DARJEELING-DOOARS PEOPLE AND PLACE UNDER BENGALS NEO-COLONIAL RULE

D.S. BOMJAN

Published by Bikash Jana Sahitya Kendra, Darjeeling Ratanlal Brahman Smriti Bhawan 8, Tamang Buddhist Monastery Road Darjeeling 734101

Darjeeling-Dooars People and Place under Bengals Neo-Colonial Rule

D.S. Bomjan

Writer
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be produced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the author.

Published by Bikash Jana Sahitya Kendra 8 Tamang Buddhist Monastery Road Darjeeling

First Edition: March, 2008 Second Edition: August, 2008

(Revised, Updated and Enlarged Edition)

Price: Rs. 300/- I.C. Rs. 500/- N.C.

Printed at: Graphic Printers, Silgari

Domination and inequities of power and wealth are perennial facts of human society. But in todays global setting they are also interpretable as having something to do with imperialism, its history, its new forms. Edward W. Said, Culture And Imperialism. We must remember the numerous peoples that still exist in a colonial relationship around the world, as well as those people within certain nations who have been colonized with the former/colonies. Carol Boyce Davies

In decolonization, there is therefore the need of a complete calling in question of the colonial situation. If we wish to describe it precisely, we might find it in the well-known words: The last shall be the first and the first last. Decolonization is the putting into practice of this sentence. That is why, if we try to describe it, all decolonization is successful. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.

DEDICATED TO THOSE WHO DREAMT OF A SEPARATE ADMINISTRATIVE UNIT A HOMELAND OUTSIDE OPPRESSOR BENGAL FOR GORKHAS IN INDIA

FOREWORD
Darjeeling, as its nerve centre of feelings and actions, the Gorkhas of India are struggling for their survival and identity for more than a century. Gorkhas, known for their honesty, bravery are experts in the art of defence and warfare. But branded as a martial race, they were taken for granted most of the time and used as mercenaries by various war-mongering masters at different times to suit their own selfish interests. This hardworking but submissive, very simple and God-fearing community, was taken as a useful tool many a time, and heartlessly led to easy exploitation. Their histories written by their masters were but bundles of falsehood and denigrations. They were used as serfs in the building of civilised India, in the making of well-protected India. But whenever they seek shelter, security and dignity they are questioned about their genuineness and originality of their origin. There lies the grievance of this community. They are to shed more sweat and blood in factories, rice fields or battlefronts than their compatriots but when they ask for their rightful share in the collective earnings their sweat and blood are seen with doubtful gaze and to acid test. All our labours are all right till the food is ready. But when we raise our hungry hands for our bowl in the kitchen, we are humiliated and conspired to deprive from our right to survive. Our sincerity and sacrifices are ridiculed. But Gorkhas resist to be exhausted, to succumb before all hypocritical and pretentious postures. It is proof enough that they have survived one century of struggle for maintaining their stand that they need a homeland of their own. They need their own distinct Indian identity, concrete and stable. In this long period of one century they have overcove great hurdles coming out victorious after every adversity. This is the dynamism that has kept this community moving ahead towards its goal. After one century, we are more able not only to read and write history but to make, to rebuild our history as well. Comrade D.S. Bomjan, renowned Marxist thinker, powerful writer and analyst, digs deep into the past and the present of Darjeeling. Doing so he unearths the injustice perpetrated by the so-called radical, progressive, Marxist, advanced and in majority but chauvinistic community of Bengal on the minority and underdeveloped Gorkha Community. This is really a brilliant piece of composition in the annals of Gorkha historiography. It presents the struggles, failures and successes of this community in a comprehensive and well-designed manner. I highly appreciate comrade Bomjan for his writing which will go a long way to enlighten generations of intellectuals inside and outside the Gorkha Community about a number of unanswered WHYS! R. B. Rai

PUBLISHER'S NOTE TO THE SECOND EDITION

Many significant developments have taken place in Darjeeling and Dooars in the sphere of political activities to push the demand of Gorkhaland since the First Edition of the book appeared five months back in March 2008. The First Edition of the book met with a good response and enthusiastic welcome, it almost sold out within three to four months of publication. A constant call and pressure from the readers and researchers compelled us to prepare for its Second Edition. So here we have this, another humble endeavour. The writer, D.S. Bomjan has taken note of all the topics, added fresh dates with new chapters to draw home a logical conclusion to his argument. BIKASH JANA SAHITYA KENDRA set up a decade ago in memory of the great and beloved revolutionary poet and political activist, Late BIKASH GOTAMAY of Darjeeling Hills (Mungpo Cinchona Plantation). With the objective of publishing, sale and circulation of progressive literature, it feels honoured with this assignment of publishing the second and revised edition of DARJEELING -DOOARS, PEOPLE AND PLACE UNDER BENGAL's NEO -COLONIAL RULE within such a short period. Hence, I on behalf of the publishing house express our heartfelt gratitude to all of our well-wishers. We will count our endeavour worthwhile if this small piece of knowledge could be of some value in the arsenal of our struggle for Gorkhaland. Darjeeling, 23rd. July 2008. NIRDESH PARIMAL MANAGER BIKASH JANA SAHITYA KENDRA DARJEELING

PROLOGUE
Wisdom is a weapon to ward off destruction; It is an inner fortress which enemies cannot destroy. Thirukkural 421(200BC)

Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam the former President of India in his book 'Ignited Minds' writes that "there are multiple technologies and appropriate management structures that have to work to generate a knowledge society. Evolving suitable policy and administrative procedures change in regulatory method, identification of partners and, most important, creations of young and dynamic leaders are the components that have to be put in place." The view and opinion put forward by Dr. KALAM contains essential ingredients for establishing a Knowledge Society that alone could make the socioeconomic and political development of people and place. Hence, it is perceptible that the formation of a knowledge society is not possible with the traditional Regulatory Method. But the Indian Gorkhas, in Independent India have been fighting for achieving their political aspiration with traditional regulatory method for years together. In every venture being outwitted they are forced to drink the same wine from a new bottle. The people of Dehradun, Kumaon, Garhwal, Bhagsu, Nalapani, Nainital, Darjeeling, Kurseong, Siliguri, Kalimpong, Dooars etc., etc., etc. were dragged along with their lands into British India through the Sougoulee Treaty, 1815, Deed of Grant, 1835 and Anglo-Bhutan Treaty of 1865 even prior to the full flowering of Indian Nationalism. On being incorporated into British India, the entrants did not lag behind other Indians to ward off the Britishers for drawing a new political map of India. The different nationalities who had taken part in driving away the British have been enjoying the political fruits except the Gorkhas, who have been assimilated and subsumed in India along with their soil. In the process of assimilation they fought with bravery in IndoPak, Sino-India, in the liberation Bangladesh, Kargil wars and defending the sovereignty of the nation by drawing a Laxman Rekha with their blood dotting the borders. Thus, they are seen making sacrifices with unflinching loyalty. But in the absence of a politically, administratively and constitutionally designated Homeland, the Indian Gorkhas have been facing a deep crisis of Identity regarding their Indianness. Their cultural, linguistic and facial resemblance with the Nepalese of Nepal has led the general Indian populace to harbour notions that their compatriots are citizens of Nepal. This notion it seems is deeply ingrained in the minds of the successive rulers of Independent India too. The inculcation of this wrong notion has been taking a form of indoctrination as it is evident that Kiran Desai in her novel 'The Inheritance of Loss' which was awarded Man Booker Prize, 2006, led her comment in reference to the situation arising out of the demand of separate state of Gorkhaland Movement 1986-88. She comments "Nepalese making troublevery troublesome peopleThey should kick the bastards back to Nepal, Bangladeshi to Bangladesh, Afghan to Afghanistan, all Muslims to Pakistan, Tibetans, Bhutanese, why are they sitting in our country?" The book received an unprecedented noise of applaud in the literary community of the world but there wasnt a single intellectual, historian, journalist or writer of national repute who dared to stand and state the historical fact, that the IndianNepalese are included in India with their territory in their occupation prior to the formation of the Indian nation-state under the leadership of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. Thus being undefended by their own fellow citizens across the country they are further harassed and intimidated by ultra communalist organizations of state of West Bengal. "Drive the Nepalese to Nepal" slogan shouting processions are also seen taking place in Siliguri in more than one occasion.

India is regarded as the Land of Unity in Diversity in which the former Primeminister Indra Kumar Gujral had his birth place in Pakistan. The present Prime-minister Dr. Manmohan Singh is the first Congress Leader to head a coalition Government at the centre was also born in Pakistan. The renowned Indian journalist Kuldip Nayar commanding international repute was also born in Pakistani soil. Many intellectuals of high order, par excellence bureaucrats and politicians at the helm of affairs in West Bengal have their ancestral place in Bangladesh including the former Chief minister Jyoti Basu and the present MIC, Urban Development & Municipal Affairs. Further it is also a truth written in golden letters that Barrister Aribahadur Gurung was the member of the Constituent Assembly representing the Indian Nepalese in the august body and had put his signature on the Draft Constitution of India and the same is in force today. But ignoring all these relevant and prevalent facts the sword of Damocles- of suspicion of their belongingness to Nepal has been made to hang over the heads of every Indian Nepalese merely on account of not having astate of their own in India. Darjeeling is known around the globe for its matchless tea. The people living a luxurious way of life, the industrialists, bureaucrats, diplomats, businessmen and politicians throughout the world have relished the taste of Darjeeling Tea. They are well acquainted with Darjeeling tea. But they are practically unaware of the plight and sufferings of the workers who produce that same unrivalled tea, by shedding their sweat and blood. Similarly, the people seemed to have been mesmerized and captivated on hearing and seeing the wonderful Darjeeling Himalayan Railway. The involvement and participation of the people from the region while making the DHR move on its rails and the benefit and facility derived by them has been sadly kept covered by the smoke emitted from the steam engine. The tourists and travellers are believed to have been experiencing ineffable joy on seeing the breath taking beauty of the mountain range. But their vision has not been able to penetrate inside the mountain ranges where the lava of aspirations, desires, and cravings for having a separate state for Indian Nepalese within India has been boiling for years together. Darjeeling has not well for several decades in Bengal and West Bengal. In order to get rid of the malaise suffered, there was expression of Darjeeling with different manifestations. But in each expression, Darjeeling is being outmaneuvered by West Bengal with high and sharp administrative and political diplomacy. During the movement of Gorkhaland 1986-88, there was signature campaign from amongst the reputed Cinema Artists and Singers from across the country for condemning the movement and the demand. The celebrity of the stature of Satyajit Ray had also been pushed into the mire for the purpose. Further, it was not only the artists and singers even the personality of the standard of General Sam Manekshaw had made smutty remarks like "Gorkhaland should never be granted" which was gleefully carried by an English daily, The Statesman in its issue dated 29th April, 1988 published from Calcutta. In this manner, a national minority dominantly inhabiting Darjeeling Hill, Terai and Dooars region has been fighting for achieving a separate state within India against the advanced and majority ruling community who are well equipped with administrative and political power which is impregnated with an oversized nationalistic chauvinism. The fight has resulted in passing from one ordeal to another without tangible achievement for several years. And, it is my sincere endeavour to present some of the flashes of the ordeals suffered by Nepali Speaking Gorkhas in West Bengal. And, in the end, I intend to place this humble work at the hands of the people belonging to legal, political, intellectual profession along with the luminaries associated with print and electronic media of India and abroad for analysis and comments. I have a conviction that history should not be thought of a harmonious, uninterrupted and unhindered social progress. The progressive nature of social development has been proved by science. But, it is also incontrovertible that this

progressive movement is only a general tendency, which operates through bitter struggle and over coming temporary diversion and retreats. And finally, the formation of knowledge society equipped with wisdom is the inevitable process of human civilization. And that truth is a form of wisdom to ward off destruction and it is also an "inner fortress which enemies cannot destroy".

GHOOM D.R.C, P.O. GHOOM, Darjeeling. 734102.

D.S. BOMJAN

MAHA SIVARATRI, 6th MARCH, 2008

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My endeavour of writing this book would not have materialised, had Mr. R.B. Rai not taken the trouble of going through the manuscript in its rough form and tendering sweet words of encouragement for making the manuscript into a PRESS COPY. As assured and encouraged, he made arrangements for the publication of this book and also took the trouble of writing a foreword. Hence, I am indebted to him. I would like to express my sincere thanks to Milan Bantawa who took the trouble of proof reading and page setting and to Nirdesh Parimal for making incessant visits to the press to see through the publication of the book in time. Late Rahul Sanskrityayan, during his life time was regarded by many as one of the intellectual giants of Asia. He breathed his last in Darjeeling in 1962. Prior to his travel to eternity he had published books, two of which were dictated to Buddhiman Bantawa who on hearing the dictation, had to type instantaneously for making the manuscript. And, Buddhiman Bantawa had wished to have some books from Rahulji and the same were rewarded to him as his remuneration for his expertise and efficiency in the job. Perhaps, he is the only person to have received books from the man of the stature of Rahul Sanskrityayan. While I was preparing the press copy of this book, the same Budhiman Bantawa volunteered to read the manuscript and tendered suggestions for which I am grateful to him. I do acknowledge and express a word of gratitude to the editors and columnists of different daily papers and magazines whom I have quoted and also the authors and publishers whose names have been mentioned in the Select Bibliography. A word of thanks to Amar Lama too for he had supplied some pages of a magazine for reference. I have owed a lot to Griffiths Higher Secondary School, Takdah where I had reached for teaching Science and Mathematics. But at the time of retirement, I was teaching Political Science and History. The conversion of angle in perception was for making unity of similar and dissimilar algebraic expressions on the historical perspective and accommodating geometrical theorems and hypotheses in the drawings of latitudes and longitudes of geography. Assimilation of the theories and doctrines of political science into arithmetical ratio and proportion of nationalities for establishing an axiomatic equation of dynamics and calculus based on the Indian Constitution. Thus mixing humanities with science and churning it for making a paste of communal harmony for national integration, the four decades were spent as if it was four years in an atmosphere of warmth, affection and respect from my colleagues and students of

Griffiths Higher Secondary School, Takdah. I am much indebted to them for the immense love, regards and respect that they have bestowed on me. It would be inappropriate, if I fail to express my thanks, love and blessing to my wife Yobina, son Ahsesh, daughter Anu and son-in-law Prabin Lepcha for their tolerance and bearing with immense patience my convictions and commitments which many a time pushed them into difficulties. Lastly, I, without naming acknowledge a literary figure dedicated to spiritualism. It seems that he wished to maintain a distance from any sort of acknowledgment for his contribution. While writing this book I was profusely encouraged, inspired and blessed by him. D.S. BOMJAN GHOOM D.R.C, P.O. GHOOM, Darjeeling. 734102. MAHA SIVARATRI, 6th MARCH, 2008

A WORD OF GRATITUDE
Several written and verbal responses, comments and appreciations were received after the publication of first edition of this book. A large numbers of readers of the book had contacted me over phone and offered congratulations and thanks for my endeavour. Hence, I do hereby acknowledge all the written, verbal and telephonic messages received from different corners with total humility. The acceptance of the first edition of this book with love and care by the readers from a wide section has encouraged me to update the book to publish the second edition within five months of its first publication. I am very much thankful to my esteemed friend K.B.Yogi, a reputed officer in the different departments of the Government of West Bengal, for his analytical review of the first edition. A word of thank also goes to Lakpa Sherpa for writing a review of the book in accordance to tenets and the political perceptions of his association. It would be ingratitude of mine if I fail to put across my earnest thanks to my beloved brother Sudha Sidarth Tamang who despite his busy schedule spared time for strenuous task of proof reading of this edition. Lastly I do express my sincere thanks to Bikash Jana Sahitya Kendra for publishing this edition also within a very short time. D.S. BOMJAN GHOOM D.R.C, P.O. GHOOM, Darjeeling. 734102. 17th BHASHA DIWAS, 20th August, 2008

Words of Gratitude to the Editors

This edition of the book has seen the light of day due to the timely and untiring efforts of the editors Professor. Ashish Chettri, St Josephs College, Darjeeling and Philip Rai (WBSES), English Master, Government High School, Darjeeling. Their effort to improve the text is their contribution to the purpose of the text as well as to the peoples movement to free itself from internal colonialism. To the duo I extend my heartfelt gratitude and blessings. Ghoom D.R.C P.O.Ghoom, Darjeeling. 734102 D.S.BOMJAN

CONTENTS
1. 2. 3. 4. Geo-Political Formations Immigration Label Development of Darjeeling (a) Tea Garden (b) Cinchona Plantation (c) Darjeeling Himalayan Railways (DHR) (d) The Plight of Four Ts Administration Electricity Drinking Water... Economy Nepali Language... Evolution of Nationality Consciousness Formation of Political Parties Formation of Communist Party Politics and Diplomacy... The State Reorganisation Commission... The Year 1955 and Darjeeling Darjeeling Enquiry Committee The Subtle Assault Stillborn Sixth Schedule... Emergence of Bimal Gurung... The Advanced and Big Nationals Perception Micro-Compartmentalism Merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim Economic Potentialities of Darjeeling Suppression of Aspiration Prashant Phenomenan Ignored by Fourth Estate of Democracy Finance and Development Proposal Political Development after Ghisinghs... The Great Kolkata Dharna An Historic Seminar on Gorkhaland Dooars Geo-Political Reality Annexure I Select Bibliography 1 4 12 12 21 25 30 33 40 43 49 52 78 86 94 100 102 106 110 113 128 135 147 149 155 160 164 170 176 179 182 215 222 227 238 239

5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32.

GEO-POLITICAL FORMATION
You stricken Land, how they love Your teeming soil, your bruised children. One of them told me, You know, Yours is a truly metropolitan city. Desmond Kharmawphlang, The Conquest.

The geographical space lying between 2631'N to 2713'N and 8759E to 8853E and within an area of 3015 square kilometres, backgrounded by the ever majestic Kanchanjunga is called Darjeeling. In terms of population and physical area, it is slightly bigger than the independent countries such as Maldives and Macao of the Asian continent, Gibraltar and Malta of Europe and Bermuda and British Virginia of North America. In spite of being small in area, Darjeeling has international borders extending 145 kilometres with Nepal, 52 kilometres with Bhutan and 26 kilometres with Bangladesh. Sikkim, once an independent country, but presently a hill state of India, also shares a 165 kilometre border with Darjeeling. Darjeeling is a land famed for more than one reason. Darjeeling's journey to fame initiated from the third decade of the nineteenth century. Prior to the debut of two officials of East India Company named George W. Alymer Lloyd and JW Grant [ICS] to the place, the present three subdivisions, namely, Darjeeling, Kurseong and Siliguri were parts of Sikkim which was then a sovereign state. Present Kalimpong was then a part of Bhutan. The duo happened to pass through Darjeeling on their way to Antu (a flat hill top near to Mirik on the Indian border but situated in Nepal) wherein a dispute of boundary between Nepal and Sikkim had taken place in 1827. The two Britishers were deputed in the year 1828 by the then Governor General, William Bentinck to investigate and settle the boundary dispute. The Governor General was requested to do so as per the Treaty of Titliya, by the erstwhile Chogyal of Sikkim. The origin of Titliya Treaty is to be traced in "in 1789 under the redoubtable General Damodar Panday of Nepal had conquered the whole of Sikkim west of River Tista" (Basnet). The area West of River Tista comprised of and understood as the present three subdivisions, namely, Darjeeling, Kurseong and Siliguri of Darjeeling district. In the year 1789, the present three subdivisions were conquered and annexed by Nepal. But the same was ceded to East India Company through the Treaty of Sugoulle in 1815 after Nepal was defeated in the first Anglo-Nepal War (1814). The British had their eye on Tibet for their commercial and political aggrandizement, for which the support and friendship of Sikkim was imperative. Hence, in order to placate the ruler of Sikkim, a Treaty was signed between the Sikkimese ruler and the British at Titliya in 1817. By this treaty, the British restored to Sikkim only parts of the lost

territories including a tract of Terai over which the Sikkimese ruler showed signs of dissatisfaction. The Governor General of India then ceded an additional territory of Morung lying between the river Mechi and Mahanadi. Thus, Sikkim became a restitutory through the Treaty of Titliya, of which the Article III reads as "That he will refer to the arbitration of the British Government any dispute or question that may arise between his subjects and those of Nepal or any other neighbouring state, and to abide by the decision of the British government." Hence, as per the provision of the article of the treaty mentioned here above, the two British, as whom where on their way to settle the dispute at Antu happened to proceed via Darjeeling, the old Goorkha station called Dorjeling(LSS OMalley). Seeing the breathtaking scenic beauty, mountain ranges, the bracing climate and the flora and fauna, a strong craving for the occupation of the land most have sprung in their heart for making a hill resort for the officials of the East India Company against the sweltering heat of summer in Bengal. So the desire of the two Britishers to occupy Darjeeling proceeded to change the destiny of the region by giving rise to diplomacy, politics, intrigues, manoeuvreing and war. The subtle politics, manoeuvreings, and diplomacy of the civilised, advanced, educated and powerful British resulted the Grant of an area approximately seventy seven square kilometres of Darjeeling comprising "all the land south of the Great Rungeet river, east of the Balasan, Khail and Little Rungeet rivers, and west of the Rungno and Mahanuddi rivers" (LSS O'MALLEY) by the then Raja of Sikkim to the Governor General of East India company. The Company, as token of gratitude offered "[a] A double barrelled gun, [b] A rifle, [c] A pair of shawls superior, [d] A pair of shawl inferior and [e] 20 yards of Red Broad cloth"{PINN} to the benefactor Raja. It is said that the limit of human craving is the sky and like fellow beings the British being unable to reach the limit of the sky for satiating their cravings, played with carrot and stick policy and firmly set their feet on the land and thereby extended their political, geographical and administrative jurisdiction. Thus the region where the Nepali Speaking People are dominantly inhabitating today was brought together and unified by the British from 1835 to 1865 and ruled till 1947. The simultaneous strategy of political manoeuvreing, intrigues, war and the development followed by the British led to the formation of geopolitical region extending from Phalut to Sunkosh River embracing Kalimpong and Siliguri i.e. both the hills and Morung. And for the development of the region, construction of roads, bridges, buildings and railways were carried out with total alacrity. It was followed by the plantations of tea bushes that have been producing tea containing matchless taste, flavour and aroma, even after their departure from the region.

