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CHAPTER 3
INTRODUCTION

SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION

In the previous chapter, we have looked at the what of first language acquisition and we tried to find answers to the how of language acquisition. We come now to an equally important facet of language acquisition, i.e. second language acquisition (SLA). In our quest to understand our definitive ability to communicate, we are equally intrigued with our ability to do so in many languages. In a world growing smaller through globalisation, the ability to communicate in more than one language is fast becoming a necessity, if not already a norm. Consequently, SLA research has emerged to the forefront of psycholinguistic enquiry. The results of these researches have revealed and will continue to yield insights into how languages are learned, and more significantly, how they should be taught. In this chapter, we will examine the factors that may affect SLA, which can generally be divided into cognitive and affective factors. Next, we consider again the question of a critical age, this time for SLA. Then we will briefly review the schools of thought that have provided input into SLA research. Finally, we will discuss the following theoretical models of SLA: Universal Grammar (UG) Theory; Cognitive Approaches to SLA; and Input/Interactionist Approaches to SLA.

OBJECTIVES
By the end of this chapter, you should be able to: 1. identify and discuss the cognitive factors that affect SLA; 2. identify and discuss the affective factors that affect SLA; 3. discuss the Critical Period Hypothesis with respect to SLA; 4. identify the schools of thought with respect to SLA and their respective input/ contributions; and 5. identify and discuss the theories of SLA.

3.1 FACTORS AFFECTING SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION

What other languages do you know apart from your mother tongue? Share with your classmates on how you acquired this language.

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A cursory observation of real life language learning will tell us, rather quickly, that L2 (second language) learners differ greatly in their ultimate proficiency of the target language. Individual differences between learners are known as learner traits and may be divided into cognitive and affective factors.

3.1.1

Cognitive Factors

Figure 3.1 highlights the three cognitive factors that affect L2 learners.

Figure 3.1: Cognitive factors that affect L2 Learners

(a) Intelligence and Aptitude Not surprisingly perhaps, there is clear evidence that L2 learners who are above average on formal measures of intelligence and /or general academic attainment tend to do well in L2 learning, at least in formal classroom settings. And in general, learners scores on the Modern Language Aptitude Test and other similar tests do show a strong correlation to achievement in learning an L2. Based on your experience as a language teacher, do you feel that intelligence is a major determining factor for second language acquisition?

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(b) Cognitive/Learning Styles Second language research has yielded a few styles that are potentially significant contributors to successful acquisition. These include: (i) (ii) field independence/dependence; ambiguity tolerance;

(iii) left-and right-brain functioning; (iv) reflectivity and impulsivity; and (v) visual and auditory styles.

(c) Language Learning Strategies It is clear that more proficient learners do employ strategies that are different from those used by the less proficient. However, whether the strategies cause the learning or vive versa has not been fully clarified. These strategies can be divided into: (i) (ii) metacognitive; cognitive; and

(iii) socioaffective strategies.

Exercise 3.1
How do cognitive factors affect language learning?

3.1.2

Affective Factors

Figure 3.2 highlights the three affective factors that affect L2 learners.

Figure 3.2: Affective factors that affect L2 learners

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(a) Motivation It is, by far, the most predominant affective factor and is a complex interplay of variables. The three key components are: (i) (ii) desire to achieve a goal; effort extended in this direction; and

(iii) satisfaction with the task. Motivation has typically been studied in terms of the intrinsic and extrinsic motives of the learner. In addition, Gardner and Lambert (1972) divided motivation into attaining instrumental and integrative goals. (b) Self-Esteem There are three general levels of self-esteem: (i) (ii) global or general self-esteem; situational or specific self-esteem; and

(iii) task self-esteem. It is probably the most pervasive and influential construct of human personality. It plays a direct role in SLA. (c) Anxiety It is typified by self-belittling, feelings of apprehension and even bodily responses, such as a faster heartbeat! Anxiety can be experienced at a global level (trait anxiety) or situational level (state anxiety). Another distinction made of anxiety is between debilitative and facilitative anxiety. State anxiety that is related to second language learning is termed as foreign language anxiety. Many studies suggest that anxiety has a negative relationship with language learning success while others suggest the opposite for self-confidence.

