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Ethnicity: the search for rapists and the press. Ethnic and racial studies. 19(3). 567-84.

Routledge Publishers. There are important differences between the coverage of sex crime by national and local newspapers. Soothill and Walby (1991) note that while they have roughly similar number of reports on sex offences at the search stage, their approach is very different (p.34). Local newspapers are less selective than national newspapers and Soothill and Walby claim that ` while the local press reports many cases of sexual assault with factual stories, the popular national press generally pursues primarily those which fit its thesis of the sex fiend (p. 44). The search stage in the reporting of sex offences is the period after the crime has occurred and before a person (almost invariably a man) is charged with an offence. The search stage is becoming increasingly important in the media reporting of sex crime (Soothill and Walby 1991), as it is during this stage that the press is able to speculate within certain constraint on the identity of the offender.

Masters, N. T. M. (2010). `My strength is not for hurting: Mens anti-rape websites and their construction of masculinity and male sexuality. Sexualities. 13(1): 33-46. doi:10.1177/1363460709346115 Sexual assault of women by male acquaintances is common in the USA. Research demonstrates that 20 per cent of young women have been victims of rape in their lifetimes (Koss et al., 1987; Brener et al., 1999): acquaintance rape comprises the majority of these assaults (Koss e al., 1987). Some feminist scholars argue that in order to understand and prevent acquaintance sexual assault, it is crucial to view it as a crime while simultaneously recognizing its continuity with heterosexual courtship norms in w3hich men push for sex and women act as `gatekeepers (Gavey, 2005). While review articles mention the need to do acquaintance sexual assault prevention programming for men, its most common perpetrators, the majority of interventions are directed at women, its most common victims. Findings One group of mission statements emphasizes mens participation in anti-rape efforts with language such as `Since men are overwhelmingly the ones responsible, we have to be the one who put an end to it, link mens efforts with those of women by speaking of working `as allies with women to be` part of the solution. Real men dont rape The rapist who is claimed can be encouraged to practice non-coercive, non-violent sexual behaviour with women as a defining part of masculinity.

Androgyny advocacy Another site suggests that a more androgynous masculinity could be more pleasurable to men while making them less liable to commit sexual assault: Many of as grow with unrealistic beliefs about sex: that we should instinctively know what to do; that we should be ready to achieve an erection instantly and maintain it for hours; and that it is unmasculine to have to talk about what gives us (or our partner) pleasure. These beliefs and others keep us from knowing our own sexuality and from enjoying our sexual relationships. (MASV) Rape and consensual sex Sexual assault is constructed as a communication breakdown using the discursive strategy of othering discussed earlier, but it is rape that is othered by contrasting it with consexual sex. Most anti-rape websites talk about rape occurring as a result of bad sexual communication, as opposed to consensual `healthy sex, in which communication flows freely. Discussion From a rape-prevention standpoint, the idea that socially constructed gender norm rather than biological sex differences shape mens sexually assaultive behaviour seems like a useful one. The `Real Men Dont Rape masculinity constructed by some websites is less rape-supportive than stereotypical masculinities that construct men as unable to control their violent sexual urges. The principle rhetorical strategies-othering the rapist and claiming the rapist-used by mens anti-rape websites each have implications for sexual assault prevention. Othering the rapist serves to label sexually coercive behaviour as non-normative and shameful. However, one in every five US women has been raped by the time she is in her mid-20s, and over 80 per cent of these assaults are committed by acquaintances, which suggests it is most likely not some `other who is the rapist.

Gadd, D. (2003). Reading between the lines: Subjectivity and mens violence. Men and masculinities. 5(4). 333-354 doi:10.1177/1097184X02250838 A NEW SOCIOLOGY OF MASCULINITY AND SOCIALLY LITERATE PSYCHOANALYSES Segal insisted that mens erotizing of women does not necessarily create womens subordination. Rather, women, along with other relatively powerless groups, are erotized because of their consistently disadvantaged position in power relations. From this perspective, mens violence is not caused by exposure to pornography. Rather, pornography exposes mens fetishistic need for visual proof of phallic potency, alongside their craving for visual evidence of female desire. Through pornography real women can be avoided, male anxiety soothed, delusions of phallic prowess indulged.(Segal 1998,58)

Michael Kaufman (1994,1997)argued that mens harassment, abuse, and violence toward women are often unconsciously motivated by pain and alienation: pain and alienation incurred because men stifle their unruly emotions to impose control on others. FOUR CASES Ken Rather than situating this event within a continuum of abuse (Kelly 1988). Ken makes sense of his behaviour in terms of his sexual immaturity and its rectification. CONCLUSIONS Kens sexual aggression toward his wife was partly about sexual naivete and poor communication, as well as his selfish desire for sexual gratification.

