William Shakespeare - Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend

me your ears
Spoken by Mark Antony in Julius Caesar, Act 3, Scene 2

Mark Antony:

Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears;

I come to bury Caesar, not to praise him;
The evil that men do lives after them,
The good is oft interred with their bones,
So let it be with Caesar ... The noble Brutus
Hath told you Caesar was ambitious:
If it were so, it was a grievous fault,
And grievously hath Caesar answered it ...
Here, under leave of Brutus and the rest,
(For Brutus is an honourable man;
So are they all; all honourable men)
Come I to speak in Caesar's funeral ...
He was my friend, faithful and just to me:
But Brutus says he was ambitious;
And Brutus is an honourable man.
He hath brought many captives home to Rome,
Whose ransoms did the general coffers fill:
Did this in Caesar seem ambitious?
When that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept:
Ambition should be made of sterner stuff:
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
And Brutus is an honourable man.
You all did see that on the Lupercal
I thrice presented him a kingly crown,
Which he did thrice refuse: was this ambition?
Yet Brutus says he was ambitious;
And, sure, he is an honourable man.
I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke,
But here I am to speak what I do know.
You all did love him once, not without cause:
What cause withholds you then to mourn for him?
O judgement! thou art fled to brutish beasts,
And men have lost their reason. Bear with me;
My heart is in the coffin there with Caesar,
And I must pause till it come back to me.
 William Shakespeare - Hamlet speech - To be, or not to be
Hamlet Act III, scene I

Hamlet:

To be, or not to be: that is the question:

Whether 'tis nobler in the mind to suffer
The slings and arrows of outrageous fortune,
Or to take arms against a sea of troubles,
And by opposing end them? To die: to sleep;
No more; and by a sleep to say we end
The heart-ache and the thousand natural shocks
That flesh is heir to, 'tis a consummation
Devoutly to be wish'd. To die, to sleep;
To sleep: perchance to dream: ay, there's the rub;
For in that sleep of death what dreams may come
When we have shuffled off this mortal coil,
Must give us pause: there's the respect
That makes calamity of so long life;
For who would bear the whips and scorns of time,
The oppressor's wrong, the proud man's contumely,
The pangs of despised love, the law's delay,
The insolence of office and the spurns
That patient merit of the unworthy takes,
When he himself might his quietus make
With a bare bodkin? who would fardels bear,
To grunt and sweat under a weary life,
But that the dread of something after death,
The undiscover'd country from whose bourn
No traveller returns, puzzles the will
And makes us rather bear those ills we have
Than fly to others that we know not of?
Thus conscience does make cowards of us all;
And thus the native hue of resolution
Is sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought,
And enterprises of great pith and moment
With this regard their currents turn awry,
And lose the name of action.
 William Shakespeare speech
O Romeo, Romeo, wherefore art thou Romeo?
Juliet:
O Romeo, Romeo, wherefore art thou Romeo?
Deny thy father and refuse thy name;
Or if thou wilt not, be but sworn my love
And I'll no longer be a Capulet.

Romeo:
[Aside] Shall I hear more, or shall I speak at this?

Juliet:
'Tis but thy name that is my enemy:
Thou art thyself, though not a Montague.
What's Montague? It is nor hand nor foot,
Nor arm nor face, nor any other part
Belonging to a man. O be some other name!
What's in a name? That which we call a rose
By any other word would smell as sweet;
So Romeo would, were he not Romeo call'd,
Retain that dear perfection which he owes
Without that title. Romeo, doff thy name,
and for thy name, which is no part of thee,
Take all myself.
 William Shakespeare speech
But, soft! what light through yonder window breaks
Romeo:

But, soft! what light through yonder window breaks?

It is the east, and Juliet is the sun.
Arise, fair sun, and kill the envious moon,
Who is already sick and pale with grief,
That thou her maid art far more fair than she:
Be not her maid, since she is envious;
Her vestal livery is but sick and green
And none but fools do wear it; cast it off.
It is my lady, O, it is my love!
O, that she knew she were!
She speaks yet she says nothing: what of that?
Her eye discourses; I will answer it.
I am too bold, 'tis not to me she speaks:
Two of the fairest stars in all the heaven,
Having some business, do entreat her eyes
To twinkle in their spheres till they return.
What if her eyes were there, they in her head?
The brightness of her cheek would shame those stars,
As daylight doth a lamp; her eyes in heaven
Would through the airy region stream so bright
That birds would sing and think it were not night.
See, how she leans her cheek upon her hand!
O, that I were a glove upon that hand,
That I might touch that cheek!
A Valediction: Forbidding Mourning
As virtuous men pass mildly away,
And whisper to their souls, to go,
Whilst some of their sad friends do say,
'The breath goes now,' and some say, 'No:'

So let us melt, and make no noise,

No tear-floods, nor sigh-tempests move;
'Twere profanation of our joys
To tell the laity our love.