Exercise 3.2
Motivation is often seen in a deterministic way as the egg that hatches the chicken, that is, as a prerequisite for successful language learning. Is it possible to say that successful language learning gives rise to motivation?

3.1.3

The Critical Period Hypothesis and SLA

As we saw in Chapter 2, the critical period hypothesis (CPH) asserts that nature has created a narrow, temporal window of opportunity for optimal language learning, and that this period usually ends around puberty. The argument is that a teenager can never be as good a language learner as when he/she was a child. The CPH is one of the most hotly debated issues in SLA because there is disagreement over its exact age span. Researchers disagree over which facets of language are affected. Apart from that, there are many competing explanations for its existence. To top it off, many people do not really believe it exists at all! Nevertheless, with respect to the critical period, there are three positions with which SLA researchers have aligned themselves (Scovel 2001).
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Firstly, there is a critical period but it is confined to only foreign accents. This is the view suggested by Lenneberg (1967). In brief, this view states that for neurological and biological reasons, given all the right conditions, anyone can acquire the phonology or speech sounds of any language like a native before puberty (i.e. about the age of 12). After this age, although native-like performance can ultimately be achieved in all other aspects of language acquisition, despite the best of conditions, L2 learners will end up with some degree of foreign accent. This, of course, does not mean that they cannot be eloquent or intelligible in a foreign tongue, but it does mean that as soon as they open their mouths, they are instantly identified as foreigners.

Secondly, there is a critical period not only for accents but also for syntax. This is a relatively recent view and is supported by the work of Johnson and Newport (1989) and Slavoff and Johnson (1995). To put it simply, this view argues that those who acquired English before their teenage years are just as good as native speakers in making grammaticality judgments while those who learned English after the critical period often make mistakes.

Thirdly, there is no critical period, not even for pronunciation. Except for sounding like a native speaker or acquiring high-level grammatical skills, adults usually surpass children in the acquisition of L2 literacy, pragmatics, vocabulary, etc. For this reason, it seems illogical that there should be a critical period for any aspect of SLA for adult learners. The right amount of motivation and opportunity should be all that is necessary for them to ultimately acquire native-like pronunciation or syntax.

The jury is still out as to which of these versions is most strongly supported by SLA research evidence. This is not too surprising, given the enormous individual variation we find among the hundreds of millions of bilinguals around the world. There is universal agreement, however, that all learners can improve their ability in an L2, regardless of age and even if we are just talking about pronunciation ability. Learning an L2 is a lot like embarking on a journey, and not like heading for a specific destination. As such, travel guides are always welcome! Drawing from your own classroom experience, which of the three positions do you think is the most plausible? Justify your answer.

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3.2

THEORIES OF SECOND LANGUAGE ACQUISITION

We start our examination of SLA theories by first looking at how language learners are viewed by the different disciplines, as most of the research work done by each discipline is very much intertwined with how they view the language learner. SLA is not concerned with the infant bilingual, i.e. a child who is exposed to more than one language from birth and acquires them simultaneously in their first few years of life. SLA research generally deals with learners who commence learning of an additional language, at least some years after they have started to acquire their first language. This learning may take place formally and systematically in a classroom setting. It may also take place through informal social contact, work, migration or other social forces which bring speakers of different languages into contact and make communication necessary. So, second language learners may be children or adults; they may be learning the target language formally in school or college, or pick up the second language at the playground or the workplace. They may be learning a highly localised language, which will help them to become insiders in a local speech community; or the target language may be a language of wider communication relevant to their region, which gives access to economic development and public life. In this new millennium, the second/target language is very likely to be English. A recent estimate suggests that about 300 million people speak English as their first language and another 700 million or so are using it as a second language or learning to do so (Crystal 1987). It follows that much of SLA research, whether with children or adults, is concerned with English, or with a small number of mainly European languages. Although the rapid development of multilingual communities with a wider range of languages has nowadays become commonplace, these languages have been comparatively little studied. With respect to the learner, we can distinguish three points of view or sets of priorities among SLA researchers (Mitchell & Myers 1998), as shown in Figure 3.3.