IMMIGRATION LABEL
Western travelers rarely ever tried to learn about, or from, the native people they encountered. Instead they recorded their observations upon commonly-held assumptions. These observations were presented as scientific truths that, in their turn, functioned to justify the very propriety of colonial domination. Thus colonialism continuously perpetuates itself. Edward W. Said, Orientalism.

The effort of the British for making modern Darjeeling and the Dooars region had the physical support of the people residing in the region, but the dimension of the development activities encompassing the entire area being enormous, it was natural to have a dearth of manpower in proportion to the population of that periods. Hence, there was compulsion for the British to encourage able-bodied peoples' immigration in serving their purpose. Thus an influx of people was inevitable, but some writers with malafide intention, on the basis of the compulsion of the British for encouraging immigration in those days to carry the development works, have been writing that the present population of the region as a lineage and scion of immigrants. Some political parties under the influence of parochialism are also seen to be advocating and lending high credence to the writings that bear malafide intention. They seemed determined to ignore the historical information which states that "on the fact assimilated from the archaeological relics found in Badamtam about 14 K.M. far from Darjeeling a few years back, it has been apparent that there was a mixed civilisation in the undivided Sikkim which dates back to 12th century, where we find the traces of the Mangar, the Lepcha and the Limbo kings ruling this part of the world" (Bura Magar). The peoples' worship of the River Ganga dates back to remote antiquity which implies the settlement of the people on the either banks of the holy river since then. Similarly there are 'Devisthan' and 'Deorali' meaning community worship of deity and people's meeting place in almost all the villages of Darjeeling hills, but no one knows the dates and years of the establishment and consecration for worship of those Devisthans. However, annual prayer and entreaty at the altar of Devisthan has had been carrying on from generation to generation with earnest reverence. Thus, the offering of annual prayer at the altar of Devisthan could be regarded as a parody of the worshipping of the holy Ganga. So the existence of Devisthan and offering annual prayer clearly suggests that there were settlement of people, in those villages. In absence of settlement of people those Devisthans would not have come into existence. The mode of offering the prayer in some cases is done with sacrifice of domesticated animals. Such sacrificial act which is of the primitive nature is being followed till today. Hence, the animistic way of worship prevalent in primitive days being continued as of today suggests the settlement of people from the very beginning, but today some of those Devisthan have been modified and rebuilt by some of the devotees. The modification and rebuilding has led to the loss of originality and natural look. Besides the annual prayer at Devisthan, the people worship the different rivers flowing through Darjeeling Hills. The traditions of river worship also stand as a living testimonial of people's settlement around them from early days. It is further stated the place that the British had wanted to develop in the beginning had only hundred souls as stated by them, but renowned and lone historian amongst

the Gorkhas of India, Dr. Kumar Pradhan, after making a thorough and impartial scanning of the fact, has stated that the habitation of hundred souls only as mentioned by the British was the population of the periphery of today's Mahakal Dara which they had wanted to possess for the purpose of a sanatorium for their ailing officials from the sweltering heat of Bengal plain area. A monastery prior to 1788 shifted at the Mahakal Dara also known as Observatory hill (during British days. "The monastery was destroyed by the Gorkhas in 1788 when they overran Darjeeling {then Sikkim} Jar Singh was the Gorkha commander" (Nicholas and Deki). The existence of the monastery obviously not built by for the animals of the jungle, suggests a good number of people inhabitating the place, offering prayer and performing socio-religious rites. On the Observatory Hill, S.W. Ladenla has written on 9th May 1912 - "When I was a school boy about 25 years ago, I remember having seen the remains of the wall of the old monastery on the spot". {Ibid} The remains of wall are to be understood as the ruins of the monastery destroyed in 1788. The literary giant and topmost thinker of Nepali world, Dr. Indra Bahadur Rai has also disputed the alleged fact of the inhabitation of 'hundred souls only' by his sharp argument and citing many verities. Similarly, the Leftist intellectual and thinker, R.B. Rai also writes that "In the midst of distortions and confusions regarding the aborigines, a cursory look on the prehistoric and historical events gives an indelible imprint of our primitiveness in Darjeeling." But the reason for distortion of fact and showing of the then Darjeeling with sparse population was the political and diplomatic exigency of the British so as to prove and convince the erstwhile Chogyal of Sikkim that the Lands taken from him were desolate, uninhabited forest and unsuitable for revenue collection. Hence, the alleged fact of uninhabited place as mentioned by the British was nothing except a political, diplomatic and administrative design for serving their best interest for occupying the place. But some local writers, artists and musicians being unaware of the political, administrative and diplomatic consequences and efficacies of the British postulation of sparse population in the region are also found to have made replications and repetitions in their works. Accordingly, the works of very few indigenous literate individuals also unknowingly lent credence to the immigration label of which the writer himself is one of the victims. Thus, Darjeeling region and its people have been made victims of their own ignorance. However, the majority of the people belonging to the saner, literate and informed circle are against such replication and repetition of the distorted facts and figures, but they are not as active and vocal as they are required to be. It is evident that in those days, there was dearth of system for census or any mechanism for counting the population and the place was an inaccessible hilly terrain. Even today, there are areas which are unreachable and during elections the polling personnels have to be despatched three days before the scheduled day of poll in some of the polling booths and in order to reach the polling booths, the polling parties are required to avail of the services of mules. After sixty three years of the occupation of the region by the British, there was a report Terai Settlement 1898 that deals with the classification, occupation, settlement of the land road, Hat, Bazaar climate, ethnic composition etc. of "the plain portion of the district of Darjeeling locally known as the Darjeeling Terai" that is Siliguri and its periphery of today. The Terai Settlement Report 1898, as per the then available record contains caste wise population as follows: - Bhuimali and Mehter 1,079, Bhutia 422, Brahman 630, Damai 108, Gharto 229, Gurung 1,916, Kaibarta 329, Kami 630, Khambu 2,773, Khas 11,133, Lepcha 1,024, Limbo 524, Magar 1,347, Munda 255, Murmi 1,002, Newar 507, Oraon 4,632, Rajput 514, Sarki 151, Sunur 101, Yakha 54, Buna 1,270 and Shaik 6,301. These castes belonging to NEPALI and ADIVASI community had formed the population of the Terai at the end of the nineteenth century. But with the passage of time the dominant population has become minority and the community which was not in

sight at the time of preparation of the Report of Terai Settlement in 1898 has become the majority and also the ruling community courtesy influx from the then East Pakistan and today's Bangladesh. The renowned journalist and author, Sanjoy Hazarika writes "security officials say that an average of 200000 persons slip annually into West Bengal State alone" and most of them do not return, rather stay by procuring ration cards and entering their names in the voter lists so as to become vote banks. As regards the process of converting them into the vote bank, Sri Bibhuti Bhusan Nandy, the Additional Secretary, Research and Analysis Wing, has written in a write-up "the party's hold on voters notably illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, the CPM in collusion with the politicised state administration, has forged and distributed eight million ration cards, thereby jeopardising the public distribution system, food security and protection from starvation. Frequent reports of starvation death from the remote reaches of rural Bengal do not smite the cynically indifferent state government into taking corrective action, bland ministerial denial being the only government response" (Empowering the marginalised, Marxist style, the Statesman dated 29th November, 2006). Similar cases of immigration have been taking place in North Eastern India which is explicitly stated by the former Governor of Jammu and Kashmir and also former Union Minister Jagmohan. He has written "The policy of virtually enfranchising Bangladeshi infiltrators found its most brazen expression in 1979-80 when parliamentary elections were held on the basis of the 1979 electoral rolls which had been highly inflated by the inclusion of Bangladeshi infiltrators. No less an authority than the Chief Election Commissioner had publicly attributed the high increase of 35 percent in the population of Assam in the period, 196171, to the influx from the neighbouring country" (Carnage in Assam-1" dated 29th January 07 in the English daily, The Statesman). But they are immune of the stigma of immigrant because linguistically, culturally and ethnically they bear identical resemblance with the advanced and majority ruling class of the state where they have migrated. And from the day of setting their foot on the land by across the barbed wire, they avail of political protection and administrative security. Today, the USA is the most powerful nation in the world but their history is replete with the fact that the borders of the nation were settlers and immigrants in the thirteen colonies of America generally from Europe and in particular from England. The immigrants in America after years of struggle and perseverance have succeeded in building a strong nation that calls the shots in trade, commerce, technology, military power and politics in the world and no one dares calling them immigrant. Similarly, in the content of Indian history, the original people of Tripura have been overwhelmed by immigrants who have become the rulers of the land, but they are not labelled immigrants and it is only the Nepali-speaking people of Darjeeling, Sikkim and North-East who are being stamped with the label of immigrants with malafide intention. The people in northern Srilanka are fighting for their own homeland and they are in receipt of moral, political and other help from different quarters, but most of them were there from India as workers in plantation industries since the inception of the industries. The people of Tamil Nadu are extending moral and material support to the Tamils of Srilanka in the capacity as co-brethren. On many occasions the issue of Tamils of Srilanka was raised in the assembly of Tamil Nadu, but in the case of eviction of Nepali speaking Indians from different states, it does not become an issue in any of the Legislatures of the Indian States. In the same manner, the eviction of more than one lakh Bhutanese from Bhutan failed to attract the attention of any legislature in India. West Bengal though having a border with Bhutan, the evicted Bhutanese nationals were denied of shelter in the state. The facial, cultural and linguistic similarity of the refugees with the Indian Gorkhas who are the dominant population of Darjeeling and Dooars region, has been the stumbling block for the Bhutanese refugees in getting shelter in West Bengal, but the refugees

from Tibet are being provided adequate security and other means of social, educational, cultural and economical support. Thus it is seen that there is discrimination in the treatment of the refugees also. As the more than one lakh Bhutanese Refugees who were staying in different camps in Nepal for more than fifteen years formed an organisation National Front for Democracy in Bhutan. While, in Bhutan an exercise for establishing democracy was set in motion by the king for which the final phase of the General Mock Election was slated to take place on 28th May 2007. The refugees being desirous and anxious for taking part in the mock election decided to march to Bhutan via MECHI BRIDGE which separates India and Nepal. Accordingly they had informed the UNO, Government of India and other organisations and associations for help and support, but on the scheduled date, a large contingent of police and para-military forces formed a wall of obstruction to the Bhutanese Refugees on the Indian side of the Mechi Bridge. The bridge on the Nepal side was occupied by several thousands Refugees and on the Indian side of it by police and para-military forces. The Bhutanese Refugees were bent upon going to Bhutan to take part in the mock election and the forces in no case were ready to allow them to enter India on their way to Bhutan. The forces were thus deployed for the obstruction of the movement of the refugees to Bhutan via India. This measure was adopted to dissuade them from their move, talks and negotiations. Tear gas shells were discharged and lathis charged. Lastly, bullets were sprayed leading to the loss of lives of two refugees and injuries to several. The death, injury and arrest of the refugees created a tense and critical situation at the international border between India and Nepal. To diffuse the tension a meeting of the officials of the two countries was arranged. The representatives of the refugees and the leaders of eight political parties that formed the ruling coalition of the day in Nepal took place on 31st May, 2007. It was believed that in the meeting the refugees and the leaders of National Front for Democracy in Bhutan had been requested to defer their march to Bhutan for fifteen days. The print media had also carried reportage of the assurance given by the Indian Officials to the Bhutanese refugees for taking up the matter for safe passage to Bhutan with the Government of India for consideration and redressal. As a follow up action of that very meeting, a meeting of the officials of the Government of West Bengal was held in Darjeeling in the presence of Amit Kiran Deb, Chief Secretary, Government of West Bengal on 7th June, 2007. After the meeting the Chief Secretary told the press that "the West Bengal government would not allow passage to the Bhutanese refugees striving to return to Bhutan from their camps in Nepal via India. Mr. Deb said this in Darjeeling, after holding a meeting on the recent intrusion bid by the Bhutanese refugees at Nepal border near Panitanki in Siliguri sub-division. The crucial meeting was convened at the DMs office, Darjeeling this morning." (The Statesman, Siliguri, Friday, 8th June, 2007). There are refugees from Bangladesh, Tibet, Srilanka and Afganisthan numbering several lakhs who are staying in India, but it is only the refugees from Bhutan who are denied asylum/ shelter in India and are also being denied a passage to return to Bhutan. On their incessant endeavour to enter India on the way to Bhutan, two precious lives were lost. Several were injured, and some refugees were also arrested in an action taken by the police. Nobody bothered to challenge the unmindful action of the police on the refugees, for propriety of the police action, as per the provision of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), Criminal Procedure code (CrPC) and other laws prevalent in India. The forces deployed at the Mechi Bridge seemed to have acted as if they were Bhutanese police owing allegiance to that country. It is also a fact that many Indians without being called immigrants are at the helms of affairs in the different countries. As in India, the ancestral place of the renowned Marxist leader, late Jyoti Basu was from East Pakistan presently Bangladesh. He has made a record in the annals of their history of Chief-Ministership of Independent India by

leading Left Front Government for more than two decades. Further the Indians settled in America could play vital political role during elections without a feeling of any apprehension of being called immigrant. Many Indians are at the command of political powers in some countries, but in spite of having such a glorious tract record and tradition of India, some of its people knowingly or unknowingly call Nepali-speaking people immigrants. Thus, assigning of the immigrant tag to the Indian Gorkhas could be construed as an effort to undermine the contributions and sacrifices made by them in the Indian freedom struggle. The citizens of India under the leadership of Gandhiji strived for FREEDOM for the people, by the people, of the people. In the process many people became martyrs. In the galaxies of the Martyrs belonging to the freedom struggle, there were several Nepali speaking Indians also. Among them mention of a few would be enough. Durga Malla was executed on 25th August 1944 at the age of thirty one. The British had employed his wife as their ploy for dissuading him from taking the cause of freeing India, but he preferred death against the wishes of a young and pretty wife. He was followed by Captain Dalbahadur Thapa. He was executed on 3rd May 1945 in Delhi District Central Jail. Recently a life size statue of Sahid Durga Malla has been installed in the premises of India's highest LAW MAKING INSTITUTION, the PARLIAMENT in honour of his sacrifice made for the cause of mother India. Dal Bahadur Giri being inspired by Gandhiji had also spearheaded the freedom movement in Darjeeling Hills and he was popularly known as PAHARI GANDHI meaning GANDHI from Darjeeling Hills. He and Pratiman Lama, while taking part in the Non-Co-operation Movement called by Mahatma Gandhi, were arrested as fallout of the Chauri-Chura incident, 1922. The Pahari Gandhi also laid down his life at the altar of the freedom movement while fighting to retrieve the honour and glory of mother India. It is believed and also an accepted fact that the tune of martial song of I.N.A "SUBHA SUKHA CHAIN KI BARKHA BARSHAY BHARAT BHAGYA HAI JAGA. PUNJAB SINDHU GUJARAT MARATHA DRAVID UTKAL BANGA" (M.P.Rai) is found to have been replicated in the National Anthem. The setting of the very magical tune was the musical mastery of the hero of I.N.A Captain Ram Singh Thakuri. He was the recipient of the various awards and pensionary benefits given to the Freedom Fighters from the State and Central Governments of India. Thus, it is explicitly clear that India does belong to its Nepali speaking citizens too, as they too have not been not been mute spectators in the freedom struggle. Furthermore precisely "India is a multi-ethnic melting pot as its multiethnicity evolved naturally migration stretching over five thousand years forms Indian history". Hence the Nepali Speaking citizens too are bonafide members in the multiethnic society of India with a status that is neither below nor above among the Indian families.