Hautzinger, S. (2003). Researching mens violence: Personal reflections on ethnographic data. Men and Masculinities. 6(1). 93-106. doi:10.1177/1097184X03253139 JUST APOLOGIA? -Any man can use violence to acquire or maintain power and children. -Theinsecurity argument work as an instant excuse for sexist abusers (The commonsense version goes: He hit/raped? Well, if he did, he must have felt insecure.No secure man would hit/rape. He wouldnt be a real man if he did.) -There are plenty of example of men with all the power they can use and then some- including at least three [prominent national officials]-abusing women. This essay is not about suggesting that mens insecurity or masculinities in crisis is synonymous with men being powerless. The insecurity of interest here refers to destabilization, and especially social changes affecting gender roles, that may spark or exacerbate occurrences of violence. INSECURITY AND MALE VIOLENCE IN ETHNOGRAPHY AND HISTORY In the first period, when fights reflected mens effort to maintain control, they were about (1) male sexual jealousy (i.e., concern with women s dress, movement), (2) womens opposition to male authority in household, and (3) womens objection to mens sexual liaisons. In the second period, womens proportionate earning power had significantly climbed. Now, the violent incidents arose over different issues: (1) mens authority in household being generally challenged, (2) men trying to control womens earning, and (3) mens jealously over womens widened sexual opportunities.

Men use violence to displace their own anger and humiliation as ultimately serving to release men from responsibility for their violence actions. ETHNOGRAPHY IN BRAZIL It became increasingly obvious that while in many cases women were dominated victims, many others violence was sparked precisely because women confronted authoritarian male partners and refused to become subordinated. EMPIRICAL AND COMPARATIVE RESEARCH On the other end, analysts have found that violence decrease when sanctions and sanctuaries become more available to women( Counts, Browns, and Campbell 1992).

Abbey, A. Jacques-Tiura, A.J., LeBreton, J.M. (2011). Risk factors for sexual aggression in young men: An expansion of the confluence model. Aggressive behavior. 37. 450-464. doi:10.1992/ab.20399 The Confluence Model The confluence model of sexual aggression integrates many risk factors identified in the past research into two construct constellations: hostile masculinity and impersonal sexual orientation [Malamuth, 2003; Malamuth et al., 1991, 1995, 2000]. Men with high scores on the hostile masculinity construct distrust women, are easily angered by them, and hold adversarial views about relationships. Numerous studies conducted with college students have found that sexually aggressive men have greater hostility toward women, stronger sexual dominance motives, more traditional attitudes toward acceptance of rape myths[Abbey et al., 2001; DeGue and DiLillo, 2004; Koss and Dinero, 1988;Malamuth et al., 1991, 1995; Wheeler et al., 2002; Zawaki et al., 2003]. Studies with incarcerated rapists, college students, and community samples find that men who were victims of childhood sexual, physical, or emotional abuse are at great risk of engaging in sexual aggression as adolescents and adults [Abbey et al., 2006; DeGue and DiLillo, 2004; Koss and Diiiiero,1988; Malamuthet al., 1991, 1995; Senn et al., 2000; White and Smith, 2004].

Tendency to Misperceive Womens Sexual Intensions There is a large literature which demonstrates that men are more likely than women to interpret a variety of cues which occur in social settings, such as smiling, making eye contact, and drinking alcohol, as sign of sexual interest [Abbey, 1982; Haselton,2003; Lindgren et al., 2008; Vrij and Kirby, 2002].

The more strongly these men believed that the target womans initial willingness to kiss also indicated that she was willing to have sexual intercourse, the more likely they were to state that they would force her to have sexual intercourse if she refused. Alcohol Consumption Alcohol consumption is another situational factor that has frequently linked to sexual assault perpetration. Sexual aggression researchers descriptions of the cognitive distortions commonly exhibited by perpetrators are very similar to alcohol researchers descriptions of the cognitive deficits associated with intoxication, with both set of researchers emphasizing the decreased ability to notice, evaluate, or care about others emotions and intentions. Alcohol impairs a variety of higher order cognitive functions, including abstract reasoning, set shifting, behavioural inhibition, and judgement [Abroms et al., 2003; Curtin and Fairchild, 2003]. When intoxicated, individuals tend to focus on immediate, superficial, salient cues rather than distal, covert, or embedded cues [ Steele and Josephs, 1990]. Mens reports of frequent and heavy drinking in dating, misperceptions, and sexual situations have been linked to their self-report of sexual aggression [Abbey et al., 1998, 2001; Parkhill and Abbey, 2008]. For example, Zawacki et al,[2003] found that perpetrators who had consumed alcohol during an incident drank more alcohol in the average month, drank more alcohol in sexual situations, and drank more alcohol in situations I which they had misperceived a womans sexual intentions than did nonperpetrators and sober perpetrators. Our model broadens the scope of the confluence model by including psychopath-related personality traits, tendency to misperceive womens sexual cues, and tendency to drink alcohol in sexual situations.