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Figure 3.3: Three points of view among SLA researchers

Let us take a look at them now. (a) The Learner as a Language Processor Linguists and psycholinguists are typically concerned primarily with analysing and modeling the inner mental mechanisms (the infamous LAD) of the individual learner which allow him or her to process, learn and store new language knowledge. In particular, linguists and psycholinguists aim to document and explain the developmental route along which language learners travel. They are less concerned with the speed or rate of development, or even the degree of ultimate L2 success. They tend to minimise or disregard social and contextual differences among learners. Their main aim is to verify the universal mental processes accessible to all normal human beings. There is, however, one matter of dispute among researchers of this tradition the question of age.

These questions have already been answered in the previous section. (b) The Learner as an Individual Being While linguists and psycholinguists have shown that L2 learners follow a common developmental route, a quick observation would point out that they differ greatly in their ultimate proficiency in the L2. Social psychologists have consistently argued that these

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differences must be due to individual differences between learners, producing what they termed as learner traits. Gardner and MacIntyre (1992, 1993) have divided these differences into two cognitive factors and affective factors which we have looked at in detail in the previous section. (c) The Learner as Social Being The two perspectives we have looked at so far have concentrate firstly on universal characteristics, and secondly, on individual characteristics. There is, additionally, a third way of viewing the language learner, i.e. as essentially a social being. Such a view necessitates looking into the social context in which learners operate and the learning process, which is seen as social and inextricably entwined in L2 use and L2 interaction. This may sound a lot like the social psychological view, which is also clearly concerned about the individual learners relationship with the social-cultural milieu in which learning takes place. So what is or where lies the difference between these two views? The answers are as follows. First, social elements that are a part of the learners identity, such as class, ethnicity and gender, become potentially significant for L2 learning research.

Second, the relationship between the individual learner and the social context of learning is viewed as dynamic, reflexive and constantly changing.

While the social psychological view sees the relationship as being governed by learner traits that are relatively fixed and slow to change, this socially oriented view sees motivation, anxiety, etc as being constantly reconstructed through ongoing L2 experience and interaction. Drawing from your own experience, how do you view your learners?

3.2.1

The Universal Grammar (UG) Theory

You have heard of the Universal Grammar Theory in Chapter 2. Try to recall who the theorist was and ponder on the gist of this theory. This will come in handy for your further understanding of the following topic.

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This is the first of the individual-based theory. However, before we go any further, it is important that we keep in mind that the UG theory is not primarily a theory of second language learning, and therefore, does not itself make any claims in this respect. It is essentially a theory of language that aims to describe and explain human language. As far as SLA research is concerned, UG is only relevant in order to understand the acquisition process, namely what it is that learners have to acquire. UG theory was formulated by Chomsky (1981, 1986) and has been, by far, the strongest linguistic influence on SLA research in recent years. However, as stated earlier, linguistic theory is not primarily concerned with SLA. Figure 3.4 shows the main aims of UG theory, which are to answer three basic questions about human language.

Figure 3.4: The main aims of Universal Grammar Theory

With respect to SLA, the usefulness of all three questions may not be obvious at first sight. We will examine their relevance in the following paragraphs. Please note that a large part of the following discussion has been adapted from Mitchell & Myers (1998). (a) What Constitutes Knowledge of Language? Linguistic theory aims to describe the mental representations of language stored in the human mind. It aims to define what all human languages have in common, as well as the distinctive characteristics which make human language different from other systems of communication. It also needs to specify in what way individual human languages can differ from one another. Although all human languages have a great deal in common, which enables us to translate from one language to another fairly easily, it is equally obvious that they are also very different, as revealed by our struggles to master foreign tongues. UG theory claims that all human beings inherit a universal set of principles and parameters, which control the shape of human languages and make them similar to one another. Chomsky (1986) argues that principles are unvarying and apply to all natural languages. Parameters, in contrast, possess a limited number of open values that characterise different languages.

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Let us take a more detailed look at these two key features of UG. (i) Principles An example of a principle is the principle of structure-dependency, which states that the organisation of language is crucially dependent on the structural relationships between elements in a sentence (e.g. words, morphemes, etc.). What this means is that words are regrouped into higher-level structures which form the basic units of language. Consider the following sentences.

