Engendering Nationalism: Identity, Discourse, and the Mexican Charro Author(s): Olga Njera-Ramrez Source: Anthropological Quarterly, Vol.

67, No. 1 (Jan., 1994), pp. 1-14 Published by: The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic Research Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3317273 Accessed: 18/09/2010 19:41
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ENGENDERINGNATIONALISM: IDENTITY, DISCOURSE,AND THE MEXICANCHARRO

OLGA NAJERA-RAMIREZ Universityof Californiaat Santa Cruz I argue that the charro,or Mexicancowboy,operatesas a mastersymbolof lo mexicano on bothsides of the U.S.-Mexicoborder.By tracingthe evolutionof the charroas a prodsuch as cinema,institutionalized uct of varioussocial technologies, discourses,and practices of daily life, I analyzehow notionsof gender,nation,and class intersectin el charro. In so doing, I considerquestionsof agency,authority,ideology,and process in cultural gender,popular [nationalism,Mexicans, representation, productionand representation. culture] literature. This articleprovides historicalreviewof the a charroas a mastersymbolof Mexicanculture,focusingon the processby which the charrohas acquiredthose qualitiesthat constituteMexicanness. A reviewof the historicalconditions underwhich is Yourpride the charro the charrosymboldeveloped revealsa constantinanddashing courageous To wearmysilver-trimmed hat terplay betweenvarioussocial agenciesthat have So no onecan tell me thatI backdown lo struggledto controland fix meanings concerning bareback to gallop horse my mexicano. createdand recreMeaningis constantly Butabove to be a lover all, ated, negotiated,contested,and, at any given mo[Words from Yo Soy Mexicano, popularizedby singer ment and in any given version,availablefor conauthor'stranslation] Jorge Negrete; sumption. Disclosingthe processby whichsymbols and contributes a betto Until recentlyanthropological folkloristic studemergeand circulatetherefore of ies have focusedalmost exclusivelyon the quaint, ter understanding culturalproduction social and the primitive, the exotic.Consequently, and certain processes. forms of cultural expressionhave been ignored, The anthropological literature Mexicannaon tionalsymbolsdates back at least to Wolf'sclassic particularlythose interlinkedwith the mass and as populararts. Understood modes of representa- study of the Virgende Guadalupe (1958).' Subsetion, such expressive forms raise questions of quentstudieshave focusedon two otherlegendary agency,authority, ideology,and processin cultural female figuresas well: MalintzinTen6pal,or La and representation.In effect, these Malinche,as she most widely came to be known, production questionsrequireattentionto the politicsof culture and La Llorona.In most cases the issue of gender and thereforeconstitutean importantterrain for as figuresprominently a centralfocus of concern. On the one hand,scholars such as Lim6n,Alarc6n, anthropological inquiry. Like other cultural groups Mexicans have and Del Castillohavenotedthe "obvious repressive been engaged in constructing and displaying ideological effects"(Lim6n1984) of at least two of these symbols, La Malinche and La Virgen de for imagesof theirculturefor popular consumption a long time. Especiallyvisible among these conGuadalupe.On the other hand, recent revisions structionsis the charreadaor Mexicanrodeo.The have providedalternativeunderstandings La of popular1940s Mexicansong of my epigraphpro- Malinche (Del Castillo 1977; Alarc6n 1981) and claimsthe charro,1 dashingMexicanhorseman, La Llorona(Lim6n 1984) in part by uncovering the as the pride of Mexico.2Not confinedto popular historical and political conditions under which music, the image of the charrohas becomerepre- these legendsemergedand subsequently developed. sentativeof lo mexicano(literally"Mexicanness") All of this work suggests the complexnature of in various domains.3The charro figures promi- Mexicansymbolsand inspiresmy own research on the charro.5 nently in a varietyof discourses including,but not limited to, film, music, folkloric dance, and The concernwith genderas promoted through
valientey bragado Traermi sombrerode plata bordado que nadie me diga que soy un rajado corrermi caballo en pelo montado pero mits de todo ser enamorado

es Tu orgullo el charro

ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY leros or gentlemen. Lawsprohibited Indians,mestizos, and blacks from owning or riding horses (Morner 1967: 41; Alvarez del Villar 1968: 17; AguirreBeltrin 1970:24). The wordpebn,literally "one on foot," meant a farm laborer,or in more generaltermsa memberof the lowerclasses.Thus, from the very beginningridinga horse becamea status symbol,sanctionedby law, signalingdifferences in class, race, and gender.7 These restrictivelaws proveddifficultto enforceand the development cattle ranching the of in late sixteenthcenturyprovided lower-class mestizos and Indianswith the opportunity cultivatetheir to skills(Myers 1969;Chevalier1972;Balequestrian lesteros 1972). As cattle ranchershad discovered back home in Andalucia,managingcattle on the a open range required team of men on horseback. The proliferation haciendas,or large landedesof tates, createda steadydemandfor skilledvaqueros or cowhands, particularly in northern Mexico where the haciendasflourishedover most of the land by the late eighteenthcentury(Myers 1969; Chevalier 1972; Brading 1978). Smaller cattle ranches, or ranchos, persisted alongside the grander haciendas.The rancho housed a single family who either owned or rented the property. haciendas as Generally, operated largeindependent communities that might includea church,a school for the workers, for livingquarters the variousemployees and their families,and a grand house for the occasionaluse of the absenteelandowner, who generallyresidedin the city (Myers 1969; Chevalier 1972). One of the quintessentialqualities of the charro was his equestrianskills. The skills and in whichwere techniques required cattle ranching, and graduimportedfrom the IberianPenninsula ally adaptedto suit the Mexican milieu, became the foundation or uponwhichthe art of charreria, Mexican horsemanship,was developed (Myers 1969:29; Bishko1952).8Regardless size, all catof tle ranchesrequiredworkersskilled in ridingand ropingtechniquesto managethe cattle over large tracts of land. Such skills includedbreakingwild horses, feeding and breeding cattle, controlling bulls and broncos,and protectingthe cattle and themselvesfrom the dangersof the range.Roundups, or rodeos,were held to sort, count,and brand cattle (Bishko 1952: 509; Myers 1969: 26; Chevalier 1972: 111). Likethe harvestseasonfor agriculture, the rodeoservedas an occasionfor celebration. These fiestas featured food, entertainment,

nationalsymbols,figures centrallyin this article. as Indeed,the charromust be approached both a national symbol and a cultural constructionof maleness.To ignore this latter point is to equate the male with the universal,a practicewhich silences women and thus promotesand legitimizes male dominance(Stoeltje 1988). Therefore, foby cusingon the charroas one exampleof the way in whichlo mexicano beenhistorically culturhas and ally constructedand represented,the extent to which ideas of masculinityintersect with, indeed are inscribedin, notions of lo mexicanobecomes For evident.6 as De Lauretisasserts,gender(and I would add culture),both as representation as and "is of self-representation, the product varioussocial such as cinema, and of institutionaltechnologies, ized discourses,epistemologiesand critical practices as well as practicesof daily life" (De Lauretis 1987: 2). Hence, this line of inquirywill uncover the variousagents or interestgroupswho have assumedthe authorityto definelo mexicanothrough the charro and also help explain why "such a stronglypatriarchal society as Mexico [which]articulatesits early historyin the symbolsof femaleness" (Lim6n 1984: 63) suddenlyshifts to an official nationalmale symbol. A historicalperspectivehelps to identify the qualities which have become associatedwith the charroin contemporary Mexicansocietyand to understand the process by which that association occurred. The Evolution of the Charro in Colonial and PostcolonialMexico The arrival of the Spanish brought numerous The changesfor the local populations. mostobvious includedthe imposition new religious,political, of economic,and social systemsover existing indigenous ones. But Spanish colonizationalso caused equally negativebut inadvertent changesthat imin pactedthe local populations profound ways.Diseases such as smallpox,syphilis,and measlesthat remain drasticallyreducedindigenouspopulations as unintendedbut catastrophic introunsurpassed ductionsto the New World(Wolf 1964: 195-196). in The horse,whichprovedinstrumental the Spanish conquest,representsanotherintroduction that transformed local culture. In the sixteenthcenturyowningand ridinga horse(caballo) was a privilegeof the conquistadores and other elite males regardedas true cabal-

