Palestine:

The Invisible Nation

By Sami Abdelhalim

Thesis topic:To assess and describe the missing elements of a viable Palestinian state. Index Abstract...3 The State.4 History of the Conflict.6 The Arab-Israeli War......7 After 1967..7 First Intifada.9 Peace Talks9 Second Intifada10 Arafat passes Hamas Elected.11 Split with Gaza12 Egypt Reconciliation12 Missing Diplomatic Elements..14 Arab League 9318 Self Determination..23 Talk of Peace...24 Occupation Industry..25 Missing Freedom and Dignity..28 Psychological Gap29 Gaza Vs. The West Bank..31 The United Nations and Palestine35 The United States and Palestine39 The Palestinian Nation...43 Conclusion.46 2

Abstract The idea of a sovereign Palestinian state is prominently examined in detail, still this

notion never crossed into reality for the many Palestinian people all over the world awaiting their legitimate right to call their native country home. The missing elements to a Palestinian state are discovered through my experience on two student delegation trips with the Olive Tree Initiative (OTI) organization to Israel, the Palestinian Territories, and Jordan to meet and interact with significant actors within the region. Throughout both of these trips, I have accumulated knowledge from over 120 different experts on the region. Separate from the OTI trips, I also conducted research using books, novels and online articles, for better clarification. As a result of assessing the main missing elements to a Palestinian state, I was lead to discover almost all of the elements preventing the Palestinian state are man made, and implemented by the State of Israel and other significant global powers and institutions. Although the Palestinian state has yet to come into existence, I was pleased to discover the power of the Palestinian nation. The Palestinian struggle has created a new meaning to the Palestinian nation, strengthening it with many bonds and networks of Palestinians living in the diaspora, seeking the idea of a home country. The Palestinian state must continue its struggle for legitimacy, however the Palestinian nation may be obscure, but always present.

The State In order to understand the state, it is necessary to first understand where and when

the state was born. The Peace of Westphalia in 1648 produced a quest to find a way for independent states, each enjoying sovereignty over a given territory, to pursue their interests without destroying each other or the international system which each is apart.1 This treaty introduced a new form of political order throughout Europe, forming states. The treaty made it possible for Nations to form into states recognized as sovereign legitimate countries. 2 The formation of the sovereign state was one that recreated the structure of the world we live in today. The treaty of Westphalia was produced to gain peace in the region, however after its creation war, between these states continued, foreshadowing future conflicts. It was no longer an open world anymore, rather now the world is reorganized in a number of different countries and sovereign states. Meant to represent the people, and nations in different parts of the world. The nation-state is our current form of world order and recognition; however its flaws between the first and the so-called third world are continuously more evident. The sovereign states is widely understood and accepted within the international community, that in order for an entity to be recognized as a state, it must first meet four core requirements: a permanent population, defined borders, an effective government, and the capacity to enter relations with foreign governments. 3 These core state qualifications have been strived for and achieved by over 193 fully

recognized sovereign states within the workings of the United Nations as of 2011. Although many states today can be lacking defined boarders or effective government, if no one in the international community is present to apply pressure on the matter it goes

unnoticed. Another key determining factor in becoming a state is also gaining the acceptance from within the international community. In the case of creating a Palestinian state, the issue was one of the first topics brought to the newly formed United Nations in 1947. 4 It has since been an object of international relations and international law since the creation of the state of Israel in 1948. 5 The question of a Palestinian state has been raised numerous times by the Palestinian and international community; however, a sovereign Palestinian state still has yet to come into full existence. Through my research I want to identify the key missing elements to a viable and successful future Palestinian state. In order to assess the issue of a Palestinian state it is first important to understand the long, and complex history of the region with Israel.

History of the Conflict Depending on whom you ask, the conflict can reach as far back as the late 19th century to almost 2000 years ago. The research used in this thesis will focus on contemporary times starting with the British Mandate of Palestine in 1922, which declared the creation of a future Palestinian state open to all religions. 6 After the British Mandate of Palestine, and the outcome of World War II, the result of the holocaust carried out by Hitler, and the Nazi regime created an everlasting fear of oppression felt by Jewish people across the world. During this time the rise of Zionism as a political ideological movement took form with a large migration of European Jews to the then British Mandate of Palestinian territories. 7 The large migration of the Jewish people in the territory created a spur of ethnic conflict throughout the region. At this time the Zionist movement turned to terrorism aimed at instilling fear in the British population at home that would end the presence of the empire within the region. 8The plan worked with the large and growing population of Jewish people in the region and the diminishing power of the British Empire. Due to World War II, the British Empire could no longer handle the rising ethnic tensions in the region.9 The United Nation already took on the Palestinian problem as the British foreign sectary announced to the people on February 14, 1947. 10 With Great Britain out of the region the Palestinian Arabs were left without much support from the once promised mandated system of the British government. In April of 1947 the Opening of United Nations General Assembly special session on Palestine was shortly followed by the creation of the UN Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP).11 The United Nations, at the time, still a new organization, adopted the Palestinian partition plan, Resolution 181, calling for the establishment of a Jewish and Arab state in Palestine. 12 The UN resolution presented the first written divide between Arabs and Jews. In the region at the time an intense communal warfare was carried out from 1947-1948.

In May of 1948 the British mandate was terminated, leading Israel to proclaim its independence, as U.S. President Harry Truman, and later the USSR extend recognition to Israel. 13 The Arab-Israeli War With the creation of the Israeli state on May 14, 1948 was also the creation of the Nakba and the Arab-Israeli war.14 The Nakba is known as the day when panic and catastrophe took place. Thousands of Palestinians became refuges overnight as they fled their homes and villages in fear of being killed by the Israeli militia.15 The Nakba marks the creation of the Palestinian refugee problem across the Arab world. 16 With the Arab-Israeli war underway Jordan annexed the West Bank in 1949, and Egypt took control over Gaza.17 Tensions remained high throughout the region, and with new political motives in mind, the six-day war took place in 1967 between Egypt, Jordan, and Syria resulted in the Israeli victory of the war and the occupation and annexation of East Jerusalem, the Gaza strip, the West Bank, and the Golan Heights. 18The Occupation of the Palestinian Territories including East Jerusalem, the Gaza strip, and the West Bank proved to be very difficult for the population on the ground, especially the refuges who were displaced from prehistoric Palestine known as Israel today. 19 Prior to the 1967 six-day war, Palestinian politics was on the rise in the region and throughout the Middle East. The Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was created in 1964 in Cairo, and in 1965 Fatah was established.20 After the defeat of the Arab countries after the sixday war, an Arab summit at Khartouma was held and declared three nos agreementno recognition, no negotiation, and no peace with Israel. 21 The outcome of this summit meeting has added in the continuous tension in the region over the years, however it did not hold completely as Egypts Anwar Sadat reached a peace agreement with Israel in 1978.22

Along with the military occupation of the Palestinian territories, the first Israeli settlements where shortly built after 1967 in the West Bank. Leading to larger ethnic tensions, and a violation of international law by Israel. 23 According to the UNs CHAPTER VII: ACTION WITH RESPECT TO THREATS TO THE PEACE, BREACHES OF THE PEACE, AND ACTS OF AGGRESSION; Israel would be in violation of a number of UN articles under the chapter 7 clause as it has been acting as a major aggressor using the IDF within the West Bank and Gaza forcing its large industrial military over the Palestinian civilian population After 1967 During this time Palestinian politics still maintained a strong presence within the region. The group Black September was introduced in 1970 when as they attempted to overthrow the Jordanian king, it resulted in the systematic oppression and killings anywhere from 1000 to 2000 Palestinian refuges within Jordan.24 Palestinians, anxious to achieve their own independence, attempted to act above the law of the Arab states they were in, resulting in negative reputation for the Palestinian people and the PLO. In 1974 the PLO adopts a phased program for the liberation of Palestine, and the Arab League designated the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people as they announced at the Rabat Summit. 25 This marks a significant time for the PLO, as the organization started to gain legitimacy throughout the Arab world. The PLO was headed under Yasser Arafat, elected Chairmen in 1969.26 Arafat addressed the UN General Assembly in 1974, and later the PLO was granted an observer status.27 The PLO was first allowed to participate in a debate on the Arab-Israeli question in 1974 after approval from the UN Security Council.
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First Intifada Ethnic tensions never left the region. While leaders like Arafat and King Hussein may have been working on and off towards a peace plan in the region nothing was ever produced as the relationship between the two leaders digressed. The Palestinian population was left vulnerable with little chance of hope. Facing high tensions, poor treatment, and almost no real rights, the Palestinian population revolted starting on December 9, 1987, known as the First Intifada.29 Without much diplomatic support the Palestinian population took to the streets to fend off the Israeli Occupation.30 During this time Palestinian politics where also evolving as the key rival political party Hamas was born, with its roots strongly planted in Gaza foreshadowing a divide amongst Palestinian politics.31 Without much power left Arafat addressed the United Nations on December 13th and 14th of 1988, announcing the formal reorganization of Israels right to exist as a state and accepting UNSC Resolutions 242 and 338. 32 Arafat, as mentioned before recognized the treaty of Westphalia, extended his recognition to Israels right to exist as a sovereign state.33 Arafats leadership and acceptance of UNSC Resolutions as well as a ceasefire with Israel lead to the belief that no land can be gained through war.34 This significant and symbolic move of good faith caught the attention of the United States as it announced it would begin to dialogue with the PLO.35 Peace Talks With the involvement of the United States, the Arab-Israeli peace conference began in Madrid in October of 1991.36 In December of that year the U.S. hosted rounds of bilateral ArabIsraeli negotiation begin. The peace talks evolved over the years, and in 1993 secret negations between Israel and PLO took place in Oslo, Norway. 37 Both parties agree to adopt the

