INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE

The Migration-Development Nexus Revisited: State of the Art and Ways Ahead

University of Trento, June 8-10, 2011

FOSTERING TRANSNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT The MAPID project in Italy and the Philippines
Fabio Baggio and Laura Zanfrini

DRAFT

PLEASE DO NOT QUOTE OR CIRCULATE

WITHOUT THE AUTHORS PERMISSION

Fabio Baggio, SIMI, Rome (preside@simiroma.org]); Laura Zanfrini, Catholic University of Milan (laura.zanfrini@unicatt.it).

FOSTERING TRANSNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT The MAPID project in Italy and the Philippines Fabio Baggio and Laura Zanfrini

From December 2007 to December 2010 the Scalabrini Migration Center - SMC (Philippines), the Commission on Filipinos Overseas - CFO (Philippines), the Fondazione per le Iniziative e gli Studi sulla Multietnicit ISMU (Italy), and the University of Valencia UV (Spain) implemented a project titled Capacity Building of Migrants Associations in Italy and Spain and Government Institutions in the Philippines to Promote Development. The short title of the project was Migrants Associations and Philippine Institutions for Development (MAPID). The action was co-financed by the European Union through the Aeneas Programme (Financial and technical assistance to third countries in the field of migration and asylum), Contract No. MIG R/2007/130-548(11). Although the Philippines has had close to 40 years of experience with international migration, except for remittances, the links between migration and development have not received research, policy and advocacy attention. The MAPID project examined the role of the Filipino Diaspora and Philippine institutions in promoting development in the home country. Initial research findings on the topic indicated that overseas Filipinos, either individually or collectively through migrants associations, had been providing assistance to various relief, humanitarian and development projects in the Philippines. The cooperation between overseas Filipinos and Philippine institutions had largely been as donors and receivers, respectively. The proponent of the MAPID project believed that such cooperation could be strengthened and amplified by enhancing stakeholders understanding of the migration-development nexus and their roles as partners for promoting development in the Philippines. Thus, it was deemed important to pay equal attention to building the capacity, interest and readiness of migrants associations on the one hand, and Philippine institutions on the other, to prepare them as development partners. The MAPID project aimed at: a) advancing the understanding of the migration-development nexus by two important stakeholders: migrants associations and Philippine institutions; b) promoting transnational development between migrants associations and national and local institutions in the Philippines; and c) building the capacity and partnership between migrants associations in Italy and Spain, and key national and local Philippine institutions in promoting development in the home country. For the aim of this article, only the findings and outcomes of the MAPID project in the Philippines and Italy will be discussed. 1. The Conceptual Framework of the MAPID Project In the last five years the discussion on migration and development became global and gained special consideration in the political agenda of many sending and receiving countries. Different factors contributed to such interest. By the end of 2003, United Nations Secretary General, Kofi Annan decided to establish the Global Commission for International Migration (GCIM), whose task was to elaborate a consistent, comprehensive and global response to the problem of international migration (GCIM, 2003). In October 2005, the GCIM presented its final report. Among the different recommendations, the commission affirmed that International migration should become an

