entitled to claim any service charge from female workers except fees prescribed by the government, taxes and expenses for trainee, which shall not exceed to Tk 10,000 per person. They must ensure that workers salary should be paid on monthly basis. Under no circumstances can

KSA 335 827 808 Bahrain 22 22 30 37 Oman 27 14 Kuwait 4 15 18 333 627 Singapore 2 1 2 2 Malaysia 1 2 UAE 381 162 217 108 51 Switzerland 1 UK 1 6 Netherlands 1 Jordan 95 104 1,053 909 Italy 2 Pakistan 4 Brunei 1 2 2 Sipan 2 Mauritius 47 Lebanon 1 Slovakia 1 Hong Kong 1 1 Others 15 Total 454 659 1,217 2,353 2,773 Source: Bureau of Manpower, Employment and Training (BMET)

this be delayed by more than two months; and the contract must not be of less than two years. Any violation will be treated as a punishable offence and license will be revoked as per Emigration Ordinance of 1982. Recent Developments Usually the government receives Tk 150,000 as security deposit from any agency for any kind of migration. But the government has recently increased this amount to Tk 500,000, for agencies that want to process migration of females as housemaids. In this regard the government has so far given permission to seven recruiting agencies. These agencies are Tribeni International, Royal Associates International, Rabbi International, Rupsha overseas, Enam International, Akbar Enterprise, and Irving Enterprise. If anyone submits any complaints against any agent, the government will compensate that particular person from the security deposit. This procedure of giving permission to agencies for female migration as housemaids started in late 2003. The government wants to limit the number as this will help in monitoring.
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Figure 2: Migration of Female Workers (1997-2004)

SAMReN Bulletin, October December 2004

The government has to initiate mechanism for effective monitoring. Measures should also be in place so that workers can communicate with agency and the government offices, if need be. The government should promote policies to protect emigrant women, enabling them to defend themselves against exploitation or any other violation of their rights.

The government normally prefers that married women migrate. In such cases, the government tries to arrange migration for the husband as well. So far this policy has brought positive results. In 2002 only 1,217 female migrated from Bangladesh, but the number increased to 2,773 (more than 100% increase) in the first six months of 2004. By July 2004, 1,739 women migrated abroad.

Limiting the age to 35 years or above has been criticised on several grounds. At this age, Bangladeshi women usually have children and they cannot take them along. Moreover, a housemaid usually faces the problem of performing multi-dimensional tasks. Lack of adaptability of a different country, situation and weather is also a problem for our migrant women. This may hinder their job performance because older women may not be able to adapt as efficiently as younger women to the new environment. Recommendations Above all it is clear that to make the policies successful, the government has to initiate mechanism for effective monitoring. Measures should also be in place so that workers can communicate with agency and the government offices, if need be. The government should promote policies to protect emigrant women, enabling them to defend themselves against exploitation or any other violation of their rights. Strong argument may also be made in favour of creating a favourable atmosphere for regular migration of women. Such policies will help reduce the incidence of trafficking. Conclusion The share of female migrants of Bangladesh in the international labour market is rather low. The readymade garments, the main sector for foreign currency earning has been facing huge problems since early 2005 due to the abolition of quota system under the Multi-Fibre Agreement. Over 90% of the workers in this sector are women. It has been estimated that more than 1.5 million women workers will become jobless. Under such circumstances, migration can be a possible solution to this problem. However, in this regard, pragmatic and appropriate policy decisions, and proper implementation of policies are required. If this can be done, it will expand the labour market for Bangladeshi women. Endnote:
1. Manual provided by Ministry of Expatriates Welfare and Overseas Employment, Government of the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh, 2003, pp.2-4.

Drawbacks These new policies are also facing some problems. The government has permitted only seven agencies to send women abroad to work as housemaids. The government needs to reconsider if more agencies should be given permission. There is no mechanism to monitor if the agencies are charging only the stipulated amount of TK 10,000. There is also the absence of any effective mechanism to ensure that employees are paying the right wage at the right time, and in case of any problem, the female worker cannot necessarily contact the agent. This needs to be addressed.