DEVELOPMENT OF DARJEELING
It is true that the development of Darjeeling is found to have ushered in along with the entry and takeover of the place by the British. The British to their comfort and luxury had started construction of buildings, hotels, cottages, roads and bridges. These plannings and designings as contemplated by the British to make modern Darjeeling consumed a load of energy, blood and sweat from the forefathers of the present generation, as they had a discernible presence in the region. The physical strength, courage, elasticity and forbearance of hardship and immense fortitude of the then Nepali speaking people of the place, led within a short time led to a crop of buildings and cottages with unique masonary dexterity of architectural design and beauty with excellent sewerage systems. Besides those buildings, cottages, roads, culverts, bridges and tea gardens that are known as Orchards of Green Gold to this day were also the product and outcome of the joint endeavour of the local brown and white people, who had come from across the seven seas. If the local people had not provided their cooperation then, it would have taken several years by the Britishers for making modern Darjeeling with imported men and materials, but the place with simple people, who were not in contact with outside world became a fertile region for making Darjeeling a second home for the British in the way they had desired. A. TEA GARDEN: The Tea Gardens planted by the British and irrigated with the sweat and blood of the indigenous people still stands as the lone industry in Independent India of Darjeeling. Most of the tea bushes on inspite of attaining an age of more than hundred years are still producing tea with Muscatel Flavour and Exquisite Bouquet. Presently eighty-seven tea gardens, covering an area of seventeen thousand five hundred hectares are producing ten to twelve million kilograms of tea per annum. It is roughly estimated that fifteen to twenty-five percent of the total population of the tea garden areas are employed in the gardens and out of the total workforce; the percentage of women is sixty percent. They are engaged in supervision and maintaining of tea bushes and also producing the muchsought after tea of the world market. They get Rupees Forty Eight and Paisa Forty for eight hours work as per the industry wise agreement held in the month of July, 2005 in Kolkata between the Government of West Bengal, the owners of Tea Gardens and the representatives of workers, but as per the then available price index it was necessary for each worker to get at least Rupees Eighty Eight per day for maintaining and supporting three to four member of the family. At the same time, several decades junior tea gardens of Kerala, Tamilnadu and Sikkim were paying their workers Rs. 66.70, Rs. 74.62 and Rs. 85 respectively as daily wages. Thus, the workers of the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling that produce the Finest Tea in the World are always treated as an assortment of easy exploitation. There are Legislations and Enactment of Laws for the safeguard and protection of the interest and right of the workers, but the provision of the benefit and welfare measure contained in such statute book has been shelved by most of the tea gardens from the later part of the ninth decade of the twentieth century on the plea of not getting adequate price for Darjeeling Teas in the world market due to the

disintegration of erstwhile USSR. While shelving the pro-workers provisions, the punitive clauses contained in the act has been strictly observed and followed by the management. As from 1990 to 2003 the management has been successful in squeezing the rate of payment of Bonus from 20 to 12 percent. There are many gardens that have not been depositing the Provident Fund of the workers, but the managements of those gardens have not been brought to book to this day. While considering the peculiarity of high cost of living in Darjeeling Hill Areas, there is an arrangement of providing Hill Compensatory Allowance to the employees working in the Government, SemiGovernment and Quasi-Government Departments and Private Undertakings, but the employees of the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling are being deprived of the benefit of the hill compensatory allowance. Thus the need and requirement of the workers of the tea gardens of Darjeeling has become a subject of easy neglect. The Tea Gardens of Darjeeling Hills are the only industry surviving for one and half century. The age of the most of the tea bushes are within the range of hundred to hundred fifty years. A very few gardens have extended the area of the garden by way of new plantation. As per report contained in Techno-Economic Survey of Darjeeling Tea Industry by National Council of Applied Economics and Research, New Delhi it is mentioned that there was arrangement of subsidy from Tea Board for uprooting the old bushes and carrying replantation, but no massive uprooting and replanting have taken within the length and breath of almost all gardens as of today. In order to get maximum yield from century old bushes the use of fertilizer and chemicals has been made a common practice. The practice is just like making a man bent with years participate in a running event by washing him with Acroids. Thus the mindset of the tea Industry Management is clearly unconcerned for the health of Tea bushes and workers but getting maximum crops for earning profit.It is because of the existing modus-operandi, an Enquiry Committee was constituted way back in 1960 by the West Bengal Government on Tea Gardens. The committee had stated that "the recent tendency of the new entrants in tea trade in trying to get a quick return on their investment at the cost of quality has proved to be a menace to the stability of this foreign exchange earning industry." Hence, it was obvious that Indians who were entering in tea trade as "New Entrants" in independent India, after the departure of the British planters were in hurry for making profit only without looking to other related aspect of the tea gardens, but in spite of such harsh comment from Darjeeling Inquiry Committee no correctional measures were taken. The two research scholars, Mashqura Fareedi and Mr. Pasang Dorjee Lepcha on their work entitled Area and Issue Profile of Darjeeling and Sikkim contains a chapter captioned as Darjeeling Tea in which it is stated that "at times it has been admitted by the Tea Board that money given to planters were not used in the gardens rather were siphoned off to other speculative industries." Further they write profit continues to be enjoyed by the people outside, whereas the people are treated as coolies and labourers. Looking at the larger picture, one sees that the tea industry has had a negative impact in every sphere of life in the hills. Transparency and accountability is lacking in gardens. It is really true that there is no transparency in terms of development and management of gardens, its account and other fiscal measures. The activities of the different strata of employees are confined to manuring, nurturing of tea bushes, plucking the leaves, making of tea and its packaging. Thus, the people and their lineage working from generation to generation in making world's best tea from Darjeeling are never allowed and encouraged to have their participation in the affairs of the sale of tea produced by them, as the world's best and finest tea produced from Darjeeling Hills are taken to Kolkata and Guwahati that is fourteen hours journey by bus or train from the place of production, for selling through auction and other means. Hence, the knowledge, idea, conception and reality of the auction and business of Darjeeling Tea for the people

of Darjeeling have been turned into a myth. Though it is a fact that more than hundred years ago Soureni and Fuaguri tea gardens were owned by local entrepreneurs but today the tillers of the soil of tea garden of Darjeeling are not able to hold three percent of the full-fledged managerial post in 87 registered tea gardens of Darjeeling hills. "The Alubari (Aloobari) Tea Garden had been established in 1856, as one of the first commercial tea gardens in Darjeeling, and is reputed to have been the location of Dr. Campbell's initial experiments in tea making with the camellia bush" was purchased by S.W. Ladenla and family of Darjeeling in 1921. But in the twenty first century some people coming from outside the region and joining in the posts below the managerial level have a dramatic rise in becoming owners of flourishing tea gardens on account of availing the promotional incentives in terms of post and finances, the ladder through which they successfully climbed has been made a mystery for the aspiring local entrepreneurs. Hence the local senior planters have no choice except spend the retired life in other pursuit, in spite of being expert in tea manufacture while making any demand for the welfare of the employees as per the statutory provision; the trade unions as representative of employees always have to encounter the argument of financial instability due to high cost of production and fetching of least prices in the tea market. But such squabbles of financial instability due to not getting of proportionate price in relation to the manufacture cost advocated by the management is nothing but a rhetoric, because as per the "Gorkhaland Agitation- The Issues: An Information Document" which is a booklet published by the West Bengal Government states on Darjeeling Tea "while tea production of 12 million kgs accounted for Rs 32 crores" as income to the government in the year 1986-87, but two years after the profit shown as above by the Government of West Bengal, the lone industry of Darjeeling is found to have followed the tract of loss and decline in a systematic manner. The hue and cry of high cost of production and fetching of low price by Darjeeling Teas has become a slogan just like that of political parties. There had occurred a sort of misappropriation of tea produced in Phuguri Tea Estate in the year 2004 for which a complaint is found to have been lodged by the management of the garden. It is mentioned in the complaint that the cloned tea selling "at the rate of Rupees fifteen hundred to two thousand five hundred and Assam type tea for three hundred rupees per kilogram respectively" (The complaint addressed to the Officer-in-charge, Mirik Police station dated 25th June, 2004 from the Management of Phuguri). Further few tea producers of the District are offering good price to the tea farmers of abandoned gardens of Pashok and Vah-Tukvar for the green tea leaves produced by them. The mutual understanding of people of these two abandoned gardens in managing and running the gardens have enabled them to earn their livelihood and meet requirements for sustenance and existence, but recently [in January 2006] these two gardens and also Puttong situated in the Terai have been purchased by private party. The Pashok Tea Garden, after eleven years of abandonment, has been purchased and opened from 1st December, 2006. Thus, the rhetoric of high cost of production and dwindling of the prices of Tea in the world market stands as half truth blown out of proportion, by the purchase of those gardens, but the workers of the gardens in Darjeeling Hills instead of questioning the rhetoric of the owners have been extending unconditional support to the management for running the gardens. As "there are examples where the workers are extending their support to the request and wishes of the management by surrendering all their statutory rights and agreeing to receive wage far less than the government prescribed rate. The factories of Singtam tea garden [20th August, 2003], Ambiok tea garden [11th October, 2003], Gielle Tea Garden [31st October, 2002] and Mundakoti tea garden [21st March, 2004] were completely reduced to ashes on the date and year mentioned within the brackets due to fire accident. The management came to express their inability for the construction of the

factory on account of paucity of financial resources. On learning the attitude of the managements, the workers of the gardens offered their support by taking less wage and other benefits for enabling the owners to build new factories. Thus the factories of the world famous tea gardens were being constructed with the direct and indirect help and support of the workers, but the contribution made by the workers has not been responded with appreciation and acknowledgment." (K.B. Subba a senior trade unionist of Darjeeling). There is a tea garden called Ringtang below Sonada. The garden is being run in a manner for several years under which the garden cannot be regarded as a closed garden. The garden has been running with total disregard to the Plantation Labour Act and other Rules and Laws in force. The garden is being kept functional only for the plucking season of green leaves and after harvesting of the crops the garden again becomes non-functional. Thus it has become a seasonal garden and the workers doing the seasonal work are deprived of Provident Fund, Gratuity, Ration, Medical facilities, Minimum Wages, Bonus etc. as enjoyed by workers of other gardens. The garden has been running at the whim of its owners for more than a decade keeping aside the Rules, Acts, Statues meant for the tea gardens. The trade union belonging to the ruling party with brisk activities is seen for unionism only. Hence, the gardens are being kept alive by shedding the blood, sweat and tears of the workers. In this manner it is the workers who are found to have been making sacrifices for the survival of the Darjeeling tea whose taste and flavour are known only to the world and not the ones who are being sacrified. Thus the saving of the tea gardens and its survival has been regarded by them as their bounden duty, as the same have been inherited from their forefathers as heritage, and no such paradigm and standard are found elsewhere throughout the length and breadth of independent India. It is also the only industry in India left by the Britishers which has been surviving for more than one and a half century. Thus, the tea industry in Darjeeling has become more of a curse than scant blessing to the people who have not been able to either part with it or sail across to prosperity. In the computer age of twenty-first century they are barely crawling and waddling for themselves. The crawling workers of the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling came to witness an unprecedented event in the history of tea industry in India on 25th February, 2006. On that day a social worker and also a writer Baburam Dewan committed suicide in protest against the frequent lockout of Chongtong Tea Garden. The garden was purchased by an enterprising industrialist of Darjeeling district in the year 1983, and from the year of purchase to the date Baburam Dewan committed suicide; the garden was either closed or locked out for twenty times on one or other pretext. In each such closure the garden is found to have opened by negotiation between the management and the workers, but every time after snatching one or other right and facilities of the workers. The snatching led to the deprivation of ration, medical and hospital facilities, Gratuity, Provident Fund, denial of the wages fixed by Government and four percent Variable Dearness Allowances, but the management, being discontent with the plunderings of the legitimate rights of the workers, placed a proposal of making payment of only three days wages for six days work and that also at the rate of Rupees Thirty One and Ninety-Five Paisa per day. The proposal put forth by the owner caused a flutter in the tea garden and the workers refused to accept and approve the proposal. The management attempted the implementation of proposal by convening such meeting of the representatives of trade unions operating in the garden. But the workers verbally restrained the representatives from attending the meeting that was detrimental to their interest. Thus, being unable to coerce the proposal as as at other times, the owner resorted to the suspension of work in the garden from 13th Jan 2006. Then by operating the trade unions of the garden, they moved from pillar to post apprising and informing the modus operandi of the owner to the various levels, so as to get rid of the hardship of

workers caused due to the closure of the garden, but no concrete solution could forthcome except a meagre relief from the district administration and execution of some development scheme by the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council in a very partisan manner. In such a critical situation the social worker and writer Baburam Dewan committed suicide leaving a note in which it was stated seeing the plight and difficulties of the have-nots and for the redemption of the 6500 [Six thousand five hundred] people of Chongtong Tea Garden from exploitation at the hands of management, the suicide had been committed. Further, he had warned in the suicide note that the step must not be taken as a cowardly act but a vehement protest and after him four of his friends would follow his path, but the management, authorities and the government remained Dumb, Deaf and Blind on the sacrifice made by Baburam Dewan. Suicide is common in India. Some people commit suicide because they are unable to clear their debts and some cannot bear the pain caused by sickness. Family disturbances, Legal complications, broken love-affairs, unable to face odd circumstances, fear of imputation and mental tension are also seen to be the causes of suicide. Even the suicide of Hitler was to save his skin from the punishment for the crimes he had committed against humanity, but the suicide of Baburam Dewan did not come within the parameter of such suicides as committed in the annals of the human history. A number of farmers in Andhra Pradesh are reported to have committed suicide on being unable to make repayment of loans. The owners of Poultry farms also committed suicide in West Bengal because of their inability to save the chickens from Bird-Flu during the corresponding period. In those cases, the governments seemed kind and gracious enough for taking measures not to allow the recurrence of such incidents, but the suicide of Baburam Dewan failed to draw the attention of the owner, the management and the authorities due to the reason that he belonged to the forlorn tea garden community of Darjeeling. Further on 26th April, 2007, Sukbir Rai, the supervisor of Orange Valley Tea Garden which is located near Chongtong Tea Garden, committed suicide. The supervisor Sukbir Rai was believed to have submitted a report to the management against six recalcitrant workers with a view to correctional and reformative measures, but the management, instead of taking steps as suggested, suspended the six workers of the garden on 14th April, 07. The harsh measure had become a subject of disagreement between him and the authority, and the disagreement gradually took a shape of mental torture and harassment on the supervisor. On learning the suicide committed by Sukbir Rai, the workers of the garden gheraoed the management alleging the authority of inflicting mental torture and harassment to their supervisor Sukbir Rai and demanded the arrest of the culprit. The "workers said Rai, a dafadar [supervisor] in the garden, was publicly humiliated on April 14. Nipen Sharma, the Assistant Manager of the garden, insulted him on that day for not doing his work well. Soon after, he was asked to work as a chowkidar and this was too much for him to bear, said Solomon Subba, a worker" {The Telegraph dated 27th April, 2007}. Interpreting the gherao by the workers as a torture and harassment of the management, the garden was locked out on 28th April, 07. Subsequently negotiation at the level of Assistant Labour Commissioner on 10th May, 07 led to the reopenings of the garden. The incident and occurrence of the suicide and lock out of Orange Valley Tea Garden was carried by the daily news papers of Nepali language only. The daily papers except one in other languages published from the district of Darjeeling did not consider the happenings worth reporting, but on the same day the death of six pigeons and approaching of monsoon and clearing of drains by Siliguri Municipal Corporation had four column news in the national dailies published from the region. The media is regarded as true allies and also the most powerful weapon of the people for fighting against oppression, suppression, exploitation as well as safeguarding the individual and collective rights of the people, but, when people fight for

the same and the fight is ignored and skipped by the allies of the fighter then there occurs every possibility for looking the beloved allies with suspicion. These circumstances have led to build and form suspicion on the role of media at then national level. A massive rally was organised by the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxist on 14th January, 2006 in Siliguri giving a slogan for the formation of separate state of Gorkhaland coinciding with the Conference of All India Trade Union Congress. The rally had thrown the traffic of Siliguri Hill Cart Road out of gear for two hours. Similarly the Democratic Revolutionary Youth Front had organised a historic rally that jammed the traffic and put the office of the District Magistrate of Jalpaiguri out of function for several hours on 15th April, 2007 demanding the release of detainees kept in Jails without trials. Further on May Day, 2007 the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists took out the biggest procession in the history of Kalimpong town on the demand of separate state of Gorkhaland comprising Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars region, but those events and also many other had been ignored for by the print and electronic media. Hence Darjeeling is experiencing neglect not only from Government but also from the national and state level media, the strongest fourth state of Democracy. There are gardens managed and run by government of West Bengal through a body called West Bengal Tea Development Corporation (WBTDC), but the state of affairs of those gardens under WBTDC is no better either as they too have shelved the pro-workers' statutory provisions of the Plantation Labour Act solely in the interest of the management. The denial of the statutory rights of the workers and the attitude of the management of WBTDC towards them has become a model for the management of the private tea gardens to justify their anti-workers activities. It has become extremely easy for the management in arguing their inability for the non-compliance of provisions of the Plantation Labour Act by citing the state of affairs prevalent in the gardens under WBTDC. Further there is provision of a post in the tea gardens designated as Welfare Officer and it is equivalent to the status of assistant manager. The duty and responsibility of the Welfare Officer is to look after the welfare of the workers of the gardens. Very few gardens have filled up the post, but the appointees are not in a position to look after the welfare of the workers because the emolument and facilities that they enjoy are also from the coffer of the respective gardens. Thus the liberal act for the welfare of the workers of gardens as envisaged in the act has become a mockery. The foreign buyers of Darjeeling Tea are reported to have been contributing some amount in addition to the cost of the tea exclusively for the welfare of the workers who prepare matchless flavored teas, but the workers so far have not tasted the fruit of the munificence of those generous foreign donors. The people of Khashmal areas of Darjeeling Hills are growing and producing bioorganic tea under the guidance of different Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs). The farmers of such mini-gardens are selling the green leaves of tea to different gardens at prices varying from Rupees Thirty to Thirty-Five per kilogram. But in selling the crops, the farmers are required to avail a Certificate of Trade Mark (CTM) and in most cases the CTM has become a hurdle. However, many of them are taking all the measures and steps for regularization of tea plantation made by them as required under the provision of the land laws. B. CINCHONA PLANTATION: Other than Tea Industry left by British, the Cinchona Plantation of Darjeeling at Mungpo has a story and history of its own. Like the Tea industry, the cinchona plantation is also a product derived out of the sweat and blood of the hard working aboriginal Gorkhas. The Cinchona Plantation industry came into existence in the year 1865. It was the most flourishing industry in India since its inception, as the demand of medicines

made from cinchona plants was much higher than the production. India having a geographical dimension of a sub-continent had only two industries of cinchona plantation located at Mungpoo of Darjeeling and Nilgiri Hills of South India respectively. The available record shows that in the years 1939-1944 the income from cinchona plantation of Mungpoo was rupees 2000775/.Immediately after independence in the year 1948 the West Bengal Government had earned Rupees Thirty Lakhs from quinine alone. But after independence, the reign of administration at the Cinchona Plantation of Mungpo was monitorered by Writers Building. The succeeding generations of indigenous people who had shed sweat, blood and tears in upkeeping the plantation had high hopes and expectations of sharing the fruits of freedom on being relieved from the yoke of the Britishers, but with the passage of time the hopes and aspirations gradually led to belie them. Inspite of acquiring requisite knowledge and experiences, the sons and daughters of the soil are denied of catching up of the helm of affairs in the management and policy decision in regard to cinchona plantation. Like in the private company of tea industries they too are being kept as mere workers and producers of the varied products from cinchona plants. The management, sale and policy making became the exclusive privilege of the Writers' Building, Kolkota alone. Very often in the prevailing reality the exclusive affairs was marred by imcompetent and lethargic management that led to gradual debauchery in the health of cinchona plantation industry at Mungpo. The circle and level of exercising control and command on total affairs seemed pathetically indifferent towards the gradual decline of the industry. The acceleration in decline became perceptible in the later part of the eighties of twentieth century. In the beginning of eighties, the GORKHA NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT AS A PART OF THEIR CAMPAIGN FOR STATEHOOD DEMAND HAD LEVELLED AN ALLEGATION OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC NEGLECT OF DARJEELING HILLS BY THE GOVERNMENT OF WEST BENGAL. West Bengal Government as a move for contradicting the allegation of Gorkha National Liberation Front had published a document in 1986. The document in its page number one, last Para shows that in the financial year 1984-85 the income from cinchona alone was Rs. 2.43 crores, but ignoring the fact of that document, the lone industry of the Government of West Bengal in Darjeeling Hill started showing deficit and loss after passing over forty-three years of independence of India. Thus the well organised and vibrant industries left behind by the British, in stable condition have been crippled in independent India by the hands of the rulers of the State. The government of West Bengal, being fully aware of the entire state of affairs of the cinchona industry at Mungpo, has been contemplating the idea of privatisation against their own declared and professed stand. It has become known to all the inhabitants of the cinchona plantation that there are many interested private entrepreneurs, as they are very much optimistic of making the industry viable and profitable, as there is no dearth and scarcity of resources alongwith the dedicated, loyal and hard working manpower in the region. Hence, the unions and the representatives of the workers are raising the point of security and safety of workers on the basis of their service in terms of years and their experience as a whole, but in place of taking expeditious and judicious decision on the points raised by unions, some of the Lands belonging to Cinchona Plantation have been sold to the National Hydel Project Corporation by the Government. Further it was being processed for selling the lands to the Dabur Company as well but the people and Trade Unions of the Cinchona Plantation resented the move of the Government for not taking them into confidence for the sale of the public land. The resentment has had no impact as the National Hydel Power Corporation has constructed vast complexes to push forward their ventures. Thus, the Cinchona Plantation Industry is being left as forlorn concern of the Government of West Bengal. The money obtained from the sale of the land could not be accounted for, to satiate the larger public interest. In course of time, it will surely attact