integral part of national, regional and global strategies for economic growth, in both the developing and developed world (GCIM, 2005:4). In September 2006, the UN High Level Dialogue on International Migration and Development focused on the migration-development nexus, particularly highlighting the economic benefits effects of international migration in developing countries. As a result of the UN dialogue, a small group of concerned countries (which identified themselves as Friends of the Forum) proposed the creation of an independent forum to continue the discussion on the migration-development nexus. The Global Forum on Migration and Development (GFMD) was established and six editions of the forum were planned, from 2007 to 2012 (Belgium, Philippines, Greece, Argentina, Spain and Morocco). During the first decade of the 21st century, the World Bank started publishing reports on the huge bulk of remittances that migrants sent annually to their home countries. In 2008, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimated around 200 million international migrants worldwide, corresponding to 3 percent of the world population (IOM, 2008). In the same year the World Bank (WB) calculated that international migrants sent USD 328 billion in remittances though formal channels. The flow of billions of dollars from the receiving countries to the sending countries captured the attention of governments, international organizations and financial institutions. The discussion on migrants remittances and their impact on local development sometimes bordered on enthusiastic considerations, generating dangerous misinterpretations. One of them is the mythicization of remittances, i.e., the idea that remittances are the panacea for all the development problems of the sending countries (Garca Zamora, 2009). Individual remittances comprise only one of the channels of migrants contributions to the development of their home countries. There are also collective remittances that are constituted by the philanthropic donations in money and in kind sent by migrants to their communities of origin. Moreover, one should consider the economic investment initiated by overseas workers, immigrants and returnees, both individually and collectively, which is not registered under remittances. Another channel of migrants cooperation to development is knowledge exchange by which skills, technologies and professional expertise acquired abroad are transferred to the home countries. Finally, there are also examples of international cooperation aid undertaken through Diaspora groups, as in the case of co-development practices promoted by some receiving countries. In terms of development, all these migrants contributions constitute a huge potential whose underestimation by policy makers would be a big mistake. Nevertheless, according to different recent studies, the development impact of international migration in many sending countries seems ambivalent (Asis and Baggio 2008, Castles, 2007, De Haas, 2008, Delgado Wise and Guarnizo, 2007, and Garca Zamora, 2009). The unleashing of the development potential is not automatic and benefits may be overshadowed by costs. Moreover, gains and losses of international migrations are to be considered not only in the economic sphere. Benefits and costs are obtained and paid also in the social and political realms. Scientific studies and empiric evidences coincide on the conclusion that international migration has an ambivalent impact on the development of the countries involved. Moreover, the benefits of the migration-development nexus are generally shared between countries of origin and destination, while the costs are shouldered mainly by sending countries. Policies and programs aiming at enhancing the benefits and reducing the costs may help to overcome such hindrances, but they should not be governed by an instrumentalist understanding of the link between migration and development.

In many cases immigration and emigration policies seem to respond more to economic - and unilateral - concerns rather than to ethic and humanistic principles. Benefits resulting from the abuses, exploitation and discrimination of migrants are questionable. Moreover, the interests of the receiving countries and sending countries generally do not coincide and this lack of correspondence has negative implications on the effectiveness and consistency of migration policies and regional dialogues. As far as international migration is concerned, due to the asymmetry of the right to migrate, receiving countries have the power to dictate the rules of the game. From an ethical perspective, there is an evident inconsistency between the principle of nodiscrimination among human beings, which has been ratified by 178 countries (GCIM, 2005), and the actual migration policies and practices of many of the same countries. Such policies and practices are often inconsistent with other principles upheld by signed and ratified international conventions, national constitutions and legislations and labor codes (Baggio, 2007). The potentials of international migration to promote development in the origin countries have yet to be examined in Asia in general, and in the Philippines in particular. Up until now, migration management and regional discussions on migration in Asia have yet to delve into migration and development. The reflection and action on the links between international migration and development have not received research, policy and advocacy attention in the Philippines. While the state has succeeded in promoting Filipino workers as global workers and in developing good practices to promote the protection of its nationals abroad, there is mixed to minimal evidence to indicate that international migration has contributed to development in the Philippines. Between macro indicators suggesting the contributions of remittances to foreign reserves and micro indicators implying improvement in the economic well-being of migrants families, the impact of migration on the development of local communities is not well-established. There are concerns that international migration may increase the disparities between migrants families and non-migrants families, as well as apprehensions that the country as a whole and migrants families in particular may have become dependent on remittances. A review of the Philippines policies on international migration and development reveals a glaring disconnect between migration and development. That is, development policies are drafted without as much reference to international migration (except remittances and the target to deploy a million workers every year); similarly, migration policies are formulated with minimal or no links to development. To date, labor migration policies are still largely oriented to facilitating the deployment of workers. In the future, the government aspires to deploying more highly skilled and professional migrants. Higher levels of deployment (and higher volumes of remittances), however, will not necessarily result in more sustainable development. State intervention through appropriate legislations, policies, and institutional mechanisms is necessary to make migration work for the countrys development. The passage of the 2003 Nationality Retention and Reacquisition Act (or Dual Citizenship Act) and the 2003 Absentee Voting Act is a step in this direction. However, the state has to take a more proactive stance in engaging with the Filipino diaspora to encourage and assure overseas Filipinos that their investments, donations, and other transfers of resources will go to the intended purposes. As the major partner in development, the state and its institutions must demonstrate readiness, transparency and sound governance to build an enabling environment.