She bought a new car yesterday. My friend bought a new car yesterday. The friend that I met in Japan last year bought a new car yesterday. The friend I am closest to and who was so supportive when I lost my job last year bought a new car yesterday.

We know that she, my friend, the friend that I met in Japan last year and the friend I am closest to and who was so supportive when I lost my job last year belong to the same group and perform the same role in the sentence, and in fact might refer to one single individual. Moreover, we know that we could go on adding details about this friend more or less infinitely by using connectors (such as and, which, etc.), at the risk of boring our listener to tears! We also know that the crucial word in these groupings is friend or she (if we have already referred to this person earlier). This kind of structural grouping is called a Phrase. In the sentences above, we are dealing with a Noun-Phrase (NP), as the main element (the head) of this phrase is a noun/pronoun. All languages in the world are structured this way. In other words, they are made up of sentences which consist of at least a Noun-Phrase (NP) and a Verb-Phrase (VP), which in turn optionally contain other phrases or even whole sentences, as shown in sentence: The friend I am closest to and who was so supportive when I lost my job last year bought a new car yesterday. This knowledge that languages are structure-dependent is a crucial aspect of all human languages, and is a principle of UG that explains many of the operations we perform on language. Consider how we ask a question in English:

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The girl who is friendly is Siti. *Is the girl who friendly is Siti? *Who the girl is friendly is Siti?

The correct answer is, of course, Is the girl who is friendly Siti? where the second is is moved to the beginning of the sentence. We do not do this based on the linear order of the sentence, which would generate the ungrammatical sentences above, but on structure-dependence. Cook and Newson (1996:8) noted that movement in the sentence is not just a matter of recognizing phrases and then moving the right element in the right phrase: movement depends on the structure of the sentence.

In our example, the is which moves is the one belonging to the main clause, not the one in the relative clause. Analysis of childrens language shows that they never use simple rules based on linear ordering but utilise complex structure-dependent ones. This, according to UG theorists, is because the hierarchical nature of human language is part of the human mind (i.e. a principle), and does not require learning as such. (ii) Parameters If the structure-dependent principle seems common to all languages (i.e. all are organised in terms of NPs, VPs, etc.), there are many other rules which differ between languages. Otherwise, all languages would function in the same way, which is obviously not the case. This is where parameters come in. Let us take the example of a parameter known as head parameter. It specifies the position of the head (the central element of a phrase, e.g. the noun in a NP or the verb in a VP) in relation to its complements (other elements inside the phrase). One dimension along which languages vary is the position of this head and its complements. For example, English is a head-first language because the head of the phrase always appears before its complements. Japanese, in contrast, is a head-last language because the complements precede the head inside phrases. All Japanese phrases will be ordered this way. So, putting what we understand of UG so far, we can summarise that we have a universal principle which tells us that languages are structured into phrases containing a head and optional complements, and we have a parameter which restricts the possible ordering of elements within the phrase in relation to the head (i.e. head-first or head-last). In terms of acquisition, this means that children, equipped with UG, already know that language is structured into phrases, as this is one of the principles that form