Declaration of Principles (DOP) or otherwise known as the Oslo Accords.38 The DOP established a road map for peace between the Israel and Palestinians. First by attempting to set economic ties in the region, and secondly by working on the transfer of power and civil liberties to the Palestinian leadership overtime.39 The picture looked seemed to depict stability. Arafat and Prime Minster Yitzhak Rabin were determined to bring peace to the region. As things started looking up in the region, they quickly started to fall apart as well. Both Israel and the PLO failed to meet their deadlines on the expansion of Palestinian self-rule. Shortly after an Israeli right wing extremist assassinated Israeli Prime Minster Yitzhak Rabin, where peace talks would come to a devastating halt.40 As the goal of peace still remained alive by some in the region, negotiations continued towards the end of the millennium, resulting in the Camp David Summit with Ehud Barak. Camp David took place under the Clinton Administration on his way out of office, with hopes of addressing the real issues of the conflict between Arafat and Barak. Yet again falling short on final status agreements over Jerusalem. 41 Second Intifada Shortly after the end of the Camp David Summit, the second intifada broke out in September of 2000.42 Ariel Sharon helped spark this revolt with his controversial march on the temple mount and disrespect to the Islamic faith.43 The second intifada was far more growling than the first. Upwards of 5,500 Palestinians and 1,100 Israeli civilians were killed. Israeli also began its construction on the separation barrier in 2002, that would divide Israel proper, the West Bank and Gaza strip, resulting in a land grab for Israel in the name of security.44 The separation barrier standing almost 26 feet tall was deemed illegal under international law one year later in 2004; however, the international community has mainly ignored the subject since. With the harsh

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reality of the second intifada no talks were carried on between both peoples, and in fact communication between Israelis and Palestinians greatly declined, creating a large psychological gap in the region today. 45 Arafat who was relatively ill throughout the end of his life and political carrier died in November of 2004.46 His death was widely grieved amongst the Palestinian population because he was the leader of the united Palestinian people, a hero to most still to this day. Despite his corruption and money laundering allegations Arafat captivated the hearts of the people as their charismatic leader.47 Arafat passes Hamas Elected The death of Arafat marked a great political change in the Palestinian territories. 48 Under the first Arab Democratic elections in the Middle East, a new leader was soon to be elected.
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The winner of the Palestinian democratic elections that took place at the beginning of 2006 was

to everyones surprise, the rival political party Hamas.50 The election of Hamas throughout the Palestinian territories caught the world by surprise. Israel and the United States refused to recognize such an electoral decision as Hamas was soon recognized as a terrorist organization to promote the destruction of Israeli in their original constitution in 1988.51 Because Israel and the U.S refused to recognize Hamas, Fatah remained in power.52 This caused political tension among the Palestinian people themselves, and ultimately resulted in a proxy civil war fought between both political parties in Gaza shortly after the elections were held.53 Ultimately resulting in the separation of the Gaza strip and the West Bank.54 As Hamas took power in Gaza, and Fatah remained in control in the West Bank headed by the Palestinian Authority under President Mahmud Abbass.55

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Split with Gaza As Israel refused to deal with two different governments, the issue of Palestinian statehood seemed to be slowly drifting away. The Palestinian people were unable to maintain unity until the Egyptian revolution took place in 2011 and a reunification deal was signed between both parties.56 After Mubarak was ousted, the Egyptian people came together in support of the Palestinian cause, also shedding ties with Israel. Abbass took to the negotiation table with Ehud Olmert, again coming extremely close to final peace deal, but failing due to disagreements on the final status of Jerusalem.57 Jerusalem is city considered holy to Christians, Muslims, and Jews. The negotiations also partly failed because Israel raged a war against the Gaza Strip in 2008-2009 under Operation Cast Lead.58 During the operation, Israel used chemical weapons and heavy artillery to send a message to Hamas for its firing of Kassam rockets on Southern Israel.59 Approximately 1,400 Palestinians, and 13 Israelis were killed. Talks fell apart once again.60 In 2010 talks resumed between Abbas and Netyahi, but again fell short as the expansion of settlements that would physically divide Gaza from the West Bank, furthermore enforcing this larger physiological gap in the region. Ultimately deterring the Palestinian president away. 61

Egypt Reconciliation 2011 brought upon the year of the Arab Spring, and wide spread revolution throughout Tunisia, Libya, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain and most importantly Egypt, for the Palestinian cause.62 The Mubarak regime was forced to resign from power after the massive protests across Tahrir Square resulted in a new military government till pending elections of 2011-2012. 63 The successful political revolution that took place in neighboring Egypt had significant revolutionary

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effects for the Palestinian Authority and people. Since the revolution, a shift in support from Egyptian political leaders to Palestinian political leadership, including both Hamas and Fatah became a pivotal point for Palestinians place in the interaction spectrum. Eventually leading to Egyptians to pursue a reconciliation deal during early May of 2011.64 This deal was never fully implemented, but it was an entail step for the Abbas government soon to be perusing a UN application for Statehood membership.65 Egypt also took on new foreign policy terms with Israel, most significantly opening up its border with Gaza.66 In response to the international community and all the failed peace negotiations, President Mahmud Abbass of the Palestinian Authority submitted the Palestinian application for statehood to the United Nations in September of 2011.67 Palestine received approval of request by UNISCO; however, it is very likely that the UNSC will veto this application, as the United States does not want Palestine to reach a peace agreement with Israel other then through direct peace talks.68 The future for the Palestinian people has been up for question for 63 years now, year after year, peace talks after peace talks. The missing elements to a Palestinian are complex and controversial.

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Missing Diplomatic Elements Since the Palestinian problem entered the concern of the international community, diplomatic relations with the Palestinian population have proven extremely difficult. Many Palestinians during the early years of occupation had alternative views of a peaceful solution to the conflict. It is important to mention the lack of representation of Palestinian refugees in neighboring countries, as well as Palestinians living in the diaspora abroad. To add to the matter, communications between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank have been under constant strain under Israeli statehood.69 The Palestinians had a very hard time in terms of representation, many people wanted many solutions and outcomes that were sometimes similar or different. The Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) recognized by the Arab League as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian population in 1974, had then been Yasser Arafats crowning achievement.70 This action by the Arab League was done in the interest of creating a sole voice for the Palestinian people. That voice was founded and developed over by Arafat. Arafat was an instrumental leader to the PLO; nevertheless, many of his individual actions during the initial start of the peace process have been very costly to the Palestinian people and future state. Diplomatic relations in neighboring Arab countries around Israels controversial territories, regarding Palestine had been hostel.71 At times, many Palestinian nationalists acted out in these countries killing fellow Arab men for the Palestinian cause, as illustrated by the murder of the Jordanian foreign minster during Black September in Egypt. 72 Actions similar to these occurred throughout the Arab world resulting in the ousting of many Palestinian nationalists and distant to Palestinian refuges; considered to be visitors, and second-class citizens in a different country.73 Not failing to mention that Arafat himself also made a lot of agreements