2. Summary of the MAPID Action The action was implemented from December 2007 to December 2010. The major activities of the action were divided into three phases, which were undertaken over the three years in the three countries: the Philippines, Italy and Spain. The research phase was undertaken in 2008. In Italy and Spain, the research dealt with migrants associations and the migration, work and settlement experiences of Filipino migrants in these destinations. For the survey in both countries, 413 Filipino migrants were interviewed. In addition, 65 key informants participated in the in-depth interviews and 50 Filipino migrants associations were mapped out and profiled. In the Philippines, the research focused on policies and good practices that promote the development potentials of migration, the documentation of diaspora-supported projects, and mapping of partnerships between overseas Filipinos and Philippines-based institutions. Some 424 key informants and respondents were interviewed by the MAPID researchers and a variety of diaspora-supported projects, migrants investments and partnerships between overseas Filipinos and Philippinesbased institutions were documented (31 were featured in the book, Transnational Bridges). Findings from the research contributed to the design of the training programs and materials and indicated the possibilities and constraints of overseas Filipinos and government institutions as development partners. The research in Italy and Spain generated findings about Filipino migration to Italy and Spain; working and living conditions, associational life and transnational practices of Filipino migrants; and the nature and profile of Filipino migrants associations (Italian results are summarized in the volume Migrants Associations and Philippine Institutions for Development. Italian Report authored by L. Zanfrini and A. Sarli). The research in the Philippines yielded findings about the integration of (or lack thereof) international migration in development policies and programs, awareness and understanding of the migration-development nexus by officials and key staff of government institutions, views and perceptions of government officials and key personnel about migration and development, and case studies of migrant giving, migrants investments and partnerships between overseas Filipinos and local institutions. The research in the Philippines considered policies, programs and structures at all levels: national, regional and local. The training phase was undertaken in 2009. Capacity-building involved the development of training materials and the implementation of training programs for leaders and active members of migrants associations in Italy and Spain. The programs aimed to strengthen the capacities and potentials of migrants associations as agents of change vis--vis their host and home country. In the Philippines, the training program was targeted at policymakers and key officers/staff involved in migration and/or development. The program in the Philippines aimed at fostering better understanding of the migration-development nexus, and to promote meaningful partnerships with overseas Filipinos. In August 2009 two training programs were carried out in the Philippines, one in Davao and one Tagaytay, gathering over 110 participants. Between September and November 2009 four training programs were carried out in Spain and Italy, one in Barcelona, one Madrid, one in Milan and one in Rome. Almost 90 leaders and active members of migrants associations attended the programs. All the training materials used in the training programs were compiled by the Scalabrini Migration Center in a CD-Rom titled, Capacity Building Programs in the Philippines, Italy and Spain Reference Materials. The dissemination phase of MAPID was undertaken in 2010. In July 2010, SMC and CFO published the book Transnational Bridges: Migration, Development and Solidarity in the Philippines (Asis et alia, 2010). The volume presents a selection of the diaspora-supported
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projects, migrants investments and models of cooperation between overseas Filipinos and local institutions, which were documented in the research phase. The final report was published in a book titled, Brick by Brick: Building Cooperation between the Philippines and Overseas Filipinos in Italy and Spain (Baggio, 2010). The dissemination activities in the Philippines were held in August 2010 and entailed one policy summit in Metro Manila and three dissemination fora in different regions. Between October and December 2010 four dissemination fora were held, two in Italy and two in Spain. Some feature stories and policy briefs were produced in connection with the dissemination activities in the three countries. 3. Main Findings and Outcomes of MAPID in the Philippines The major findings culled from the MAPID research activities in the Philippines have been collected in an on-line publication titled Minding the Gaps: Migration, Governance and Development in the Philippines (Asis, 2011) collected the main results of the MAPID research in the Philippines. The MAPID research disclosed that international migration is discussed in a limited way in the national development plan. The Medium Term Philippine Development Plan, 2004-2010 and its updated version, 2008-2010, do include international migration, but it is framed in terms of facilitating deployment to meet the one-million mark and insuring safeguards to protect OFWs and their families. In regional and local development plans international migration is not considered as an important factor. At the regional and local levels, migration is grossly overlooked in the policies and programs of government institutions. Migration data are seldom available and offices or personnel dedicated to migration issues are virtually nonexistent. Without intending to, the MAPID research raised awareness about migration