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part of their language blueprint. They also know that all phrases in the language they are learning are going to be consistently ordered in relation to the head. All that is left for them to do is determine which parameter setting (i.e. head-first or headlast) actually applies in their language. It follows then, that in theory, the only input a child needs to accomplish this is one example of one phrase, and the child would automatically know the internal structure of all phrases. Children need minimal exposure, on the basis of which they can make wide-ranging generalisations about different parts of the syntax of the language they are acquiring. With UG, the acquisition task facing children is made considerably simpler than if they have to figure everything out for themselves. This is why acquiring a language seems so easy and natural for children. Going back to SLA, knowledge of the principles and parameters of UG has enabled researchers to describe not only the language produced by learners, but also the language to be acquired as well as their first language. (b) How is Knowledge of Language Acquired? Chomsky believes that children could not learn their first language so quickly and effortlessly without the presence of an innate language faculty to guide them. The arguments put forward in support of such a belief are that on the basis of degenerate input (oral language is full of false starts, slips of the tongue, etc.), children create a mental representation of language that is not only much more complex than could be expected, but also strikingly similar to that of other native speakers of the same language. To top it all, children achieve this incredible feat at an age when they have difficulty grasping abstract concepts; yet, language is perhaps the most abstract concept they will ever gain. Needless to say, we have already seen how this experience is made easy by UG. Going back to SLA, the scenario is similar for L2 learners. They are exposed to equally fragmentary input and are required to construct abstract representations based on such input. However, L2 learners do not tackle the task the same way as children, if only because their needs are different, they are already proficient in their native language and because they already have a mental representation of that language, with all parameters set. In addition, L2 learners are generally cognitively mature and, therefore, are presumably better able to handle abstract concepts. What then is the role of UG in SLA? A number of logical possibilities have been proposed, namely: (i) Full Access Hypothesis Like children, L2 learners still have access to UG. The fact that they do not achieve full mastery is due to their different needs. Indirect Access Hypothesis UG is not directly involved in SLA; it is indirectly accessed through the L1, with parameters already set for that language.

(ii)

(iii) No Access Hypothesis UG, because it is biologically triggered, atrophies with age and is not available to adult learners. These learners have to depend on general problem solving devices.

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(iv) Partial Access Hypothesis Some aspects of UG (for example principles) might still be available and others (for example some parameters) are not. These possibilities are summarised in Figure 3.5 (Mitchell and Myles 1998:62).

Figure 3.5: Possible roles of UG in SLA

(c) How is Knowledge of Language Put to Use? The UG theory of language acquisition is primarily concerned with knowledge of language (the abstract mental representation of language which all humans possess) or, in a word, competence. It is not about performance, which is how language is used in real life, given the time constraints and competing demands on the brains information processing facilities. Performance is the domain of a theory of language use, in which linguistic competence is only one aspect. A complete theory of language use also has to define how we access our knowledge base, and how it is affected by a number of sociolinguistic and psycholinguistic variables. Although Chomsky acknowledges that this is an important area for research, he has been concerned almost exclusively with addressing the first two issues, and this is also true for UG-inspired research in SLA. In conclusion, when applied to SLA, the UG theory has both weaknesses and strengths. (i) Firstly, UG-based SLA research has been criticised for focusing almost exclusively on syntax. Even if recent interest in phonology, morphology and the lexicon should redress the balance somewhat, semantics, pragmatics and discourse are excluded. Secondly, the UG approach has also been exclusively concerned with the developmental linguistic route followed by learners when learning an L2. The social and psychological variables which affect the rate of learning process are ignored.

(ii)

(iii) Another weakness is methodological; the study of naturalistic performance is not seen as a suitable opening into mental representations of language.

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Nonetheless, there is little doubt that UG theory has been highly influential and fruitful for SLA research. It has been useful in describing not only the language produced by learners, but also the language to be acquired and the first language of the learner. Look up books on language acquisition and try to compile a list of further arguments for and against Chomskys UG Theory.

3.2.2

Cognitive Approaches to SLA

In the previous section, we have seen how UG-based researchers put the emphasis firmly on the language dimension of L2 learning. This next group of researchers we are about to consider is primarily interested in the learning component of L2 learning. These researchers view SLA as one type of learning among many others, and they believe that we can understand the SLA process better by first understanding how the brain processes and learns new information. UG theorists derive their hypotheses from the study of linguistic systems while researchers of this tradition examine hypotheses from the field of cognitive psychology and what we generally know about the learning of complex skills. The main difference between linguistic and cognitive approaches to language learning is that while the former believe humans are endowed with a language-specific module, the latter do not believe that language is separate from other aspects of cognition. The human mind is geared to processing all kinds of input, and linguistic input is just one type, albeit highly complex. The focus here, however, is still very much on the learner as an individual. There are three cognitive approaches that we will look at, but we will be focusing on the last. Perceptual Saliency Approach. Connectionism. Information Processing Approach.