DISCUSSION This study fills the gap in the literature by expanding the confluence model of sexual aggression to include other important etiological factors and by evaluating it with a large community sample. Based on theory and past research, personality traits related to subclinical levels of psychopathy, misperception of womens sexual intent, and alcohol consumption were added to the original confluence model [ Malamuth et al ., 1991, 1995].

Implications and Conclusions Beliefs that encourage forced sex, such as mens sex drive is uncontrollable, a woman who has led a man on deserves what she gets, once a man has had sex with a woman he is entitled to have sex with her again, and women who have sex with many men do not have the right to say no to any man are still surprisingly common [ Murnen et al.,2002; Ryan, 2004].

Munoz-Rivas, M. J., Grana, J.L., OLeary, K. D., Gonzales, M. P. (2009). Pscichothema. Prevalence and predictors of sexual aggression in dating relationships of adolescents and young adults. Psicothema. 21(2). 234-240. Sexual aggression a function of gender The data reveal that the most common sexual aggressive behaviour of both sexes was to verbally insist on engaging in sexual relations despite the fact that the partner did not wish to.

Prediction of sexual Aggression a) The presence of other type of aggression and victimization within the dating relationship: verbal aggression, verbal victimization, physical aggression, physical victimization, dominant tactics, dominant tactics victimization, jealous tactics, jealous tactics victimization; b) Individual variables: Age (between 16 and 26 years old); c) Aspects related to previous and to the current dating relationship: Age at which the individual had his or her first dating relationship( less than 12, 13, 14, 15, 16-17 years, and older than 18 years), type of current relation( new, casual, stable and serious/formal engagement), duration of the current dating relationship ( up to 1 year, 2 years, 3 years, more than 3 years), contact frequency with the current partner (less than once a month, once a month, every week, daily), future of the current relationship ( marriage, continue the relationship, break up the relationship).

Prediction of perpetration sexual aggression Firstly, it can be observed that if the male is in dating relation in which there are other types of aggression and victimization, the likelihood of sexual assault increases. Thus, the data show that the variables that best predict sexual aggression in the male sample are being a victim of the same kind of aggression. Also, other kinds of aggression such as dominant tactics and jealous tactics increased the possibility of the males sexually assaulting their female partners. The data showed that male who are 16-17 years old or 18 or more years are more likely to be sexually aggressive comparing with younger males, less than 15 years old. For men the4 probability of being sexually aggressive also increased when the relationship lasted more than 3 years.

In the case o fthe females, as in the case of the males, the likelihood of a female displaying sexually aggressive behaviors in her dating relationship was 3.24 times higher if she were sexually victimized. Discussion Both males and females whom are sexually aggressive engage in jealous behaviors, and they were more likely to use dominant (controlling) tactics. In addition, females who reported that they engaged in sexual aggression against their partners also more likely to report that they engaged in physical aggression against their partners. The absolute size correlations between sexual aggression of males and verbal aggression was relatively small, i.e., .25. However, the correlation of sexual aggression and physical aggression was higher,i.e., .45.

Sampert, S. Let me tell you a story: English-Canadian newspapers and sexual assault myths (2010). The Canadian journal of women and the law. 22. 301-327. doi:10.3138/cjwl.22.2.301 Sexual Assault Myths Myth no. 1: SexualAssault Is about Uncontrollable Male Lust, Not about Violence The most frequently used myth in both the national and local stories was the myth that represented sexual assault as an inherently sexual act. Most powerful myth about rape because it ignores the fact that rape is a physical attack. Myth no. 2: Innocent Men Are Regularly Accused of Sexual Assault and Women Regularly Lie about It Myth no. 3: The Perpetrator Is the Other Myth no. 4: The New Myth That the Perpetrator Is Female and the Victim Is Male Myth no. 5: Men of Good Standing Do Not Sexually Assault Women The perpetrators marital status or solid reputation is another aspect of the mythology of sexual assault crimes. Discussing his status casts doubts on the victims insistence that an assault occurred. If the perpetrator has a sexual outlet, he has no need to sexually assault. Second, discussing the assailants solid reputation suggests that as a good citizen, he would never sexually assault a woman. This notion, of course, belies the fact that so-called good citizens and married citizens have been found guilty of sexual violence.

Myth no. 6: The Victim Provoked the Sexual Assault Another dominant myth in 2002 was the idea that the victim provoked the sexual assault, and it was included in newspaper accounts warning women about rapists operating in their neighbourhoods. While women should be made aware of sexual violence in their neighbourhoods, sexual assault crimes cannot be treated in the same manner as assault or robbery because attitudes about sexual assault are shaped by these deeply ingrained myths. Thus, releasing information about what an individual can do to protect themselves from identity theft or assault does not have the same effect as releasing information about what a victim can do to protect herself from sexual assault. Conclusion Journalist do not operate in a vacuum. They are subjected to the same myths and stereotypes to which the rest of society is exposed. They work in an environment that requires stories that are novel, contentious, and scandalous.

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