and development issues among the respondents. Officials of national agencies saw the role of the government as facilitating the migration of Filipinos seeking work abroad and they were likely to point out that migration was a right. Those representing development agencies felt that the existing migration policies are too economistic. The development impact of migration is largely seen in terms of remittances, but concerns over social costs are widespread. Female migration was viewed with considerable apprehension because of reported abuses and the care crisis created in leftbehind families, especially, the children. In general, the contributions of social remittances (ideas, practices and social capital) to the Philippines were less recognized. The government should pay as much attention to the reintegration of returning workers. In the Philippines the migration of professionals is seen as a brain drain, while brain gain is not yet in sight. Specifically in the case of nurse migration, several key informants noted that the migration of more experienced nurses has led to a shortage of mentors and nurses with specialized skills. It is considered important to maintain links with highly skilled Filipinos who have migrated and to encourage them to participate in knowledge transfer programs. Despite the absence of a migration and development framework, several initiatives tapping the development potentials of migration have been attempted by government agencies, NGOs and the private sector. Some successful cases have been documented in the above mentioned publication (Asis et alia, 2010). Government initiatives on migration and development tend to be geared towards brain gain and migrant giving. The Commission on Filipinos Overseas introduced the Lingkod sa Kapwa Pilipino (Service to Fellow Filipinos) or Linkapil Program in 1989, a matching program wherein the resources donated by Filipino associations overseas, mostly US-based, are channeled to projects that benefit populations and communities in need.
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Civil society groups such as Migrant Forum in Asia and Unlad Kabayan Migrant Services Foundation developed programs to encourage the formation of migrant savings groups and social enterprise projects supported by migrants. Atikha Overseas Workers and Community Initiative, Inc. pioneered the formation of savings groups among the children of OFWs and is also active in social enterprise development and financial literacy trainings for OFWs and their families. Several NGOs, including migration-oriented ones and those in the development sector, have formed the Philippine Consortium on Migration and Development (Philcomdev) to cooperate on migration and development. In the private sector, Ayala Foundation USA was established in 2000 to generate funds and resources in among US-based Filipinos to underwrite social development projects in the Philippines. The MAPID research discovered more examples of migrant giving, migrants investments, and partnerships between overseas Filipinos and local institutions. Migrant-supported projects include medical missions, scholarship programs, small infrastructure projects, housing, equipment support and livelihood. It is significant to note that beneficiaries and local institutions provide a counterpart (labor or personnel, office space, institutional support, or funds) to the funds and resources donated by overseas Filipinos. Most investments put up by migrants were those made by permanent migrants. Most of the larger businesses (i.e., more capital intensive) were individual rather than group investments. As it was mentioned above, than 110 Filipino policy-makers, development and migration officers attended the two training programs held in the Philippines. The participants from regional offices of the National Economic Development Authority committed to introduce migration and development issues in the upcoming meetings of their Regional Development Councils. Many expressed an interest to develop a system for collecting international migration-related data in their localities. Similarly, the good practices already implemented by some local governments inspired other participants to introduce similar programs in their localities, such as the setting up of OFW centers. Many participants from the local government units expressed a strong interest to develop a system for collecting international migration-related data. Some NGOs have requested for copies of the MAPID training materials which they plan to use in their training programs. At the end of the implementation of the MAPID project, 60 Philippine institutions (national agencies and local government units) had acquired knowledge of the development potential of migration, examples of good practices and models of cooperation. Moreover, the conditions for initiating partnership between the migrants associations and Philippines institutions, which had been involved in the MAPID training programs, had been initiated. More Philippine institutions (and other stakeholders as well) were reached through the MAPID research. Given the timely realization of the research, training and dissemination activities in the Philippines, the participation of the National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA), the outputs of the MAPID project provided relevant inputs in the formulation of the Medium Term Philippine Development Plan 2011-2017. Several regional offices of NEDA mentioned that the MAPID project has provided them with insights about migration and development, which they found useful in the review and drafting of their regional development plans. The partial outputs of the MAPID action also contributed to the process of reviewing the development cooperation strategy for the Philippines of the European Commission and in the drafting of the EC Philippines Country Strategy Paper 2007-2013 aiming at updating its relevance.