(a) The Perceptual Saliency Approach This approach is largely based on the work Slobin (1973, 1979, 1985) has done on child language development. He argues that the similarity in linguistic development across children and languages is due to the fact that human beings are programmed to perceive and organise information in certain ways. It is this perceptual saliency that runs the learning process, not an innate language-specific module. He has devised and refined a number of operating principles which guide children in their processing of linguistic input. These principles have been adapted to L2 learning by Andersen (1984, 1990) and Pienemann (1987, 1992).
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(b) Connectionism / Parallel Distributed Processing (PDP) Models Connectionism or parallel distributed processing (PDP) equates the brain to a computer, consisting of neural networks (complex clusters of links between information nodes). These links or connections becomes strengthened or weakened through activation or non-activation respectively. According to this view, learning occurs through associative processes rather than the construction of abstract rules. In other words, the human mind is predisposed to look for associations between elements and create links between them. These links become stronger with the recurrence of the associations and they also become part of larger networks as connections between elements increased. Applied to language learning, connectionism claims that learners are sensitive to regularities in the language input (i.e. the regular recurrence of particular language forms) and extract probabilistic patterns on the basis of these regularities. Learning occurs as these patterns become strengthened by repeated activation. Connectionists do not believe that the learning of rules underlies the construction of linguistic knowledge; it occurs through the associative processes we have just described. This goes against everything that linguists have taken as a starting point. In other words, connectionism is a fundamental departure from currently held views of language acquisition. It offers an alternative interpretation rule-like behaviour does not imply rulegoverned behaviour (N. Ellis 1996). This approach does not deal exclusively with the construction of linguistic knowledge (competence), but also with how this knowledge is accessed and used (performance). In fact, it does no draw any distinction between the two. The creation and the consequent strengthening of interconnections are both seen as arising from the same associative process. At present, the PDP models applied to SLA have been concerned with the acquisition of very simple, often artificial data, far removed from the richness and complexity of natural languages. We will certainly hear a lot more about connectionism applied to SLA, and it is an exciting and promising new research avenue. However, it is still questionable how much we can learn about language learning in real situations from these experiments.

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(c) Information Processing Models The models we will be looking at in this section are drawn from information processing models developed by cognitive psychologists. Specifically we will look at: (i) McLaughlins (1987, 1990) Information Processing Model. Andersons ACT Model (1983, 1985). OMalley and Chamots (1990) Learning Strategies. McLaughlins Information Processing Model Figure 3.6 shows the main characteristics of this approach.

Figure 3.6: Main characteristics of McLaughlins Information Processing Model

Within this framework, learning a second language is viewed as the acquisition of a complex cognitive skill, as various aspect of the task must be practiced and integrated into fluent performance.

The way we process information is seen as either controlled or automatic and learning involves a shift from controlled to automatic processing. Applied to SLA, the model works as shown in Figure 3.7.

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Figure 3.7: The shift from controlled to automatic processing in SLA

(ii)

Andersons Adaptive Control of Thought (ACT) Model Similar to McLaughlin, practice leading to automatisation also plays a central role in this model. However, it is more wide-ranging and the terminology is different.

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It involves declarative knowledge (i.e. knowledge that, not unlike controlled processes) becoming procedural knowledge (i.e. knowledge how, not unlike automatic processes). Before we go on, let us examine what is meant by declarative and procedural knowledge. Take, for example, the third person singular s marker on present tense verbs in English. An L2 learner may have consciously learnt the rule, i.e. he/ she + verb requires an addition of an s to the stem of the verb. This is declarative knowledge (knowing that). However, the same learner might not be able to consistently produce this marker in real conversation. This is because his or her declarative knowledge of the marker has not yet been turned into procedural knowledge (knowing how). After much practice, this knowledge will hopefully become fully proceduralised, and the third person s will be supplied when the conversation requires it. This dichotomy between knowing a rule and being able to apply it when needed is all too familiar to L2 learners and teachers. According to Anderson, the move from declarative to procedural knowledge takes place in the following three stages. Cognitive Stage A description of the procedure is learned (e.g. s/he + verb = verb + s). Associative Stage A method for performing the skill is worked out (e.g. how to add the s when the context requires it). In other words, the learner learns to associate an action/a set of actions with the corresponding procedural knowledge. Autonomous Stage The skill becomes more rapid and automatic. At this point, the learners corresponding procedural knowledge may (though not necessarily) be lost. In other words, our learner eventually may not be able to explain or even be conscious of what he/she is doing.