public debate. Despite the assurances for spending the money for revitalizing the ailing industry till date no such assurances have been fulfilled. Further the accelerated sickness of the industry forced the different trade unions and concerned people belonging to cinchona plantation to form an umbrella organisation named as UNITED FORUM for drawing the attention of the authorities and Government for ameliorating the plight of Cinchona Plantation. They held public meetings, rallies and demonstration in almost all the places covering the entire areas of Cinchona Plantation. Further the United Forum waited upon a massive deputation to the District authority with empty plates in their hands to mark the sign of hungry stomachs on 17th November, 2005, but the deputation and rally yielded no result and it again became a case of back to the square peg in a round whole. In the following week, Siliguri and its surrounding places lying at a distance of less than forty kilometres from Mungpo Cinchona Plantation came under the grip of malaria in a disquieting dimension, but Quinine, a time tested medicine for malaria, produced by harvesting and processing Cinchona at Mungpo itself had been made to lie on its death bed. Thus the Government of West Bengal in independent India is seen as a failure in saving and developing Cinchona Plantation that was inherited from the British as the only industry under its management in Darjeeling. The active initiative of the UNITED FORUM resulted in auction of one hundreds seventy tons of cinchona bark in Darjeeling in the month of November 2006. The auction successfully fetched one rupee more in each kilogram than the usual price it used to get earlier, when sold in Kolkata. Thus the auction held in Darjeeling in November 2006 clearly dispelled the much touted rhetoric that the cinchona bark was an unusable item as rumoured and publicized by the concerned authority. This was despite having such great potentialities and possibilities of the cinchona industry at Mungpo, the Left Front Government for the reason best known to them only have been taking one plea after another shrugging off the responsibility for making the industry a flourishing one. In the direction to shrugging off the responsibility no appointment is being made against the retirement of employees. As "there were 9,387 workers, including the casual workers having 26,176 acres of land in 1985-86, in the Cinchona Plantations. Here, if we see the land labour ratio, it comes nearly to 38 workers per acre. It shows that the basic principle of Minimum Wage Board of Government of India has not been adhered to by the plantation industry. Very interestingly, during recent years, the number of regular workers has been further reduced to 1, 72 in 1991-92" (Khemraj Sharma). Thus, in due course, the industry would succumb, a natural death, on account of not having permanent workers and employees for running the industry. The United Forum, being aware of the discreet move of the concerned authority, are taking every possible measure to keep the industry alive and moving. In carrying out the measures the help and guidance of public representatives have become imperative, but the representative to the West Bengal Assembly being the candidates of the Gorkha National Liberation Front from 1991 till 2007 seemed unconcerned to the plight of the lone industry. The member of the 14th Lok Sabha of the Indian Parliament, belonging to Congress Party, being the arch rival of the ruling Left Front Government, the move pursued by him was natural to get drowned in the Hubble -bubble of politics at Writers' Building. The membership of Rajya Sabha obtained out of grace of the ruling Left Front or of Indian National Congress was just like an appointment governed and guided by the norms and discipline for upholding the interest of the employers. The public representatives of Darjeeling belonging to the state and national parties are found to have suffered from a syndrome of inhibition for delivering the goods in the interest of the exploited and suppressed wage earners of tea gardens and cinchona plantation. The syndrome of inhibition in the form of party discipline follows like shadow till the tenure is over to each of the public representative belonging to national and state level parties from Darjeeling. As in the decades of mid-ninetieth of twenty

century, Messrs. R.B. Rai and Dawa Lama, the representatives of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha respectively from Darjeeling, belonging to the Communist Party of India [Marxists] were expelled for their attempt to pursue a line in the interest of the place and people. The expulsion forced them to form the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists that has become an eyesore for the Communist Party of India Marxists in the political history of Darjeeling in spite of bearing an identical nomenclature as communists. C. DARJEELING HIMALAYAN RAILWAY [DHR]: It was regarded as a superb piece of wonder, produced by one of the finest engineering faculty on earth. The Darjeeling Himalayan Railway also known as the Toy Train starts at the level, hisses and crawls uphill to reach Ghoom Pahar, where a Railway Station situated at the highest altitude in Asia, was constructed, and the same is in existence to this day. During the British period the railway was the life line of Darjeeling, as it had carried the heavy poles, bar, machines for the construction of the factories, bridges and buildings. It had contributed a lot in the development and making of modern Darjeeling. Besides carrying materials and provisions, the toy train was the means of communication for the people for reaching the most beautiful hill that was known as the Queen of Hills in the world. The well known leader of socio-culture and spiritual renaissance of Bengal, Swami Vivekananda, the legal and political luminary C.R. Das, the Father of the Nation- Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, Nobel laureate Mother Teresa among several others have been carried to Darjeeling by the Toy Train. The Darjeeling Himalayan Railway while moving on its tract from the plains to the empyrean knoll of Darjeeling has also created a glorious tract record, which is associated with modern history of India and also the Queen of Hills of the world. Science and technology has made a rapid stride after Independence of India but, the Toy Train has failed to keep pace with the time and tide of development. The wonder of the bygone days, lacking improvement and modernisation compatible to the science and technological speed of time has been gradually heading to the status of obsolescence. And being aware of the fact that the Toy Train has become an outdated mode of conveyance, the authority has declared it as heritage by providing a diesel engine, but the diesel engine also has not been able to push the business with swiftness in proportion to the technological advancement of the day due to its century old tract, alignment, engines and coaches. After declaring the Toy Train as heritage both diesel and steam engine are pulling the coaches for joy ride to the foreigners and moneyed domestic tourists, but the diesel engine bears its name as Indian Railways. The Toy Train starting from Siliguri had its extension upto Gielle Khola on the National Highway 31A till 1950 for carrying passengers and materials for Sikkim, Kalimpong and Tibet. During that period, the trade through Jalepla route was in a flourishing condition, but the operation of the train on that tract has been abandoned since 1950 as in that year landslides had caused damages to the railway tract. The authority thought it appropriate to abandon than to repair and keep the movement of the train on that tract. Today, Sikkim is making every possible endeavour for having a railway service to the state. The Toy Train of Darjeeling has been a victim of negligence its engine, coaches and other related matter are all begging for care and revitalisation. The tract at several places passes parallel to the National Highway 55A and also criss -crosses the national highway at many places in between Silguri and Darjeeling. The road was constructed by the British and named as Hill Cart Road. Today the road is called 55A National High Way is the life line of Darjeeling and remains busy due to heavy traffic, but the parallel railway tract and the crossing of the 55A national high way over it have made the life line of Darjeeling narrow and congested for smooth traffic movement. Thus, the tract has been allowed and destined to become like an old ox lying on the road, it neither moves

nor leaves the passage for others. Hence, in the modern history of Darjeeling, the old Toy Train seemed to have occupied a unique place of inconvenience for the vehicular traffic. Though the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway has its glory of being and plying in the hill, there is not a single hill man at the command of the helm of the affairs. The ones associated are found to be working below the decision and policy making level since its inception. In earlier days, there was a DHR Workshop at Tindharay with regard to repair, maintenance and other corelated works of Darjeeling Himalayan Railways. The work shop and the station had brisk activities, but today the Tindharay Work Shop and the Railway Station appear as forlorn and desolate station for the Himalayan Railways. The railway despite plying in the hill region of Darjeeling has its head office and command in the plains. In spite of leaving occasioned of the track by the coaches and some times by engine, till date no major misfortune has occurred and this is the other side of the wonder of the wonderful toy train in its record of century and a score. Thus the nonoccurrences of the major catastrophe for years together by sheer luck have given complacency. Under the current circumstances it stands to be treated as a forgotten object by the successive Railway Budget and its ministers in charge of Independent India. The overhauling of the Himalayan Railways to match its pristine grandeur remains a far off dream. In view of globalization and techno-economic development context, the Himalayan Railways which were a wonder in the earlier days is expecting a new approach from the concerned level so as to enable it to march with time and tide. Even in the highly developed era of science and technology of today, the Toy Train being pushed by the steam of boiling water is still occupying a distinct place among the wonders as some of the tourists are making Darjeeling their destination on hearing the account of the glory of the Toy Train. In the world, it is the only Toy Train that facilitates its passengers for enjoying the breath taking scenic beauty and its panoramic view of ridges and mountains from a close angle, while sitting on a cozy seat of the moving Train. The glimpse of the beautiful ridges and mountains flashing on the canvas of nature extending up to the horizon can be enjoyed by the passengers as the train leaves the plain and climbs higher and higher. Before reaching the final destination of the journey, that is Darjeeling, the passengers will sink into an extreme joy and bliss by seeing the ultimate beauty of nature from Batasay Loop. Batasay ridge is the only view point that provides a glimpse of the vast expanse of hills and mountains rising from a little above the sea level and the majestic Kanchanjunga ready to command the adjacent mountains and surrounding hills. The very scene - scenery is regarded as the supreme and unique creation of splendour by nature on earth. On a clear, sunny and fogless day, the scene and landscape of such mysterious creation of nature as seen from Batasay Loop while moving, in the toy train, gets passengers surcharged and invigorated. No such enjoyment and ecstasy could derived while riding a train elsewhere in the world, but the Toy Train which only could give such an ineffable joy and bliss to its passengers on earth has been declared as running on losses year after year. If the Toy Train of Darjeeling had been in other countries of the globe having endowed with such ingredient, the major chunk of the tourists from across the globe would have been taken there with other added facilities. The flow of the tourists would have been certainly turned into a flourishing Tourism Industry providing means of earning and sustenance for major chunk of the population of that country. But in Darjeeling, the Toy Train in spite of having immense potential and capability for providing means of sustenance and earnings, the people are being made to starve of employment and earnings. The authority as of today has shown neither skill nor faculty for making improvement and modernisation of the wonderful toy train keeping in mind the socio-economic upliftment of the people and the place. The toy train if it is linked and co-coordinated with tourism

by developing infrastructures and other accessories as required for different section of the tourists, it would easily engage ten percent of the total population of Darjeeling hills in the venture and that alone accounts for eighty thousand people. Thus, the toy train and tourism, if moved together, have the potentialities for providing the socio-economic prosperity to Darjeeling not only for the present day but for the following decades also. A paradigm shift in management of the day to day affairs for ensuring the involvement, participation and sharing of liability and asset of the Himalayan Railway by the people of its origin could be the solution. The policy pursued as of today has made the people mere spectators. Thus, the present state of affairs of Tourism Industry in Darjeeling could easily be understood in brevity from a paragraph written by renowned socialscientist, Dr. T B. Subba on the movement of 1986-88. He has written "my brief engagement on the subject of tourism in Darjeeling has also divulged an important factor operating behind this movement. Contrary to the wide spread belief that the people of Darjeeling are heavily dependent on tourism I found that the Nepalis, who constitute about 70 per cent of the population there, are rather marginally integrated into the tourist industry. They have been in fact found to be more affected than benefited by this smokeless industry. The lion's share of the profit from it goes to the merchant capitalists from the plain areas and to the West Bengal Tourism Development Corporation which alone makes an annual profit of 36 crores of rupees from Darjeeling (1988:10-15). This has also affected the ethnic relations between the hill and plains communities {1987-88}. [Ethnicity, State and Development]. Hence, it is required that the spectators be turned into participators that would help in assuaging the sense of deprivation felt by them for years together. The growth of population and the pressure exerted by it has also been leading unplanned and visionless development, which has been gradually endangering the inexpressible beauty of nature on earth in Darjeeling. A stitch in time, saves nine, has to be the immediate concern for all. Hence, in order to push the toy train in the direction of profitable viability and the prosperity of the Himalayan Railways and also for the people and place, a strong political will and administrative decision has become the need of the hour. Similarly, the congestion and narrowness of the Hill Cart Road of the British day and national highway 55A of today has also been mentioned in the preceeding page. If it is allowed in the manner as it is maintained to day then within a couple of years its utility will totally dismal and immobile. There is a tremendous growth in the production and plying of vehicles, but the capacity and capability of the national high way 55A after erosion and depreciation of hundred years use and service has remained unattended. As the days ahead is of globalization and technological advancement that is destroying and sweeping the old system and order by giving presence to a fast and fair order which is in conformity to the changing world and the taste of the generation. The present life line of Darjeeling, the national highway 55A is in dire need to be converted into an all weather road or an alternative should be found. D. THE PLIGHT OF FOUR Ts: Darjeeling was known for four Ts and they were namely Toy Train, Tea, Timber and Tourism for the people out side the region. But the Toy Train laid and left by the British today has turned into a mere object that glissades up hill on two rails for carrying luxurious people for their Joy Ride. Darjeeling tea once known as the best Champagne among the teas in the world has been fighting a battle for survival. The Timber from Darjeeling has vanished due to magic wand exercised by the West Bengal Forest Development Corporation. The West Bengal Forest Development Corporation was formed by the Govt of West Bengal in 1971 with a cherished objective of developing forest more precisely in Darjeeling. After finishing the forest and forest product of

Darjeeling hills, the West Bengal Forest Development Corporation has disappeared without holding anybody accountable for indiscriminate deforestation in Darjeeling hills. Thus finally out of four Ts, all are riveting on one T that is Tourism. In order to take care of the Tourism in Darjeeling there are three parallel bodies namely, West Bengal Tourism Corporation under the Government of West Bengal, Tourism of the govt. of India and the Tourism under Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, but the infrastructure required for running the Tourism as industry is deplorably lacking. In spite of not having adequate and requisite infrastructure for the comfort and convenience of the tourists, the flow of various classes of people in the month of May/June and October/November remains staggeringly high. The private tour and travel agencies and motor syndicates have listed some of the places as worth seeing and visiting by the tourists. Those places are called Seven Point and Five Points. Besides the points, the sunrise from Tiger Hill, the Majestic View of Kanchanjunga, breath taking scenic beauty of the hills and mountains, trekking the mountains and enjoyment of divine gorgeousness of the flowering season at Sandakphu and Phalut are the eternal attractions for tourists. The period with influx of visitors is called tourist season. People during May-June season come from across the country seeking relief from the scorching heat of the places and, in October -November the people come to enjoy holidays. It is not only the people but also the Ministers of different States and Government Officials who make it a point of visiting the Queen of Hills during the season. The sales agencies of several companies organise their conferences in Darjeeling during the season and keeping in mind the assemblage of people from the different parts of the world during the season in Darjeeling, the Leather Company, Handloom Corporation, the Khadi Board and many other organise EXPO(s) so as to popularize their for sale and also earning goodwill from the costumers. Thus, Darjeeling has become a tourist spot and the local administration remains busy and fatigued during the season looking after the VIPs and VVIPs of the state and outside state without the help of additional resources. Many of the High-ups during their short stay get acquainted with some of the pressing socio-economic problems of the place and express concern and also make pronouncement of doing something in order to get rid of the problems, but surprisingly, they forget everything once they leave. No sooner do they reach Siliguri they would be carrying home only the sweet memories of the good time that they have had in Darjeeling.

ADMINISTRATION
Colonialism is perpetuated in part by justifying to those in the colonizing nation the idea that it is right and proper to rule over other peoples, and by getting colonised people to accept their lower ranking in the colonial order of things- a process we can call colonising the mind. It operated by persuading people to internalize its logic and speak its language; to perpetuate the values and assumptions of the colonizers as regards the ways they perceive and represent the world. J. McLeod, Post-colonialism. Have you ever wondered to yourself why it is that all people like me seem to have learned from you is how to imprison and murder each other, how to govern badly, and how to take the wealth of our country and place it in Swiss bank accounts. Jamaica Kincaid, A Small Place.

The administrative head quarter of the District of Darjeeling is situated and located at the hill which is called the Queen of Hills of the world. There are two wings of administrations civil and police. The District head quarter of the civil administration of Independent India is being run from the New Kutchery Building that was constructed by the British in the year 1897. The same old building attaining an age of more than a century is still being with used renovations and repairs at times. The head of the district administration is the District Magistrate (D.M). He is assisted by Additional District Magistrates (A.D.M.) and the Sub-Divisional Officers (S.D.O.) of the four Subdivisions of the district. The appointees to the posts are generally from amongst cadres belonging to the Indian Administrative Services (I.A.S). But in some exceptional cases of politicoadministrative exigencies, the cadres belonging to the West Bengal Civil Services (WBCS) if favoured by the ruling party by maintaining certain norms and rules are posted to the posts of A.D.Ms and S.D.Os. Similarly, in the police department for the maintenance of law and order and keeping social tranquility, the Superintendent of Police {S.P} is the head of the police department and is assisted by Additional Superintendent of Police (ASP) and Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP). As in the civil administration the post of S.P. is only from the Indian Police Service (I.P.S.), but the posts of ASP are some time filled-up by promotes and that of D.S.P. is usually manned by local promotees. In the British days the local official was assigned to carry and perform the task and duty of the Superintendent of Police of Darjeeling, but in independent India not a single local, except chosen tribal, has so far succeeded to cross the barrier to become the S.P. of Darjeeling. The district geographically, historically, topographically, politically and ethnically being entirely different with the rest of West Bengal, the government has made provisions to teach Nepali Language by engaging local Nepali teachers for the officials coming from the plains of Bengal to Darjeeling Hills. This has been done with a view to administer the region with ease and smoothness. Further Nepali Language is the official Language of the hill areas of the district of Darjeeling as per the Language Act 1961 of the Government of West Bengal. Further Nepali is one of the major Indian Languages in the Constitution of India. Monthly

financial incentive has also been arranged to the officials on passing an examination in Nepali Language of the set standard for the purpose. However, neither the D.M. nor A.D.M. or officials coming from the plains intend to labour and study for passing the examination of the set standard. But 'it is compulsory for WBCS [executive] officers to pass Departmental exams {8 papers on Law, Accounts, Bengali etc. conducted by PSC and they also have to submit 6 number of court cases, which have to be accepted by the Legal Remembrancer, West Bengal, before they can be considered for confirmation in service and their yearly increments sanctioned. Many officers, of Darjeeling district, present and past [I do not want to give their names here] could not pass departmental examination in their whole service life and so they could not be confirmed even after serving for more than 25 years incurring huge financial loss to themselves" ( D. T. Tamlong). The officials appointed in the plains from the Hill Areas of Darjeeling after passing the West Bengal Public Service Commission Examination are required to be conversant in writing and speaking in Bengali. But for the officials BELONGING TO NON-NEPALI COMMUNITY coming from the plains to the hills, it is not compulsory and obligatory for passing the examination and test so as to acquire workable knowledge of Nepali Language. Hence, almost all of them spend their tenure in Darjeeling without learning the language of the people and place but leave Darjeeling either on promotion or obtaining a rewarded posting. In some cases they overstay after the expiry of normal posting of two years tenure for the blue-eyed officials of the political leadership has been made permissible. But in spite of getting extended tenure of staying in Darjeeling Hills, they seemed to be practically not interested in learning Nepali. During a quarter century (1980-06) this writer happened to meet only two officials one IPS and one IAS posted in Darjeeling to have learnt speaking Nepali with fluency. Of the two, one has retired after becoming the Director General of Police, in a hill State and another presently working under foreign company. During the tenure of service in Darjeeling Hills the officials belonging to other linguistic group rarely meet the common people for getting the information of the actual state of affairs of the nook and corner of the region. However, it seemed that they get posted of situation from the elite people belonging to a section of business community and managers of tea gardens with whom they usually meet in the GYMKHANA CLUB and PLANTERS CLUB for breakfast, lunch, dinner, gossips and parties over a peg or two and and at times it takes one drink too many to stimulate their minds. The conversation deepens and these clubs serve as a perfect venue to diagnose the backgrounds, characters and well beings of every local entity that ranges elites. This nexus has functioned as on all important cogs in the wheel for the mini colonial administration to pounce and grind the Gorkha aspiration at its very root. The two clubs were left by the British as their legacy, but today the administrative officials and privileged gentry of today who are unknown to the masses of Darjeeling Hill have made these two clubs as the heirloom of the same. Some of them have the recognition as EXPERT on the socio-political and administrative matter pertaining to Darjeeling. Officials coming with limited belongings and, returning convoy of TRUCKS loaded with luggage after completion of their tenure in Darjeeling is regarded as a normal pattern of the administration. The present Governor's House or the Rajbhawan of Darjeeling was purchased on 31st Oct 1877 by the British from the Maharaja of Cooch Behar. The Rajbhawan was damaged in 1934 due to severe earthquake. But the same was repaired and furnished in the year 1939 (AS PER A REPORT PUBLISHED IN THE HINDUSTAN TIMES DATED 22 JUNE, 2002). But, the furnishings and antiques were taken in four truckloads in the month of May, 2002. The removal of the items of historical and heritage values were vehemently condemned and protested by the COMMUNIST PARTY OF REVOLUTIONARY MARXISTS, ITS YOUTH WING, DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTIONARY YOUTH FRONT, FEW INTELLECTUALS OF NEPALI SAHITYA SAMMELAN,

DARJEELING AND All GORKHA STUDENTS UNION TOO HAD JOINED THE FRAY. But the protest was a voice in the wilderness, for the reason that the personality involved in the fraudulent removal of the antics was holding the highest constitutional post in the state. While the protesters belonged to a bunch of puny backward and minority community from the state of West Bengal. So, would it mean anything? Nontheless call a curse or blessing, but even amongst the puny minority, a few are born with the torturous human component called conscience. It is this conscience that pricks and haunts the mind, when there are no answers to resolve the questions such as; shouldn't the custodian of the constitution be above the smirch and filth of a common mans greed? Is Darjeeling to far and abscure to be heard within the noise and voice of the world's largest democracy? Doesn't Darjeeling merit to attract the country's constitutional jurisprudence, writ when it's antics are being swindled in the broad day light? This happening was aptly apposite to the writing of LEKHNATH POUDYAL, a poet and visionary of Nepal. In respect of tyrannical RANA rule in Nepal, he had written that the action of higher ups would be made unanimously acceptable no matter what they did. There is segment of office called CONFIDENTIAL SECTION attached to the chamber of the District Magistrate of Darjeeling. It has a tradition of being manned by non Nepali person since its inception. Similar tradition of appointing non-Bengali District Magistrate if the Superintendent of Police is Bengali or vice versa was in practice for years together. But, after the devastating agitation that had posed physical challenge to the officials in 1985-88, the tradition of the permutation and combination of Bengali and Non Bengali D.M and S.P has been abandoned. However, the tradition of manning the confidential section by non Nepali person has been in practice in more subtle design. Thus the modus operandi of the Government of West Bengal towards Darjeeling has been made clear by them. Almost all the local officials working under them, in spite of being fully aware of the modus operandi of the boss, could do nothing except meekly surrendering for the sake of post, perk, favour and also prospect. As "it is natural for the subordinate officers and the staff, to fear the superior officers. Every officer or the staff wants good portfolio or important department/assignment and the future of the subordinate officer/staff is doomed, if the boss writes a small "But'' in the ACR (Annual confidential report). The value of an ACR or the fear of the same can be understood by those who are on the verge of promotion. Accordingly, there is keen competition to be in the good book of the boss or to be in the inner circle around him, that sometimes leads to unhealthy competition among the subordinate officers/staff and they tend to attend to every whim of the boss by being resourceful in every thing, trying to please by constant praise and saying, 'sir, you can do it. You have the power". I would like to call this Canute culture. This inner circle or the coterie sometimes inadvertently inflicts injustice to many who work quietly and silently without bothering any body and at the same time causes embarrassment to the boss and the establishment" (D.T. TAMLONG). It gives a clear picture of the administration of Darjeeling and the modus operandi of the administrator deployed to the place. So, it is obvious that modus operandi is one of the factors for causing a sense of alienation in the minds of the people. The officials and the ruling class belonging to the advanced and privileged community of West Bengal are in no mood to accept the reality. On the contrary they leave no stone unturned to brand and label the conscious and literate people of Darjeeling as Anti-Bengali in private conversation. Some of the officials from Non-Nepali Community in the police and civil administration working in the District of Darjeeling have ultimately reached the highest and glorious administrative ranks of the state of West Bengal in their respective departments, but their experiences and acquaintances with problems of the place and people never get a tract for causing the slightest relief in ameliorating the plight of the place and people which they have pretended to have loved very much during their stay.