NATIONALISM ENGENDERING visitors, and an exhibitionof riding and roping feats. In addition, other games either inherited from Spain or developedfrom ranchingactivities vainto these festivities.Featuring were integrated rious equestriancontests, trick and fancy roping, and popular entertainers, including comedians, the such eventsanticipated singers,and musicians, charreada. contemporary even the most meIn these early charreadas and nial laborersmight participate competein the contests of skill.9 Competitionin the charreada tested an individual's ability to performskillfully and successfullya series of risky and sometimes spectacular feats. For the wealthy sons of who had more leisuretime in which to hacendado an cultivatethe art, the charreada provided opportunity to prove that they possessedthe necessary run skillsto fully and successfully an hacienda.On the other hand, for the common vaqueroswho honedtheir skills in the daily work,this was their chance to show they knew as much, if not more, In than their "superiors." all cases the pointwas to display abilities of strength, independence,and charreadaswere a means bravery.Consequently, by which men of any social class might prove themselvesto be worthycharrosand thus greatly enhancetheir status as real men. Moreto the point,such competitions proalso moted the egalitarian ideal of the "self-made man."oImplicit in this notion of the "self-made man"was the idea that individuals competefairly in the worldto obtainpositionsof powerand presto tige, an idea that ran contrary social realitiesof haciendalife. Class, gender, and to some extent ethnic lines sharplydividedcolonialMexicansociety (Chevalier 1972: 294). The criollos, or deof scendants Spanishcolonizers, occupiedthe highest rungs of the socioeconomic ladder, while the indigenous people occupied the lowest (Morner 1967; Meyer and Sherman 1970: 204; Gutierrez 1991: 191). ColonialMexicansociety,and the haciendasocial structure particular, in revealan intimate correlation betweenethnicityand class. Gendertoo playeda significantrole in deteravailableto an inminingthe rightsand privileges dividual.Accordingto Spanishlaw, a father controlledhis daughtersuntil his death or until they took control married,at which point the husbands (Lavrin and Contierier 1979: 282). For many an women,enteringthe conventpresented alternative to marriage, althoughthat too imposedrestrictionson women.Evenas late as the nineteenth cen-

tury women could not hold public office or vote, couldnot dressas men (lest they try to passas men to gain more privileges),and could not enter professionsas lawyers,priests,or judges(Arrom1985: 58). As Arromobserves,"the rightsof all women were restrictedto those that did not conflictwith social order"(p. 78). the patriarchal the As Mexicoapproached end of the colonial in the late eighteenthcentury,"socialrelaperiod tionshiphad becomeclearly capitalistic,and masculinizedauthorityand class powerremainedinti(Lim6n 1984: 84). The social mately correlated" of and structure the haciendareproduced localized evident the class, ethnic,and genderdifferentiation in colonialMexicansocietyat large. In an institution modeledon the patriarchal family, only men could becomelegitimaterulersof familyand land. As patriarchthe hacendado,or landowner, both ruled and protectedhis wife, his children,and his employees.Next, in order of descendingstatus, power, and authority,were various foremenand managers such as the administrador, the and the caporalde vaqueria,and at mayordomo, the bottomof the scale were the vaqueros cowor hands (Chevalier1972: 294-296;Ballesteros1972: 165-171). No matterwhere a man rankedin this he social hierarchy, ruledoverthe womenand children withinand belowhis rank. and Despite socioeconomic ethnic differences, haciendasystem united men then, the patriarchal in theirdomination overwomenand fostereda paternalistic attitude towards those in the lower levels. Furthermore, movementwithin these social rankswas extremely limitedandcertainly little had to do with an individual's Instead, class, ability. a gender,and ethnicitylargelydetermined person's place in society. Given these social distinctions,instillingloyalty towardsthe haciendaprovedessentialfor the successfuloperationof this social institutionthat functionedas the patria chica, or little nation,for all its residents(Turner1968:24, 59). Hacendados secureda steady workforce throughthe payment of wages and such means as debt peonage.They also developedother strategiesto elicit their employee's allegiance (Chevalier 1972; Israel 1975: in 39). In this contextthe early charreadas, which competitions simultaneously stressed individual abilityand team effort,becameparticularly significant as a representation life on the haciendaas of one of unityand workfor the common good.In the charros' performances egalitarian principles

ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY on typicallyoperated theirownrulesto securetheir own profitand hencedealtstrictlywith anyonewho got in their way, includingrival bands.More than anything else, their presence demonstratedthe chaosand lack of nationalintegration that plagued Mexico during the nineteenth century (Vanderwood 1981). But it also indicatesthe extent to whichpatriarchal authoritarian and politics prevailedduring this period of Mexican history (Cockcroft1983).11 By the mid-nineteenth century,in an effortto establish order, President Juarez instituted the rurales,a mountedpoliceforcedesignedto enforce nationallaws and policies.12 Modeledafter the private militiasof the haciendas,the ruralesenlisted men fromboth sides of the law and required them to dressas charros. Thusthe ruralesenhanced their image as tough, skilled horsemenloyal to the supreme authority.No matter that not all rurales were expert horsemen; their real power rested in the image. By this time the charrocostume signaled key featureswhicheveryone "its understood: wearer could outride, outrope,outshoot,outdrink and outwomanize cowboyfromwhatever land" any 1981:53). Whenthe dictatorPorfirio (Vanderwood Diaz was in powerin 1876 to 1910, he took special interest in cultivating the charro image of the ruralesas invinciblenationalheroes (Vanderwood 1981: 132-138). So it was that the charroimage became thoroughlyintegratedwith the ideas of and manhood, nationhood, power.Throughcareful of the manipulation fact and imagination, charro assumed legendary status in the nineteenth century. If politicians to contributed the legendary status of the charroby exploitingthe image, fiction writerscompleted pictureby romanticizing the the worldin which the charrolived. As BenedictAndersonhas observed, the alongwith the newspaper, novel"provided technicalmeansfor 'representthe ing' the kind of imaginedcommunitythat is the nation"(1983: 30). Nowhereis this more evident than in the costumbristaliteratureof nineteenthcentury Mexico which employedlocal characters and customs to create picturesque images of the In style annation."3 this respectthe costumbrista Mexicannationalist ticipatedthe twentieth-century move to replace European customs with local ones." Luis Inclin (1816-1875),one of the earliest and most important these writers,had actually of lived on a hacienda and experiencedranch life from variousperspectives (Paredes 1972: Iviii-lix).