Moving of th' earth brings harms and fears;

Men reckon what it did, and meant;
But trepidation of the spheres,
Though greater far, is innocent.

Dull sublunary lovers' love

(Whose soul is sense) cannot admit
Absence, because it doth remove
Those things which elemented it.

But we by a love so much refin'd,

That ourselves know not what it is,
Inter-assured of the mind,
Care less, eyes, lips, and hands to miss.

Our two souls therefore, which are one,

Though I must go, endure not yet
A breach, but an expansion,
Like gold to airy thinness beat.

If they be two, they are two so

As stiff twin compasses are two;
Thy soul, the fix'd foot, makes no show
To move, but doth, if the' other do.

And though it in the centre sit,

Yet when the other far doth roam,
It leans, and hearkens after it,
And grows erect, as that comes home.

Such wilt thou be to me, who must

Like th' other foot, obliquely run;
Thy firmness makes my circle just,
And makes me end, where I begun.
Obama Inaugural Address
20th January 2009

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you
have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank
President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and
cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have
been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace.
Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging
storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of
the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have
remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding
documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at
war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is
badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of
some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the
nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses
shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each
day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our
adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less
measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land -
a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, and that the next
generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious
and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time.
But know this, America - they will be met.
On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of
purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false
promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long
have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come
to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring
spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that
noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise
that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full
measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is

never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-
cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted - for
those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and
fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -
some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who
have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across
oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of
the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg;
Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked
till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw
America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all
the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous,

powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this
crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less
needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity
remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow
interests and putting off unpleasant decisions - that time has surely passed.
Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin
again the work of remaking America.
For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy
calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act - not only to create new jobs,
but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges,
the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us
together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's
wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the
sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we
will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the
demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions - who suggest
that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are
short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free
men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common
purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath
them - that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long
no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government
is too big or too small, but whether it works - whether it helps families find
jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified.
Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is
no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will
be held to account - to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business
in the light of day - because only then can we restore the vital trust between
a people and their government.
Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill.
Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this
crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out
of control - and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the
prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on
the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity;
on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart - not out of
charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety
and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely
imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a
charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the
world, and we will not give them up for expedience's sake. And so to all
other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest
capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is
a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future
of peace and dignity, and we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just
with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring
convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor
does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power
grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of
our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and
restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we
can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort - even greater
cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to
responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in
Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, well work tirelessly to lessen
the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not
apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those
who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering
innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be
broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We

are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus - and non-believers.
We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this
Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and
segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united,
we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the
lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our
common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in
ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest
and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow
conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West - know that your people will
judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling
to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know
that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if
you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make

your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and
feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty,
we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our
borders; nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect.
For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble
gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off
deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the
fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them
not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody
the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than
themselves. And yet, at this moment - a moment that will define a
generation - it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith
and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is
the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of
workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job
which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to
storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture
a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may
be new. But those values upon which our success depends - honesty and
hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and
patriotism - these things are old. These things are true. They have been the
quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a
return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of
responsibility - a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have
duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not
grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is
nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving
our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence - the knowledge that God calls on us to
shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed - why men and women and
children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this
magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago
might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you
to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we
have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a
small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy
river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was
stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was
most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the
people:
"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing
but hope and virtue could survive...that the city and the country, alarmed at
one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."