The familiarity and friendship established with the people during their stay in Darjeeling Hill during service get waned with rapid stride after their transfer from Darjeeling Hill. The waning of familiarity and acquaintance is nothing for Darjeeling, but it has become a culture of Indian administrative services towards Darjeeling in the post British period. Some of the officials from Darjeeling Hill working in the plain areas of Bengal in lower status of administrative responsibility also forget the familiarity gained during their service tenure. Most of them on retirement become hard critics of the people and place where they worked. The British, for the speedy development of Darjeeling region, is found to have established the Public Works Department in the year 1839. The department since then has been functioning uninterruptedly. Despite covering a time span of one hundred and sixty seven years the indigenous people has not succeeded to occupy the TOP EXECUTIVE POST OF THE DEPARTMENT. Similarly, the Health and Hospital department initiated by the British in a humble way in 1883 by way of establishing EDEN SANITORIUM has taken the shape of District Hospital in Independent India under West Bengal, but the administrative and executive post for the local professionals has become a wild dream to achieve till this day. The District Hospital of Darjeeling appears to be lacking in modern facilities in the treatment of different types of diseases as compared to the other district hospitals of the state while gradually the sub- divisional hospital at Siliguri has turned into a District Hospital. In order to purchase and install a C.T. SCAN MACHINE, few people with some professionals are engaged in collection of DONATION and have also succeeded in securing the same without help from the authorities. The Eden Sanatorium of British days has been named after Sahid Durga Malla as Durga Malla Hospital and the same has been renovated, extended and expanded to five storeyed building to give a shape and Status of District Hospital of Darjeeling. In the execution of the works it is believed that several crore of rupees were made available by the World Bank. But the quality and standard of the work has become a subject of criticism within the alert and receptive circle of town. The leakage of water from the ceiling during rainy season and the falling of rafters on patients on more than one occasion has given impetus for the justification of such criticism. Darjeeling Government College was established in the year 1948 for imparting higher education to the people of the region. Similarly the Government High School was founded and started by the colonialist in the year 1892, and it was taken over by the education department of the government of West Bengal from the day India won freedom. On being taken over, the school has been passing from bad to worse. Sri Asim Dasgupta, a former student of this school, has the distinction of holding the portfolio of the Finance Minister of West Bengal for more than three decades. The holding of the finance portfolio by him is a record in the annals of the democratic India. But the school in which he had studied is found to have been running without a full-fledged Headmaster for more than thirty years. This state of affairs has not become a matter of embarrassment to him and his government. The school in Independent West Bengal was meant for the backward and national minority people of the state residing in Darjeeling, but it has been regarded as a prerogative of advanced and big nationality to deprive the national minority. The exploitation, deprivation, suppression and denial of the legitimate right of the Nepali speaking people dominantly inhabitating Darjeeling District and Dooars region is to be construed and termed as munificence as because in no case the big and ruling class is ready to accept their accomplishment of colonizing Darjeeling. Hence, the sons of the soil, being unable to be in command, at the helm of affairs of the administration and also denial to higher executive and technical posts by way of a systematic design, are found to have been drained elsewhere. But on joining in different posts outside West Bengal the sons and daughters of Darjeeling are found to have

occupied the post of Chief Secretary, Home Secretary of state Governments and Economic Advisor to the Chief Minister in other states of India. Many of the technocrats, bureaucrats and inspector-general of police in different states of India were from Darjeeling. Besides, in the field of Games and Sports, Music and cinemas, the talents from Darjeeling have been contributing in a significant way. Thus the talent drain from Darjeeling is found to have been taking place from the early part of the fifth decades of twentieth century and the flow is due to the deprivation of opportunities and also lack of political and administrative support and backing.

HYDRO- ELECTRIC POWER

When modern Japan and China were not aware of generating power from Water, the Darjeeling Municipality had hydro -electric power station in 1897 at Sidrabong. The supply of electric power from Sidrabong to Darjeeling had given the town a glittering look. People in their lore had compared it with the imaginative INDRAPURI the paradise of God Indra, but today the Indrapuri of bygone days has been made the most congested and unplanned hill town in India. The Sidrabong Hydro-electric power station, the first of its kind in Asia had eight sub-stations for supplying electric power to Darjeeling town and its surroundings. The revenue collected from the supply of electric power was used for meeting the salaries of the municipality staff, but the Sidrabong power house on being taken over by the West Bengal State Electricity Board in 1979, the plight of the Asia's first Hydro- Electric Power Station begins to be A VICTIM of the political and administrative power. Gradually moving from bad to worse, the Sidrabong Hydel Power Station had ultimately reached its horizon of oblivion, while surpassing the glorious history that it withholds in the annals of the hydro electric power in Asia and independent India. Instead of repairing, maintaining and modernizing Asia's first minihydel power station at Sidrabong, the Government of West Bengal in independent India moved with bigger vision in terms of hydro-electric power from the hills of Darjeeling. Similar fate has been met by Phaji Hydel Power Station, the first private power project initiated by Narabhup Rai and Padma Sunder Malla, which started three-phase power generation in 1935. In order to materialize the Stalinic bigger vision, the combined strength of the politician stationed at Writers and the technocrat of West Bengal had taken up an ambitious project called the Rammam Hydel Project for generating 300 MW Electricity and spent decades in the execution and implementation of the Rammam Hydel Project. The Government of Bhutan had also started construction of Chukha hydel project with loan and grant from India nearly two and half decades later than the Rammam Hydel Project. The Chukha project intending to generate 550 MW is seemed to have completed and is generating 300 MW ahead of its stipulated time. In spite of producing 300 MW only out of its target of 550 MW, it is said that the government of Bhutan had begun collecting 30 percent of its revenue through the sale of millions of units of power to India. The Chukha project that enabled the Government of Bhutan to fatten its treasury was completed within the scheduled time, carried and executed with the guidance and supervision of technician and engineers from West Bengal and India, but the Rammam Hydel Project started much earlier than the Chukha Project was

completed after several decades later, with a power generating capacity of hardly 50 MW only when it was commissioned. The power thus produced in hilly region of Darjeeling is being taken uninterruptedly to the North Bengal Switch Yard located in the plains at a distance of more than one hundred and fifty kilometre from the point of generation. From there a little portion of the power is sent to Darjeeling from where it was taken. The plain areas have the facility of enjoying air condition during the heat of summer, but Darjeeling hill areas, from where the power is being taken to the plains, does not have fulsome accessibility of using heater during chilling winter despite the falling of temperature to zero or less than zero degrees Celsius during most of the winter season. In order to commission only the 50 MW out of its planned estimate to generate 300 MW, it took nearly two and half decades. The place of the project was Rimbick, a village under Pulbazar-Bijanbari Block of Darjeeling Subdivision, but the offices that could monitor the speedy execution of works were stationed at Siliguri and Kolkota. A neighbouring country China was lacking hydel power, while Darjeeling was ablaze with the power from water at the end of nineteenth century. Today China has started the construction of world's biggest hydel power station by harnessing her Yangtze River. In Darjeeling seeing the flow of several rivers and rivulet untapped, a visiting hydel power, experts from Japan was surprised and had termed the wastage of water as "FLOWING DOLLAR". The indigenous and other experts are of the view that perennial rivers and streams flowing from Darjeeling hills have a capacity of producing 3500 to 5000 MW POWER. And recently the National Hydel Power Corporation has undertaken the harnessing of river Teesta by constructing low dams at places for generating hydro electric power, but from the very start of the project a dispute related to undermining of ecological and environmental aspect has been raised from different quarters. The dispute has given raise to a possibility of submerging many villages situated on the national highway on the either side of river Teesta. In the midst of such dispute and controversy, the National Hydel power Corporation seemed least interested in enlisting support from the stratas of society excepting the favoured layer only. Thus the original home of hydel power generation in Asia is tottering with the fuel of dispute, controversy and the lack of taking all sections of people into confidence. The exercise of nontransparency maintained by the National Hydel Power Corporation has set to motion a sort of suspicion on the Teesta Low Dam Project. The same National Hydel Power Corporation (NHPC) has undertaken the construction of Stages IV, V and VI with a generating capacity of 200 MW, 510 MW and 300 MW respectively in the State of SIKKIM. Further, it is heard that the NHPC has made an agreement with the Government of Sikkim for the supply of certain percentage of power out of total power generation to the state of Sikkim without any cost. But in case of TEESTA LOW DAM PROJECT with a proposal at 27th Mile, Kalijhora and Mungpong with a generating capacity of 130 MW, 110 MW and 340 MW respectively at places of the TEESTA RIVER flowing from the hill areas of Darjeeling no such agreement is seemed to have been made with any authority, but in order to execute the Teesta Low Dam Project, it is seen that the erstwhile Councillor of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council representing the area and his muscle men and also leaders and cadres of the ruling party mostly from Siliguri have seemed highly enthusiastic. On being certain of steam rolling with the enlisted support from the selected group, the NHPC has been carrying on the project, but the people engaged in Rafting in Teesta River are apprehensive of losing their livelihood after the completion of the project. They fear the possibility of the change of course by the river on account of submergence of several places of the present route of Teesta River. The diplomacy of political nature and other discernible endeavour pursued by the administrative mechanism of NHPC, in the execution of the project has been giving an ample scope for suspicion on the extent of

future benefit to the place and its people. While, the project is in progress it has been marred with controversy and suspicion, but the extent of benefits and damages could only be felt and experienced by the people after the completion of the project and its commissioning.

DRINKING WATER CONTAMINATION, POLITICS AND ADMINISTRATION

It is known to all that there is paucity of drinking water in Darjeeling. The shortage of water is on the geometrical rise every year being unattended by the concerned authorities. The main water supply system for Darjeeling town was laid and carried by the British from Senchal Lake keeping in mind a target of ten thousand populations, but today the population of Darjeeling town as per 2001 census is one lakh and sixty thousand. During the British period the Senchal Lake was fed by twenty six perennial jhoras. Nowadays many of the Jhoras flowing to Senchal Lake have dried leading the lake's inability to meet the requirement of drinking water for increased population of Darjeeling Town, but the authority, in place of executing concrete plan and programme to cope with the challenge posed by the water scarcity, has had been carrying patch works of mishmash nature only. The offices of District Collectorate and the District Superintendent of Police have made arrangement for supplying of drinking water to the houses of their officials round the year by way of procuring the same from different Jhoras. The same practice is being followed by the Hotels, Holiday Homes and affluent classes of people of Darjeeling Town. Pedestrains are splashed by water tankers loaded with uncovered drums and plastic Syntex drums. The Darjeeling Municipality being one of the oldest Municipalities in West Bengal also distributes drinking water during the dry season in places where water can be taken in vehicles. There occurs rush of water starved people resulting in push and pull and many a times spills into street brawls over a bucket of water, but the scene has been considered as a normal feature during the dry season in Darjeeling. If the scene had not been considered a normal feature then the authorities would have made arrangement of taking water carrying vehicles directly to Senchal Lake for filling it with sufficient water for making a fair distribution through pipes under Darjeeling Municipality, but such arrangements no publicity as compared to the distribution made at places with rush of people and their consternations. This publicity exercise enables to drawing the attention of the concerned level at Writer's for releasing necessary fund, otherwise the high drama of dry season seems impossible. In the enactment of high drama, the sponsorship of the Government of West Bengal has both explicit and implicit contribution. The contribution becomes discernible, when it makes publicity of Pumping of Water from Rungdung Khola to cater the need for drinking water in Darjeeling town. And at other time, it floats a proposal of bringing water from Balasan Khola, but despite Rungdung and Balasan Khola assurances the people of Darjeeling has been made Tantalus for the last two decades. It is also an irony of the fact that Sri Jyoti Basu had an intimate relation with Darjeeling as he is reported to have spent some time in the nearby villages of Darjeeling town during days of his underground sojourn.

And after becoming the Chief Minister of the state, he used to make incessant visits to Darjeeling and on one such visit in the year 1995, he laid the foundation stone for providing adequate drinking water for Darjeeling from Rambi Khola. On that very day a cheque of rupees one lakh as instalment of advance from one of the contributors was handed over to the Chief Minister, Jyoti Basu on the very dais, but the Rambi Khola project till today has failed to see the light of the day. His worthy successor Buddhadev Bhattacharjee, in one of the visits to Darjeeling, in 2000, the local daily had carried a report of assurance made by him for providing solution to the water crisis of Darjeeling within six months. The crisis further worsened but the solution as contemplated by him did not appear in sight. The above is the story of the severe dehydration as suffered by Darjeeling due to over dose of politics injected to the Queen of Hills, in independent India, by the successive authorities. And her cousin sister Kalimpong town too had to undergo the same fate with regards to drinking water problem. The authorities being aware of the drinking water scarcity in Kalimpong proposed an ambitious plan called the Neora Valley Project. This was drawn up in 1978-79 with project cost of rupees nine crores. But later "the project was revised to meet the needs of the Army, enroute civilian and Kalimpong town by bringing water from Neora and Dhowla sources by gravity and the estimates stood Rs. 22.45 crores: the execution was also started and the project was slated to be completed by 1992. The execution of the project was started by the PHE Department and there was a High Level Board, headed by the Commissioner of Jalpaiguri Division, consisting of representatives of the Central Government, the State Government, the Army, other officials including the Chairman of Kalimpong Municipality and the DM as the convener. Executive Engineer PHE based at Siliguri used to execute the work. During one meeting, the Army representative, one Major General, expressed his annoyance at the slow progress of the work. He requested the Board to transfer the project to the Army for execution considering the slow progress of the project and also the manner in which it was being supervised from Siliguri. The plan was to bring 15 Lakh gallons of water daily to be shared in the ratio of 8:7 between the civilian and the Army and the sharing of fund was also in the ratio of 8:7 between the State Government and the Central Government. The project execution was gingerly slow and the cost was again revised to Rs. 31.25 crores in 1991 and in 1992, the sum rose to Rs. 34 crores. By the time it was more or less completed in 1995, the project had escalated much above Rs. 36 crores. The additional water now available from this project was reported to be much less than 8 Lakh gallons per day but there has been some relief at Kalimpong. Some parts of the projects like reservoir at Algarah are still to be completed. Lava Lake has developed cracks and water line to Pedong area is yet to be drawn up. Many officers and engineers have come and gone and even retired {some have died too} but the scheme has still not been completed" (D. T. Tamlong). Mr. D. T. Tamlong is the retired Additional District Magistrate, who was intimately connected with the much publicized Neora Water Supply Project for Kalimpong. Thus, it is clear from his writing on Neora Project as quoted above that the Government of West Bengal and its department could not provide the targeted water supply to the people of Kalimpong and the Army in spite of spending such huge amount of public money in a manner preferred by them. After a lapse of more than a quarter century the project has not been fully completed. And sometimes the idea of pumping water from Teesta River for making abundance drinking water for Kalimpong is also floated, but nothing concrete has taken place. It is not only the towns of Darjeeling which is experiencing water crisis but many of the rural areas also do not have potable water supply. The several villages being tired of prayer and petition have been compelled to have their own arrangement for water supply. The rural areas have many agencies for taking care of drinking water

supply. Some of them are panchayat, Block development office, Tribal Department, DGHC, PHE etc. but despite the existence and functioning of so many departments for taking care of the rural population, the problems of potable water stands as ever. The Sri Sathya Sai Organisation of Puttaparthi in Andhra Pradesh, India has been successful in providing free drinking water to lakhs of people in several villages in South India as a part of its volunteer service, but the Government of West Bengal is utterly failing in providing adequate drinking water facility to eight lakhs people of Darjeeling Hills for the reason best known to them. The Left Front Government of West Bengal has made some sort of a record for holding the reins of power for so long, but in solving the water crisis of Darjeeling there is no end to its loose talk and fake promises. In order to provide drinking water for Darjeeling town BALASAN PROJECT was in talk for several years. It was surveyed, planned and estimated for many times but it failed to materialise on account of paucity of fund. In the Lok Sabha Election, 2005, the Congress candidate Dawa Narbula assured of taking up the water crisis and its solution. Accordingly the political parties of Darjeeling Hills had provided him their support. The CPM and BJP despite not having their tangible support base had opposed the candidature of Dawa Narbula, but he got elected with a huge margin. He took up the matter with the central minister of water resources Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi who was also his political mentor. Local daily quoting Dawa Narbula had carried a report of sanctioning rupees fifty crore for execution of WATER PUMPING SCHEME FROM BALASAN for providing drinking water for the people of Darjeeling town, by the Government of India. After several months of that reportage a colourful advertisement of Public Health Engineering Department Government of West Bengal appeared in the same daily on 18th February, 2006 thereby informing the general public that the foundation stone laying ceremony of water pumping scheme from Balasan would be held at Chowrasta Darjeeling on 19th Feb 2006 at 3.30 P.M., by the Chief Minister Buddhadev Bhattacherjee. A three day public announcement through the mike made by the PHE Department in Darjeeling town and its surrounding areas along with pasting of several posters to appeal before the people with a request to be present on the day of the foundation stone laying ceremony at Chowrastra, {the Mall} which is situated thirty kilometre away from the actual site of the proposed project, but there was no mention in the advertisement, miking and posters, the name of Dawa Narbula, M.P and his initiative in sanctioning the amount. The ceremony took place as scheduled and was presided by West Bengal PHE Minister in presence of the Municipal Affairs Minister, Ashok Bhattacherjee, the DGHC caretaker Chairman, Subash Ghisingh and a host of GNLF LEADERS. A report in the local daily appeared on 20th Feb 2006 that Dawa Narbula, M.P being present on the dais was not given a chance to address and was subsequently ignored and disparaged, he left the venue and expressed resentment and anguish for not acknowledging Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi and UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi on whose recommendation the funding was available. No reaction or comment came from the host and organiser of the programme. The All India Gorkha League issued a statement stating the foundation laying programme as a gimmick and ploy of CPM and GNLF for the ensuing Assembly Election of West Bengal. Later on, the spending of twenty lakh Rupees by the PHE Department in organising the foundation stone laying ceremony at Chowrastra became the talk of the town. After a year of the foundation laying ceremony of the Balasan River Project the thirsty people saw a ray of hope in THE FEDERATION OF SOCIETIES FOR ENVIRONMENT PROTECTION {FOSEP} a non-government organisation as it received a huge amount from Japan for making water supply to the people of Darjeeling. The organisation has opted for making arrangement of drinking water for people of Pokhriabong valley that is a rural area of Darjeeling hill. From the month of July, 2007, the road leading to the proposed site of Balasan Project via Rungmuck Tea Garden was

repaired giving the impression as the start of the project, but the environmentalists, NGOs and the FOSEP have raised a question as to the suitability of water from Balasan for drinking purpose. They pointed out that the location of the Balasan Project which is situated at the bottom of Tea Gardens where waters from Nine Tea Gardens flow. The residue, dregs and dross of insecticides, pesticides, fertilizer and other chemicals used by those nine tea gardens would one way or other reach Balasan River through the different stream, Jhora and rain water. The Balasan Project does not contain any plan and scheme for the Filtration and Water Treatment Plant before its distribution. Further they believe that the water was not tested to detect whether it was for human consumption prior to the drawing the plan and scheme of the project. Thus, the Balasan Project seemed to be entangled into a controversy of serious technical nature relating to the hygienic prospect, but the water starved population of Darjeeling seemed least interested on the question of possible intake of contaminated water and its side effects on the future generation. However, the government seemed least serious or interested to take a note of the techinical points as raised by FOSEP. Though, their concern was of utmost importance to ensure a clean, pure and hygenic water distribution system in the larger publc interest.