of reigned.Insofaras the successfulmanagement haciendas the of required full cooperation all workwas accurate.Yet such portrayers, this portrayal als minimizedthe fact that it was the hacendado who profited most directlyfromthese groupefforts. Thus, the charrofigureoperatedas a symbolprowhile simultaneously motingunityand cooperation, on subsumingclass and gender stratification the haciendas.Consequently this ideal of cooperation and unity translatedinto additionalqualities for male behaviorand servedwell in promoting social unity. Such ideals, togetherwith their special skills as horsemen, madethe charrosa particularly effective force when fightinga commonenemy. Indeed, the hacendadoshad a long practiceof forminga private militia from their best charrosto provide and securityfor the great estates, espeprotection cially against bandits and marauders(Chevalier 1972: 294). To reduce conflict hacendadosfrequently recruitedindependent vaquerosand other vagabonds,who might otherwisepose a threat to their security, into their private armies. This provedanothereffectiveway to cultivateloyaltyfor the patriachica. No doubt such practicesresulted in a ready-madearmy iri the early strugglesfor independence. was Althoughindependence achievedby 1821, Mexicowas markedby political nineteenth-century and disorder civil strife. By the turn of the century banditryhad become a widespreadnational phein nomenon Mexicodue in partto the lack of legitimate means for social advancement (Vanderwood 1981: 11). Operatingas free agents seeking their own materialgain, banditsdefied politicalleaders and broke their rules for social order. Bandits to gained the manpower force wealthyindividuals and government officialsto meet their demandsor face revenge.Like the hacendados, ofgovernment ficials often workedout deals with the banditsin orderto bring them undertheir control.Such arblurred boundaries the betweenlaw enrangements forcementagents, pillagers,and insurgents. Among the most celebrated of the bandits were the plateados,or silveredones, namedfor the amount of silver that adornedtheir clothing and saddles.Dressedas charros,variousbandsof these "high class" thieves emerged throughoutMexico 1981:9). Most were truly skilledva(Vanderwood queros,but otherssimply dressedthe part to feed off the image. Their raw power and fearless attitudes evokedadmiration dread,for such bands and

NATIONALISM ENGENDERING Through his writings (publishedbetween 1850s1870s) Inclin providedinsights, albeit highly romanticizedones, into the life of the charro. experience,Inclin's deDrawingon firsthand of haciendalife capturedthe "down-toscriptions His earth"dialoguesof the characters. most popular and often reprintednovel, Astucia, portrayed the rancheroas a noble, courteous,and sincere man. The protagonist, Astucia,headeda smuggling all madeup of six charrosand twelvedrovers, ring on tomen who resentedthe government monopoly bacco. When they weren't defending themselves against governmentagents, they enjoyed themselves at fiestas and roundups,telling each other their life stories,and helpingthe poor, weak, and defenseless.They acted as family and their motto was "one for all and all for one." As Am6rico Paredesnotes:

the age would be furtherpopularized: charroassociationsand Mexicanfilms. Commercialization the CharroImage in Postof Mexico Revolutionary

of The MexicanRevolution 1910 marksthe most significantpoint of transitionin Mexico'shistory after the Spanishconquest.Duringthe first halfpoliticalinstabilcenturyof Mexicanindependence ity plaguedthe nation,as over fifty separategovernmentsruled the nation before the accessionof PorfirioDiaz (Cockcroft1983:62). Authoritarian, if erratic,leaders such as Santa Anna (a former the dominated scene. Stabilitywas rehacendado) stored for a generationby Diaz' "Paz Porfiriana" and then the Revolutionregistereda genuineatthe autocratic system temptto dismantle repressive established the dictatorship. charros passare Inclin's LikeAmerican heroes, by cowboy and who help thosein distress then gallop ing riders, At first the Revolution offeredsome hope for actionto away.Theyare frank, simplemen,preferring social change, and indeed peasants and workers and a wordsbut following code of chivalry fair play achievedimportant reforms,especiallyin the area and whichmakesthemgallantto women just evento and the expansionof social their theirenemies. Theyusetheirresourcefulness, brav- of land redistribution of to and services.Especiallyrelevantto the presentdiscusery andstrength theirkeenness judgment get and justicefor themselves for others,thoughat times of sion was the gradualdestruction the hacienda of the methods, illegality which theymustuseextralegal that transformedagriculturalpeons into all right-thinking peopleare only too willingto ignore system communal ownersand smalllandholders. along But (Paredes 1960: 68). with these gains the Revolution broughtaboutmain jor transformations other areas that negatively Clearly, Inclin intendedthe novel to justify, glorify, and even promotecharro ways and values. affected the same population.For instance, the commercialization agriculture the move toof and Moreoverit served to create an ambienceof roforced thousandsof Meximanticism and nationalism around the charro ward industrialization cans to migrateout of the countryside into larger figure."1 In the same costumbrista vein Inclin's short cities and acrossthe borderinto the UnitedStates. reveal a growinginterestamong city monographs Significant changesin rurallife in generaland dwellersof the earlynineteenth in cultivat- cattle ranchingin particular,broughtabout as a century also led to the demiseof ing equestrianskills and participatingin charro resultof the Revolution, and documented certain sociohistori- charroactivitiesand lifestylein ruralMexico.Yet competitions cal details of the charro subculture (Inclain the image of the charroremainedquite powerful, as evidencedby those who fought to preserveor 1940[1860]: 112). Inclan subsequentlywrote a otherwisemanipulatethe figure for variousends. manual, intended explicitly for groundbreaking amateurenthusiasts,regarding properways of the After the Revolution 1910 Mexicoexperienced of a of and tailingand roping.This bookservedas the precur- strongresurgence nationalism generatedan sor to what many considerthe "bible"of the char- explosiveinterestin lo mexicanoamong both domestic and international audiences.Film, music, ros, El libro del charro Mexicano (The book of the Mexican cowboy). Almost one hundred years and folkloricstage presentations invokednostalgic visions of Mexican "traditional" after Inclin's manualfirst appearedin print, Don life, and it was Carlos Rinc6n Gallardo, the Marqu6s de quite common to establish "officialyet spurious the Guadalupe, produced ultimatemanualof char- folkloreto attracttourismbut also to blur regional differencesto create a more integratedsociety" reria(Chevalier1972: 175;Rinc6nGallardo1960). Thus Inclin's workanticipated development the of (Monsivais 1976).16 The twentieth century also two important areas throughwhichthe charroimwitnessedthe mass media-sponsored emergenceof

ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY

specify more concretelythe ideals of the charro versionof lo mexicanothrougha code of ethics establishedfor all members. This code stipulated, for example, that charroscould not engage in disorderly conduct such as excessivedrinking,participatingin brawls,or using foul language,especially while wearing the charro costume. Fighting and drinkingwhile in uniformwere (and continueto be) deemed particularlydangerousbecause the charrocostumerequiredsportinga real gun. The The professional charreriainitiatedits activitiestowards code then was intendedto encourage responsibility the end of the last centuryat the time of the great Mexifor the safety of oneself and of others,and sought PoncianoDiaz, ... this excepcan charroand bullfighter to protectthe status and reputation the charro of tional rider and bullfighterpromoted "charreria"and as a positiverepresentative Mexico.The charro of made a fascinatingshow of it. He and his friendsorganIslas Esized the first payingspectacles code also forbadethe use of bright colors in cos(Leovigildo circega1967:20). tuming,specifically royalblue, yellow,purple,and 1972: 114). Presumablysuch pinks (Ballesteros In 1894 the "best Charros"from Mexico made colorswere deemedtoo ranchero,or unsophisticainto the U.S. "On that their first majorexpedition ted, and insufficientlymasculine for the image; tour,the Mexicansmet with greatsuccess,particu- whereas colores serios (somber colors) appeared larly in the city of New York, where they were more elegantand manly.The color code also sugpresentedwith the famous 'Buffalo Bill's Wild reflecgested the desire to set aestheticstandards West' Show"(p. 21). Mexitive of a particular class, that is, upper-class New York was not the only city showcasing cans. In fact, the descendants of wealthy ranch life activities.Mexican cities were fast beDon such as the previously mentioned hacendados, and centersfor the preservation comingsignificant Carlos Rinc6n Gallardo,played a critical role in dissemination of charreria. Post-revolutionary definingthe codes and policiesfor all membersby Mexico witnessed dramatic growth in its urban writingmanualsfor charrosand assumingleaderturnedawayfrom ship roles in the charroorganizations as population peopleincreasingly (Alvarezdel includedan increas- Villar 1972; Ballesteros1972). The agriculture. new urbanites ing numberof displacedcattle ranchersand ranch These newly establishedcharro associations relocatedin the cities. who had reluctantly workers and to supported contributed the post-revolutionary As this segmentof urbanpopulation grew,they esromantic nationalist effortsto identifyand promote tablishednational charro associationsin order to as customsperceived uniquelyMexican continueto practice,refine,and ultimatelyinstitu- traditional and to foster a sense of nationalunity and demotionalizethe art of charreria.By the 1920s charcratic ideals. Since the charroassociations prided reriawas well on its way to becomingthe firstoffilo cial Mexican national sport. The nationalcharro themselvesin representing mexicano,they did not explicitly restrict membershipto any given association was formed on July 4, 1921, (the was class. Instead,membership determined an by Asociaci6nNacional in Mexico City); but it was ability to execute at least one of nine not until December16, 1933, that the Federaci6n individual's events,just as it had been to was Nacionalde Charros established give official suertes, or competitive backon the hacienda.In theoryat least, charroasstatus to the sport (Alvarez del Villar 1968: 33). sociationsdiscriminated against no one. However, to naThe Federaci6n continues this day to sponsor time and such as sufficient important prerequisites tionalmeetingsto establishand definethe rulesfor money to purchase,maintain,and train a horse, and competiall mattersconcerningparticipation ridinggear severelylimtion in charreadas(p. 42). Like their American and to secureappropriate sectorsof society. to ited membership the wealthier and these associations"standardized counterparts, were not the only aveThe charroassociations formalized the public performances of what originated as cowboy customs" (Stoeltje 1989: nue throughwhichthe charroimagebecamepopularized.First of all, not all skilledvaquerosopted 246). to become membersof the Federaci6n,yet they Beyond allowing for the elaborationof the charro-basedarts, such associationsalso helped continued to hone and display their equestrian

the cult of the machoin GreaterMexico (Paredes the 1967).1 Significantly, charroprevailedas the Mexican prototypein these commercialconstructions of culture. Even beforethe turn of the twentiethcentury, and charreria becamean avenuefor packaging representingMexican culturefor public consumption both inside and outside Mexico. As one authority notes,

ENGENDERING NATIONALISM

and skills in their workenvironment throughinformal means,such as friendlycompetitions, jaripeos (broncoand bull ridingevents) and familygatherings (Alvarez del Villar 1968: 146). In this way ropingand ridingskills remainedrootedto everyday life, especiallyin the ruralareas.Furthermore, by the early part of the twentiethcenturyfolkloric dance and musicpresentations imagesof promoted the charroas well. Since neitherthe dancersnor activitieson stage, musicians engagedin equestrian riding and roping skills were not necessary.Yet, condressedin charrocostume,these performers tributed to the elaborationof the image of the In charroin their presentations. the dances,for exin the theme of "masculinity" appeared roample, mantic terms, with the male pursuingand ultimately capturing the woman. In such the representations man assumedthe role of aggressor, particularlywith respect to male-female While the womanflirtedseductively, relationships. the male made the first overt move towards only a establishing relationship. inThe dancersexecutedthese choreographed teractions betweenmale and femaleto the musicof the mariachi, a regional string ensemble from west-central Mexico. Traditionallythe mariachi ensemblesfeaturedmale musicians dressedlike peons in white muslinshirt and pants.By the turnof the century,however, followingthe exampleset by the orquestatipica (national"folkloric" orquestra) formedby MiguelLerdode Tejadain 1901, mariachis began wearingcharrocostumeson occasion.18 By the 1930s the charrocostumebecamean institutionalized tradition whenthe partof the mariachi mariachis for government required performing official functionsto wear charro outfits. Soon afterwards the mariachi became the official national musical ensemble of Mexico (Guias Voluntarias 1982:459). While mariachis and folkloric dancers promoted the charro image through their performances at home and abroad,ideas surrounding the of importance Mexicantraditionsreceivedfurther reinforcement of throughcinematicrepresentations the charro.19 About the time the charro associations surfaced among the middle classes, charro films emerged as another avenue through which this symbolbecamefurtherlinkedto notionsof patriotismand gained widespread While popularity. charroliteraturecirculatedamong the literate in the nineteenth century, and charro associations consistedpredominately urban businessmen of in

films provedto the twentiethcentury,commercial be the most powerfuland influentialchannel for the symbolacross popularizing charroas a national class, gender,and even politicalboundaries.20 During the Cirdenas period (1934-1940), Mexico experienced intenseclimate of "socialan interestin the vernacist" nationalism, stimulating ular practicesand lifestylesof the commonMexican citizen. Consequently, the Cirdenas Administration encouraged"native producersto produce movies with Mexican themes consistent with the ideological program of the state" (Saragosa1983: 8). UnderCirdenassuch encourof agementmeantlimitingthe distribution American-made films. However,under the more conservative Manuel Avila Camacho administration translatedinto institu(1940-46), encouragement tional supportin the formof tax exemptions, laws theatersto featurea minimum number of requiring Mexican films, and in some cases even financial backing (MartinezAssad 1986: 345; Kline 1943: 680). films with Mexicanthemes proved Producing an easy task. Since the charroalreadyhad a hislo tory of representing mexicano,the charro became a majorfigurein these nationalistic films.In 1932 the first charrosound film appeared.Howsuccess occurred ever, the first majorcommercial in 1936, with the releaseof the movieentitledAlla en el Rancho Grande (directedby Fernandode Fuente) that featured the singing charro.21 This film became the prototypefor a new film genre called the comedia ranchera (cowboy comedy). romanticized on life Briefly,the comediaranchera the haciendaand the relationship between landownersand workers. these films the charrorepIn resentedthe "true Mexican,"for not only did the charrosdefend their countryand loved ones, they also sang, danced jarabes, and participatedin cockfights and festivals. Family loyalty figured in prominently these films as well. Typically,conflict occurred betweenfamilies,ratherthan within the haciendaenvironment, which the hero typiin fell in love with the daughter the rivalfamof cally ily. Such conflicts inevitablyresulted in various traditionalcompetitions such as charreadas, cockfights, or singing duels where the hero typically won. Charrosand other folkloricelementsbecame since the staples of most Mexicanfilms produced 1930s, extending into other genres besides the comediaranchera. at Superficially least, such mov-

ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY and revolutionaries noble and just, the film as seems to plead for justice for poor and rich alike, argueagainstpersonal revenge,and fosternational Mexico. unity for contemporary The thirdfilm, El Pehonde las Animas(starring Maria Felix in her screen debut), offers yet anothervariationof a tragic love relationship. The daughterand son (playedby Negrete) of two rival familiesfall in love, even thoughthe daughterhas agreed to marrythe man her family had selected for her. Nonetheless, her weddingday she defies on her family and fiance and runs away to her true love. Her grandfatherruns after her and shoots her, while the fianc6kills the boyfriend,and then takes his own life by jumpingoff a cliff with his dead bride.Here the messageseemsto be that disobedienceleads to chaos and tragedyfor all. This third film illustratesmore transparently than the others how charro movies promoteda moreconservative view of society,as criticsof the socialist Cirdenas administration had discovered. As the Mexicanfilm historian,Mora,observed,
The charro magnificently is attiredin an embroidered suit a aristradition rural of riding thatbespeaks hoary His is ordered feutocracy. environment... a minutely in dal society whichthe hacendado with presides paternalistic yet firm authorityover his socioeconomic inferiors-thehacendado's tenants, and, of employees, ... (He) cameto represent tradithe course, women. in tional Catholic and values defiance theleftist,modof from the cities (Mora ernizingtendencies emanating
1982: 47).