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with King Abdullah of Jordan and other leaders regarding the Palestinian cause, but would later disregard the agreements and engaged with Israel on his own.74 A combination of everything listed above resulted in a very low diplomatic strength for the Palestinian people. The Palestinians acting out in other Arab countries resulted into forming enemies, not allies to the Palestinian cause. Arab leaders had other concerns to worry about. Due to the lack of diplomatic strength, the PLO and Arafat played no match for Israel in peace negotiations in the early 1990s. The 1993 secret talks held in Oslo Norway, was a great step forward for both the Israeli and Palestinian people. It was the first time direct negations with peace in mind were carried out, giving the local populations a real chance and hope for peace. The talks were soon moderated by the United States and sets of agreements were made between both Rabin and Arafat in order to pave the way for the future Palestinian state and more importantly peace.75 These agreements gave the Palestinians something positive to look for, starting with relations between both leaders in hopes of a trickle down effect on the local population. Although many were happy with the work and progress Arafat and Rabin were making, many extremists on both sides took to measures of violence against each other.76 Lacking hard power in the negotiations and within the West Bank itself, Arafat had no way of enforcing order amongst extremist groups and rival political party Hamas.77 The picture had been already painted in 1993 and the talks were carried on. It was Arafats fault for the way peace talks were first conducted, because he acted as an individual leader failing to consult his key allies of the kind of work that he was doing with Israel. Arafat engaged in talks with Israel without notifying the Arab League, leaving him powerless in any agreements made.78 At the same time fault is placed on the Arab League. Had the Arab League represented its solidarity with the Palestinian state cause and took over

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negotiations with Israel on behalf of the Palestinian people and refuges the outcome of the region would be different today. Many scholars around the world consider this conflict as the Arab-Israeli conflict, and Yasser Arafat was the sole representative of the Palestinian people during the Oslo Accords.79 Whether Arafat knew it or not, the world perceived the Palestinian conflict as belonging to the Arab-Israeli conflict, not the Palestinian Israeli conflict. The Arab community was unfortunately lacking during the crucial talks of 1993.80 Had diplomatic relations been carried on after the 1967 war, had the Arab nations come up with a different agreement at the Arab summit at Khartouma, Yasser Arafat would have had more support in his efforts for peace with Israel. The three nos agreementno recognition, no negotiation, no peace with Israel; depicted the Arab states bitterness about losing 1967 war. Ultimately failing to recognize and engage with Israel, all at the cost of the Palestinian population.81 The United States also played a vital role in the region as a world power with a tremendous influence. The Gulf War was coming to an end, and many Arab leaders had formed alliances with the United States, most notably the former president of Egypt, Mubarak. The United States also had a role in the Oslo negotiations, as they had some influence in keeping the Arab leaders away from the negotiation table, leaving Palestine to fend for itself against Israel and the U.S. 82 I would like to argue that had diplomatic relations played out differently and Yasser Arafat was assisted by other Arab leaders at the negotiation table with Israel, the Palestinian leadership would have had more hard power and representation to work with. It would have also

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benefited Israel to engage in a peaceful resolution during the Arab-Israeli conflict that could have resolved the Palestinian question starting in 1993. Israel was able to divide and conquer the region seeking separate individual peaceful agreements with Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Egypt.83 Because Arafat was alone at the secret talks in Oslo, Norway in 1993 he could not reach out for support from the rest of the Arab world because they were left out of the meetings, and he did not have any legitimate power to represent the Palestinian people. Arafat could not promise Israel much; he could not negotiate for peace with nothing to negotiate with.84 The West Bank, and the Gaza strip were under occupation; Israel saw Arafat as a puppet leader nothing more then just a voice.85 Peace was not reached after the Oslo Accords because Arafat had no legitimate power to implement anything and Israel was never held accountable for not following through with its agreement.86 Had the rest of the Arab League been present to fend for the Palestinian cause and hold Israel accountable for its actions, the pressure for peace in the region would be more felt, especially by Israel. The Arab League missed the perfect window of opportunity to stand with their Palestinian brothers and sisters because no one ever came to the table. The Arab League was presented with a great opportunity to normalize relations and revert the three nos agreement in order to pursue a real peace with Israel. Israel would have not been able to refuse an offer that guaranteed peace and security from the surrounding countries, and presenting a welcome to Israel in the region. The Arab League woke up all too late in 2002 pushing forward the Arab Peace Initiative. The initiative promised to normalize relations with Israel, opening embassies and commerce to Israel, and absorbing it as part of the Middle East. The promise was made in exchange for a just

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a peaceful solution to the conflict and a just solution to the refugee problem according to UN resolution 194. .87Israel did not accept or deny the Arab Peace Initiative; rather it quietly ignored the proposal and continued the construction of the separation barrier, leading to the loss of Palestinian land and the expansion of settlement building all in the name of security.88 Had the Arab League been present with a similar plan nine years earlier in 1993, Israel would have been faced with a diplomatic wave of pressure from all over the world pushing towards peace.89 Instead the outcome was very different. Arafat and Rabin both wanted to reach peace; still, no one was there to enforce the agreed upon terms. Once Rabin was assassinated, Israels plan to make room for Palestinian civil control was abandoned, and the peace talks essentially fell apart.90 Arab League 93 The idea I would like to convey here is that had the Arab League been a major player in the negotiations and willing to provide Israel full normalization in the region in 1993, Israel would have been placed in a corner with an offer to good to refuse. The question of a Palestinian state would have been made much easier. The acceptance of Israel into the Arab world would have demonstrated signs of recognition and legitimacy towards Israel accepting its existence as a state, while also promoting the Palestinian state alongside of it. The acceptance of Israel and the opening of commerce across the Arab world, were needed in 1993 in order for a true peace deal to take affect in the region before the turn of the millennium. Because of the lacking support from the Arab world, Palestine was unable to seek out any aid from the region and instead the United States was invited to step in as the mediator between the Israel and Palestinians.

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With the United States as the middleman in the Oslo Accords outcome, the immediate outcome for Palestine was short lived. Palestinians had nothing but hopes of a better future and an end to the occupation, in order for Palestine to gain full security and sovereignty. At the same time Israel is already an established state and world power. The major outcomes of the Oslo Accords was that it established a declaration of principles and a road map for future negotiations detailing what a peaceful outcome would look like in the region.91 The main goal of the Oslo Accords was to create two independent Israeli and Palestinian states.92 The first article of the accords deals with creating an interim government that would represent the Palestinian people in the direct negotiations with Israel. 93 The Accords did present some major breakthroughs in communication between the Israelis and Palestinians at the time; however, actions spoke louder than words as none of the Accords were honored or actually carried out in practice.94 The ability for Israel to divide and conquer the regional allies in terms of the Palestinian question ultimately worked in Israels favor. The ability for Israel to carry out separate talks with Egypt and Jordan regarding Palestine illustrated the lack of effectiveness in terms of the Accords. Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon and Syria all should have been included in the road map to peace in order to have an effective outcome, especially considering they host many Palestinian refugees. The lack of a diplomatic and political support for Palestine and the PLO is still evident today. The lack of diplomacy and diplomatic support in an integral part of the 1990s has still left the Palestinian state up for question. Foreign relations for the PLO have seemed to be rather weak, due to the Oslo Accords. The reason for this is that Oslo ensured that any peace agreement in the region must be achieved by a result of direct negotiations between Israel and Palestine.95

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Palestine has been seeking international allies; though, no regional powers have come to answer as they feel they are providing Palestinian refuges a place to stay. A major problem at the heart of the Palestinian causes is the refugees in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon and Egypt. The refugees represent the unspoken agreement with the host countries, as the many Palestinians who escaped to the diaspora a needed a place to stay and some shelter. The problems in doing so have accumulated over the years. Most obviously in Jordan where the refugee problem represents over half the countrys population resulting to the allocation of Jordanian funds to take care of the Palestinian refuge issues.96 This issue is reproduced in the neighboring Arab countries as well. The overall result and sentiment towards the Palestinian refugees has created a negative feeling from the native population of those countries. The complex role and presence of Palestinians and Palestinian refuges throughout the Middle East have made it more difficult to carry out proper diplomatic relations.97 The overall feeling of major Arab governments is that they are providing the Palestinian people with a service they are not obligated too. However, it still comes at a cost for the refuges. It has created a lot of problems for the Palestinians refuges living in very poor and impoverished refugee camps of Jordan, Lebanon and other Arab countries that have accepted Palestinian refugees leading to poor diplomatic relations and a Palestinian entity to fend on its own.98 The complex history since 1948 has left Palestinians scattered across the Arab world and has also affected the politics and relationships in the region. The year 1967 witnessed the Six-day war between Israel, Egypt, Syria and Jordan. Egypt was fighting over control of the Gaza Strip, and Jordan was fighting to maintain control in the West Bank.99 Israel was able to detect an early threat and surprised Egypt and Jordan with a preemptive attack resulting in the annexation of the Syrian Golan Heights, and also the control over the Sinai Peninsula of Egypt.100 The Sinai