______________________________
* Tasnim Jahan is an MSS student in Political Science, University of Dhaka.

SAMReN Bulletin, October December 2004

DOCUMENT SECOND LABOUR MIGRATION MINISTERIAL CONSULTATIONS FOR COUNTRIES OF ORIGIN IN ASIA
Summary of Statement and Recommendations of the Ministers* 1. Background
The second ministerial level Consultations of Asian labour sending countries was held in Manila on September 24, 2004. The Ministerial Meeting was preceded by a meeting of senior officials on September 22. This was a follow-up of the first such meeting held in Colombo on 1-2 April 2004. The aim of the second Ministerial Consultations was to provide a forum for Asian labour sending countries to: Share experiences, lessons learned and best practices on labour migration policies and practices. Consult on issues faced by labour migrants and sending States and propose practical solutions to protect migrants as well as optimise development benefits Review and monitor the implementation of recommendations of the Colombo Consultations and identify further steps for action.

2. Recommendations of the Ministers

The participating States identified the following measures as being conducive to the effective management of labour migration programmes and furthering the recommendations made at Colombo in April 2, 2003:

2.1. Protection of and Provision of Support Services to Migrant Workers

2.1.1. Regulatory frameworks and allied measures to prevent malpractice and abuses in recruitment. A priority concern for all labour sending governments is to ensure the well-being of migrant workers and to secure the payment of decent wages and basic provisions. There are no perfect systems of regulation of labour migration but sending countries have at their disposition a range of policy strategies to extend the scope and improve the efficiency of their regulatory mechanisms to include: a) The conduct of pre-employment orientation seminars (PEOS) and intensified information campaigns, especially in rural communities to provide applicants with sufficient information to enable them to make decisions; b) The empowerment of migrant workers, especially through the formation of community based organizations, to enable their voice to be clearly heard and taken account of in policy development; c) Streamlining and simplification of regulations and procedures intended to protect workers, to prevent the regulatory framework from becoming unwieldy and thus an unintended inducement to irregular migration; d) Close supervision and monitoring by governments of recruitment activities undertaken by overseas employment promoters/agencies, to minimize malpractice and abuses against those seeking overseas jobs; and, the introduction of criminal proceedings, in addition to the cancellation of licences, against serious offenders;

Participants from the main sending countries in Asia, namely Bangladesh, China, India, Indonesia, Nepal, Pakistan, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Vietnam were invited. The International Organization for Migration organised the meeting with the support of the Department for International Development (DFID) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB). The topics discussed by participants during the Consultations were organised in three thematic areas: Protection of migrant workers and support services to migrant workers. Optimising benefits of organised labour migration. Institutional capacity building and interstate cooperation.

While the first Ministerial Consultations covered a broad range of issues within the three themes, the second Consultations focused on priority areas identified.

SAMReN Bulletin, October December 2004

e) Special attention to the supervision of recruitment and deployment of categories of workers especially vulnerable to malpractice and abuse, such as female domestic workers; f) The raising of the skill levels of workers to higher standards to improve their employment opportunities, and the promotion of their deployment abroad, taking into account any brain drain concerns; g) Introduction of stronger measures to ensure enforcement of the employment contract at the worksite, particular through bilateral arrangements and agreements with host governments. 2.1.2. Establishment and Operation of Migrant Welfare Funds (MWF) Migrant Welfare Funds are an innovative and financially sustainable means of providing support services to vulnerable migrants and those migrants in distress. They have the potential to be of value to all labour sending countries. Measures to optimise their efficiency and effectiveness include: a) The channelling, wherever possible, of services through existing specialized institutions with a proven track record, rather than the setting up of ad hoc arrangements; b) The targeting of vulnerable migrants and a focus on core protection activities rather than general purpose welfare intervention; c) The setting up and regular review of benefit entitlements in the light of good industry practice; d) The provision of on-site assistance in the country of destination as a top priority; e) The provision of interest-subsidised loans for pre-departure preparation, housing and selfemployment in preference to the direct administration of credit programs; f) The provision of compulsory insurance against job-site risks and possibly a second component in terms of a voluntary insurance scheme; g) An evaluation of skills development programmes funded by the MWF to identify good practices in the development and administration of employment enhancing programmes; h) The systematic collection of data on significant aspects of overseas employment for purposes of analysis and research, and the submission of regular financial reports duly audited. 2.1.3. Pre-departure Orientation Services (PDOS) Pre-departure arrangements form an integral part of a comprehensive approach to labour migration. An
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optimal approach to Pre-departure preparation (PDOS) would benefit from: a) The introduction of PDOS in all labour-sending countries, taking account of the experiences of countries already having PDOS; b) Ensuring sustainability of PDOS through funding from the MWF or receiving countries/employers. 2.1.4. Feasibility study on the establishment of a Common Migrant Resource Centre (MRC) in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States The GCC states are the major destination for Asian workers, although there has been a growth in new destinations since the 1990s. Migration to the Middle East is both a big opportunity, in terms of foreign employment and remittances and also a great challenge. To give effect to a recommendation made at the first Ministerial Consultations towards the establishment of a joint Migrant Resource Centre, a feasibility study was undertaken and presented at the Consultations. The following action was identified as appropriate to carry the concept forward: a) The conduct of a pilot implementation project, preferably in Kuwait, subject to additional detailed feedback from participating states on the feasibility study, and the determination of an appropriate funding strategy. In this regard the IOM will explore the possibility of organizing a meeting of interested states before the next Ministerial Consultations.