The understanding of the migration-development nexus among Philippine institutions as a key factor contributing to national and local development and network building inspired another action called Transnational Synergy and Cooperation for Development (TRANSCODE), which was undertaken by SMC in collaboration with Radboud University (Netherlands) and the Stichting Mondiale Samenleving (SMS) in 2010. Using the outcomes of the MAPID project as a point of departure, private foundations co-financed TRANSCODE, which brought together 30 selected stakeholders to deepen and broaden the reflection on the migration development nexus in the Philippines and the Netherlands. The MAPID participants in all phases of the project research, capacity building and dissemination were active participants in the project. To the extent possible, the participants feedback and suggestions were considered and acted upon. These are evident in the unplanned workshops and materials that were produced in connection with the project. The research dissemination workshop held in 2009, the additional dissemination fora in 2010, the additional publications, and the MAPID website that will feature migrants associations in Italy and Spain on the one hand and projects in the Philippines on the other, were initiated by the suggestions and recommendations of those who were part of the research and training programs. These inputs reflect the interest of stakeholders in the emerging reflections on the migration-development nexus in the Philippines and an indication of ownership of the initiative. The build-up in awareness about the links between international migration and development from the research in 2008, to the capacity building programs in 2009, and to the dissemination activities in 2010 suggest that the MAPID project has been a useful intervention for Philippine government institutions. The same story holds true for the positive change the MAPID project has contributed to Filipino migrants associations as agents of change in Italy and Spain. The focus on Italy and Spain as destinations of Filipino migrants provided Philippine institutions relevant insights in understanding a distinct context of Filipino migration and ensuing transnational links. This context-specific understanding has implications on how Philippine institutions, including Philippine foreign service missions, have to keep pace with the evolving nature of Filipino communities. On the part of SMC, the MAPID project has given birth to initiatives that build on the experiences and perspectives gained from the project. The TRANSCODE initiative, for example, is an offshoot of MAPID, which expanded the engagement of multiple stakeholders in the discussion of migration and development. Based on the developments thus far, there are reasons to believe that the momentum for pursuing migration and development in the Philippines has been set in motion. 4. Main Findings and Outcomes of MAPID in Italy Looking at indicators like employment rate, salary level and involvement in deviant activities, Filipinos have always been one of the most successfully integrated groups in the Italian society. In the locals perception, they are considered honest, docile, reliable and exemplary workers. The main trends of the initial phase of Filipino migration in Italy (female migrants working as domestic workers with live-in setting) contributed to the development of a particular migration culture, which is characterized by three main elements: a) accumulation of capital; b) safeguarding of the myth of return vs. real integration in the Italian society; and c) legitimation of the model of a family divided by migration. In recent times, the above mentioned positive factors have become elements of weakness. The career and social pathways of the younger members of the community are conditioned by the limitations of the Filipino integration model. The same model has been preventing the