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Peninsula was ultimately returned to Egypt after the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty of 1979 was established, freeing the peninsula of Israeli control by 1982.101 Israel was also able to normalize relations with Jordan after they both signed a peace treaty in 1994.102 Syria has still yet to resolve its conflict with Israel as the Golan Heights are still a major source of tension as it is illegally annexed by Israel.103 As it has been illustrated, Israel was able to seek out independent peace treaties with Egypt, and Jordan, the two most significant neighboring countries. One must now consider the role of the United States in supporting the Egyptian and Jordanian leadership elites. The monetary support provided to both governments in the form of foreign aid have also had some influenced the decision for both governments to pressure an independent peace deal with Israel.104 The lack of support left Arafat faced with other diplomatic hardships with the Camp David Peace talks in 2000 when Clinton and Barak put pressure on Arafat to end the Arab-Israeli conflict.105 Again Clinton and Barak were asking Arafat to a peaceful solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict, not the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Arafat could not accept Camp David proposition because he saw himself, as the representative of the Palestinian people, not the whole Arab world.106 Diplomacy has not been an effective tool or instrument for the Palestinian people during the initial peace talks, however the future in the Middle East is starting to paint a different picture. The initial diplomatic failures by Arafat and the PLO are not being repeated today. The Arab Spring that has been spreading across the Arab world has introduced new ideas of a democratic future for the Arab populations.107 The Palestinian leadership should be careful to not disregard these new movements.108 Palestinian politics need to be on the rise again; today

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is the time to instill the idea of a Palestinian state to Tunisia, to gain the support of the new government put into place after the revolution. Once the political dust is settled and the revolutions resolved, all the conflicts in the region must come to end as well for any real political change to happen and progress throughout the world. The rhetoric of the Palestinian leadership is in need of a new approach. More emphasis needs to be placed on relations with other Arab countries, and other Arab countries need to start stepping up to the plate in the name of the Palestinian cause. To develop strong and stable relationships in the region that guarantees Israel security, and a lack of threat in the region. Diplomatic relations and negotiations between Israel and Palestinians have not resulted in much progress in ending the conflict. The conflict is ever more evolving into a complex system between both peoples leaving no room for any outside parties to come in and help. Israelis and Palestinians are stuck in this same phase of conflict, it has become accepted as apart of everyday life.109 Diplomacy in the Middle East is more complex then one can see with the naked eye. Many outside forces play a strong factor in the decision making of Arab leaders, especially the role of the United States in the region as a world power, and its number one ally Israel. Due to the failure of immediate diplomatic relations in the region, the Palestinian authority today is busy with their UN Statehood campaign and application that has caught the worlds attention.110 The 194th Palestinian statehood bid is still up for question at the United Nations. The statehood bid launched at the UN last September, has received much opposition form both the United States and Israel.111 The U.S. and Israel fear that a Palestinian state in the UN would complicate a future peace deal. Still, Palestine has gained some momentum with some key international actors like Russia that back the Palestinian state. 112

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Self-Determination Due to the failed negations between Israel and Palestine, the Palestinian Authority (PA) has decided to pursue statehood for the Palestinian people through the ideology of selfdetermination.113 The reason for this action by the PA can only be explained in the sense that people were not happy with the end results of all the negotiations, and wanted to create a Palestinian state. Many Palestinians, and surrounding Arabs believe Israel is not a legitimate partner for peace, as its leaders are not taking real measures or compromises to bring peace.114 The PA promoted its policy of self-determination shortly after the latest failed peace talks in the summer of 2010 under U.S. President Obama. The PA will also have the opportunity to speak in front of the United Nations General Assembly in terms of its existence as a sovereign state with hopes of returning to the highly debated 1967 borders, also known as the green line.115 The idea of Palestinian self-determination has been in effect since the 1980s with the first Intifada, and was revived again with the second Intifada in 2000. Both the first and second intifada have lead to a great amount of violence within the West Bank, and Gaza strip as the IDF took great measures to shut down protests, and attempt to silence the Palestinian movement.116 Despite both uprisings the vision of a Palestinian state is still alive and strong. Palestinians today have taken on methods of nonviolent resistance and peaceful protest to gain support for their cause in gaining statehood.117 The efforts put forth for the Palestinian state have been long and tedious, but more importantly still alive.

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Talk of Peace Some key analyst blame the Palestinians for not reaching out to the Arab world to gather support, and others blame the Arab world for not taking the prime opportunity to show Israel the respect it needed at the time. The lacking of hard power at the negotiation table really hurt the Palestinians. It not only meant that the question of a Palestinian state was unresolved, it also meant that the Palestinians were now the ones who had to take on Israel for the sake of the rest of the Arab world. The framing of this conflict as the Arab-Israeli conflict put a lot more pressure on the Palestinian leadership as they strived to create a working peace deal with the Israeli leadership at the time.118 Progress in the region came to a shattering halt with the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin in 1995. The Oslo peace process resulted in the framework for both the Palestinians and Israelis to work towards future peace towards a final status agreement. Leaving out the rest of the Arab world on a final status agreement and making the United States the mediator of the PalestinianIsraeli conflict has not resulted in much progress since 1993. The exclusion of the Arab World on a final status agreement with Israel is very damaging to idea of a sovereign Palestinian state.

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 Occupation Industry A key-missing element to a Palestinian state is a strong economy. Today the

Palestinian territories are dependent on a market of tourism, owned and operated by a small number of wealthy families; the economy is suffering greatly in retrospect. 119 One might ask why Israel keeps disregarding a viable peace deal with the Palestinians. What is missing? The answer is much more complicated then it looks. What is missing is public knowledge of the region and the conflict as it is being played out today. The conflict has taken on a new meaning, and it has also opened doors to a new industry of NGO workers and media networks awaiting something extreme to report on.120 These NGOs that include the likes of Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International, that operate and exist within the Palestinian region due solely to the occupation. The occupation industry as some key analyst in the region refer to it, revolves around large quantities of money and foreign aid that is coming into the region, meant to support the Palestinian population in the West Bank and Gaza.121 In retrospect the occupation industry has done nothing more than make the Palestinian government dependent on foreign aid and a foreign economy to stay afloat. A lot of aid is directed to that part of the world, and the amount of foreign aid is only going to get higher as greater demands to achieve technological advancements within the Palestinian society, in order to pull them up from the third world. This helps bring me to a key point that I would like to make about the conflict, due to the occupation industry and the amount of aid that PA is receiving with the same goal of making the life for general population better; only adds to the problem of managing the conflict, however not solving the conflict.

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As they function today, the West Bank and the Gaza strip are fuelled and driven by

the Occupation Industry. The Occupation Industry is the number one supporter of the Palestinian economy.122 This industry that is one of a kind, is made up of a number of foreign non-governmental organization and other organizations that deal with relief aid. The amount of foreign aid and relief money that is sent to the Palestinian region to help NGOs working there has become an important asset to struggling the Palestinian economy. The occupation has created a form of NGO Mecca. Human rights violations are

carried out frequently in the region, and NGO monitors are always busy compiling reports about the treatment of Palestinians, but how much of this is actually helping the Palestinian cause? The number of international aid workers present in the region is phenomenal, and the work they are doing is valuable. However, this occupation industry has created no form of real work for the local Palestinian population.123 Instead of having their own economy to run and maintain, they must depend on the foreign aid of other international governments. The dependence on foreign aid is already present within the region, and it is becoming more and more of a problem to the future Palestinian state. A new state cannot operate on an industry fuelled by an illegal occupation, nor can it function on the foreign aid provided by outside governments. The PA is currently stuck in a cycle of foreign aid used as the payroll money for

anyone holding a governmental job, or security force. The Palestinian economy due to the occupation is put in a place where it cannot depend on itself.124 The inability for self- growth and economic expansion is just another struggle facing the Palestinian people under the occupation.