As with McLaughlins model, we can see how this model would also explain the incremental nature of learning. When tasks become proceduralised, they are accessed automatically, without having to resort to working memory, which has limited processing capacity. Therefore, new declarative knowledge can be attended to. Each time the procedure is applied successfully, it is strengthened and thereafter called upon more easily. There is, however, a note of contention. Most contemporary theorists of L2 learning, regardless of their perspectives, would not now agree with Andersons implied stand that all or most of L2 grammar is initially learned through the conscious study and application of explicit rules. Even for classroom learners, there is a consensus that much grammar learning takes place without conscious awareness, whether by the operation of a specific language module or by general cognitive processes.

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(iii) OMalley and Chamots Learning Strategies Learning strategies are procedures undertaken by learners in order to make their language learning as effective as possible. Researchers have applied the ACT model to the field of language learning strategies and we will look at one such application, that by OMalley and Chamot. According to OMalley and Chamot (1990:52), learning strategies are complex procedures that individuals apply to tasks; consequently, they may be represented as procedural knowledge which may be acquired through cognitive, associative and autonomous stages of learning. As with other procedural skills at the different stages of learning, the strategies may be conscious in the early stages of learning and later be performed without the persons awareness.

An obvious pedagogical implication of such a view is that L2 learners would benefit from being taught learning strategies. Figure 3.8 shows the general benefits of applying cognitive theory to SLA as summarised by OMalley and Chamot (1990:217.)

Figure 3.8: General benefits of applying cognitive theory to SLA

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In conclusion, it is clear that many studies have been carried out in the field of cognitive psychology and SLA research has undoubtedly been much enriched by studies of the cognitive processes involved. We now know a lot more about how L2 learners use and process language, and how to speed up the acquisition process, allowing us to draw relevant pedagogical implications. However, it is much less obvious whether cognitive approaches can adequately explain, at the moment, the features of the learners mental grammar, and the constraints on learners hypotheses about the language system.

3.2.3

The Input/Interactionist Approaches to SLA

In the previous sections, we have reviewed a range of perspectives on SLA which are concerned primarily with the language learner as an autonomous individual. In UG theory, the learners encounter with his/her social environment and other users of the target language serve only as a source of evidence which can stimulate or trigger internal mechanisms of growth and development. The cognitive approaches also view the learner as an autonomous actor, whose encounters with his/her social environment is regarded, on the one hand, as a source of input on which internal learning mechanisms can operate and, on the other, as an opportunity for testing his/her structural hypotheses through language output. It is assumed that all learners can/must process this input in much the same way, with differences due to the current developmental stage each learner is at. In this section, we turn our attention to theories that view language learning in more social terms. In the early 1980s, Micheal Long first advanced the argument that in order to understand more fully the nature and usefulness of input to second language learning, greater attention should be paid to the interactions in which learners are engaged (Long 1981, 1983). These interactions should be regarded not only as a prime source of target language input, feeding into the learners presumed internal acquisition device; it was argued by Long and others that when learners engaged with their audience in negotiations of meaning, the nature of the input might be qualitatively altered. That is, the more the input is negotiated to improve its comprehensibility, the greater its usefulness as input because it will be well targeted to the particular developmental level and acquisitional needs of the individual learner. We will look specifically at two such theories, namely: Krashens Input Hypothesis Longs Interaction Hypothesis.

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(a) Krashens Input Hypothesis Just as child-directed speech (CDS) was noted as a simplified register used to talk to children, so a number of sociolinguists in the 1960s and 1970s noticed and commented on what they termed foreigner talk. This is a simplified and pidgin-like variety sometimes used to address strangers and foreigners. It has always been obvious that comprehensible and appropriately contextualised L2 input is necessary for learning to take place. However, the precise contribution of such input only attracted serious attention from psycholinguists and SLA researchers with the Input Hypothesis proposed by Stephen Krashen (1982, 1985). In its most developed form, the Input Hypothesis claims that exposure to comprehensible input is both necessary and sufficient for second language learning to take place. The hypothesis is as follows. humans acquire language in only one way by understanding messages, or by receiving comprehensible input ... We move from i, our current level, to i + 1, the next level along the natural order, by understanding input containing i + 1. (Krashen 1985:2)