Filipino community from taking advantage of the new co-development opportunities offered by Italian institutions. The findings of the MAPID research in Italy highlight several features that could favour the engagement of the Filipino community in programs of co-development: a) their migration knowledge, which allows them to maintain an excellent employment performance and a relatively high earning power; b) their marked propensity for saving and sending remittances, more than other migrant groups (Zucchetti, 1995; Palidda, 2000); c) their thriving tendency to establish associations with co-nationals; and d) their strong attachment to the communities of origin, expressed by multiple ties and relationships, The research findings also disclosed that the transnational development potential of the Filipino community in Italy is latent because of a series of weaknesses, which lead to a substantial invisibility of this migrant group. The salient and silent profile of the Italybased Filipino migrants is the following: subordinate workers (mainly in the domestic sector) highly educated (brain waste), lacking of real strategies towards professional mobility. While second generations members manifest a will to distance themselves from their parents jobs, they are still largely concentrated in manual jobs. Moreover Filipino migrants tend to interact with their co-nationals, indulging in a kind of intra-community withdrawal, which would protect them from the risk of contamination by the Italian culture, often perceived as a threat. Very few Filipinos are involved with Italian associations and Filipino associations seldom represent a route toward integration. The transnational character could be considered one of the main features of Filipino migrants in Italy, who use to keep active ties with their relatives in the Philippines. The most tangible manifestation of such transnationalism is the flow of remittances, which are normally by the left behind to cover basic household needs, finance childrens education, buy or renovate houses, purchase lands, and contribute to healthcare and pension plans. According to the findings of the MAPID research, Filipino migrants in Italy are interested in investing resources for the economic and social development of their communities of origin. Nearly half of those who participated in the MAPID survey declared to have supported development projects in the Philippines. Almost 40 percent of them plan to start a business in the Philippines. Filipino migrants associations represent their main channel of participation in the public sphere. Nevertheless such participation remains rather invisible outside the boundaries of the ethnic community. The main concern of these associations is the organization of recreational and social events within the framework of religious centers. Sometimes they offer support services and assistance (legal and health assistance, counselling, etc.). It is worth noting that a third of the Filipino migrants associations profiled by the MAPID project operate transnationally. Some of them rely on Philippines-based partners for the implementation of co-development initiatives. Almost all the associations showed sincere willingness to be engaged in transnational development activities in the Philippines. Their ideas of transnational development programs range from activities aimed at producing long-term endogenous changes (e.g. scholarships, knowledge transfer, financial literacy programs, information campaigns, projects for business and investment promotion, development of local infrastructures) to emergency assistance (e.g. relief aid in case of calamity) and different religious, social and recreational activities. The MAPID research disclosed relevant weakness of the Filipino migrants associations in Italy, particularly in terms of financial sustainability, solid organization and links with Italian institutions. Moreover, they often suffer internal divisions and split mainly because of the
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leaders chase for personal visibility and affirmation. Finally, they lack a sound knowledge of the concept of development and the tools that are needed to effectively contribute the process of sustainable transformation of their communities of origin. The MAPID training programs in Milan and Rome aimed at strengthening the directorship of the Filipino migrants associations, fostering the capacities of their members (e.g. fundraising and planning skills), and improving the communication ad extra in order to expand their chances of collaboration with the public and private sectors (both nationally and internationally). During the training courses the participants experienced hands-on their linguistic constraints, realizing that their proficiency in the Italian language cannot allow them to efficiently interact with Italian institutions and, even less, formulate co-development project proposals and requests for funding. They also realized their insufficient knowledge of the financial instruments and investment solutions that are available in Italy. They confessed their ignorance regarding the training possibilities in the entrepreneurial development which are regularly offered by several Italian public and private organizations. Finally, they acknowledged their underestimation of the consequences of few common illegal practices among the Filipino migrants, like large omissions in revenues declaration without realizing the negative repercussions on their health insurance and social security. In terms of individual empowerment there are three relevant recommendations highlighted by the outcomes of the MAPID project in Italy: a) to strengthen Filipino migrants proficiency in the local language; b) to improve their capacity towards a more efficient financial management, realizing the potential of their bargaining power vs. financial institutions (both as individuals and as associations), appreciating the importance of contributing for their retirement pensions (and lobbying to obtain the portability of the corresponding benefits) and becoming familiar with complementary pension schemes. c) to educate Filipino migrants on the rights and duties that Italian citizenship entails, as a great number of them are likely to become Italian citizen in the next years. In terms of associational empowerment, there are five relevant recommendations aiming at unleashing their potential contribution to a more effective integration of Filipino migrants in the Italian society and a more fruitful transnational development exercise: a) to redefine the objectives of the Filipino migrants associations, shifting from the aggregative function to functional specialization, and implement structured long-term programs in synergy with the other stakeholders operating in the territory; b) to professionalize the organizational structures trough a greater investment in training; c) to register all the associations to local or national institutions to obtain visibility and eligibility for grants; d) to deepen their rootedness in the community of residence developing a stable collaboration with local organizations (public and private); e) to foster the Filipino diasporas capacity to boost a process of institutional innovation, which would sustainably improve the welfare system of the Philippines. 5. Conclusion Many international agencies, the European Union and an increasing number of migrants sending and receiving countries set as one of their current priorities to make the governance of human mobility a pivotal element of development co-operation policies. Therefore the empowerment of migrant communities and the engagement of diaspora associations are considered strategic leverages towards the enhancement of the beneficial effects of remittances and the implementation of transnational initiatives aiming at contributing to the sustainable economic and social development of the communities of origin.