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The Palestinian economy is nothing more then an extension of the Israeli economy

today. The money used to import and export products out of the region is all Israeli currency. The economy within the Palestinian territories must riley on Israel and the power of outside sources to stay afloat. No real Palestinian economy has had the potential to take off in the region due to the occupation, and the military control still maintained by Israel. The military occupation is the number one problem to blame for the lack of

economic maneuverability by the Palestinian Authority. The PA is not able to reach the outside global market as everything must be shipped through Israeli ports, meaning that Israel has complete economic control over the territories, controlling everything that goes in an out. Israels strong economic control over the Palestinian territories, a future Palestinian state would be worthless, if an effective agreement is not reached greater economic control will not be given to the Palestinian people. 125 A future state with no economic infrastructure is not likely to last as a strong and

viable state. The Palestinians need an end to the occupation, and a lacking control by Israel in order to have a viable and robust economy. Palestinian commerce is very important in the rest of the world. Palestine, and Palestinians have been denied an identity before, therefore it is important to rebuild that identity through the economy using the global market and selling Palestinian products.126 No one can argue about where a product came from. The economy is a very important factor missing within the region. Creating a strong Palestinian economy is crucial in promoting a strong future

Palestinian state. The Palestinian population has been very limited with their everyday

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actions due to the occupation; once the occupation is lifted economic growth is expected to take off in the region. Another relating factor missing in the region due to the occupation is the dignity of

the local Palestinian people. Missing Freedom and Dignity The Palestinian people have a very strong sense of nationalism because it makes up

a core of their identity.127 Due to the occupation, lack of power and authority in the region, the Palestinian people are greatly missing everyday freedoms, and dignity.128 The occupation and the existing settlements in the West Bank, the Israeli Defense

Forces put the Palestinian people through a number of security measures on an everyday basis. Palestinians are subjected to crossing checkpoints between different control zones: A, B, and C. Zone is A is PA controlled and policed, zone B is PA controlled and Israeli Policed, and zone C is Israeli controlled and policed. During the crossing of these checkpoints, Palestinians are put through a search, and asked a number of questions regarding their travels for the day.129 This everyday harassment of the Palestinian people due to security measures to protect an illegal settler population has lead to the incredible loss of dignity to the average Palestinian. Being forced to cross a checkpoint on your everyday commute can be frustrating and exhausting. Palestinians often feel as if they have no real freedoms as the IDF can assign a military order for anyone in the region and they could be subjected to an arrest being held until their trial.130 Often not knowing of their crime until their court trial, and almost guaranteed a prison sentence. The daily outlook of the Palestinian population is a negative one. The daily harassment of the local population almost never stops, and many

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Palestinians are restless and incapable of stopping Israelis from stealing their while committing crimes against them. The lack of positive opportunity in the region is taking a toll on the local population,

and worst of all the new generation of children is growing up with a divided tensions them, leading children to create an automatic hate for the other.131 Psychological gap The psychological gap in the region is ever more present as a challenge to peace.132 The Palestinians and Israelis are on completely two different life tracks, yet they live feet away from each other.133 The two people are exposed to each other in a very limited scope, leading to the creation of a subjective perspective on either side. Palestinians view Israels in a certain way, while Israelis view Palestinians in a certain way. To best illustrate the psychological gap, it is important to note that the general Israeli association with Palestinians is either a terrorist, a prisoners, or construction worker.134 The Israeli opinion of Palestinians is shaped on only a minority of the Palestinian population. The same goes for the Palestinian population. Palestinians view Israelis as IDF soldiers, settlers, or religious extremist. Both populations form their opinions of each other using a minority representation on either side of the wall, leading to a great misunderstanding between the Palestinian Arabs and the Israeli Jews. The Palestinian population is left to pay the ultimate price in the end. The lack of understanding between both people, who fail to view each other as people has prevented a separate sovereign Palestinian state to form. The psychological gap has been an ongoing problem in the Israeli-Palestinian

conflict; still, the gap was punctured after communication between both peoples was cut off after the second intifada. Once Palestinians, and Israelis no longer had regulated

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communication between each other due to the creation of the separation barrier, further negative stigmas targeted against the alternative ethnic group in the region.135 The lack of communication, of ever day relationships, of normalized relationships between Israeli Jews, and Palestinian Arabs has lead to further obstacles revolving around the Palestinian statehood question. Israels choice of building the security fence, also known as the separation wall

around the West Bank, and the Gaza strip has resulted in a very tense ethnic environment in the region. The same psychological gap took place in Germany after the end of WWII. Israels choice of dealing with revolting Palestinians during the second Intifada was only made to support Israels interest, while also acquiring more Palestinian land in the process.136 Israels inability to partake in normalized relations with the Palestinian people has been at a cost of the Palestinian statehood efforts since the initial 1948 Arab-Israeli conflict. The Palestinian state initiative is not receiving any sovereign respect from its

current occupier, Israel.137 Israel is well aware of its actions not respecting the Palestinian leadership, as the Israeli government is capable of acting at its will, knowing that the international community, while raising a lot of concern, will not carry out any actions towards Israel and the United States. Israels excessive power in the region creates the direct lack of power to the

Palestinian Authority and people. Israels actions willingly and unwillingly take way from the dignity and humanity of the Palestinian people on a regularly daily basis. The lack of dignity, respect, and control over daily life has been disadvantageous to the Palestinian population, as they are often violated of their natural human rights for their pure identity

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as Palestinians. The inability for the Palestinian population to carry on daily activates, undisturbed by the IDF and the Israeli government is detrimental to any future Palestinian state.138 The Palestinian population is suffering from a major lacking in power in the region. Gaza Vs. The West Bank Relating to the psychological gap in the region between the Israeli and Palestinian

populations. The Palestinians have yet another obstacle to overcome, both a physical and ideological separation of political thoughts and movements across the West Bank and Gaza that have proven to be detrimental to a future unified Palestinian state.139 A key unified image of the Palestinian population across the West Bank and Gaza

has yet to be found amongst the international community. Gaza and the West Bank separated by Israel proper has been unable to maintaining a stable productive relationship particularly due to the inability for the population of Gaza to travel outside of the city due to Israeli government, and military control.140 More recently in 2007, the political party and organization, Hamas, has also taken over the Gaza strip. Hamas identified as a terrorist organization by the U.S. and Israel, with a charter calling for the destruction of the state of Israel is absolutely preventing a future peace agreement from being reached. 141 Hamas as a political organization has set many indirect obstacles to the Palestinian

people due to their costly actions and activities.142 The West Bank and Gaza are not united and have not been since the death of Yasser Arafat.143 This is proving to be a large and evident problem for the future statehood efforts. Egypt attempted to seal a deal between

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Hamas and Fatah this past May. However, the reconciliation deal soon fell apart, as it was clear there was no viable form of communication between both Palestinian regions.144 The separation of Gaza and the West Bank has proven very costly to peace in the

region and a future Palestinian state, leaving Israel the ability to sustain dominance in the region.145 The representation of the Palestinian people divided between the West Bank and Gaza has left the international community confused and unable to aid the Palestinian cause to its maximum potential. To take a closer look at Operation Cast Lead in 2008-2009 provided evidence for the

separation between the West Bank and Gaza regions. While many had fallen victim to air attacks and human rights violations in Gaza causing a chain reaction of mass protest around the world as call for an end to Israels actions yet, not a single protest took place in the West Bank against the actions going on Gaza. 146 The disconnect between both populations is very clear and ever more strained by current and past Israeli policies that have ensured two separate regions to control. What is important to note here is that Gaza and the West Bank were not always like

they are today. Prior to the Arafats death, the second Intifada, Gaza had a soaring economy, and a newly opened International Airport. The airport has now since been destroyed since the second intifada. 147 The reality in Gaza has been transformed over the years, as it has in the West Bank. Although they have been living under an Occupation since 1967, both populations experienced free flowing relations within themselves, leading to a more united Palestinian people. The death of Arafat had tremendous affects on domestic Palestinian politics.148 Not to mention a legacy, that people in both regions have not forgotten about their popular leader as the Palestinian people.

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The resulting split between the West Bank and Gaza is by no means a direct result of

the Palestinian people, rather it takes place in the historical process and institution of Occupation Israel has enforced on both regions.149 Both regions are about equally as diverse when it comes to culture, power and influence making both regions veer off course from one another. Different interests by the people in the different regions were taken on leaving an unstable government unable to effectively control in both regions resulting in the Hamas, Fatah split we witness today. Both regions suffer from an unstoppable Israeli government. Gaza is not under

direct Occupation; though, it is completely surrounded by a separation barrier and even with limited sea access for fishing, resulting into the worlds largest open-air prison, literally. 150 The residents of Gaza have been confined to the area of Gaza since the beginning of the second intifada; their freedom of movement has been greatly restricted by Israel. The border between Egypt and Gaza is open for mainly women only and children. However, the border between Gaza and Egypt is not always open as Israel still has control over the border crossing.151 Israel has placed a stronger emphasis on controlling Gaza fearing the live and real

threat of Hamas.152 The treatment of the people in Gaza by the Israeli government, has resulted in only allowing in 80 products into the region meant to just sustain the people of Gaza just above the level of humanitarian crises, however the Human Rights Crisis is never more evident.153 The people in Gaza are treated as sub human by the Israeli military. The Israeli military has decided that the collective punishment of the population in Gaza is acceptable, as it has repeatedly conducted air strikes on the people.154 The reason behind

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the unsettled violence is due to Hamas use of home made qassam rockets on Southern Israeli cities such as Sderot in rebellion towards Israels occupation of the land.155 The same military objective has not been seen throughout the West Bank. Although

violence is often a product of this region, the Israeli Defense Forces use manpower to put down any protest in the region.156 The location of Israeli settlements have also achieved the purpose of military outposts in the region, ensuring Israel a full form of control on both Palestinian regions, and also successfully dividing them through a psychological gap between the Palestinian people themselves. 157 The Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza strip have a long struggle ahead. The

issue of Palestinian statehood has yet to be answered.