In other words, The Input Hypothesis asserts that language is acquired only when we understand language that contains structure that is a little beyond what we already know. This runs counter to traditional pedagogical approaches to SLA, in which structures are learned first before they are practiced in communication. Linked to the hypothesis are two further ideas, namely: speaking is a result of acquisition and not its cause; and if input is understood, and there is enough of it, the necessary grammar is automatically provided.

Krashen proposed three stages for acquisition (i.e. turning input into intake) to take place, as shown in Figure 3.9.

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Figure 3.9: Krashens three stages for acquisition

As numerous critics have pointed out and as you have read in the prescribed texts, the Input Hypothesis as originally formulated by Krashen is supported by little empirical evidence, and is not easily testable. The concepts of understanding and noticing a gap are not clearly operationalised. In addition, it is not clear how the learners present state of knowledge (i) is to be characterised and whether the i + 1 formula is to be applied to all aspects of language, from lexis to phonology to syntax. However, despite the problems, Krashens proposals have encouraged other researchers to examine more closely the character of the language data actually available as input to L2 learners.

Exercise 3.3
Krashens theoretical perspectives in SLA have been described as controversial. Why do you think this is so?

(b) Longs Interaction Hypothesis Longs Interaction Hypothesis is an extension of Krashens Input Hypothesis. For his doctoral research, Long conducted a study of sixteen native speaker native speaker (NS NS) and native speaker nonnative speaker (NS NNS) pairs, carrying out the same set of face-to-face oral tasks (e.g. informal conversation, giving instructions for games, playing games, etc.). His findings showed that there was little linguistic difference between the talk produced by NS NS and NS NNS pairs, as shown on several measures of grammatical complexity. However, there were significant differences between two sets of conversations, when these were analysed for conversational management and the language functions performed. Specifically, in order to solve ongoing communication difficulties, the NS NNS pairs were much more likely to use repetitions, confirmation checks, comprehension checks or clarification requests. As evidenced in child-directed speech (CDS), NSs apparently resort to these tactics in order to solve communication problems when talking to less fluent speakers, and not with any conscious motive to teach grammar. The prime mover for interactional adjustments in both cases seems to be a perception that the speaker is experiencing
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ongoing comprehension problems. As they struggle to maximise comprehension and negotiate their way through trouble spots, the NS NNS partnership is incidentally finetuning the L2 input, so as to make it more relevant to the current state of learner development. In other words, they are collaborating to ensure that the learner is actually receiving i + 1, to borrow Krashens term. To date, the achievements of research in this approach are summarised in Figure 3.10.

Figure 3.10: Achievements in Longs Interaction Hypothesis

However, the achievements of this tradition are shadowed by a number of important limitations, as shown in Figure 3.11.

Figure 3.11: Limitations in Longs Interaction Hypothesis

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SUMMARY
It must be clear by now that SLA is sweeping in scope and complex in content. In this chapter we have looked at factors that affect SLA, both cognitive and affective. We have also worked our way through the various, and often astounding, theories of SLA. As teachers, you must begin to wonder if there is anything here that is relevant or applicable to what you have to do everyday teach. There is no direct answer to this question, but in trying to do so, let us consider Scovels (2001:114-150) observations which are based on experiments and experience, and as stated by him, a little of each, but a lot of both. Individual learners differ from each other far more than any single group of learners differs from another. Social interaction both fuels and lubricates all language acquisition. Learners are constantly influenced by their mother tongue and by the language they are trying to acquire. Errors are invariably the sign of a motivated and intelligent student! Students are always paying attention; the real question is, to what? Content and discourse schemata play a powerful role in shaping language learning behaviour. Emotions are neither good nor bad; they are simply a natural part of language acquisition.

Lastly, keep in mind that, despite the enormous complexity of the enterprise, most people around the world do learn a second (or third, etc.) language. Furthermore, hundreds of millions of them do this very well!

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