America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship,
let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave
once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be
said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let
this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes
fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift
of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Thank you. God bless you and God bless the United States of America.
The Quit India speech by Mahatma Gandhi
Before you discuss the resolution, let me place before you one or two things, I want you to
understand two things very clearly and to consider them from the same point of view from
which I am placing them before you. I ask you to consider it from my point of view,
because if you approve of it, you will be enjoined to carry out all I say. It will be a great
responsibility. There are people who ask me whether I am the same man that I was in 1920,
or whether there has been any change in me. You are right in asking that question.
Let me, however, hasten to assure that I am the same Gandhi as I was in 1920. I have not
changed in any fundamental respect. I attach the same importance to non-violence that I
did then. If at all, my emphasis on it has grown stronger. There is no real contradiction
between the present resolution and my previous writings and utterances.
Occasions like the present do not occur in everybodys and but rarely in anybodys life. I
want you to know and feel that there is nothing but purest Ahimsa1 in all that I am saying
and doing today. The draft resolution of the Working Committee is based on Ahimsa, the
contemplated struggle similarly has its roots in Ahimsa. If, therefore, there is any among
you who has lost faith in Ahimsa or is wearied of it, let him not vote for this resolution.
Let me explain my position clearly. God has vouchsafed to me a priceless gift in the weapon
of Ahimsa. I and my Ahimsa are on our trail today. If in the present crisis, when the earth
is being scorched by the flames of Himsa2 and crying for deliverance, I failed to make use
of the God given talent, God will not forgive me and I shall be judged un-wrongly of the
great gift. I must act now. I may not hesitate and merely look on, when Russia and China
are threatened.
Ours is not a drive for power, but purely a non-violent fight for Indias independence. In a
violent struggle, a successful general has been often known to effect a military coup and to
set up a dictatorship. But under the Congress scheme of things, essentially non-violent as it
is, there can be no room for dictatorship. A non-violent soldier of freedom will covet
nothing for himself, he fights only for the freedom of his country. The Congress is
unconcerned as to who will rule, when freedom is attained. The power, when it comes, will
belong to the people of India, and it will be for them to decide to whom it placed in the
entrusted. May be that the reins will be placed in the hands of the Parsis, for instance-as I
would love to see happen-or they may be handed to some others whose names are not heard
in the Congress today. It will not be for you then to object saying, This community is
microscopic. That party did not play its due part in the freedoms struggle; why should it
have all the power? Ever since its inception the Congress has kept itself meticulously free
of the communal taint. It has thought always in terms of the whole nation and has acted
accordingly. . .
I know how imperfect our Ahimsa is and how far away we are still from the ideal, but in
Ahimsa there is no final failure or defeat. I have faith, therefore, that if, in spite of our
shortcomings, the big thing does happen, it will be because God wanted to help us by
crowning with success our silent, unremitting Sadhana1 for the last twenty-two years.
I believe that in the history of the world, there has not been a more genuinely democratic
struggle for freedom than ours. I read Carlyles French Resolution while I was in prison,
and Pandit Jawaharlal has told me something about the Russian revolution. But it is my
conviction that inasmuch as these struggles were fought with the weapon of violence they
failed to realize the democratic ideal. In the democracy which I have envisaged, a
democracy established by non-violence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will
be his own master. It is to join a struggle for such democracy that I invite you today. Once
you realize this you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and think
of yourselves as Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for independence.
Then, there is the question of your attitude towards the British. I have noticed that there is
hatred towards the British among the people. The people say they are disgusted with their
behaviour. The people make no distinction between British imperialism and the British
people. To them, the two are one This hatred would even make them welcome the
Japanese. It is most dangerous. It means that they will exchange one slavery for another.
We must get rid of this feeling. Our quarrel is not with the British people, we fight their
imperialism. The proposal for the withdrawal of British power did not come out of anger.
It came to enable India to play its due part at the present critical juncture It is not a happy
position for a big country like India to be merely helping with money and material
obtained willy-nilly from her while the United Nations are conducting the war. We cannot
evoke the true spirit of sacrifice and velour, so long as we are not free. I know the British
Government will not be able to withhold freedom from us, when we have made enough self-
sacrifice. We must, therefore, purge ourselves of hatred. Speaking for myself, I can say that
I have never felt any hatred. As a matter of fact, I feel myself to be a greater friend of the
British now than ever before. One reason is that they are today in distress. My very
friendship, therefore, demands that I should try to save them from their mistakes. As I
view the situation, they are on the brink of an abyss. It, therefore, becomes my duty to
warn them of their danger even though it may, for the time being, anger them to the point
of cutting off the friendly hand that is stretched out to help them. People may laugh,
nevertheless that is my claim. At a time when I may have to launch the biggest struggle of
my life, I may not harbour hatred against anybody.
 THUS SPAKE VIVEKANANDA
THE IDEAL OF A UNIVERSAL RELIGION
Whatever we experience through our senses is marked by the constant inter-play of opposites,
forces of attraction and repulsion or centripetal and centrifugal forces in the external world; or love
and hate, or good and evil, in the internal world of our minds. This conflict is particularly marked in
the field of religion. Religion expresses itself at three levels, the philosophical, the mythological or
historical, and the ritualistic. Each of these three levels is marked by the same conflict of opposites,
often taking positions of violent extremes. The greatest harm comes from the fanatic. We may not
doubt the sincerity of the fanatic but often he has the irresponsibility of a lunatic. The fanatic is the
greatest enemy of mankind.