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 The United Nations and Palestine The United Nations is the worlds international organization aimed at maintaining

peace and justice throughout the world.158 As an international organization, the institution has not been very effective in maintaining its true mission statement, particularly when it comes to the issue of Palestine and Israel. The United Nations created at the end of WWII replaced the League of Nations, the

prior intentional organization that also failed at its purpose of promoting peace across the world.159 Since its creation in 1945, the Israeli and Palestinian issue has not been absent from the doors of UN buildings in Geneva and New York. 160 The United Nations even attempted to deal with the problem, issuing the UN Partition Plan in 1947 in an effort to help divide up the land.161 The UN Partition Plan in 1947 was unequally divided as it resulted in 56.7% of the land to the 100,000 Jewish people in the region and almost 43.3% of the land to the 110,000 Palestinian people in the region.162 Not to mention the Plan also devoted the most fertile lands to the Jewish population. Since this issue has been presented in front of the world audience, the Palestinian indigenous population has been getting short handed from the start of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The Palestinians at the time did not accept the UN Partition Plan because it was an immediate loss to them.163

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The United Nations has played an ever more important role to the Palestinian

people and especially the Palestinian refuges living in other neighboring Arab countries, as the UN is the biggest aid provider to the refugee population building schools and providing other basic necessities to the displaced people.164 The United Nations has also opened the branch institution called UNRAW, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian refugees.165 UNRAW has played a tremendous role helping aid the Palestinian population of Gaza by building schools and more infrastructures to the city years after Operation Cast Lead.166 Overall the United Nations has been able to help the Palestinian people individually case-by-case, but not as a population, and not as a state. 167 Because Israel is a recognized member state in the world, it holds a member seat

within the UN General Assembly; this same right is not given to the stateless Palestinians. As a member state Israel is to be held accountable for carrying out any human rights violations, or for breaking international law in any form; however. This is not always the case.168 Israel, whos biggest ally and supporter is the United States, is almost able to get away with all of its actions as the U.S. uses its veto power within the United Nations Security Council to uphold any rulings against the Israeli state.169 Not to mention the United States is always going against any UN resolution that depicts Israel in a negative light.170 Essentially Israel is able and willing to act as an international law violator, and

escape the consequences of international law due to the get out of jail free card given to it by the United States.171 The role of the United Nations, specifically the role of the United States within the UN to relieve Israel of its crimes and not hold it accountable for its actions against the Palestinian people, is a drastic missing element in the issue of the Palestinian

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state. The lack of hard power to hold Israel accountable for its crimes is continuing to hurt the Palestinian population daily. A very good example of how Israel is able to act untouched and uninfluenced by the

rest of the international community was in 2002 when Israel began to build the security fence also known as the apartheid wall within the West Bank, and the Gaza strip freeing up more Palestinian land to be taken under control by Israel. In 2004 the International Court of Justice condemned Israels actions of building a security fence inside the West Bank for the purpose of self-defense.172 It is times like these when the international community including the United Nations, step in and condemn Israels actions, but never actually intervene to stop Israel.

The United Nations as an institution suffers from real hard power and teeth to be

able to hold Israel accountable for any crime. The Untied Nations can point out all the crimes in the world; however, if it wont stop those actors from committing those crimes. What good does it do to report about them, other then providing stats to NGOs and rising awareness? After the Operation Cast Lead and the War on Gaza was finally over, the United

Nations sent in a special investigation unit headed under Justice Richard Goldstone to conduct an investigation for human rights violations committed by Hamas and Israel throughout the War. 173 The findings of the Goldstone Report provided overwhelming evidence against the state of Israel and its violation of international law and use of illegal chemical weapons on a civilian population. The Goldstone Report was first widely contested by Israel when it first came out, as many Israelis believe the United Nations has a negative slant against the state of Israel and no other state in the world. 174

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Israel is a fully developed country with a very advanced military and weapons,

funded by the U.S. Israel and its military are often compared to the Palestinians and the Palestinian people without any military, but rather individual insurgent groups who carry out attacks against the state of Israel. Both the Israeli and Palestinian people are to be held accountable for their actions against the other. Still, it is very clear that Israel has more power and control with in the region, using a military against a civilian population in claims of self-defense is no longer justifiable. Since the repeated failures of peace talks and attempts with the Israeli state, the

Palestinian people have now been seeking to use the United Nations in a new way to bring about accountability to the state of Israel and its crimes against the Palestinian people.175 The Palestinian leadership unlike many other conventional attempts at peace is now seeking recognition as a sovereign independent state through UN membership and application as a nation state. The Palestinian application for statehood through the United Nations is very

symbolic and groundbreaking for the future struggling Palestinian state. The Palestinian Authority submitted a UN member State application is September 2011 with high hopes. However, the United States has already illustrated that it will veto such an action.176 The United States sees it most appropriate for Israel and Palestine to reach a peace agreement through direct negotiations as was established in the Oslo agreements in 1993.177 The United Nations is proving to be more and more of an ineffective system of world

governance and cooperation. The powerful states stay on top and attempt to dictate what is admissible and impermissible for other member states to do, while also serving and protecting their powerful allies. The Palestinian issue will not be solved directly through

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the United Nations; rather the United Sates has been fighting for credit of a peace deal in the region with each coming and going president promising a peace deal between the Israel and the Palestinians. 178 The United States and Palestine The United States has taken on the position of a global power since the end of the

Second World War, and expanded its power at the end of the Cold War, ending the Communist threat at the beginning of 1990. Since the United States no longer had to worry about a rival super power, it was now able to tilt its perspective on the rest of the world and offer its vision of peace. The United States first got involved in direct negotiations between the Israelis and Palestinians during the Oslo talks starting in 1993. 179 Since the United States has been involved in the peace efforts between Israel and

Palestine, it has refused to leave. Not to mention, the United States likes to play the main role of mediator between both parties. However this role is never efficiently played by the United States, as it is the biggest known ally to Israel.180 Making its role biased against the Palestinian cause. Although the United States may claim that it wants to bring peace to the region, it actually is only playing an active role in ensuing Israels image of peace agreements, and showing complete disregard to the Palestinian efforts to end this conflict. Ultimately the United States has been far more concerned with the process to peace, but not really peace itself. This can be seen with the United States latest reaction to the Palestinian statehood bid in last September.181 As a result of the UNSECO victory given to

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the Palestinian people, the United States pulled all of its funding from UN organization as it does not support any government or body that recognizes a Palestinian state. 182 The United States and Israel have such a key relationship due to the power of the

American Israeli Public Affairs Committee (APIAC).183 APIAC is leading Israeli lobby group with a dominant presence on capital hill, and a key influence group on American foreign policy towards the region. 184 The lobby group has been known to provide newly elected members of congress a free trip to Israel. All they ask for in return is support towards any Israeli friendly policies and protection of the national interest of the Israeli state.185 The lobby group has gained so much influence over the years that every U.S. presidential candidate needs to be approved by the lobby group for a chance at the presidency.186 APIAC has also become so powerful that it is no longer benefiting the state of Israel, at time even hurting the public image of the state.187 The lobby group with all of its political power and financial backing leads to a very unproductive government that is forced to lean one way, and at the same time acting on its own agenda outside the interest of the Israeli state. 188 With the very dominant political lobbying group in Washington DC, APIPAC attempts to provide the foundation for pro-Israeli policy with American politics. 189 The group is also effective in blocking anything that is deemed anti-Israel, or Pro-Palestinian.190 Although the line cannot be directly drawn, the main reason that President Obama is

refusing to accept a Palestinian state through the United Nations, is due to major political pressure from the dominant lobby group. Obama was a stronger supporter of the Palestinian cause prior to his major political career as president. His politics have changed with his presidency, however he still was caught criticizing Netanyahu when he forget his mic on, after meeting with the leader. 191

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Israel and the U.S. are doing very good job of managing the conflict to their benefit,

but they have not figured out how to effectively and justly end the conflict. Israel and the United States have a unique bond to each other, as they are both

countries that started on the same bases on settler communities into an indigenous land. A land made out to be empty and waiting for the people from different parts of the world to come live there. The United States and Israel also share the same qualities when it comes to dealing with the indigenous populations of the land. Essentially if the United States were to be created in our modern day and time, and not in 1778, it would be called Israel. The poor treatment of indigenous people across the world has been an on going

predatory trend practiced by Western imperial powers.192 The United States may claim to be supporting the Palestinian cause, but the full support of the United States sits behind Israel. The Palestinian issue is relevant in the world today because the Palestinian people are striving hard to ensure ending this conflict and gaining their state.193 The United States has not been able to provide any support to the Palestinian people due to their indigenous heritage to the land. How ironic would it be if the United States were to broker a deal between imperial Israel and the indigenous Palestinians, while bluntly failing to address the United States own indigenous population or the Native American Tribes. The Native Americans here failed against the American government, which denied their sovereignty and independence.194 The United States is well aware of the ongoing poor treatment of the Palestinian people; still, it has not stopped aiding Israel with large amounts of foreign aid in grants and weapons. 195 If the United States recognizes a Palestinian state, it would also be forced to recognize all of the international laws violated by Israel and the American government,