EDUCATION FOR ECONOMY FORMED NATIONALITY

For a people to develop, they must have constant recourse to their own history.To deny them the existence of this therefore has a purpose, for it makes them neutered objects on whose tabula rasa, that clean slate of mind, the text of the master race- cultural, economic, religious, and so on- can be inscribed. Wole Soyinka

The economy of Darjeeling hills and its surrounding areas, except for Siliguri is dependent on Tea, Timber, Trade, indigenous type of agriculture, horticulture, floriculture and engagement in army, para-military, government departments as well as government and semi government schools. There was no dearth of opportunities in those sectors for the local people, but the share of the indigenous educated people in the administrative sphere is negligible after the departure of the British. From the later part of the seventies few local people, most of them belonging to scheduled tribe and scheduled caste would qualify in the examination conducted by West Bengal Public Service Commission as reflected in the administrative posts under the District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police. The officials being duly qualified in state public service commission examination and having been thus appointed have no involvement in policy framing and decision making for the place and also for the people. It has been so arranged that they are entitled to work only as subordinates, but a person from Darjeeling has the opportunity to occupy the chair of the Chief Secretary in the state of Andhra Pradesh. The Nepali speaking son of the soil is holding the post of Home Secretary of state government in North East, but in the place where they are born and brought up they are only entitled to work as subordinates. There is grim prospect of governmental service in Darjeeling hills in different departments, even in group D and other clerical posts. Hence, many educated youths had to go to Sikkim, Bhutan and Nepal in search of services, but with the passage of time such opportunities are fading due to various factors in those lands. The youths of Darjeeling have no other option but to be counted as unemployeds. The situation has further worsened on account of the absence of technical and vocational institutions in Darjeeling hills. Today, the information technology has dominated every field of education, but in absence of initiative from the government, there is mushrooming of private centres to impart computer education in Darjeeling hills. The absence of government mechanism for verifying the credentials and credibility of the centre as well as fee structures makes computer education unaffordable for those students coming from lower income group. As the vocational and technical education is the need of the day the students belonging to below the poverty level {BPL} group constituting of majority in the overall population ratio have no choice but to pursue with the traditional education, which was left by the British and followed by the

Government with certain alteration and modification. The present educated generation, however is the product of traditional education carried out and followed in the region by the Government and Private Institutions. As "during the first three decades following the opening of the hill station, at least a few preliminary works in the field of education had thus been done by a private Moravian Mission and government officials. These pioneers found this region to be unexplored and virgin thrown open for them to begin the educational institutions of their own design and purpose; and to introduce curriculum of their own discretion" (Dewan). The purpose of the missionaries in Darjeeling was to spread Christianity by starting educational institution and educating the people. Thus, the establishment of educational institutions by the British government officials in Darjeeling for imparting education was aimed at producing numbers of indigenous people, who could help them in day to day administration being well versed in Reading, Writing and Arithmetic only. As the British had wanted to educate the local people so as to make them clerks, Munsis, Daffadars, Bearers etc. for carrying the administration with ease, but a good number of students surpassed the impression and expectation of the British by quality performances, in the field of education after acquiring higher degree that resulted the formation of a layer of literate society within a short span of time. A strong surge of socio-politico consciousness arose in the minds of those formed the literate groups that led to the perception of forming a developing Nepali Nationality in India. The perception of formation of nation state in Europe was discernible on the annihilation of feudalism. The annihilation of feudalism was followed by renaissance and modernism. In the same manner the destruction of natural resources for developmental activities and the spread of education are found to have caused expeditious formation of nationality consciousness among the inhabitants of Darjeeling. The consciousness thus sprang up to represent the sentiment, emotion, urges and aspiration of the developing Gorkha Community in India from Darjeeling in a conspicuous way. And gradually the preservation and development of Nepali Language in India as a national identity and formation of separate administrative arrangement for the Darjeeling District and its periphery where the Nepali speaking people were in dominance became twin political aspiration of the people of the region. It is the dynamism of human civilization that the start of education has gradually led to the development of nationality consciousness which in turn is found to have taken a concrete shape of seeking national and political identity. Similarly falling in the line of the dynamism of human's civilization, the education started in Darjeeling, with an allurement of economic benefit it moved ahead and formed nationality consciousness which ultimately has laid a solid foundation of nationality consciousness of Indian Gorkhas for seeking to fulfill their political aspiration in India from Darjeeling. Thus, the recognition of Nepali language and a homeland in India had been moving in the same motion as described in "the scientific law of conservation of mass of energy". The twin aspiration of the Nepali speaking Gorkhas in India is found to have been moving along tartan tracts in the manner described here under.

THE NEPALI LANGUAGE AND THE COURSE CHARTED BY IT

Language, is more than simply a means of communication; it constitutes our world-view by cutting up and ordering reality into meaningful units. The meanings we attach to things tell us which values we consider are important and how we learn or choose to differentiate between superior or inferior qualities. Ngugi Wa Thiongo, Decolonising the Mind.

In the history of British India, during the closure of the First World War Darjeeling was accorded approval and sanction for teaching of Nepali Language upto the graduation level of the then Calcutta University on 24th July, 1918. The permission for teaching of Nepali Language from Calcutta University was the recognition of Nepali Language as a developed language of the Gorkhas in India. Thus it is evident that the Nepali speaking people had grown into a compact nationality in India living in the region comprising Darjeeling Terai and Dooars. Language and literature is regarded as a standard yardstick for measuring the advancement, progress and prosperity of a nation hence, in the scale of the standard yardstick Nepali Language is seemed to have attained the calibrated mark employed by the then Calcutta University. It was a positive event for the people of the region as it led to the growth of educated and conscious layers for playing assertive role in the years to come. In carrying further the assignment thrust upon the literate people by destiny the establishment of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan had taken place on 25th May, 1924 in Darjeeling. It being the premier literary organisation of the Gorkhas in India, it has been carrying the task of publications of books on various discipline since inception till date along with literary activities of varied nature. The Nepali Sahitya Sammelan after passing many odds, dales and valleys, today stands as the oldest literary organisation of Gorkhas in India with its own building situated at Sonam Wangdi Road. But the progress and achievement carried forward by the organisation during the period of nearing a century in no case can be regarded as satisfactory. The pace with which the organisation had stridden in the beginning seems to have lost with the passing of time. The passing of time led to the change of generation that inevitably changed the body of the Nepali Sahitya Sammelan. The successive governing bodies for more than two decades seemed to have become static with

interchange of portfolios for office bearers among themselves. Hence, the dynamism, with which the Nepali Sahitya Sammelan was required to move, is seen to have been stagnated. The stagnation to some extent could also be regarded as an impact of the political scenario prevailing in Darjeeling. On the contrary in Darjeeling the whims of political party instead of its ideology and philosophy swept a chunk of people associated with art and literature. The other remaining chunk sat on the fence as they were neither opposing nor supporting the whim that was thrust on them. In such situation the lone institution of the literary intellectuals of India operating in Darjeeling was mute and at times they adopted compromising posture with both the sides. As during the period, there was mounting political pressure on the institution for changing the name from Nepali Sahitya Sammelan to Gorkha Sahitya Sammelan from Gorkha National Liberation Front [GNLF], a political party of Darjeeling. At that time the body heading the institution was not unanimous for effecting a change of nomenclature at the behest of political party, but it was written in "DIYALO" by Ramlall Adhikari in favour of Gorkha Bhasa. The DIYALO is a journal published from time to time by Nepali Sahitya Sammelan as its mouthpiece. The controversy regarding the name of language had reached the highest pitch when the bust of poet BHANUBHAKTA ACHARYA, installed at Chowrastra Darjeeling by the founders of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan in 1949, was decapitated as a means adopted by the proponent of Gorkha Bhasa to subdue the lovers of Nepali Bhasa. But the act of decapitation of the statue boomeranged for the GNLF as it provided an opportunity of alignment towards the no- changer of language name. Thus, the pressure for change of nomenclature of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan was averted, but being relieved of unnecessary and unwanted pressure, the institution has not been able to rise from its normal routine work. In place of widening its perimeter of literary activities so as to accommodate the whole community, rather it shrunk and got confined to a group only, but the group also exhibited no cohesion as the allegation and counter allegation surfaced from 2004 onwards. Finally the internal push and pull became open to public. Thus, the premier literary organisation of today's twenty million Indian Gorkhas was seen passing through a critical hour and possibly a transitional phase. At the time of the founding of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan, there were limited numbers of persons acquiring higher academic degree and intellectuals associated with different disciplines of socio-cultural and educational field. Today after more than eight decades of establishment and functioning of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan, there is no dearth of learned intellectuals in the field of language, literature, arts, culture and academicians among the Gorkhas in India. Many of them have earned reputation, recognition and distinction through their contribution and dedication in the sphere of civil, military, games and sports, medical, science and technological advancement of the country. The controversy of using Gorkha in place of Nepali for the name of language as raised by GNLF has been mentioned in the preceding paragraph. They wanted to impose their diktat with force, but the controversy of the Gorkha and Nepali had its origin from the developing stages of the language. In those days the language had different names such as Parbatiya Bhasa, Khash Bhasa, Gorkha Bhasa, Nepali Bhasa etc. but with a view to using one particular name of the language, the Nepali Sahitya Sammelan on 30th April, 1932 and 15th May, 1932 had sent letters to the then Calcutta University with the information of appropriateness and pertinence of calling the name of language as Nepali Language. The Calcutta University had promptly responded vide its letter dated 20th May, 1932 with consent to use Nepali against other names. Thus, the language of Gorkha living in India is found to have been officially christened as Nepali in the year 1932, but in spite of the controversy of nomenclature being put at rest in 1932, some writers and academicians from time to time had preferred and used Gorkha as the

name of their language. However, numerically they were a minority as the overwhelming majority had become used and adapted to the official line. Hence, the nomenclature Nepali moved forward overriding other names and producing series of literatures covering the entire literary spectrum. The prosperity and development of Nepali Language takes stride uninterruptedly from Darjeeling. Thus in the early phase of the fourth decade of the nineteen century, Darjeeling is found to have become the capital of social, cultural, educational, literary and political activities of Gorkhas in India. The dawn of freedom of India and adoption of new constitution in 1950 was followed by the submission of a memorandum for the inclusion of Nepali language in the Eight Schedule of the Indian Constitution. The demand for inclusion of Nepali Language in the constitution was not made from Darjeeling. It was represented to the President of India on 14th January, 1956 by Anandsingh Thapa of Deharadun. At that time Anandsingh Thapa was the editor of a magazine named as JAGRAT GORKHA and the demand made by him was regarded as an effort of raising the level of awakening and inculcation of consciousness among the Nepali Community in India, but the demand on behalf of Nepali citizens of India put forward by Anandsingh Thapa, "the President referred the matter to the Chairman of the Official Languages Commission. Mr. B. G. Kher, the Chairman of the Commission wrote back to Mr. Thapa, et al, that since Nepal was a sovereign country, its language could not be included in the 8th Schedule of the Constitution. Kher's response, by its irrationality, caused much consternation, amazement and indignation among Nepali-speaking people to whom Mr. Thapa had sent copies of his letter to the President. They included government ministers, heads of political parties, MPs and MLAs. Kher's argument had to be shown up for what it was. In a rejoinder in February 1956, Thapa and friends wrote back that the language panel chief's case for not including Nepali language in the Constitution was myopic. They argued that if Mr. Kher's rationale was to be accepted then Urdu language should not have been given recognition either. It was after all the official language of a foreign country {i.e. Pakistan}. Mr. Thapa's letter and the reply he got from the government, which again spoke of an intransigent mind, led to the germination of a seed that would one day become the struggle for according national recognition to the Nepali language" ( L. B. RAI IN A MAGAZINE TITLED AS AUDAHA PUBLISHED BY THE DELHI NEPALI SAHITYA SANSKRITI MANCH IN MARCH, 2002). On 24th August 1956 in the Parliament of India the need for according recognition of Nepali language for the first time was raised by Satyendra Narayan Majumdar who was a member of Rajya Sabha from West Bengal working as a whole timer of Communist Party of India [CPI] in Darjeeling. Thus in the early phase of independent India the role and attitude of Communist for the people of Darjeeling looked considerate, but keeping a pace with bygone time it becomes easy to understand for the elite intelligentsia that the considerate attitude was nothing more than crocodile tears. The Congress Government of West Bengal under the Chief Minister Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy on 19th March, 1958 moved a resolution stating that---" This Assembly is of opinion that in pursuance of Article 245 of the Constitution of India, Legislation should immediately be undertaken for adopting BENGALI as the language to be used with immediate effect for all official and administrative purposes in the state of West Bengal." The placement of the resolution in the Assembly of West Bengal follows the attempt for removal of Nepali from the degree level by the Calcutta University ignoring its earlier permission and recognition of Nepali Language for study up to the graduation level. The placement of the resolution and the stand of Calcutta University explicitly unfolded the attitude and approach of the advanced and developed community towards the developing minority community of the state dominantly inhabitating sizable areas. Undermining all aspect of the people of the region, a bill known as West Bengal Language Act 1961 was placed in the West Bengal

Assembly for discussion and approval of the house. While moving the Bill on 23rd February, 1961 the Chief Minister Dr. B.C. Roy had appraised the impracticality of making Nepali as official Language. In support of his argument a distorted figure of 1951 census report pertaining to Darjeeling was used as his gambit. As per the distorted report the percentage of Nepali Speaking population was stated to be 19.96 numbering the total population 88,958 only. But in the preceding census the Nepali speaking people was shown as ninety-eight percent. The distortion was that the Chhettri, Brahmin, Kami, Damai, and Sarki only were counted as Nepali Speaking people in Darjeeling. The bulk of the Nepali Speaking population such as Tamang, Limbu, Gurung, Rai, Sherpa, Lepcha and others whose ligua franca was Nepali were not counted as Nepali Speaking Community on the ground of having their own dialects. The distortion of the census figure was a subtle endeavour by the government of West Bengal for denying the permissible right of Nepali Community for obtaining status of official language that had developed used and was spoken by an overwhelming majority of population of the region. It was the first easily discernible political, administrative and diplomatic design in independent India against the minority community of Darjeeling by the majority and ruling community who linguistically, culturally, ethnically were a different community within West Bengal. Thus, it was a grand design of splitting a compact Nepali Community on the line of sectarian/casteism on the basis of their language and dialects solely for the narrow political interest of the ruling community of the state. During the period, the Chief Minister Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy was regarded as a formidable chief minister of the country and also had the recognition as ROYAL BENGAL TIGER. Hence the Royal Bengal Tiger seemed to be confident of sailing the move unchallenged, but the people of Darjeeling having perceived the subtle move of depriving and splitting the unity of Nepali community came forward against the move. The social bodies of the different communities of Indian Gorkhas represented to the government in writing that mentioned Nepali as their Mother Tongue. Thus the resentment and dissatisfaction born in the minds of the people against the subtle design of the government of Dr. B.C. Roy was built up into a movement and the movement was competently led by Messrs. Ratanlall Brahmin, Indra Bahadur Rai and Ganeshlall Subba. Of the three, Ratanlall Brahmin was the founder member of the Communist Party of India in Darjeeling, Indra Bahadur Rai was writer and intellectual of wide repute and Ganeshlall Subba was known as the first learned and intellectual to have joined the Communist Party from the Nepali Community of India. The movement under the sagacious leadership of the Trio ultimately yielded result without any loss of life and property. On 25th September, 1961 sanction and approval of Nepali as second official language was accorded in the state of West Bengal under the provision of West Bengal Language Act, 1961 passed by the State Assembly for its applicability in administrative purposes in the subdivisions of Darjeeling hills. It was the first time that the people of Darjeeling had been able to foil the design of the government through united protest and movement. But the act of distortion of the census figure and attempt to mislead the people by the Chief Minister in person, in the highest forum of the state did not become an issue of debate and discussion in West Bengal Assembly, where three Nepali Speaking Members were like a tiny drop in the ocean of overwhelming Bengali speaking members. Had the distortion of the census figure been related to the big and advanced community, then the political fate of the Chief Minister would have been decided through a PRIVILEGED MOTION IN THE HOUSE, but the issue in question was not the subject related to the fate and emotion of Bengali community. Hence, it is felt by ruling community that the granting of official status to Nepali language in the state of West Bengal as an act of their magnanimity, not the granting of legitimate right of national minority for getting official status for their language. But the snatching of the official status by Nepali Language in the three

subdivisions of Darjeeling provided a fillip for taking further the demand of constitutional recognition of the language. The political parties, social organisations, literate circle and the public representatives were seen to have been making a persistent demand to the Government of India for the constitutional recognition of Nepali Language till 1971 not unitedly but in their own way. In the same year, Ratanlall Brahmin of the Communist Party of India {Marxists} was elected to the Lok Sabha from Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency. On being an honourable member of parliament from Darjeeling, Ratanlall Brahmin made an attempt of taking the oath of his membership of Parliament in Nepali Language on 22nd March, 1971, but the then Speaker of Lok Sabha Dr. G.S. Dhillon did not permit him for taking the oath of office of his membership of Parliament in his own mother tongue. After a lapse of three months of the denial of taking the oath in Nepali, the same Ratanlall Brahmin was allowed on 29th June, 1971 to speak in Nepali on the Budget Debate of the Information Ministry as per the provision of the article 120 of Indian Constitution. On entry to the Parliament of India he was debarred from taking oath in Nepali in the house but three months later he was allowed to speak in Nepali. Thus, being able to speak in Nepali for the first time in the history of Indian Parliament he had submitted a memorandum to the Prime Minister of India on 22nd December, 1971 with SIGNATURES OF SEVENTY FOUR MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT demanding constitutional recognition of Nepali language. On the expiry of the fateful year 1971 THE ALL INDIA NEPALI BHASA SAMITY {AINBS} is found to have been organised by the literate, enlightened and intellectual circle of Darjeeling on 31st January, 1972 with the sole purpose of taking the cause of the recognition of Nepali Language in the Eighth Schedule of Indian Constitution. The following years in the history of the Indian Gorkhas, an organisation of ALL INDIA LEVEL NAMED, All India Nepali Bhasa Samity with active involvement and participation of broad section of people took a formidable shape. Prior to All India Nepali Bhasa Samity {AINBS} a political organisation called All India Gorkhas League had an all India character but the same was on the waning tract when AINBS was formed. Thus, the All India Nepali Bhasa Samity became an umbrella organisation for the Nepali Speaking Citizens of India irrespective of social, cultural and political affiliations. The All India Nepali Bhasa Samity as its maiden endeavour prepared a BOOKLET containing a report of the origin of Nepali Language, its history, and a short list of publications of dictionary, grammar, periodicals and books in Nepali Language. The copies of the very booklet were sent to the President, Vice-president, Primeminister, Ministers, Members of Parliament, Governors and Chief Ministers of states, the Chairman of National Sahitya Academy, its members and leading citizens of India urging them for the recognition of Nepali Language under the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. The preparation of the BOOKLET in support of recognition of Nepali language was the first document of its kind for the purpose. This submission of representation to the highest authorities of Land for the recognition of Nepali Language in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India could be regarded a historic event as prior to the event the demand was not raised with supporting documents that contained facts and figures. In spite of containing the requisite fact and figure for the recognition of Nepali language as per the provision of the Indian Constitution, the case being political in nature, there was a normal practice of the authorities to evade from taking note of the demand. Hence, the PADAYARTA, SEMINAR, DEPUTATION and submission of MEMORANDA to the concerned authorities from the time of formation of AINBS till the beginning of the ninth decades of twentieth century gave no fruit EXCEPT RECEIVING ASSURANCES FROM THE AUTHORITIES INCLUDING THE PRIMEMINISTER OF INDIA. On 11th and 12th JUNE, 1990 a conference on the issue of the recognition of Nepali Language under the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution was organised at the initiative and arrangement of the then Chief Minister of Sikkim,