Given these cleavages, is the idea of the universal religion realistic or just idealistic ? But
behind all these differences, we must recognise a deeper level of commonality that suggests
that the universal religion already exists, and is constantly evolving and taking clearer
shape. No two persons are exactly alike, yet, despite these differences, there is
a common thread of humanity.

"If I am sure of anything, it is this humanity, which is common to all .... So it is with the
universal religion, which runs through all the various religions of the world in the form of
God; it must and does exist through eternity. 'I am the thread that runs through all these
pearls... ' (Gita) and each pearl is a religion or even a sect thereof, only the majority of
mankind is entirely unconscious of it ....."

How do we cope with differences ? The only rational way is to accept them, not only
as inevitable, but essential. "One must learn that truth may be expressed in a hundred
thousand different ways, and that each of these ways is true as far as it goes. We must learn
that the same thing can be viewed from a hundred different standpoints, and yet
be the same thing .... "
 "Suppose we all go with vessels in our hands to draw water from the lake. One has a cup,
another a jar, another a bucket, and so forth, and we all fill our vessels. The water
in each case takes the form of the vessel carried by each of us, but in every case, water, and
nothing but water is in the vessel..... God is like that water filling these different vessels, and
in each vessel, the vision of God comes in the form of the vessel.
Yet He is One......."

"But is there any way of practically working out this harmony in religions ? ... I have
also my little plan ... In the first place, I would ask mankind to recognise the maxim :
'Do not destroy'. Iconoclastic religions do no good to this world...... Secondly, take a
man where he stands, and from there give him a lift. If it be true that God is at the
centre of all religions, and that each of us is moving along one of these radii, then
it is certain that all of us must reach that centre. At the centre, where all radii meet,
all our differences will cease; but until we reach there, differences there must be ...... "

While the human mind and inclination occur in an innumerable variety, four broad
types of men may be recognised for practical purposes : the man of action, the man of
emotion, the mystic or man of spirit, and the philosopher or man of intellect. Religion must
offer a path for each type to follow, suited to the nature of each type. Ancient religion in
India offered four such paths, known as Karma Yoga, Bhakti Yoga, Raja Yoga and Jnana
Yoga. These paths transform the selfish to the selfless and lead to Yoga or Union or
Realisation of the ultimate Truth.

"It is imperative that all these Yogas should be carried out in practice. Mere theories
about them will not do any good. ... Religion is realisation, not talk, nor doctrine, nor
theories, however beautiful they may be. It is being and becoming, not hearing or
acknowledging; it is the whole soul becoming changed into what it believes. That is
religion"
The Sermon on the Mount - Jesus Christ
Matthew 5 - 6 - 7
Matthew 5

And seeing the multitudes, he went up into a mountain: and when he was set, his disciples
came unto him: And he opened his mouth, and taught them, saying:

Blessed are the poor in spirit: for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.

Blessed are they that mourn: for they shall be comforted.

Blessed are the meek: for they shall inherit the earth.

Blessed are they which do hunger and thirst after righteousness: for they shall be filled.

Blessed are the merciful: for they shall obtain mercy.

Blessed are the pure in heart: for they shall see God.

Blessed are the peacemakers: for they shall be called the children of God.

Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness' sake: for theirs is the kingdom of
heaven.

Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say all manner of
evil against you falsely, for my sake.

Rejoice, and be exceeding glad: for great is your reward in heaven: for so persecuted they
the prophets which were before you.

Ye are the salt of the earth: but if the salt have lost his savour, wherewith shall it be salted?
it is thenceforth good for nothing, but to be cast out, and to be trodden under foot of men.

Ye are the light of the world. A city that is set on an hill cannot be hid.
Neither do men light a candle, and put it under a bushel, but on a candlestick; and it giveth
light unto all that are in the house.