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which established would hold it accountable for reparations while cause and enforcer of the occupation. The United States and Israel will be held accountable together because they provide a vital role for the other. The U.S. provides Israel weapons and money in order to hold down a strong hold of influence in the Middle East, almost like a permanent militarized state that shares the same enemies, while at the same time ignoring all of the human rights violations and crimes Israel has committed against the Palestinian population in the region. 196 This is not to say the United States is not a primary actor supporting the Palestinian people through USAID projects helping to advance the infrastructure of the region. USAID has been the only American organization to provide the Palestinian people with the necessary tools to start and create an educational buffer in the region.197 If the United States wants to bring a real end to the Palestinian conflict, it needs to not think of itself as the sole answer, because statehood can be reached through many alternative routes. Israel declared statehood in 1945 and was recognized almost instantaneously. 198 The same process of self-determinations was attempted by the Palestinians in 2011 and turned down almost immediately by the U.S. The United States is a great world power; however, its influence and power gets in the way in providing real peace and justice throughout the world. The Israeli Occupation of the Palestinian territories is a prime example of the failure of the United States to address the real issue of global injustice and world peace. Turning a blind eye to a pressing problem not the solution to the suffering indigenous Palestinian people.

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 The Palestinian Nation Due to the history of the conflict and occupation, Palestinians naturally place more

value in their identity and heritage.199 The treaty of Westphalia in 1648 established the sovereign state in order to protect the collective national interest of the geo-politically defined region. Since 1948 the Palestinian nation has been seeking a similar sovereign statehood, much like the rest of the nation states existing around the world. The Palestinian nation, unlike many other nations, has been left to fend for itself to become a state in the midst of the modern day power play. The Palestinian Nation is unique amongst a number of ingenious groups all seeking

sovereignty to the land, like the Catalonians in Barcelona Spain, or the Zapatistas group in Mexico. The Palestinian nation holds a much stronger presence throughout the world simply due to refugees living in the diaspora internationally. The Palestinian diaspora outside of the Middle East has helped create a bond of networks in the United States and in Latin America amongst Palestinians living outside of Palestine; further strengthen a national identity. The Palestinian Nation experiences its main struggle in the regions, especially the

divide between the West Bank, and the Gaza Strip. The different political parties ruling in

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the West and Gaza is the creation and outcome of the Israeli Occupation, and attempting to permanently divide the Palestinian people on to distinctly different paths. The role of the Palestinian nation in the international community has helped raise

awareness about the militarized Occupation, and even in some instances launching full BDS (boycott, divest and sanction) towards Israel. 200 The Palestinian nation has remained unified due to the struggle for progress and change in the region. First generation Palestinians living abroad are often dreaming of returning to the land their families originate from, and their ancestors lived. It is this very dream, and romanticism that strengthens the Palestinian national identity.201 In the world today, the Palestinian people may be stateless for the time being. Still,

the Palestinian people share with the world an example of one of the strongest ongoing nations fighting against Occupation, and the dismantlement of their homeland. The power of the nation, of the people united over the same cause has provided the Palestinian people with a working infrastructure in order to continue educating the world about their cause and the denial of their rights. Although Palestinians do not have a sovereign state, their hopes have been kept alive through the Palestinian nation, through the stories brought down from generation to generation educating the youth about the past, in order to promote a possible future trajectory for independence. The Palestinian nation must also come to terms with peacefully coexisting a strong

Israeli state along side of it as well. Peace in the region will come through mutual respect of both nations for each other as human beings and neighboring states. The past has made it extremely difficult for both Israelis and Palestinians from forgetting about the terror that once shook the region. It is ever more important not to look at the past, and turn to the

44

future. Seeking revenge will perpetuate violence; rather one must look at the past and learn how to improve the future. The answer to Palestinian Israeli conflict is the lack of bridge builders between both

nations, and peoples. The separation wall that is currently up will never ensure peace in the region; rather it provides an elite feeling to the citizens living outside of the wall and feelings of subordination to the citizens living within the Palestinian territories. The promotion of peace in the region is always on going, but never directed to the most important candidates, the right-wingers. The political and ideological extremes from both nations have created a great

number of negative side affects for the populations to face. The Palestinian nation is strong symbolically however, not strong enough to take on

international powers and institutions.

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 Conclusion The missing elements to a Palestinian State are man made and created by Israel, and

disregarded by the international community due to the United States protection of Israel. The missing economy, lack of dignity, and lack of unification by the Palestinian people in the Occupied Territories are all some of the major elements the Palestinian leadership needs to work to overcome. All of these elements are by products of the Occupation and the overarching power Israel has thanks to the United States very kind foreign policy towards their ally.

The Palestinian state remains an unanswered question as we enter 2012. The

Palestinian people and refugees living all over the world have been waiting and will continue to wait until their dreams of a homeland in Palestine is created. The missing elements are not missing, rather they are being held back in an effort to control the population and continue the cycle of Western Imperialism and exploitation of the Palestinian land and people. The injustice the Palestinian people cannot go on much longer and the world needs to draw its attention on Israel and apply pressure on the state in order to reach and implement peace agreement with the Palestinian people.

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Questions about such as the illegal settlements, and annexation of East Jerusalem

all need to be dealt with. The Palestinian nation has been pushing for over 63 years in order to not get shorthanded. The opposite has been occurring in front of the international community. The Occupation is not a natural event it is man made, and we are still witnessing it today in our so-called modern and developed world. The people who have seen the truth can reach true peace and justice. The

Palestinians live the truth everyday. The State 1 Gene M. Lyons & Michael Mastanduno, Beyond Westphalia? : State Sovereignty and International Intervention (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 5. 2 Lyons, 5. 3 Sean D. Murphy, Principles of International Law (St. Paul: Thomson West, 2006), 31-32. 4 Bernard Reich, Arab-Israeli Conflict and Conciliation: A Documented History (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995), 8. 5 Gudrun Krmer, A History of Palestine: From The Ottoman Conquest to the Founding of the State of Israel (New Jersey, Princeton University Press and Oxford, 2008), 314-315. History of the Conflict 6 Hasan El-Hasan, Is the Two-State Solution Already Dead (New York: Algora Publishing, 2010), 40. 7 El-Hasan, 56. 8 Gudrun Krmer, A History of Palestine: From The Ottoman Conquest to the Founding of the State of Israel (New Jersey, Princeton University Press and Oxford, 2008), 304. 9 Krmer, 305. 10 Bernard Reich, Arab-Israeli Conflict and Conciliation: A Documented History (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995), 8. 11 Reich, 8. 12 Reich, 8. 13 Reich, 8-9. 14 Gudrun Krmer, A History of Palestine: From The Ottoman Conquest to the Founding of the State of Israel (New Jersey, Princeton University Press and Oxford, 2008), 323. 15 Krmer, 323. 16 Krmer, 310-325. 17 Bernard Reich, Arab-Israeli Conflict and Conciliation: A Documented History (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995), 8-9. 18 Reich, 97-100. 47

 19 Benny Morris, The Birth of the Palestinian refugee Problem, 1947-1949 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 29-31. 20 Bernard Reich, Arab-Israeli Conflict and Conciliation: A Documented History (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995), 9-11. 21 Reich, 101. 22 Kenneth W. Stein, Heoric Diplomacy: Sadat, Kissinger, Carter, Begin, And Quest for Arab- Israeli Peace (New York: Routledge, 1999), 8. 23 Gershom Gorenberg, The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements, 1967- 1969 ( New York: Times Books, 2006). 24 Bernard Reich, Arab-Israeli Conflict and Conciliation: A Documented History (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995), 10-12. 25 Reich, 11. 26 Ibid, 11. 27 Ibid, 11. 28 Ibid, 11. 29 Ilan Papp, The Forgotten Palestinians: A History of the Palestinians in Israel (London: Yale University Press, 2011), 172-174. 30 Papp, 172. 31 Ibid, 175. 32 Bernard Reich, Arab-Israeli Conflict and Conciliation: A Documented History (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995), 13. 33 Reich, 229. 34 Ibid, 229-230. 35 Ibid, 230-233. 36 Ibid, 226. 37 Ofira Seliktar, Doomed to Failure? : The Politics and Intelligence of The Oslo Peace Process (Santa Barbara: Praeger Security International, 2009), 33. 38 Seliktar, 79, 39 Ibid, 46. 40 Ibid, 99-100. 41 Tamara Cofman Wittes, How Israelis and Palestinians Negotiate: A Cross-Cultural Analysis of the Oslo Peace Process (Washington, D.C. : United States Institute of Peace Press, 2005), 33. 42 Maia Carter Hallward, Struggling for a Just Peace: Israeli and Palestinian Activism in the Second Intifada (Orlando: University Press of Florida, 2011), 45. 43 Hallward, 45-47. 44 Ibid, 63-64. 45 Dennis Ross, Olive Tree Initiative Speech (Sep 1, 2011) 46 Asad Ghanem, Palestinian Politics After Arafat: A Failed National Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010), 109. 47 Ghanem, 100-109. 48 Ibid, 113. 49 Ibid, 125 48