2.2. Optimising Benefits of Organised Labour Migration

2.2.1. Facilitating managed labour migration Labour migration policy necessitates adequate emphasis on the promotion and facilitation of managed external labour flows and should not be limited to the regulating and protecting function of the State. Some of the specific modalities through which states can engage in the facilitation and promotion of international labour migration are: a) The establishment of a labour market monitoring entity which is responsible for the projection of manpower requirements in the major labour receiving countries, with special attention to emerging skill requirements in the external labour markets to meet demand with matching skills; b) The creation of a system to disseminate the information among the potential emigrants;
SAMReN Bulletin, October December 2004

c) The development of improved models of bilateral agreements with major labour receiving countries. 2.2.2. Remittances Enhancing Accessibility, Expanding Infrastructural Capabilities and Widening Outreach of Formal Financial Institutions Some of the major policy initiatives that can contribute to the increased absorption of remittances and savings of migrants through formal channels are: a) The setting up of simplified and clear regulatory frameworks pertaining to foreign exchange management and liberalisation of the exchange rate regime; b) The introduction of measures to deepen and widen the foreign exchange market and provide specialised banking services to Non-Residents; c) Involvement of a larger number of banking and other financial institutions in the transfer of remittances; d) The strengthening of communication and relations in general with the diaspora in different countries; e) Transformation and adaptation of formal transfer systems, to incorporate qualities of speed, flexibility, cost-effectiveness and accessibility that make informal systems currently attractive to migrants and their households; f) The adoption of innovative linkages between information technology and financial transfer systems to reduce the cost of remittance flows, taking into account the best national and international experiences; g) Increased access to banking service points both in the source and recipient countries to reduce costs and increase efficiencies; h) Ensuring that countries which have a system of emigration clearance for departing workers give the opportunity to migrants to open a bank account of their choice; i) The offer of low cost pre-departure loans as a way of encouraging migrants to use formal banking channels; j) Information dissemination on remittance services and options via pre-departure orientation and in Migrant Resource Centres (MRCs) established in countries of destination; k) Enhanced coordination between the Department of Labour Migration, the Department of Finance, major financial institutions and other agencies, as appropriate, on the issue of
SAMReN Bulletin, October December 2004

l)

external labour migration and associated remittance flows; Capacity building for improved consular services for migrants, including the setting up of data bases, and the issue of identity documents, which are secure, to facilitate use of formal remittance channels.

Enhancing the Developmental Impact of Remittances It should be recognised that the remittance inflows are the source of not only foreign exchange receipts, which can be used to finance the balance of trade deficits or the current account deficit, but also of productive investment and social development. Bearing in mind that remittances are private funds, the development potential of remittances can be magnified through the adoption of the following measures: a) The identification of productive and sustainable avenues of investment for remittances, for instance by facilitating the setting up of enterprises directly by migrants or through intermediate mechanisms and by transferring savings via deposit accounts; b) The formulation of policies that enhance the contribution of migrant associations to country of origin development by replicating innovative initiatives, such as the matching fund programme developed in some countries outside the region. Baseline and policy oriented research on remittances and sharing of good practices a) The sharing of best practices and technical expertise and to expand the remittances knowledge base, access to information and know-how among governments and other stakeholders. 2.2.3. Training and Skills Development Migrants optimise benefits from migration when they are able to choose the best foreign employment option. But imperfect conditions poor information and lack of financial resources and credit- would disable wouldbe migrants from acquiring the skills and choosing the destination that gives the highest return. Effective responses to this challenge include: a) The collection of accurate and up to date information on both the domestic and foreign labour market and Education/Training (ET)
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institutions, and its dissemination to the labour force and the youth; b) The development of financial support schemes to help the youth acquire skills that are sought on the domestic and foreign labour market; c) The certification and enforcement of professional and technical standards for qualifications, for instance through a national Training Council linked to international standard-setting entities; d) A review of skills development training structures and systems that will take into account the importance of quality in education and emerging labour market needs.