Let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your
Father which is in heaven.

Think not that I am come to destroy the law, or the prophets: I am not come to destroy, but
to fulfil.

For verily I say unto you, Till heaven and earth pass, one jot or one tittle shall in no wise
pass from the law, till all be fulfilled.

Whosoever therefore shall break one of these least commandments, and shall teach men so,
he shall be called the least in the kingdom of heaven: but whosoever shall do and teach
them, the same shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven.

For I say unto you, That except your righteousness shall exceed the righteousness of the
scribes and Pharisees, ye shall in no case enter into the kingdom of heaven.

Ye have heard that it was said of them of old time, Thou shalt not kill; and whosoever shall
kill shall be in danger of the judgment:

But I say unto you, That whosoever is angry with his brother without a cause shall be in
danger of the judgment: and whosoever shall say to his brother, Raca, shall be in danger of
the council: but whosoever shall say, Thou fool, shall be in danger of hell fire.

Therefore if thou bring thy gift to the altar, and there rememberest that thy brother hath
ought against thee;

Leave there thy gift before the altar, and go thy way; first be reconciled to thy brother, and
then come and offer thy gift.

Agree with thine adversary quickly, whiles thou art in the way with him; lest at any time
the adversary deliver thee to the judge, and the judge deliver thee to the officer, and thou
be cast into prison.

Verily I say unto thee, Thou shalt by no means come out thence, till thou hast paid the
uttermost farthing.

Ye have heard that it was said by them of old time, Thou shalt not commit adultery:

But I say unto you, That whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her hath committed
adultery with her already in his heart.

And if thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out, and cast it from thee: for it is profitable for
thee that one of thy members should perish, and not that thy whole body should be cast
into hell.

And if thy right hand offend thee, cut it off, and cast it from thee: for it is profitable for
thee that one of thy members should perish, and not that thy whole body should be cast
into hell.

It hath been said, Whosoever shall put away his wife, let him give her a writing of
divorcement:

But I say unto you, That whosoever shall put away his wife, saving for the cause of
fornication, causeth her to commit adultery: and whosoever shall marry her that is
divorced committeth adultery.

Again, ye have heard that it hath been said by them of old time, Thou shalt not forswear
thyself, but shalt perform unto the Lord thine oaths:

But I say unto you, Swear not at all; neither by heaven; for it is God's throne: Nor by the
earth; for it is his footstool: neither by Jerusalem; for it is the city of the great King.

Neither shalt thou swear by thy head, because thou canst not make one hair white or black.

But let your communication be, Yea, yea; Nay, nay: for whatsoever is more than these
cometh of evil.

Ye have heard that it hath been said, An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth: But I say
unto you, That ye resist not evil: but whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to
him the other also.

And if any man will sue thee at the law, and take away thy coat, let him have thy cloak also.
And whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile, go with him twain.

Give to him that asketh thee, and from him that would borrow of thee turn not thou away.

Ye have heard that it hath been said, Thou shalt love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemy.

But I say unto you, Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them that
hate you, and pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you;

That ye may be the children of your Father which is in heaven: for he maketh his sun to
rise on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the unjust.

For if ye love them which love you, what reward have ye? do not even the publicans the
same? And if ye salute your brethren only, what do ye more than others? do not even the
publicans so?

Be ye therefore perfect, even as your Father which is in heaven is perfect.

 William Shakespeare
Merchant of Venice speech
The quality of mercy is not strain'd
William Shakespeare
The Merchant of Venice
Act 4, Scene 1

PORTIA:

The quality of mercy is not strain'd,

It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven
Upon the place beneath: it is twice blest;
It blesseth him that gives and him that takes:
'Tis mightiest in the mightiest: it becomes
The throned monarch better than his crown;
His sceptre shows the force of temporal power,
The attribute to awe and majesty,
Wherein doth sit the dread and fear of kings;
But mercy is above this sceptred sway;
It is enthroned in the hearts of kings,
It is an attribute to God himself;
And earthly power doth then show likest God's
When mercy seasons justice. Therefore, Jew,
Though justice be thy plea, consider this,
That, in the course of justice, none of us
Should see salvation: we do pray for mercy;
And that same prayer doth teach us all to render
The deeds of mercy. I have spoke thus much
To mitigate the justice of thy plea;
Which if thou follow, this strict court of Venice
Must needs give sentence 'gainst the merchant there.