ies resonated with national goals of expressing Mexican themes and practicallyguaranteedcommericial success. Yet the ideological content of these films was another matter altogether, revealing competing political agendas among film producers.Even a cursory review of three films Cuando Viajan Las Estrellas (1942, directedby Alberto Gout), Flor Silvestre (1943, directedby Emilio Fernandez),and El Pehon de las Animas (1942, directedby Miguel Zacarias)will illustrate in my point.Produced the early 1940s, these films featured charros, folkloricdancing, a love story, and popular music, but the plots differ significantly.22 In the firstfilm Negrete stars as an unmarried and kindlyhacendado. After falling in love with a foreignactresswho is visitingMexico,Negrete invites the star out to his ranch to see "the most beautifulpartof Mexico."Negretehostsa partyin which guests dress in folkloriccostumes,perform regionaldances,and enjoy other Mexicancustoms such as fireworks singing.Dressedin a charro and the costume,Negrete ends the fiestaby serenading star with romanticsong. A light-heartedcomedy (that is, comedia ranchera),the film comes to a happyending as the foreignstar gives up her career to marrythe charro.While this film contains intriguingelementswhich merit close analysis,on to an the wholeit clearlyprovided opportunity proview of the mote an attractiveand romanticized "real"Mexico. Flor Silvestre (Wild Flower),a classic melodrama, features a love story situated during the MexicanRevolutionas a way to commenton the of socialcomplexities that era. The filmemphasizes the hardshipsthat people on all sides sufferedin creatinga "new"Mexico.In this film the lead actor, PedroArmendadiz, portraysthe son of a rich in love with a poorpeonwohacendado hopelessly man. Despite his family's view of this union as the transgressive, couple marries.At a charreada the father shuns the bride publicly,leading to an argumentbetweenthe father and son. Slowly the man's family begin to accept the good-hearted wife, but the plot thickenswhenthe fatheris killed banditsposingas revolutionaries, by opportunistic and the son seeks revenge resulting in his own tragic death. His wife, namedEsperanza, literally "hope,"lives on to tell the storyto her son, so that he will appreciatethe sacrificesmade by both the in and revolutionaries the landowners formingthe both the conservatives new state. In representing

Conservativefilmmakerssympatheticto Manuel Avila Camachoused the charroas a vehicleto reject socialist pretensions typical of the Cirdenas administration to "exaltthe traditional and patronpeon and male-femalerelationships" 47). By (p. the 1940s, when Avila Camachoassumed presidency, the governmentsupportedand controlled the production films,thus ensuring of that the ideological content of Mexican movies paralleledthe In sentimentsof the current administration. esthe sence, then, the filmindustryhelpedpopularize this charroas the definitive Mexicanbut employed symbol to popularizespecific views of society as well. In the processthe charroacquiredadditional qualities that ultimately distortedthe noble and chardemocratic imagethat the urbanprofessional ros had so carefullycultivated. traits What were the additional"masculine" such films?What that the charroacquired through characteristicsdid the charro embody in these

ENGENDERING NATIONALISM

Mexicanfilms?A Mexicanfolk sayingtells us that a proper man should be "fuerte,feo y formal" certainlyquali(strong,rugged,and upstanding)"2, ties that a working cowboymight acquire.In these movies,however,the charroappearsnot only as a noble man of honor, but also as a hardworking, handsome,romanticsinger representedby Jorge Negrete, PedroInfante,and, morerecently,by ViFor cente Fernandez. instance,in the movieAy Jalisco no te Rajes, whichestablished Negrete as the charro,filmmaker Alejandro singing quintessential GalindodescribesNegrete as the Mexican ideal: tall, "dark-complexioned, proud,romantic,pistolas packing,and whosingshis sorrows readilyas his 1982: 56). To highlightthe charro's joy" (Mora invavirilequalities,a short,fat, clownishside-kick riably acted as the loyal male companionto the hero of the film. The leadingfemaletypicallyporwotrayed a beautiful but noble, self-sacrificing as in the film Flor Silvestre. Alternatively, man, womanwho she could play a feisty, high-spirited to ultimatelysuccumbs the charmsof the dominant male. In film the charrosometimes exhibitedaggressive and even abusivebehavior,such as excessive brawlsand a general drinkingthat led to barroom of mistreatment women.At the same time, however,the charrogaineda sentimentality, expressing his innermostsentimentsthrough music, specifically the canci6n ranchera.As a national hero, then, the charrobecame much more complexbecause, while the sentimentaltraits served to humanizethe charro,they also offset his violentand abusive behavior. In other words, because the charro possessedredeeminghumanisticqualities, and because his ends justified the means, the charrowas forgivenall his faults (especiallythose which occurredin a state of drunkenstupor). In this way the negativequalitiesbecame palatable, acceptable,and for some, perhaps,even valued. But such portrayals not go unchallenged. did Jesus Barajas De Le6n, a representative the of Federaci6nNacional de Charros,criticized such films as follows:
Motion who at charros, in truthare notcharros picture of all, but only a grossmovieimitation the bonafide
when they precharros,pay us an unwantedcompliment tend to portray us on the screen. In the so-called entertainment films,we see sturdymen in the guise of charros, who are not only quick at the draw but . . . (who)

thematter thescreen of charro's as however, deportment, where theglaring all of calledforby thescript thestory of the charro's moral charmisrepresentations authentic and occur. we conacter tradition That,of course, cannot what a to done wefeeldutybound repudiate weterm and De of art vilecaricature a noble (Barajas Le6n1975: 7).

appearas drunkensots or in other discreditable roles, all of which are false portrayalsthat only serve to defame the noble characterof the genuine charro. ... It is in

the This quote demonstrates extent to which the charros considered themselves urban"professional" Mexto to have sole authority defineand represent ican culture throughthe "charroimage." Notice also that the strugglebetweenthe charroassociations and the film producersto appropriate the of the voiceandposition ignored symbolcompletely the working vaquero whose working skills had of servedas the basis for the development the sport and who continuedto employhis charroskills in his everydaywork. In his critiqueBarajasDe Le6nalso questions the aggressive and violent attributes that the in charrohad acquired these films,for indeedthese had becomewell-known of negativestereotypes the On the one hand, the motion pictures mejicano. Mexicanidentitythrough charro,but the promoted on the other hand, certaincharrofilms also highlighted his negative traits, those which became popularly known as "machismo."In his essay "Machismo, Mexico and the United States" Paredes (1967) notes that the notion of "machismo" as a peculiarMexican constructcoincided with the appearance these filmsin the 1940s. of But why did machismoappear around this time? Paredesoffersinsightfulobservaparticular tions. The MexicanRevolution 1910 was an efof fort to bring about social change and equalityfor all Mexicans.A heavy emphasison local common customsreplacedthe earlierattentionto European and especiallyFrenchcultureand standards. Consequently, after the Revolution, Mexico experienced a "growing feelingof nationalism accompanied by sentiments of distrust and inferiority towardoutsiders" (Paredes1967: 36). Such sentiments heightened as a result of discriminatory practices experiencedby Mexicans living in the United States. To makemattersworse,the United States government forciblyrepatriated manyMexicanos in the 1930s, blamingthem for the depression (Barrera1979). Once the conflictended,such sentimentsbecamegross and exaggerated "this as senseof manliness passedfromfolkloreto the movies and popularliterature" (Paredes1967: 37). In passing from a lived experienceto a fictionalized account,the cinemacharro,like the charroof the the novels,came to represent onset of a conserva-