attention to the training of labour administrators and labour attaches. 2.3.3. Inter State Cooperation There are limits to what a state can do to protect its migrant workers without the active cooperation of other states of origin as well as states of employment. Moreover, although world migration pressures have increased, the progress towards a multilateral approach in the area of migration management is far slower than in the management of trade and capital flows. In such a context, it is important that labour sending countries take a lead role in highlighting the urgency for the development of multilateral approaches to the international movement of people, for instance through the Berne Initiative or the Global Commission on International Migration. It is important that strategies are formulated at regional and multilateral levels to initiate dialogue between countries of origin and destination. Such dialogue should endeavour to: exchange information on surpluses and shortages of labour; develop coordination of policy among labour sending countries; and create harmony of policies among labour receiving countries and protect vulnerable migrants. Specific starting points for inter-state cooperation include: The establishment of a Common Migrants Resource Centre as indicated earlier. The establishment of information sharing mechanisms The setting up of informal networks of labour attachs and diplomatic missions of labour sending countries in countries of destination The implementation of common training ventures The active exploration of opportunities for dialogue between countries of origin and destination

2.3 Capacity Building, Data Collection and Inter State Cooperation

Asian labour sending states have been in the forefront of developing policies and mechanisms to protect migrant workers and in promoting managed labour migration. Further steps that would be beneficial in facilitating capacity building, data collection and cooperation include: 2.3.1. Sharing of information on international labour migration a) The implementation, in line with the recommendations made at the Colombo Ministerial Consultations, of mechanisms of exchange for the sharing, on a voluntary and regular basis, of information about changes in policy and legislation, on major labour migration destinations, on types of migrant workers, and on bilateral agreements, with a focal point being identified in each country. b) The exploration of the concept of a common web portal to share information relating to the protection of migrant workers and, more generally, to the management of labour migration. 2.3.2. Training and Capacity Building a) Institutional capacity building for labour migration management structures, and labour and welfare attache offices. b) The implementation of joint courses on labour migration administration for administrators and labour attaches with the assistance of IOM and ILO. c) The adaptation of the training curriculum for labour administrators and labour attaches developed by IOM as a follow-up to the Colombo Ministerial Consultations, for national training purposes; and the giving of continuing
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3. Follow-up arrangements
The participating States agreed to a regular follow-up on the issue of labour migration management. The next meeting was scheduled to be held in 12 months time in Indonesia. Before the next meeting in-country meetings will be held to review the implementation of the recommendations. Manila, 24 September 2004 _________
* Slightly abridged.

SAMReN Bulletin, October December 2004

THE NEED FOR IMPARTING TRAINING TO NURSES FOR ACCESSING OVERSEAS JOB MARKET UNDERSCORED
Speakers at a workshop underscored the need for imparting specialised skills in training of nurses for accessing overseas job market. They also highlighted the importance of standardisation of nursing curriculum in the light of requirements of the potential receiving countries. The discussion took place at a workshop on Potentials and Opportunities of Migration of Nurses from Bangladesh, jointly organised by the Department of Development Studies and the Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit of Dhaka University on 9 August 2004. In his keynote presentation, Professor Salahuddin M. Aminuzzaman of the Department of Development Studies of the University of Dhaka stated that there is a need for exploring employment opportunities of nurses in Europe and North America. He informed that there will be a massive increase in the demand for trained nurses in various developed countries in the near future. By the year 2020, the gross demand in the US would stand at 435,000, he further informed. In order to access this burgeoning skilled labour market, the workshop participants suggested various policy measures. These include, adoption of a strategic plan for a crash programme involving all stakeholders, improved coordination between concerned ministries and agencies and rationalizing existing B.Sc. Nursing programme. Participants also emphasised the role of the private sector initiatives in this regard. The workshop was organised as a part of the RMMRU-DRC study that is being conducted by Prof. Aminuzzaman. Among others, representatives of the Ministry of Health, Bureau of Manpower Employment and Training (BMET), Department of Nursing and Principal, Bangladesh College of Nursing participated in the discussions. Reporter: Shahzada M Akram

There will be a massive increase in the demand for trained nurses in various developed countries in the near future. By the year 2020, the gross demand in the US would stand at 435,000.