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The concept of co-development implicitly acknowledges an important and - to a certain extent - revolutionary ascertainment: the successful process of adaption in the host society (and even naturalization understood as its completion) does not erode migrants attachment to their country of origin, giving them the chance to become strategic actors for its modernization. Aware of this, the MAPID project highlighted the development potential of the Filipino diaspora, identified some critical elements and formulated a series of feasible recommendations addressed to individual migrants, migrants communities and associations, and government institutions. It is opinion of the authors that the relevance of the MAPID findings and outputs go beyond the Filipino case in three countries involved in the project. Filipino migrants clearly exemplify the features of the Italian integration model, underlining its problematic points: a) the ethnicization of the labor market, as migrants of the same ethnic group are largely concentrated in specific sectors and kind of jobs; b) the scarce social and labor mobility, mainly due to the lack of universalistic spirit in the local society and labor market; c) the limited migrants access to citizenship rights, where the stress on the equality with locals would frequently entail social rights, but not political rights; d) the mediation in migrants relationship with local institutions performed by civil society organizations, which is often characterized by overprotective and patronizing attitudes. These critical points emphasize the need for an examination of the role played by the various civil society organizations, from trade unions to social and religious associations, which are strategic stakeholders in the governance of immigration in Italy. They play a leading and indispensable role in the reception of migrants, defense and promotion of their rights, mostly because of their indubitable capacity to influence both the formulation of migration regulations and their implementation within the government agencies. Nevertheless these organizations seem to have contributed to the de-legitimization of the Italian institutions when they placed the safeguard of migrants immediate interests before the respect formal and substantial for the principles and procedures of the law. Though inspired by good intentions, some civil society organizations have nurtured a predatory attitude on the part of immigrants, underestimating the negative consequences for the Italian society, economic competitiveness and solidity of social cohesion (Zanfrini, 2008). In its relationship with immigrants, Italian society seems to have shown its weakest side namely, its ability to find loopholes in official regulations. This has jeopardized the advance of the awareness concerning the importance of migrants rights (Sayad, 1995), while generating heavy costs in terms of institutional performance. It is worth noting that a public debate insisting on legitimization through labor inevitably boosts an unbalanced conception of citizenship in the autochthonous community as much as in migrants groups. In recent years, the components of the Italian society that look more favorably to immigration had repeatedly reaffirmed the need for migrant labor (which is supposed to take up the jobs that Italians no longer want to do), aiming at justifying the request for more open migration policies. On this basis, they firmly sanctioned migrants right to stay in Italy and have extensive access to the benefits of the Italian welfare systems. This approach contributes to the creation of integration models marked by the overestimation of the economic dimension compared to other important dimensions. The most emblematic example of this ascertainment is Italy-based Filipino community, which is characterized on the one side by an extremely high employment potential (close-to-zero unemployment rate), and on the other side by a substantial invisibility. Moreover, the insistence on more rights for migrants, rather than more opportunities to participate in the social, cultural and political life, may contribute to increase the relegation of
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migrant communities to the fringe of public life, confining them to ethnically connoted environments that would not foster the acquisition of a real and active citizenship. In recent years, Italy together with some other European countries - showed a special interest in promoting co-development initiatives and enhancing the direct involvement of migrants associations in the governance of integration matters. Despite the good intentions, most of the services and initiatives in both areas are still prerogative of well-established Italian civil society organizations. The shift from the traditional integration model can be stimulated by effectively promoting the role of migrants associations and other ethnic minorities representatives in the public sphere, fostering their sense of responsibility towards the Italian society. In the light of the current Italian legislation, the possibility of participation in political life for third countries nationals residing in Italy is limited to a consultative role at local government level. Immigrants can make their voice heard through ad hoc committees or associate councilors (consiglieri aggiunti), who are only called upon when matters relating to the immigrants are dealt with. The concession of electoral rights to foreign residents, at least at the local level, is an issue still under debate. Nonetheless, the imminent naturalization of a significant number of nonEU immigrants will turn them into potential electors. This change in the electoral body seems neither desired nor planned by the Italian government, which has not envisioned any kind of assistance to the new citizens concerning their understanding of the rights and duties connected with the Italian citizenship. Considering the limited democratic experiences of many countries of origin and migrants exposure to the poor conception of legality and weak sense of state which traditionally characterized the Italian society, civil education should be a relevant component of the assistance offered to new citizens. Such education would aim at transmitting the idea that being citizens is not only a legal status entailing benefits, but also a new civil responsibility involving rights and duties. Among the latter it is worth mentioning the duty to financially support the welfare state, paying the due taxes, and the duty to contribute to the development of their new country through ideas, skills and active participation in common projects. The MAPID project confirms all the limits of the nationalistic conception of migration and integration policies. Migrants experiences are increasingly characterized, both symbolically and materially, by transnational dynamics. State authorities and policy makers should be able to swift from a purely nationalistic perspective to a transnational understanding of migration policies and regulations, grounded on the effective interconnections existing between origin and destination countries. Italian policies aiming at regulating labor migration underestimate the above mentioned transnational dimension. They entail a national component, which includes the rules and regulations concerning labor migrants recruitment, entry and integration. The same policies also entail an international component, which includes measures to curb irregular migration, cooperation in border control and programs aiming at strengthening the migration and development nexus in the countries of origin. The problem is that even the international component is unilaterally decided upon, with no consultation with the countries of origin essentially involved in its implementation. Existing bilateral agreements with sending countries are merely dealing with coordinated actions to contrast irregular migration. As a global trend, destination countries tend to shape their migration policies only according to their national concerns, with little to no consideration for the concerns of the countries of origin, which formulate their own migration policies and pursue their own goals. The on13