10

ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY tural activities identifiedas representative "lo of mexicano."Like the ballet folklorico,charreadas servedto stimulatefurtherinterestin, or otherwise certainMexicantraditions."6 reinforce, Currently charreadas consist of frequent from May to October (often weekly) competitions and they generallyfeaturemusic, performing artists, and sometimesdances, as well as the tradiin tional competition the nine suertes.These regular competitions, termed charreadas amistosas or

tive mood in Mexico which appealedto an earlier social structurewhere evidealized,romanticized eryone knew their place, where certain privileged men ruled. Harsh and abusive behaviorby men seemed acceptableand even necessaryto control masses.By appealing an to and lead the "ignorant" idealizedpast, such filmsmadecriticalcommenton the socialills of theirday and legitimizedironfisted rule.24 tyrannical of But these perceptions the charrowere not limited to film, which suggestsyet anotherreason association "machismo" of with for the widespread Mexicanculturein general,and with the charroin particular.In the late 1940s, when charro films reached their apex, the term "charrismo"was coined among union laborersto refer to corrupt union leaders allied with their employers(Cockcroft 1983:249). In this contextthe charrospecifileader involvedin cally referredto "trade-union corruption,violence and anti-democraticbehavthe associationof Underscoring widespread ior."'25 with tyrannical, abusiveleaderthe term "charro" ship, this context reveals such qualities are groundedas much in everydaylife politics as in To cinematic representations. this day "corrupt unionbosseswho are imposedon the trade unions by the state" are labeled "charros" (Adler Hellman 1983: 242). politicalstatementsemDespite controversial beddedin charrofilms, the glitter and glamourof the movie industrynonethelessserved to further the popularize charrothroughoutMexico and the United States via the growing Spanish-language networks. film distribution The CharroToday of All representations the charromerit consideration because they help locate specific traits and trends historically,and because all these images continueto circulateeven today. In a typicalcharreadaall these charroimagescome together,for in the arena,or lienzo charro,the charroappearsin variousguises, that is, as mariachi,as singer, as dancer,and especiallyas a contestantin equestrian Since the late 1960s and early 1970s competitions. charreadashave become increasinglypopular in the United States due in part to the rapidgrowth of the Chicano/.Mejicano community.This period also coincideswith the rise of the ChicanoMovement through which Chicanossought to recover and promotetheir Mexican heritagethroughcul-

friendlycompetitions, preparethe charroteams to competeeach year in regional,state, and national charreadas. in However,any individual Mexicoor the UnitedStates who wishesto competein one of these officialcharreadas to (referred as a congreso) must subscribeto the Federaci6n membership, for and thus must submitto its codes and regulations. At each levelthejudgesenforcethe rulesand regulations with increasingprecision.In order to parcharros ticipatein the moreadvanced competitions mustpassa strictdresscode,a breathanalyzertest (that checks levels of alcoholic intake), and an equipmentcheck. In this way the Federaci6nde Charrosexerts tight controlover its membership. most rigid and conAmong the Federaci6n's tested regulations those concerning particiare the of womenin charreria.For instance,a wopation man may not competein charroeventsor have any Consistent voting power within the association.27 with the patriarchal familymodel,her role in charreria is primarilyan extensionof her prescribed role as supportive wife or daughter.Hence, while the males performand competein events,women assumethe role of "behindthe scenes"organizers, hostesses,and observers. Womenmay only exhibittheir ridingskills in the charreadas throughtheir role as escaramusas, or membersof a female precisionriding team.28 and Riding side-saddle wearinglacy full skirts,an executesintricatedesignsin the arena escaramusa thus displaying riding her with her team members, skillswhileprojecting beautyin self and design.As event within an exhibit ratherthan a competitive tendsto reinthe charreria, role of the escaramusa force a view of women as objects of display, consistentwith patriarchal beauty,and adornment itself. in notionspromoted the charreada While womenincreasingly questionthe limits within charreria,they typiof their participation commentsaboutthe imrhetorical cally encounter tradition.In short,to quesportanceof preserving but tion the traditionis not only "unfeminine" un-

ENGENDERING NATIONALISM

11

the Undeniably, charrohas servedas a symbolbehind whichvariousinterestshave operated meet to their goals. The charroas a nationalsymbol has been shapedand manipulated variouscultural by industries:in popular historical accounts, film, sports,dance, and music as well as in contemporary charreadas. The historicalperspective allowsus to understandhow the charroemergedas an important national symbolexpressing, Actualmente,el mariachi ha venido a convertirseen el amongother things,idesimbolo de la mfsica mexicana. . .. La influenciadel als of manhoodand Mexicanness.In general the mariachise ha extendidomas all&a nuestras de fronteras. charrorepresented Mexican male as a brave, the Es posible encontrarmariachis (originaleso en la verman who stood up for his rights,dehardworking sion local) en Guatemala,Colombia, Venezuela,Argenfendedhis familyand country.In this construction tina, Espaha e inclusiveen Japbn (MorenoRivas 1979: of Mexicansociety womenwere requiredto defer 184). the has the of [Today, mariachi become symbol Mexican to men. Subtledifferences charrocharacteristics in music.... The influence the mariachi extended of has and traitsexpanded rangeof appealand effecthe far beyond borders. is nowpossible findmariaour It to a chis(in original localversions) Guatemala, or in Colum- tivenessof the symbol.However, morecontroversial charro image emerged in the late 1930s and bia,Venezuela, Argentina, Spain evenin Japan. (author's translation)] through conservative, commercial nationalistic films.The moviecharroexaggerated these "mascuAs competingimages of the charro become line" traits,transforming them into extremeforms more apparentin moderntimes, it is important of male domination to over women,legitimizingthe note that the influenceof the Federaci6n Char- use of violence and excessivedrinking-the very de ros prevailsin yet anotherdomain.A reviewof the image of Mexican identity that many Mexicans literatureon charreria revealsthat members the wished to correct.But ratherthan dismissingthe of Federaci6nassume large responsibility docu- charrosymbol,otheragencies(most notablymemfor of mentingthe originsand development charreria. bers of the charro associations)have workedto Their accountsconsistentlyportraythe charroas redefinethe charrosthroughtheir own enactments the true Mexicanhero,alwaysat the serviceof his and their histories. We cannotrule out any of the charroimages country, fighting on horsebackin every battle, every war, even when Mexicans fought against as less meaningful becauseof their commercial or otherMexicansas in the Revolution 1910 (Alvaof "artificial" roots,becauseoncesuchrepresentations rez del Villar 1941; Ballesteros1972;ValeroSilva enter social discourse,they become part of the 1987;Islas Escircega 1967). By inscribing charros symbol complexand thus one of variouspossible into historyin this manner,all conflictand opposi- meanings.A close examination the charrosymof tion becomes oriented towards non-Mexicans, bol demonstratesthat within a complex society

Mexicanas well. Such a view ignoresthe well-documentedcases in which womenin colonialMexico actuallyemployedtheir ridingand ropingskills on the ranchand on the range (Ruiz, in press). Still, the Federaci6nmaintainsstrict control over this Mexicantraditionpromoting specificgenderstyles. Not surprisingly, is preciselyin areaswhere it the Federaci6n exercisesno authoritythat change has become most evident. The integration of women into the once all-male mariachiensemble a represents recentchangeover whichthe Federaci6n has no control.Like the male mariachis,the womenwear a charrocostume,thoughthey sport an A-linecharroskirtratherthan the slacks.While a full study on female mariachisis yet to be done, their participation may be evidenceof a new perspective which focuses on musical ability, rather than gender,as the criterionfor becoming mariaa chi musician.In any eventtheir participation helps break down genderbarriers,for despitethese and other innovations,for many people the mariachi continuesto represent"traditional" Mexican culture. As Mexican ethnomusicologistYolanda MorenoRivas explains:

a therebypromoting less conflictive imageof Mexican culture and society. In the processissues of Thus, gender,class, and ethnicityremainobscured. the members the Federaci6n Charros of de enhance the imageof the charroas loyal defenders Mexof ico and positionthemselves the true representaas tives of lo mexicano.In so doing,idealsof patriotism (nation) and manhood (gender) become intimatelyfusedtogetherso that the charrocontinues to be a powerful symbolthroughwhichto foster a sense of Mexicannesseven, perhapsespecially, for those mejicanos livingin the U.S.
Conclusion