Professor S M A Faiz speaking at the dinner hosted by him to mark the successful completion of RMMRUs Higher Education Link Programme with Refugee Studies Centre (RSC) of Oxford University on 20 November 2004. Also present were Prof. M Asaduzzaman, Chairman, University Grants Commission, Dr. M Farashuddin, Vice Chancellor, East West University, Dr. Stephen Castles of RSC, Dr. June Rollinson of British Council, and Justice Syed Refaat Ahmed.
Udbastu, Issue 30, October December 2004 9

PUBLICATIONS
Unwanted and Uprooted: A Political Study of Migrants, Refugees, Stateless and Displaced of South Asia, by Partha S Ghosh, Samskriti: New Delhi, 2004, ISBN: 81-87374-26-8, pp. 179, Rs 485.00 The history of movement of people form one place to another is as old as the history of mankind. It is as much a natural phenomenon as the birds nesting from tree to tree or animals demarcating their territories from one place to another. Even after the creation of modern nation/states in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, with their defined borders, people continued to move from one country to another as a matter of fact. Since there was hardly any organised protest from the host countries the problem of refugees, migrants, stateless and displaced persons, about which we hear so often these days, did not prevail. But the types of migrants we see in South Asia do not compare with the European migrants. In South Asia they have migrated to places where the people look alike, eat alike, think alike, and more or less are economically alike. The only difference may be that they do not necessarily profess the religion of the majority of the hosts. It is against this background that the problem of refugees, migrants, stateless and displaced persons in South Asia assumes interesting dimensions. The book is divided into five chapters with particular emphasis on two aspects one, on the political issues involved both in out-migration and in-migration situations, meaning thereby, both in the sending and the receiving countries, second on the issue of regional security that would highlight the centrality of India in both geographical and political terms and therefore, tries to find the epicentres of the threat to regional security in the surrounding and link them up to the question of people on the move. The conclusion of the study reflects the authors normative bias that the problem of migrants and refugees in South Asia cannot be addressed unless the respective developmental models of the regional states are coordinated. In that sense there is no substitute for regional and inter-regional cooperation for which SAARC alone can be the appropriate vehicle.

The New Lahures: Foreign Employment and Remittance Economy of Nepal, by David Seddon, Jagannath Adhikari, Ganesh Gurang, Nepal Institute of Development Studies (NIDS): Kathmandu, 2001, pp. 163, NRs 250.00, US $5.00 The book presents findings of research carried out by the authors of an action-research project during the period 1997 1999. The research revealed the importance of labour migration and remittances in the rural economy of Nepal and the significance of these at the national, regional, local and household level. The book begins with an examination of the relationship between remittances and rural livelihoods, highlighting the importance of remittances in the rural economy, as well as an overview of remittances within the context of the national economy. It goes on to examine Nepalese workers overseas with region and country analysis. The study focuses on the effects of remittances at the local village level, with reference to the situation of the poor. The book concludes with policy recommendations, both immediate and long-term, which include the Nepalese government developing a more positive approach to foreign migration and the transfer of remittances. 10 Udbastu, Issue 30, October December 2004

VISIT SAMREN WEBSITE AT

www.samren.org
This website contains information on internal and international migration from and within South Asia. New facts and figures on migration include global migrant population, top 10 countries of emigration and immigration, top 10 remittance recipient countries, remittance as precentage of GDP for selected countries and more. Udbastu (the uprooted) Issues 28 to 31 incorporating SAMReN Bulletin are now available on the website.