Narbahadur Bhandari. A galaxy of writers, artists, intellectuals, leaders of political parties and lovers of Nepali Language from across the country numbering more than thousand heads gathered in GANGTOK, the capital city of Sikkim. The jamboree and the two day conclave was the first of its kind in the socio-political history of the Gorkhas in India. After two days of deliberation a fifty-one member committee under the presidentship of the Chief Minister Narbahadur Bhandari was constituted and the body thus formed was christened as BHARATIYA NEPALI RASTRIYA PARISHAD {BNRP}. The body so formed in its endeavour to apprise the political, administrative and diplomatic class of Delhi, the necessity and justification for the recognition of Nepali Language produced a document titled AN INTRODUCTION TO NEPALI LANGUAGE AND A CASE FOR ITS CONSTITUTIONAL RECOGNITION. The body being fully equipped with intellectual faculty, facts and figures required for recognition of Nepali language, left no stone unturned in making persistent foray in the power lobby of the capital. In the effort of penetrating into the barrier of Delhi for acquainting them the need and timely recognition of Nepali Language, the contribution of the renowned historian Dr. Kumar Pradhan was topmost along with host of lovers of Nepali Language. Further the political and diplomatic exercises of BNRP were propelled with intensity by the dynamic activities of the erstwhile members of the Parliament namely DILKUMARI BHANDARI, the member of Lok Sabha from Sikkim and R. B. RAI, the member of Rajya Sabha from Darjeeling, West Bengal as they carried hectic business in the respective house of the parliament for enlisting the support of the members of the house belonging to different national, regional political parties and also independent members. As a result of the joint ventures of the Duo Parliamentarians inside the house and persistent persuasion by the BNRP from outside, the recognition of Nepali Language became a possibility in the beginning of the year 1992. But in an informal discussion among R.B. RAI, A MEMBER OF RAJYA SABHA belonging to CPM, and two of his party colleagues R.P. PAKHRIN and D.S. BOMJAN it was perceived that mere complacency on the possibility would not yield a positive result unless a momentum is kept alive for exerting requisite pressure from Darjeeling for the recognition of Nepali Language at the time of the Monsoon Session, 1992 of the Parliament. Hence, as a means of mounting pressure, an urgent need to hold a Seminar for the recognition of Nepali Language by intellectuals, writers, political parties and the lovers of Nepali Language in Darjeeling was felt as a booster to the diplomatic foray of BNRP and the lobbying exercise in Parliament by DILKUMARI BHANDARI and R.B. RAI. Thus, in order to organise the seminar the two members of the erstwhile Communist Party of India {Marxists} Darjeeling District committee, carried out the task of consultation and interaction within and outside party. The interaction finally resulted in convening a meeting for the purpose, by the Information and Cultural Department of Darjeeling District on 14th June, 1992 at HAYDEN HALL. The meeting was attended by writers, artists, intellectuals, members and leaders of political parties and social organisations. The meeting was presided over by the topmost intellectual of the Nepali Literary World, Indra Bahadur Rai. After a long deliberation, the meeting decided on favour of holding a Seminar so as to urge the Government of India for the Recognition of Nepali Language during the current session of the Parliament. While taking into account the prevailing socio-political scenario of Darjeeling and the financial and technical aspects related to the proposed seminar, the meeting unanimously favoured and resolved to urge the Information and Cultural Department Government of West Bengal for holding the seminar. Further the meeting felt that the seminar for the recognition of Nepali language organised by the Government of West Bengal could carry much more weight and message in comparison to the seminar organised by lovers of Nepali language. Hence, a committee with Indra Bahadur Rai as President, the Deputy Director, Information and Cultural Affairs, Government of West Bengal, as Secretary and

the rest who had attended the meeting of the day, as members for holding the seminar in Darjeeling was formed. The committee thus formed put itself in motion and decided to hold the seminar on 5th July, 1992 by inviting the Chief Ministers of West Bengal and Sikkim along with the writers, artists, leaders of political parties, intellectuals and lovers of Nepali Language residing across the length and breath of India. While the monsoon session of Parliament was on and things seemed to be moving on a fast tract as the Home Ministry Government of India convened an All Party Meeting on 17th June, 1992 on the issue of the recognition of Language. The All Party Meeting decided for the inclusion of MANIPURI, KONKANI and NEPALI Languages in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution. In Darjeeling the committee, constituted for holding Seminar, named as SANGOSTY COMMITTEE for recognition of Nepali Language, held its meeting on 19th June, 1992 in the Conference Hall of Darjeeling Municipality. The meeting at the outset unanimously adopted a resolution so as to thank the Government of India for holding the All Party Meeting on 17th June, 1992 by the Home Ministry and its decision to accord recognition to Nepali language along with other two languages. And after having a thorough discussion on the different aspects of the proposed seminar and also having learnt the inability of the two Chief Ministers for attending the seminar on 5th July, 1992 it was resolved to hold the same on 11th July, 1992 as the date seemed to be convenient and suitable to both the Chief Ministers. The next meeting of the SANGOSTY COMMITTEE took place on 21 June, 1992 in the office of the Information and Cultural Department, Darjeeling. The Deputy Director of the Department, on the basis of the communication received from the government of West Bengal, informed the meeting, the willingness of the government for providing necessary fund for holding the seminar. He further communicated the desire of the government for holding the seminar in the Durbar Hall, Rajbhawn Darjeeling by sending the invitation cards bearing the signature of the Chief Secretary, Government of West Bengal instead of the Sangosty Committee. The members present opined and felt that the holding of Seminar and its success could be far more important than printing the name of Sangosty Committee in the Invitation Card. Hence, all the members present in that meeting expressed their individual and joint commitment for the participation and involvement for the making the seminar a success. The enthusiastic message of solidarity and commitment of the lovers of Nepali Language for making the seminar a success spread like wild fire in Darjeeling, but with an intention of dousing the fire from burning the heart of the people and party who were against the recognition of Nepali Language, A POSTER APPEARED IN DARJEELING TOWN ON 29TH AND 30TH JUNE, 1992 CONTINUOUSLY FOR TWO DAYS CONTAINING A THREAT THAT WAS WRITTEN AS "NO GORKHA WILL BE HELD RESPONSIBLE IF A DECAPITATED HEAD OF PEOPLE IS HANGED AT CHOWK BAZAR FOR MAKING THE DEMAND OF RECOGNITION OF NEPALI LANGUAGE " JANTA. It was a brazen threat and designs to bully the lovers of Nepali Language so as to dissuade them from organising the seminar for providing support to the recognition of the Nepali Language under the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution. In the beginning, it was given to understand to the proposed Sangosty Committee, that the Government of West Bengal was keenly prepared and determined to hold the Seminar. But there was no reaction from the government and its district administration, when the posters that contained threat of severe nature to the people for involving in the seminar, were pasted in the heart of town. The dual standard of the government became a riddle to the lovers who were aspiring for the recognition of Nepali Language in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution. It seemed that the government and its district administration were muted by the posters. Hence, there was a strong distaste against the Government of West Bengal

for its pretence of the unawareness of the posterings. Gradually the Government of West Bengal and its Darjeeling administration having sensed the mood of the mass; the police removed the posters on 1st July, 1992. The members of the Sangosty Committee gathered in the office of the District Information and Cultural Department, Government of West Bengal on 2nd June, 1992 for a meeting. In the meeting under the presidentship of Indra Bahadur Rai, the members present made a scathing attack against the incompetence and lethargic role of the Darjeeling District Administration towards the individual, groups and organisation that had pasted posters for creating panic. But the meeting reiterated its earlier decision and stuck to its gun for holding seminar on 11th July 92. The issue of recognition of Nepali Language under the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution gradually took shape into a political cauldron in Darjeeling, as Gorkha National Liberation Front {GNLF} the erstwhile ruling party of an autonomous body that is Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council [DGHC] under West Bengal came forward by calling general strike from 10 to 12 July, 1992 against the recognition of Nepali language and also making a demand for inclusion of Gorkha Language in the Constitution instead of Nepali. The political import of the calling for three days strike by the GNLF was to sabotage the seminar of the Sangosty Committee scheduled to be started on 11th July, 1992. The Postering with dire threat and the calling of three days strike clearly drew a line to separate the pro-recognition and anti-recognition group or camp of Nepali Language in Darjeeling from the same community and speaking the same language. Thus, in the history of THIRTY SIX YEARS OF STRUGGLE for the recognition of Nepali Language, a battle field was created in Darjeeling in a subtle design. The situation thus thrust upon the lovers of Nepali language for constitutional recognition of their mother tongue in Darjeeling pushed them between the devil and deep sea. The holding of seminar as a means to exert pressure for the recognition of Nepali Language would tantamount to a confrontation of fratricidal nature, the caller of the three days strike being armed with the administrative power and strength of an Autonomous Body under West Bengal seemed determined and bent upon for carrying on their proposed programme for the observance of three days general strike, the Sangosty Committee held a meeting on 6th July, 1992 in the office of Darjeeling District Information and Cultural Department for taking stock of the situation. The meeting under the presidentship of Indra Bahadur Rai after threadbare discussion on the situation arising out of three days bandh called by GNLF against the recognition of Nepali Language, upheld the earlier decision of holding the seminar and decided to carry on the same but without being provoked by the activities of the anti recognition group of Nepali language. After the meeting a separate and exclusive consultation was held among R.B. RAI, R.P. PAKHRIN and D.S. BOMJAN in the CPM Office for making and ensuring active involvement of political parties, social organisations and literary bodies for joint and united move for the recognition of Nepali language. And accordingly a meeting of NEPALI BHASA SAMITY, NEPALI SAHITYA SAMMELAN, GORKHA DUKKHA NIVARAK SAMMELAN, UTTAR BENGAL PARISAD that was headed by Surja Narayan Pradhan, a disillusioned GNLF Leader, Bharatiya Yuva Parisad headed by Dhurba Subba a youth leader of Gorkha League, and CPM was convened and held on 6th July 92 in the Library Room of Gorkha Dukha Nivarak Sammelan, Darjeeling at 3.30 P.M. under the presidentship of Dr. Jagat Chhetree. The newly formed Gorkha Democratic Front {GDF}, a political party, was absent in that meeting in spite of being informed to attend the meeting. But the GDF President Madan Tamang had informed D.S. BOMJAN of his support for holding the seminar for the recognition of Nepali Language and the same was communicated in the meeting. The meeting unanimously resolved for observance of twelve hours strike on 8th July, 1992 in Darjeeling District for pressing the demand for the recognition of Nepali Language and also for providing an outlet to the

lovers of Nepali Language as an expression of solidarity for the cause of Nepali Language. In the meeting, being fully aware of the inability of causing bandh in Siliguri, the responsibility of making the bandh a success in Siliguri was entrusted to CPM. On behalf of the CPM Ramasankar Prasad and Tulsi Bhattarai, the two responsible District Committee members of CPM, heartily accepted the responsibility of making the bandh a success in Siliguri for the recognition of Nepali Language in the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution. After the meeting, the CPM office at Darjeeling received a telephonic advice and suggestion from the then Information and Cultural Affairs Minister Buddhadev Bhattacharjee for deferring the seminar scheduled to be held on 11th July, 1992. On receipt of the telephonic directive from the Minister an informal meeting took place in presence of Ananda Pathak, Sangdopal Lepcha, Ramashankar Prasad, Tulsi Bhattarai, R.B. Rai, R.P. Pakhrin and D.S. Bomjan in CPM office Darjeeling. The informal meeting felt that it was impossible to defer the seminar without getting some positive signal for the recognition of Nepali Language. The feelings as well as the decision of observing a twelve hours Darjeeling District Bandh were communicated to the Minister over phone from CPM Office, Darjeeling. There is always a vast distance between Darjeeling and Kolkata. And normally the distance is regarded as a cause of gap of understanding the extreme north by the rulers from the Writers' of Kolkata. But on 6th July, 1992 the distance was shortened, because on that day non acceptance of advice of the Information Minister was followed by telephonic conversation with the CPM office Darjeeling by the Chief Minister of West Bengal, Jyoti Basu informing the details of talk held by him with the Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao over phone for the recognition of Nepali Language and also consultation held with the Chief Minister of Sikkim, Narbahadur Bhandari for deferring the scheduled seminar. Thus the CPM office being informed and advised by the Chief Minister and the highest leader of the party had no other option but to take steps as suggested. Hence, the next day the President of Sangosty Committee reached the CPM office as requested and on being informed of the development, told Ananda Pathak, R. B. Rai, R. P. Pakhrin and D.S. Bomjan, the information which he had already received from Gangtok, the capital of Sikkim, for deferring the seminar. After sharing the information among the five present in CPM office, they immediately decided to hold a formal meeting of Sangosty Committee in the office of Information and Cultural Department at 4 P.M. The meeting was attended by Indra Bahadur Rai, Prem Allay, J.D.S. Rai, Ganesh Pradhan, Sudarshan Sharma, Amar Lama, Suryanarayan Pradhan, Dhurba Subba, Ratan Mothay, Professor Rajnarayan Pradhan, Prem Pradhan, and officials of Information and Cultural Department and D.S. Bomjan. The president of the Sangosty Committee Indra Bahadur Rai apprised the meeting about the positive development in Delhi for the recognition of Nepali Language and the persistent efforts made by Kolkata and Gangtok in the direction for achieving the recognition as posted to him. The president was very cautious and tactful in dealing with the agenda and also apprising the members present in the meeting of the redundancy of organising the seminar at that juncture. But the members present were unanimous for not being complacent on assurances only and struck to observing the BANDH of 8th July, 1992 as an exercise of drawing the attention of the government on the issue for immediate redressal of the demand for constitutional recognition of Nepali language. The members set themselves in motion after the dispersal of the meeting for making the Darjeeling District Bandh a success. However that very evening, the news bulletin on radio and the Doordarshan through its TV channel made a broadcast of the possibility of constitutional recognition for MANIPURI, KONKANI and NEPALI in that very monsoon session of Parliament. The news bulletin was an invigorating soup and

elixir and also a moral boosting for the lovers of Nepali language. The next day, Sangosty Committee, being morally stimulated and highly optimistic, assembled in the library room of GDNS at 9.30 A.M. for review of the situation and the effect of the Darjeeling District Bandh. The bandh in Kalimpong, Darjeeling and Kurseong was total but there was no bandh in Siliguri. The responsibility accepted by Ramasankar Prasad and Tulsi Bhattarai, the two responsible leaders of CPM, for making the bandh in Siliguri a success turned out to be a political bluff for the Sangosty Committee. The assembled members of the Sangosty Committee taking into account the whole scenario and in anticipation to the news bulletin of the previous evening preferred to withdraw the Darjeeling District Bandh from 11 AM of the very day, but the success of the Bandh in the entire hill areas of Darjeeling District and the broadcasting of the news for the recognition of Nepali language during the ongoing monsoon session of Parliament proved to be a Toxin in the mindset of GNLF. They had been publicly demanding the constitutional recognition of GORKHA BHASA as against Nepali. In order to highlight the demand, the GNLF was supposed to hold a rally and public meeting on 8th July 92 at Chowk Bazar Darjeeling but on that day NECESSARY PERMISSION FROM THE DISTRICT ADMINISTRATION for holding public meeting at Chowk Bazar had already been obtained by BHARATIYA YUVA PARISAD. Thus after the withdrawal of Darjeeling District Bandh at 11 A.M, it became clear that the administration had granted permission for holding public meeting to BHARATIYA YUVA PARISAD and GNLF also on the same day at the same time and at the same venue for making and opposing the demand of the constitutional recognition of Nepali language. The leaders of different political parties assembled in the GDNS Library apprehending the possibility of imminent clash informed the authorities for ensuring peace and upholding the right of the first recipient of the permission for holding public meeting on that day. The administration advised them for maintaining peace with calm so as to allow the authorityto ensure and protect the democratic right of the people and the concerned party. The administration with the help of police force made an effort for blockading the entry of the GNLF supporters and leaders into the town and the venue of the meeting for an hour. But after an hour, the administrative blockade withdrew, the GNLF supporters entered the town as victor and held the public meeting forcefully occupying the venue and debarring the Bharatiya Yuva Parisad from holding the public meeting. The unpleasant incident of that day and the callousness on the part of the Darjeeling District Administration was a Defeat and Betrayal of the Democratic Force in the small town of Darjeeling which prided to be a part of the largest Democracy of the world. On that very night of the betrayal of Democracy, one of the active and conscious workers for the recognition of Nepali Language camp from Kalimpong, Santosh Karki was murdered. The demand and movement of the constitutional recognition of Nepali language was started in the year 1956 by Anand Singh Thapa of Dehradun after submitting a memorandum to the then President of India for the purpose. Since then the demand had been passing ups and downs and arriving at the juncture of the possibility of recognition and Santosh Karki was made the FIRST MARTYR for the cause of the recognition of Nepali language. As per the information gathered from reliable sources is very kith and kin were involved in the murder for reason best known to them. Kalimpong observed total strike on 9th July, 1992 against the murder of Santosh Karki but Darjeeling and Kurseong were only startled by the murder. On the same day the GNLF held a public meeting in Darjeeling town without obtaining requisite permission from the administration for publicity of the scheduled three day bandh which was to begin from 10th July, 1992 on the demand of the recognition of Gorkha Bhasa and in opposition to the recognition of Nepali language. The passivity and indifferent attitude of the law enforcing agencies against the highhandedness of GNLF and allowing them to violate the established rules and norms was

brought to the notice of the District Administration by the Sangosty Committee. The deteriorating law and order situation on account of sheer negligence of the concerned authority was also communicated to Ashok Bhattacharjee who was the Minister from Darjeeling District at Kolkata over phone from CPM Office, Darjeeling. The Minister gave surety to the Sangosty Committee through D.S. Bomjan for taking stern steps and measures in maintaining the law and order. The first day of the Bandh passed without any incident but in the early morning of 11th July, 1992 the report of the DECAPITATION OF THE BUST OF NATIONAL POET OF NEPALI WORLD BHANU BHAKTA ACHARYA SPREAD LIKE WILD FIRE. THE BUST WAS INSTALLED AT CHOWRASTA DARJEELING IN 1949, BY THE NEPALI SAHITYA SAMMELAN. AND THE STATUE WAS FIRST OF ITS KIND IN THE NEPALI WORLD HAVING AN AESTHETIC VALUE OF MORE THAN RUPEES ONE CRORE. A little later it was also learnt and confirmed the carrying out of the same type of vandalism to the statue of Bhanubhakta Acharya at Kurseong. On being informed of the heinous act of decapitation of the busts of the national poet at Darjeeling and Kurseong, the writers, artists, poets, representatives of political parties and the members of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan, except GNLF, held a meeting in "SUDHAPA HALL" on 11th July, 1992 at 12 P.M. and condemned the act of vandalism in strongest possible words. There after, a small team made a verbal representation to the District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police at DIB Office, Darjeeling. Both of them assured the team of taking strong action and apprehending the culprit by that night, but in contradiction to the assurance given by the law enforcing agencies no action whatsoever was taken, even after a lapse of one and a half decades. The culprits however roam the streets as innocent as ever. In Darjeeling, a situation was created in which the lovers of Nepali Language and the people aspiring for its constitutional recognition had to take a defensive position against the political, organisation, diplomatic and also physical assault on them from GNLF. Besides GNLF, THERE WAS ANOTHER GROUP THAT WAS ALSO ACTIVE FROM JUNE 1992 FOR MAKING DEMAND OF GORKHA/NEPALI LANGUAGE RECOGNITION IN THE EIGHTH SCHEDULE OF THE INDIAN CONSTITUTION. The protagonists of the demand were Swarup Upadhyaya, Padambahadur Chavan from Assam, Ashok Kumar Subba and Ram Moktan from Sikkim and Darjeeling respectively. This group of four people was not lagging behind in pulling the leg of the Sangosty Committee by raising a demand of recognition of Nepali/Gorkha Bhasa and they were known as OBLIQUE PARTY. They even ventured to organise a Seminar in Delhi in support of their demand but it was their ill luck that the attempt turned into a fiasco in spite of spending material and physical resources and strength. Darjeeling witnessed the month of July, 1992 as a season of language wrangling of a very serious nature between the people and a group of people speaking the same language following the same culture and tradition, but the rank and file, who were pushed into the grave squabble in the name of language, were not aware of the systematic political remote organism that was set in motion. At the end of July 1992, a report indicating possibility of constitutional recognition of Manipuri and Konkani only by dropping the case of Nepali appeared in the Statesman daily on 29th July, 1992 as a press statement of Dhurba Subba and Suryanarayan Pradhan was communicated to them by the Information and Cultural Department Minister Buddhadev Bhattacharya, Government of West Bengal. The lovers of Nepali Language in Darjeeling were surprised when they read the press report coming from two local boys instead of the Minister himself. The option exercised by the Minister for flashing the news of the possibility of the dropping the case of the constitutional recognition of Nepali Language in that very session of Parliament through the two local boys belonging to the pro-Nepali group was a creation of a conundrum, but it was not very difficult to understand its