12

ANTHROPOLOGICAL QUARTERLY powerin the largerworld.Yet, as this articledemonstrates,the issue of authorityover the representation of Mexican culture remains a hotly contested terraininvolving issuesof class, gender,and that straddlepoliticalboundaries. community

such as the GreaterMexicancommunity,various of agencies are involvedin the representation culture. As a figure of courage,power,and national identity,the charrocontinuesto play an important role for mejicanos, especially those within the United States who have struggledfor a positionof
This research was partially supportedby Acknowledgments faculty researchfunds grantedby the Unversityof California at Santa Cruz. Earlierversionsof this articlewere presented at the 1991 American Ethnological Society Annual Meeting, CharlestonSC, and at the 1992-93 Chicano Latino Research at Santa Cruz. CenterColloquium the Universityof California, I wish to thank Jos6 Lim6n, Richard Griswolddel Castillo, Shelly Errington,Carlos Cortez, Richard Flores, Vicki Ruiz, and Patricia Zavella, David Sweet, JulianneBurton-Carvajal, two anonymous readersfor their commentson earlierdrafts. 'In Spain the term charroreferredto peasantfarmersbut in Mexico the term refersto Mexicanhorsemenskilledin ridor ing and ropingtechniqueswho performin charreadas, competitive events in which these techniquesare displayed.Charreriarefersto the Mexicannationalsportof ridingand roping. 2The significanceof the horsemanas national symbol in Mexico shares importantsimilaritieswith the United States cowboyand the gaucho of Argentina.For details, see Paredes 1963. of 3Fora detaileddiscussion the conceptof "lo mexicano," see Schmidt 1978. The term "mexicanidad" may be employed as the equivalentterm, though "lo mexicano"is more widely used in the United States. 4But see also Ramos'Profile of man and culture in Mexico (1934) and Paz's Laybrinthof solitude (1950) for early on commentaries Mexican "types" and symbols. Roger Bartra's book, La juala de la melancolia (1987) providesa critique of the Mexicanliteratureon this subject. "I have also been equally inspiredand influencedby Beverly Stoeltje'sworkon genderand rodeo. 6Ilene O'Malley examines the links between partiarchy and Mexicannessin her book, The myth of the revolution (1986). 7Exactlyhow these laws appliedto womenis unclear.Calder6n de la Barca mentionsthat ladies' horses were taught "paso"in whichthe horsecarriesweightwith its hind feet for a smoother ride (1966: 230). Vicki Ruiz notes some cases in horsewomen press). whichranchwomenwere accomplished (in costumingand equipmentused 8Muchof the vocabulary, in charreria originatedin Spain and was modifiedover time to and to accomodatelocal better suit the Mexican environment (Bishko 1952; Alvarezdel Villar (1968). preferences 9I have not been able to establishwhenthe termcharreada became widely used in Mexico. Related terms for rodeo type events in Mexico includejaripeos,(broncand bull ridingcompetitions) fiestas charras (charro festivals), and herraderos (brandingevent). a 1"For discussionof this ideal in the Mexicancontext,see Ballesteros (1949) and Alvarezdel Villar (1968). For information on similar ideals in the American Cowboy, see Stoeltje (1987). "Cockcroftdescribesthis periodas an era in which local oligarchs and regional caudillos, many with their own armies, gained control over peasThe and ants, workers, the unemployed. controlwas insti-

NOTES
tutionalizedthrough a complex chain of commandextending from caudillo to local cacique, priest, mayor, hacienda owner or mayordomo,factory or workshop owneror foreman,and block"captain."Peoplewere tied into the systemthrougha dependence personalized on patronage,involvingelaboratenetworksof payoffsand favors (1983: 63). the Diaz regime, Adler Hellman describes the "2Under ruralesas a brutalmilitia of mercenary soldiers(1983: 5). literaturerefersto the practiceof utilizing "3Costumbrista local vernacularcustoms to create a regional flavor. Arthur Seymor (1925), Walter M. Langford (1971), and Americo Paredes (1972) provide insights on the relationshipbetween costumbrismo the development nineteenth-century and of Mexican nationalidentity. "In his book, Nations and nationalism, Ernest Gellner makes the followingobservationregardingthe explicit use of "If folkstylein the serviceof nationalism, the nationalism prospers it eliminatesthe alien high culture but it does not then replaceit by the old local low culture;it revives,or invents,a local high (literal, specialist-transmitted) culture of its own, one thoughadmittedly whichwill havesome linkswith the earlier local folk styles and dialects"(1983: 57). For furtherdisand cussionon the importance revivedor inventedtraditions of nationalism,see The inventionof tradition, edited by Hobsbawmand Ranger (1983). "'Filmcritic Aureliode los Reyes (1988: 149) claimsthat this particular bookbecameso popularthat it inspiredthe creation of the charromoviesduringthe secondwave of nationalism experienced the next century. in a danceas a nationalsymbol, of "6For discussion folklorico see Nijera-Ramirez(1989). 17Following Paredes (1976), I employ the term "Greater Mexico"to refer to all areas inhabitedby peopleof Mexican descentboth in the Republicof Mexicoand the United States, recognizingthat political bordersdo not necessarilycoincide with culturalborders. "8In1884 Lerdode Tejada establishedthe first orquesta musicians dressed in tipica featuring conservatory-trained charro costumes playing popular dance tunes of the era (Geijerstam1976: 84). films constitutea complexsubjectwhich cannot "'Charro to be fully addressedhere. I devote fuller consideration this subjectin anotherwork-in-progress. films were extremelypopularamong Mexicans 20Mexican residing in the United States in the 1930-1960s (Saragosa 1983). 21The1936 versionstarredTito Guizar,but a secondversion of this film was producedin 1947 starringJorge Negrete charro in who had establishedhimself as the quintessenntial the 1941 film Ay Jalisco no te rajes! (directed by Joselito Rodriguez). 221 selected these films because they were directed and producedby differentindividualsaroundthe same period.As such, they attest to the popularityof these cinematicingredi-

NATIONALISM ENGENDERING
ents as well as to the range of messagespossible. 23Literally, the words translateas "strong,ugly and forI mal" but the translation providecapturesthe notionof "feo" as as a manly quality implying"ruggedness" opposedto polished beauty (femininequality) 24In this respect,the parallelsbetweenthe novel Astucia, mentionedabove,and the film, Alla en el RanchoGrande,become more evident. As Aurelio del los Reyes explains, both productions(literary and cinematic) portrayedthe old social order(of the hacienda)as naturaland necessaryduringtimes of social turmoiland change (1988: 150). 25In 1948, Jesus Diaz Le6n, alias "El Charro,"was imposed by the state to replace militant leadershipof the National Railway Workers' Union. "His alias swiftly spread throughoutthe labor movement, spawning the term 'charanticommunrismo,'commonparlancefor violence,corruption,

13

on ism, and antidemocracy the part of official union leadership" (Cockcroft 1984: 155). It should be noted that as "charrismo" describedhere is not part of the charroculture I have been discussing. on 26SeeNijera-Ramirez(1987) for furtherdiscussion the conceptof lo mexicanoand the Chicanomovement. 27Interestingly, Rinc6nde Gallardonotes one occasionin which he taught a womanto executevariouscharroskills and she subsequently presentedher publicly.For her performance, wore a charro costume (pants, not a skirt) and did not ride the As sidesaddle. a resultof her fine accomplishments, Asociamemberof ci6n Nacional de Charrosnamed her an honorary their organization (1939: 276-277). to 28The escaramusas may be fruitfullycompared the barrel racingevent for women.For details on issues of genderin barrelracingevents,see Stoeltje (1988).