ACTIVITIES OF THE UNIT

July September 2004 Talk: A talk on Bangladeshi Diaspora in Helsinki was held at RMMRU on 3 July 2004. The key-note speaker was Nurul Momen Bhuiyan of the University of Helsinki, Finland. Project Activities South Asia Migration Resource Network (SAMReN) Inception Meeting: The inception meeting with core members and sub-committee members was organised in Dhaka on 23-24 July 2004 to discuss the formal organisational structure and activities of the Network. The meeting was attended by core members: Dr. Tasneem Siddiqui of Bangladesh, Dr. Ravi Srivastava of India, Dr. Jagannath Adhikari of Nepal, Rashid Memon of Pakistan, and Myrtle Perera and G D G Soysa of Sri Lanka. The local participants included Abdus Sobhan Shikder of the Ministry of Expatriates Welfare and Overseas Employment, Dr. Md. Nurul Islam of the Bureau of Manpower Employment and Training, and Dr. Shahdeen Malik, Dr. C R Abrar, Dr. Sumaiya Khair, S M Akram and Sanaul Arifin of RMMRU. The meeting was divided into six working sessions: Designing SAMReN, Design of SAMReN website, Formation of an editorial board and publication of a newsletter, Workshop on Social Science Research and Migration for young South Asian academics, Fellowship programme for young South Asian academics, and Future collaborative research projects. Press Conference: To mark the launch of the Network, a press conference was organised at the National Press Club, Dhaka on 26 July 2004. The programme was participated by journalists, academics and scholars. Project Activities Development Research Centre on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty Forum for Safe Migration: The second meeting of the Forum was held on 9 August 2004. A select group of lawyers, senior journalists, academics, and representatives of the Ministries of Home Affairs, Foreign Affairs, and Expatriates Welfare and Overseas Employment, and Bureau of Manpower, Employment and Training attended the meeting. A seminar on Potentials and Opportunities of Migration of Nurses from Bangladesh was jointly organised by the Department of Development Studies and the Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit of Dhaka University on 9 August 2004. Professor Salahuddin M. Aminuzzaman of the Department of Development Studies of the University of Dhaka conducted the workshop.

Udbastu, Issue 30, October December 2004

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Project Activities Population Movements: Non-traditional Issue in Security Discourse Brainstorming Meeting: A brainstorming meeting with the researchers was organised in Dhaka on 25-26 July 2004. The meeting was attended by Dr. Mahendra Lama, Dr. Tasneem Siddiqui, Dr. Ravi Srivastava, Dr. Jagannath Adhikari, Dr. Sumaiya Khair, Rashid Memon, Sanjoy Hazarika, Md. Rasheduzzaman, Syed Imtiaz Ahmed, Md. Jalal Uddin Sikder, Tanzim Uddin Khan and Dr. C R Abrar. Research: Two research projects have been undertaken under this project. The first study is titled The Security and Insecurity of Immigrant Women Workers in Delhi and Bombay, being conducted by Dr. Tasneem Siddiqui, Professor in Political Science, University of Dhaka, and Dr. Mizanur Rahman of National University of Singapore. The second study on Cross border Population Movements for Informal Trade is conducted by Md. Jalal Uddin Sikder and Tanzim Uddin Khan, Lecturer, Department of International Relations, University of Dhaka. Visits: Dr. Tasneem Siddiqui, Chair, RMMRU, participated in the trafficking session of the Human Movements and Immigration World Congress (HMI) in Barcelona from 2-5 September 2004. It was jointly organised by the Universal Forum of Cultures Barcelona 2004 and the European Institute of the Mediterranean (IEMed). Dr. Siddiqui delivered a lecture titled Combating International Trafficking of Women: Key Problem Areas. The Development Research Centre (DRC) on Migration, Globalisation and Poverty based at the University of Sussex, UK, organised a two-day meeting to design the course outline for offering Summer Course 2005 on Migration, Development and Poverty in Brighton, UK from 7-8 September 2004. Dr. Tasneem Siddiqui, Chair, RMMRU, University of Dhaka represented RMMRU in the meeting. Nadeem Siddiqui, Project Director of SAMReN, participated in the South Asian Consultation Meeting of the Migrant Forum of Asia (MFA), held in Kathmandu, Nepal from 23-25 August 2004. Awards: Syeda Rozana Rashid of RMMRU, after completion of her MSc degree in Forced Migration at the University of Oxford, has began her D.Phil. studies at the University of Sussex.
RMMRU Sattar Bhaban (4th Floor) 3/3 E, Bijoynagar Dhaka 1000, Bangladesh If undelivered please return to:

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Editorial Board Myrtle Perera S. K. Sasikumar Rashid Memon Jagannath Adhikari Abdus Sobhan Shikder Editor C R Abrar Editorial Assistance Shahzada M Akram, Jessica Skinner Published by Refugee and Migratory Movements Research Unit Sattar Bhaban (4th Floor) 3/3 E, Bijoynagar, Dhaka 1000, Bangladesh Tel: 880-2-9360338 Fax: 880-2-8362441 e-mail: rmmrubj@aitlbd.net Web: www.samren.org 12

Udbastu, Issue 30, October December 2004