 50 Ibid, 120-125 51 Ibid, 139. 52 Ibid, 145 53 Ibid, 166 54 Ibid, 170 55 Asad Ghanem, Palestinian Politics After Arafat: A Failed National Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010), 160-167. 56 Ian Black, Hamas-Fatah Reconcelation Palestinian Form of Arab Spring, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/apr/27/palestinian-form-arab-spring (April, 2011) 57 Ethan Bronner, Olmert Memoir Cites Near Deal for Mideast Peace, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/01/28/world/middleeast/28mideast.html?pagewanted= all (January, 2011) 58 Paul Wood, Analysis: Operation Miscast Lead? http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/7940624.stm (March, 2009) 59 Wood. 60 Ethan Bronner & Allan Cowell, Israel Completes Gaza Withdrawal http://www.nytimes.com/2009/01/22/world/middleeast/22mideast.html?scp=207&sq= gaza&st=nyt (January, 2009) 61 Mark Regev, September 16, 2010 62 Coulm MacCann, Arab Spring, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/12/25/opinion/sunday/arab- spring.html?_r=1&scp=2&sq=arab%20spring&st=cse (December, 2011) 63 Hamza Hendawi, Egypt Elections: The Third Round of Parliamentary Vote Begins, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/01/03/egypt-elections_n_1180502.html (January, 2012) 64 Ian Black, Hamas-Fatah Reconcelation Palestinian Form of Arab Spring, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/apr/27/palestinian-form-arab-spring (April, 2011) 65 Neil MacFarquhar, Palestinians Inch Closer to Rejection at U.N. Body, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/04/world/middleeast/Palestinians-United-Nations- Bid-Moves-Closer-to-Rejection.html (Novemeber, 2011) 66 Ibrahim Barzak, Egypt Gaza Border Reopened Permanently, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/05/28/egypt-gaza-border- reopened_n_868390.html (May, 2011) 67 Richard Falk, Welcoming Palestine to UNESCO, http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011/11/20111128926149164.html (December, 2011) 68 Falk. Missing Diplomatic Elements 69 Asad Ghanem, Palestinian Politics After Arafat: A Failed National Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010) 70 Bernard Reich, Arab-Israeli Conflict and Conciliation: A Documented History (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995). 49

 71 Riech. 72 Ibid. 73 Ahmad Moor, Why Palestinians Are Second Class Citizens In Lebanon, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2010/jun/24/middleeast-palestinian- territories (June, 2010). 74 Bernard Reich, Arab-Israeli Conflict and Conciliation: A Documented History (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995) 75 Ofira Seliktar, Doomed to Failure? : The Politics and Intelligence of The Oslo Peace Process (Santa Barbara: Praeger Security International, 2009) 76 Asad Ghanem, Palestinian Politics After Arafat: A Failed National Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010) 77 Ghanem. 7878 Abdul Malk-Jaber, September 8, 2011 79 Jaber. 80 Ibid. 81 Reich, 101. 82 Selktar. 83 Reich. 84 Jaber. 85 Ibid 86 Ibid 87 Text: Arab peace plan of 2002, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/1844214.stm (May, 2005) 88 Danny Tirza, September 4, 2011. 89 Jaber 90 Selktar 91 Reich 92 Selktar 93 Ibid 94 Dennis Ross, August 30, 2011. 95 Ross. 96 Hisham Majali, September 7, 2011 97 Majali. 98 Ibid. 99 Reich. 100 Ibid 101 Ibid 102 Ibid 103 Taiseer Maray, Sepetember10, 2011. 104 Reich 105 Ibid. 106 Ibid. 107 Ibid. 108 Ibid. 109 Dennis Ross, August 30, 2011. 50

 110 Bassem Eid, September 3, 2011. 111 Nabil Shaath, September 14, 2011. 112 Russia backs Palestinian state, http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2011/01/201111816449558559.html (Jan, 2011) Self Determination 113 Shaath. 114 Eid. 115 Shaath 116 Asad Ghanem, Palestinian Politics After Arafat: A Failed National Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010) 117 Maia Carter Hallward, Struggling for a Just Peace: Israeli and Palestinian Activism in the Second Intifada (Orlando: University Press of Florida, 2011) Talk of Peace 118 Jaber Occupation Industry Missing Economy 119 Eid 120 Eid 121 Ibid 122 Ibid 123 Ibid 124 Ibid 125 Baseem Eid, September 4, 2011. 126 Jaber. Missing Freedom and Dignity 127 Forsan Hussein, September 4, 2011. 128 Shaath 129 Ibid 130 Naftali Balanson, September 4, 2011. 131 Eid 132 Dennis Ross, August 30, 2011. 133 Ibid 134 Yossi Beilin, September 13, 2011. 135 Ross 136 Hallward 137 Shaath 138 Ibid Gaze Vs. The West Bank 139 Ross 140 Ruben Steward, September 14, 2011. 51

 141 Yossi Beilin, September 13, 2011. 142 Beilin. 143 Asad Ghanem, Palestinian Politics After Arafat: A Failed National Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010) 144 Ian Black, Hamas-Fatah Reconcelation Palestinian Form of Arab Spring, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/apr/27/palestinian-form-arab-spring (April, 2011) 145 Steward. 146 Bassem Eid, September 3, 2011. 147 Sami Abdelhalim, October, 2001. 148 Ghaben. 149 Ibid. 150 Steward. 151 Ibid. 152 Beilin. 153 Steward. 154 Yitzhak Benhorin, UN: Gaza Blockade collective punishment http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-4177710,00.html (January, 2012) 155 Benhorin. 156 Basel Mansour, September 14, 2011. 157 Nabil Shaath 158 Sean D. Murphy, Principles of International Law (St. Paul: Thomson West, 2006) 160 Bernard Reich, Arab-Israeli Conflict and Conciliation: A Documented History (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1995) 161 Reich. 162 Key Documents, Un Partition Plan http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/in_depth/middle_east/2001/israel_and_the_palestinians/key_ documents/1681322.stm (November, 2001) 163 Mazin Qumsiyeh, September 17, 2010. 164 John Ging, September 16,, 2010. 165 Ging. 166 Ibid. 168 Qumsiyeh. 169 Duncan Clark, May 12, 2011. 170 Clark. 172 Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/131/1671.pdf (July, 2004) 173 UN News Center, UN mission finds evidence of war crimes by both sides in Gaza conflict (September 2009) 174 Naftali Balanson, September 4, 2011. 175 Shaath 52

 176 Ibid. 177 Henry Porter, An American veto of Palestine statehood would be a tragedy, http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2011/sep/18/henry-porter-palestine- statehood-bid (September, 2011) 178 Clark. The United States and Palestine 179 Reich. 180 Clark. 181 Porter. 182 Harriet Sherwood, US pulls Unesco funding after Palestine is granted full membership, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/oct/31/unesco-backs-palestinian-membership (October, 2011) 183 Duncan Calrk, May 12, 2011. 184 Calrk. 185 Ibid. 186 Ibid. 187 Duncan Clark, May 12, 2011. 188 Duncan Cark, May 12, 2011. 189 John J. Mearshimer & Stephen F. Walt, The Israeli Lobby (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007) 190 Mearshimer & Walt. 191 Ewen MacAskill, Obama's Netanyahu mic slip draws ire from Republicans, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/nov/08/obama-netanyahu-comment-sarkozy (November, 2011) 192 Hiroshi Fukurai, October 2011. 193 George Rishmawi, September 17, 2010. 194 Fukurai. 195 Clark. 196 Clark. 197 Antonio Galli, September 4, 2011. 198 Clark. 199 Forsan Hussein, September 4, 2011. 200 Mazin Qumsiyeh, September 17, 2010. 201 Nura Sharrab, September 8, 2011.

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