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Anderson,Benedict.1983. Imaginedcommunities: Reflectionson the originand spreadof nationalism.London,New York:Verso. Arrom,Silvia. 1985. The womenof Mexico City, 1790-1857.Stanford:StanfordUniversityPress. Ballesteros,Jose Ram6n. 1972. Origeny evolucibndel charromexicano.Mexico, D.F.: Libreriade ManuelPorrua,S. A. de The nationalsport of Mexico. Mexico, D.F.: Federaci6n Charros. Barajasde Le6n, Rev. FatherJ. Jesus. nd. Charreria: Barrera,Mario. 1979. Race and class in the Southwest:A theory of racial inequality.Notre Dame: Universityof Notre Dame Press. Bartra,Roger. 1987. La juala de la melancolia:Identidady metamorfosisdel mexicano, la ed. Mexico:Grijalbo. of Bishko,CharlesJulian. 1952. The peninsularbackground Latin Americancattle ranching.The HispanicAmericanHistorical Review 32: 491-515. Brading,David A. 1978. Haciendasand ranchosin the Mexican bafio. Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress. Calder6nde la Barca, Madame (FrancesErskineInglis). 1966. Life in Mexico: The letters of Fanny Calderonde la Barca, ed. HowardT. Fisherand MarionHall Fisher.GardenCity NY: Doubleday. Chevalier,Francois.1972. Land and society in colonial Mexico: The great hacienda.Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress. Cockcroft,James D. 1983. Mexico: Classformation, capital accumulation,and the state. New York:MonthlyReviewPress. De Lauretis,Teresa. 1987. Technologies gender:Essay on theory,film andfiction. Bloomington: IndianaUniversityPress. of In Del Castillo,AdelaidaR. 1977. MalintzinTenepal:A preliminary look into a new perspective. Essays on la mujer,ed. Rosaura Sanchez and Rosa Martinez Cruz. Anthology No. 1. Los Angeles: Chicano Studies Center Publications,Universityof California. Gellner,Ernest. 1983. Nations and nationalism.Ithaca NY: CornellUniversityPress. Geijerstam,Claes. 1976. Popular music in Mexico. Albuquerque: Universityof New Mexico. Guias Voluntariasde la Sociedad de Amigos del Museo Regional de Guadalajara.1982. Origen y evoluci6ndel mariachi.In Sabiduriapopular,ed. ArturoChamorro. A.C.: Comit6Organizador SociePro Zamora,Michoacan: Colegiode Michoacan, dad Interamericano Folklorey Etnomusicologia. de Gutierrez,Ram6n 1991. WhenJesus came, the corn mothers went away: Marriage,sexuality and power in New Mexico, 15001846. StanfordCA: StanfordUniversityPress. Eric and TerenceRanger,eds. The inventionof tradition.New York:CambridgeUniversityPress. Hobsbawm, Inclin, Luis. 1940. El libro de las charrerias.BibliotecaMexicana:Mexico.
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Rosaldo LectureSeries 2. MartinezAssad,Carlos.1986. El cine como lo vi y como me lo contaron.In El Mexico de los cuarentas,ed. Rafael Loyola.Mexico, D.F.: EditorialGrijalbo,ConsejoNacional Para la Culturay las Artes. Meyer, Michaeland Sherman,William. 1983. The course of Mexican history, 2d ed. New York:OxfordUniversityPress. Monsivais,Carlos. 1976. Notas sobre la cultura Mexicana.Historia Generalde Mexico 4: 433-445. Mora, Carlos. 1982. Mexican cinema. Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress. Morner,Magnus. 1967. Race mixture in the history of Latin America.Boston:Little, Brown. Myers,Sandra. 1969. The ranch in Spanish Texas, 1691-1800. El Paso:Texas WesternPress, Universityof Texas. of dance:The binationaldialecticof residualand emergent Nijera-Ramirez,Olga. 1989. Social and politicaldimensions folklorico Folklore 48: 15-32. culture. Western O'Malley, Ilene V. 1986. The myth of the Revolution:Hero cults and the institutionalization the Mexican state, 1920-1940. of New York:Greenwood Press. Ortner,SherryB. 1979. On key symbols.In Readerin comparative religion,ed. WilliamA. Lessa and Evon Z. Vogt. New York: Harperand Row. Paredes,Americo 1960. Luis Inclin: First of the cowboywriters.AmericanQuarterly12: 55-70. en del . 1963. El cowboynorteamericano el rolklorey la literatura.Cuadernos InstitutoNacional de Antropologia 2274: 240. . 1967. Mexico, machismoand the U.S. Journal of the Folklore Institute 8: 17-37. . 1972. Folktales of Mexico. Austin: Universityof Texas Press. . 1976. A Texas-Mexicancancionero: Folksongs of the lower border.Urbana:Universityof IllinoisPress. Paz, Octavio. 1962[1950]. The labyrinthof solitude:Life and thoughtin Mexico. Trans.LysanderKemp.New York:GrovePress. Ramos, Samuel. 1975[1962]. Profile of man and culture in Mexico. Trans.ThomasB. Irving.Austin:Universityof Texas Press. Reyes, Aureliode los. 1988. Medio siglo de cine Mexicano (1896-1947).Mexico, D.F.: EditorialTrillas. Rinc6n Gallardo,D. Carlos. 1960. El libro del charro Mexicano. Mexico, D.F: EditorialPorrua,S.A. Rivas Moreno,Yolanda. 1979. Historia de la m(sica popular Mexicana. Mexico, D.F.: Alianza EditorialMexicana. A Ruiz, Vicki L. In press.Fromout of the shadows: historyof Mexicanwomenin the Southwest,1540-1900.In Women color in of the curriculum,ed. Janet Hyde. Madison:Universityof WisconsinPress. Saragosa,Alex. 1983. Mexicancinemain cold war America,1940-1958:An inquiryinto the interfacebetweenMexico and Mexicans in the UnitedStates. Berkeley:ChicanoStudies Publication,Universityof California,Berkeley. Schmidt,HenryC. 1978. The roots of lo mexicano:Self and society in Mexicanthought, 1900-1934.CollegeStation:Texas A & M UniversityPress. Folklore 46: 235-253. Stoeltje, BeverlyJ. 1987. Makingthe frontiermyth: Folkloreprocessin a modernnation. Western . 1988. Introduction: Feministrevisions.Journal of Folklore Research25(3): 141-154. The in . 1988. Genderrepresentation performance: cowgirland the hostess.Journal of Folklore Research25(3): 219-241. Folklore 48: 244-254. . 1989. Rodeo:Fromcustom to ritual. Western Turner,Fredrick.1968. The dynamicof Mexican nationalism.Chapel Hill: Universityof North CarolinaPress. ValeroSilva, Jose. 1987. El libro de la charreria.Mexico, D.F: EdicionesGacela, S.A. Lincoln:Universityof NebraskaPress. Paul. 1981. Disorderand progress:Bandits,police and Mexicandevelopment. Vanderwood, A Wolf, Eric. 1958. The Virginof Guadalupe: Mexicannationalsymbol.Journal of AmericanFolklore 71: 34-39. . 1964. Sons of the shaking earth. Chicago IL: Universityof ChicagoPress.