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going migration debate reveals the receiving countries presumption that the international labor market can be exclusively controlled by them. Beside its ethical unsustainability, the increasing number of irregular migrants in response to stricter migration policies and control measures enacted by some countries of destination clearly shows the erroneousness of such presumption. The passionate adoption of the multilateral approach to migration policies would imply the readiness to surrender, at least partially, the symbolic value of the unilateral approach as well as the appealing possibility of exploiting the migration issue for political purposes (Zanfrini, 2009). The results of the MAPID project call for a change in the institutional representation of migrants. The growth and stabilization of the Filipino community in Italy changed the characteristics of its members and their future prospective beyond what was planned and foreseen. It seems that such transformation have not been adequately metabolized by the authorities of the country of origin yet. The Philippine government appears trapped in the idea of temporary migration aiming at improving the economic conditions of the families and communities of origin with prospects of quick return. The reality of Filipino migrants in Italy as well as in Spain - is very different. Acknowledging that the Filipino diaspora cannot indefinitely remain microcosms of self-reliance, unable to generate an effective and reciprocal interaction with the receiving society, the Philippine government should engage in a more efficient dialogue and collaboration with its Italian partner. The reality of second generations and migrant youth is an emerging concern in the Italian society scenario as well as a core concern of the Italy-based Filipino migrant community, which has willingly accepted any sacrifice to guarantee a better future for their children. In the contest of the MAPID project, Filipino migrants associations have showed sincere interest and willingness to invest in programs and initiatives addressing their youth. Italian and Philippine institutions are now called to jointly promote and support such potential engagement, acknowledging the importance of fostering social cohesion in both societies as a key to success. Filipino families and associations are not supposed to face alone the social costs of migration. The governments of sending and receiving countries must play their role of main stakeholders in the solution of all the problems generated by labor migration, in accordance with the ethical implications that every social process inevitably brings with it.

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References
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