implication for people involved in the movement for the recognition of Nepali Language. The information was believed to have got divulged out of the heart of the Minister while holding talk inadvertently and the same took a shape of hot news when it went to the press from the two boys. A thin layer of suspicion was in pervasion in the heart of hearts of the lovers of Nepali Language regarding the seriousness and sincerity of the ruling party CPM of West Bengal, for the cause of the recognition of Nepali Language at that opportune moment. The reason for building the suspicion was that there was a wide spread talk in the circle of GNLF of the concrete assurance received by Subash Ghisingh, the President of GNLF, and also the Chairman of the DGHC, from the Chief Minister of West Bengal Jyoti Basu for not pushing the case of Nepali Language. In support of the wide spread talk copies of a D.O. letter dated 3rd July, 1991 to Subash Ghising from the Chief Minister Jyoti Basu was distributed throughout the DGHC areas. The letter in between the lines contained as "WE HAD MUTUALLY AGREED THAT THE LANGUAGE ISSUE COULD NOT BE AND SHOULD NOT BE RAISED, EVER." Thus the circulation of the copies of the D.O. Letter revealed that there was an understanding and agreement between the Chief Minister Jyoti Basu and the DGHC Chairman Subash Ghisingh for not pushing the case of the recognition of Nepali Language, but in spite of having that sort of understanding, the Government under Jyoti Basu tactfully pretended of taking the cause for Nepali Language by camouflaging their insincerity with utmost care. As it is said that the time is the greatest healer and the very healer time gradually led the circumstances and event to unfold itself of the insincerity. In spite of unfolding the role of the higher leadership of CPM at Kolkota, the leaders of the party from Darjeeling were very serious in their endeavour and persuasion for the recognition of Nepali language. They left no stone unturned in exercising the political and organisational pressures on the different level of the CPM. On the strength of party organisation and also in the capacity as a member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha, R.B. Rai moved from pillar to post in Delhi and finally succeeded in taking a delegation of the members of Parliament comprising Somnath Chatterjee, Saifudin Choudhury from CPM, Indrajit Gupta, Geeta Mukherjee from CPI, Rambilash Paswan from Janta Dal, Chitta Basu from Forward Block and also joined by Dilkumari Bhandari, Sikkim to the Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao and the Home Minister S.B. CHAUHAN on 30th July, 1992. The delegation, as usual obtained assurance for the recognition of Nepali alongwith Manipuri and Konkani from both the Prime-Minister and Home Minister, but in spite of assurance from the highest authority there was every possibility of change or conversion of the decision as in the House the Member of Parliament from Darjeeling was Indrajit Khullar, a journalist from Delhi elected on the backing and support of GNLF on Congress Ticket. He was very actively blockading the recognition of Nepali Language, and making every possible effort for the recognition of GORKHA BHASA without knowing the history, background, evolution, progress, status and existence of Nepali Language. Even though he did not have the slightest clue to either utter or pronounce a single word of Nepali Language, he was entrusted with the task of obstructing the recognition of Nepali Language and to make effort for advocating the recognition of Gorkha Bhasa as a pay back of his gratitude for the support he had received from GNLF. R.B. RAI being aware of the fact and also realising the scant and half hearted support from CPM came to Darjeeling and met with D.S. BOMJAN the President of the cancelled Sangosty Committee Indra Bahadur Rai, the members of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan and erstwhile Gorkha Democratic Front President with its members for making a constant pressure from Darjeeling till the recognition of Nepali Language was obtained in the very session of Parliament. As expressed and desired by R.B. RAI for building pressure, the representatives of political parties, writers, artists, poets and the members of Nepali Sahitya Sammelan held a meeting in the hall of

Nepali Sahitya Sammelan on 4th August, 1992. The meeting decided to observe twelve hours BANDH in West Bengal and Sikkim on 13th August, 1992 as a litmus test of the support for the recognition of Nepali Language from the ruling parties of those two states. In order to proceed ahead, it was agreed to send a delegation to Alimuddin Street, Kolkota being led by Ananda Pathak, a CPM Leader of Darjeeling, with a request for observing one Day Bandh in Bengal for the cause of Nepali Language. Further the meeting decided to send Ratan Mothay and Sudarshan Sharma to Gangtok with a benign request of that very meeting for the observance of one Day Bandh on 13th August, 1992 on the demand of the constitutional recognition of Nepali Language during the ongoing session of Parliament. As decided Ratan Mothay and Sudarshan Sharma, while intending to leave for Gangtok on 5th August, 1992, encountered a problem of non-plying of vehicles from Darjeeling to Gangtok via Teesta on account of 108 hours strike called by GNLF in Kalimpong from that very day. Keeping in view the urgency of the matter, the CPM Office, Darjeeling made a verbal request to the District Administration for providing a vehicle from the Pool under Administrative disposal, but the civil and police authorities in spite of enjoying a tradition of making arrangement of vehicles for the officials and their own relatives coming from Kolkota and other places to Darjeeling for holidaying, refused to provide a vehicle as requested for reasons known to them only. However, a lover of Nepali Language and aspirant for its recognition provided his personal vehicle for visiting Gangtok for the purpose. In Delhi, Dil Kumari Bhandari and R.B. Rai were in full swing in pursuing the matter of the constitutional recognition of Nepali Language with the resources at their command. As an endeavour Dil Kumari Bhandari had placed A PRIVATE MEMBERs BILL FOR THE RECOGNITION OF NEPALI LANGUAGE IN LOK SABHA. The Bill was supposed to come for discussion on 7th August, 1992. But on that day the Minister of State for Home Affairs, M.M. JACOB announced of moving a Government Bill for the recognition of languages in that very Session of Parliament for which he asked Dil Kumari Bhandari for withdrawing her Private Member Bill. Accordingly she withdrew her Bill expressing thanks to the Minister and the members of the House for the assurance of recognition of Nepali Language. The assurance from the Minister and the withdrawal of the Private Member Bill by Dil Kumari Bhandari naturally led to the cancellation of the proposed Bandh of Bengal and Sikkim on 13th August, 1992. The following day of the assurance for the recognition of Nepali Language, became a week of merriment for the lovers of Nepali Language and the aspirants for its constitutional recognition not only in Darjeeling but throughout India. The week passed smoothly with complacency and the Parliament declared holiday from 13th to 16th of August, 1992 for Independence Day Celebration. After the opening of Parliament, while making enquiry Dil Kumari Bhandari learnt from the Home Minister, the possibility of the recognition of Manipuri and Konkani only during the ongoing session of Parliament which was scheduled to end on 20th August, 1992 and she passed the information to R.B. Rai over phone in the evening of 18th August, 1992. The message of the possibility of dropping the case of the recognition of Nepali Language immediately pushed R.B. Rai to meet the Deputy Chief whip of his party in Parliament Sukomal Sen for expressing his anguish and resentment against the reported possibility of keeping aside the case of Nepali Language for its recognition. Further he made a hurricane move from place to place for expressing his anger and resentment on one hand for not taking the matter seriously by the stalwart members of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha and on the other making benign request to them namely Saifuddin Choudhury, CPM M.P, Indrajit Gupta and Geeta Mukherjee both CPI M.P, Chitta Basu Forward Block M.P and finally Somnath Chatterjee, the Parliamentary Leader of CPM, for taking immediate and serious steps so that the case of Nepali Language for its recognition could be ensured. The stalwart members of the

both houses of the Parliament assured him of raising the issue of Nepali Language for its recognition in the morning of 19th August, 1992 in both Houses of Parliament. The next day, as assured, after the opening of Lok Sabha Session, Somnath Chatterjee raised the matter of delay dallying posture of the Government for the recognition of Languages and non-fulfillment of the assurances given by the Prime Minister and Home Minister for introduction of bill for the recognition of languages as agreed in All Party Meeting. He was supported by former Prime Minister V.P. Singh, L.K. Advani and Indrajit Gupta. Thus uproar took place in the house on the question of recognition of languages and at the very moment Indrajit Khullar, the M.P. from Darjeeling while opposing the recognition of Nepali Language called it a FOREIGN LANGUAGE. On hearing the statement of Indrajit Khullar, Dil Kumari Bhandari went to the well in front of the speaker and threatened to observe an indefinite hunger strike. The Ministers Mamata Banerjee and Malini Bhattacharjee rushed to assuage Dil Kumari Bhandari. The situation was tackled and calmed down by the Parliamentary Affairs Minister of State R. Kumaramangalam who assured the Lok Sabha for placing a Bill for the recognition of Languages by tomorrow. Correspondingly, similar situation had developed in the Rajya Sabha also when Johan F. Fernandez, Mohammed Salim, Souren Bhattacherjee and Kamal Singh rose and made demand for the recognition of Languages as agreed in the All Party Meeting. In the CPM District Secretariat Meeting held on 15th August, 1992 in Siliguri, the Minister and the party secretariat member Ashok Bhattacharjee had told the impossibility of the recognition of languages in that very Session of Parliament. He also placed the advice and suggestion tendered by West Bengal CPM State Committee for Darjeeling to participate in the strike of 20th August, 1992 called by Left Front against the industrial policy pursued by Government of India as a PROTEST FOR NOT GETTING THE RECOGNITION OF NEPALI LANGUAGE. Further, it was also discussed in the meeting about the recognition of Nepali Language being impossible as learnt by CPM leader of Sikkim State, Anjan Upadhyaya from Prakash Karat and Sitaram Yechuri both Polit Bureau Members of CPM Central Committee. Thus, in Darjeeling, there was smoke of doubt and suspicion regarding the recognition of Nepali Language, but, the people and the protagonists of Nepali language were not inclined to observe the strike thrust upon them. Hence, the lovers of Nepali Language and the political parties in place of strike decided to hold a public meeting on 20th August, 1992 at Gitangay Dara Chowk Bazar, Darjeeling. Thus, a dense fog of uncertainty and improbability had covered the circle of protagonists of Nepali Language in Darjeeling. On the other hand the GNLF, being fattened with administrative power and organisational strength, was making hue and cry for recognition of Gorkha Bhasa, along with threat and intimidation to the people and individuals who were associated with the camp for demanding the recognition of Nepali Language. It had become clear that the struggle for inclusion of Nepali Language in the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution at the decisive hour was set to encounter political and diplomatic exercise in Delhi and physical fight in Darjeeling among people who spoke the same language. It was a result of unseen subtle and meticulous move played from elsewhere. Knowing fully well the pros and cons involved in making the demand for recognition of Nepali Language, the protagonist of Nepali Bhasa, while preparing for holding the public meeting on 20th August, 1992 at Chowk Bazar Gitangay Dara, received the message of recognition of Nepali Language along with Manipuri and Konkani over phone from Delhi. The news of the recognition of Nepali Language spread like a wild conflagration in and around Darjeeling town. The news caused a flutter and euphoria that brought waves of victory and merriment in the hearts of the protagonists and lovers of Nepali Language. Fence-sitters too jumped into the wagon of victory that

carried the whole of Darjeeling town. The bursting of crackers, distribution of sweets and exchange of greetings between each other was the scene at CHOWK BAZAR. The proposed protest meeting, intended to be held on 20th August 1992 at Chowk Bazar Gitangay Dara by the lovers of Nepali Language and its supporters against the noninclusion of their language in the Eight Schedule of the Constitution, turned into a Victory Public Meeting for the recognition of Nepali Language after thirty six years of struggle. The leaders of political parties namely All India Gorkha League, Indian National Congress, Communist Party of India (Marxists), erstwhile Pranta Parisad, Gorkha Democratic Front and Uttar Bangal Parishad were seated at Gitangay Dara and they were delivering speeches in turn. It was an unexpectedly big and jubilant gathering but the mass and the speakers were not agitated and excited. There was total normalcy as the people were enjoying the sunny weather of that Thursday and listening to the history of the struggle pursued by Nepali Language for getting a place in the Constitution of India. When the meeting was nearing its end, all of a sudden, a convoy of six vehicles with GNLF flags and with microphones fitted on one of the vehicles, boarded by erstwhile councillors of DGHC, arrived in front of the venue of the public meeting at Chowk Bazar and started shouting from the mike "NEPALI LANGUAGE IS FOREIGN LANGUAGE, THE PROTAGONISTS OF NEPALI LANGUAGE GO TO NEPAL, NO BODY WILL USE NEPALI LANGUAGE". The halting of six vehicles and shouting from the mike at the venue of the public meeting was like a bolt from the blue that instantaneously created a tense situation. But "Nepali Bhasa Jindabad, Nepali Bhasa Amar Rahosh, Nepali Bhasa Birodhi Go Back" a counter slogan from the mike of the public meeting was also made and the public too carried the same slogan in unison repeatedly. Thus, the public stood undaunted extending their unflinching loyalty and support to the Nepali Language and seeing the mood of the people A. K. Gupta, the then Additional Superintendent of Police, present at the venue of public meeting, took out his service revolver and pointing towards the sky asked the intruder GNLF Councillors to leave the place immediately and they went back via Victoria Hospital Road. The humiliating retreat of the councillors of GNLF facilitated the smooth and peaceful conclusion of the historic public meeting in the annals of three decades struggle for the recognition of Nepali Language in Independent India. During the thirty six years of struggle for a place in the Constitution of India, Nepali Language was made to encounter diplomatic and administrative impediments one after another for which several people from different walks of lives are found to have made physical, material and intellectual contribution as according to their mite. The impediments were even from the highest political-administrative authority also. The Prime Minister Morarji Desai, during his visit to Darjeeling in 1979, had stated the impossibility of the recognition of Nepali Language on account of it being a foreign language. Further he had written on 8th June, 1979 to Smt. Maya Devi Chhettri former member of Rajya Sabha, on the demand of the recognition of Nepali Language as "I cannot agree with you regarding the inclusion of Nepali Language in the 8th Schedule of the Indian Constitution as one of the Indian languages. The origin of Nepali language is Nepal which is an independent country. It is not an Indian language. It is true that there are people who speak Nepali Language in some of the Northern regions contiguous to Nepal but that does not mean that Nepali should be accorded the same status as any of the Indian Language. There are several Indian Languages which are spoken in defined areas by a number of people but these have not been included in the 8th Schedule. All over the world, in border areas, people do migrate to settle down in neighbouring countries but nowhere has such a demand been made for recognition of their language in another country. Those Gorkhas who have settled down in India should come out of their shell, mix with the people and learn the local Language and the national Language in addition to their own Language if they

wish to work out their destiny alongwith the people of India as Indian citizens. A large number of people in Nepal do in fact speak Hindi but will the Nepal Government consider according the same status to Hindi Language in Nepal!" Smt. Maya Devi Chhettri was the member of the Upper House of Indian Parliament when Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru was the Prime Minister of India and she had a direct access with him, but her inability of taking the advantage of the accessibility in that opportune hour with the Prime Minister for the larger interest of her community could be termed a sordid event of her life as she got the curtly worded letter from Morarji Desai, the Prime-Minister of India. The letter is seen as a note of suspicion on the genuineness of the citizenship of Indian Gorkhas even also of the addressee who was the Ex-Member of Parliament. But several stalwart members of Parliament not belonging to Indian Gorkhas community were kind and sympathetic to the issue for a place in the Eighth Schedule of Constitution for Nepali language. A comprehensive account of the struggle encompassing thirty six years fight for the recognition of Nepali Language still has not been written in any of the Indian Languages. The narration made as above is nothing but some flashes of the events at the decisive hours of the inclusion of Nepali Language in the holiest book of the greatest democratic institution of the world. Thus the achievement of the recognition of Nepali Language in no case should be construed as a history of successful movement fought and carried only by political parties, social organisation, writers, artists and intellectuals from Darjeeling only. The language movement, started from the middle of the fifth decade of the twentieth century, had gained its momentum from the beginning of seventh decade and since then several known and unknown souls are found to have made immense physical, material and intellectual sacrifice and contribution for the cause of recognition of Nepali Language. The acknowledgment and appreciation of those sacrifices and contributions in writing in the form of historical account seemed to have been ignored by writers, intellectuals, literary personalities and laureates belonging to Nepali nationals of Indian origin. It is seen that either a sort of inertness or an indolent mindset infested with indifference to the glorious achievement seemed to have weighed down the creamy intelligentsia of the community for writing a comprehensive history of the thirty six years of struggle that accorded linguistic identity to the Gorkhas numbering approximately twenty million in India. The national identity of Gorkhas as Indian accorded and granted by recognition of their language is the fruit of struggle of three and half decades. And in achieving it a fratricidal war was thrust upon but it is only the patience and forbearance of one side, a war of far reaching consequences was avoided. Still arrangement and provision for speaking in Nepali and simultaneous translation in other languages in Parliament and state Legislatures is in dire need.

EVOLUTION OF NATIONAL (ITY) CONSCIOUSNESS

National consciousness, instead of being the all-embracing crystallization of the innermost hopes of the whole people, instead of being the immediate and most obvious result of the mobilization of the people, will be in any case only an empty shell, a crude and fragile travesty of what it might have been. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.

The great political upheaval caused by the division of Bengal in 1905 had its flashes in Darjeeling too. It is on record that secret organisations such as Sadhana Samity, Sarhid Samity and Anushilan Samity etc. were in function in Bengal against the imperialist. The secret organisations were operated by some of the revolutionaries of the then Calcutta. A similar type of organisation having a political tinge named Gorkha Samity Library was believed to have functioned in Darjeeling by evading the eyes of the Intelligence Department of the British during those days. The functioning of Gorkha Library Samity was followed by the formation of Gorkha Hill Community on 8th June, 1913 by some intellectuals at Kurseong. Later on the Gorkha Hill Community is found to have been converted into Gorkha Jana Pustakalaya. Till today it is in existence and functioning as the first and oldest organisation of intellectuals of Darjeeling in India. It seemed that the intellectual chord of the elite of Darjeeling was moved on being acquainted with the movement down in the plains against the partition of Bengal. In spite of being inspired from the movement of the plains the elite and intellectuals of Darjeeling are found to have started expressing the political and administrative urges as a developing nationality of India from the region in their own style. The fact and subject requires a thorough study and research. When they were following a tract for expression in an organised way, the first conflagration of destruction named as First World War in the history of civilization engulfed the human realm. The Nepali speaking Gorkha Community numbering two lakhs also got engaged defending the empire where the SUN had remained ever shining. During this war Gorkha Soldier earned the recognition and reputation of being the Brave of the Bravest and invincible as a result of the sacrifice of the lives of five thousand and injury to twenty thousand Gorkha Soldiers. At the close of the First World War the Gorkha soldiers earned the applause and recognition from across the globe. At about the same time Darjeeling was trasnforming into an epicenter of socio-politico consciousness of the Nepali Speaking Gorkhas in India. The three ethnic groups "Lepchas, Bhutias and Gorkhas representing the opinion of the people of the Darjeeling" were found to have made a joint political body for the first time. As in the capacity of the "representatives of Darjeeling District" on 8th November,

1917 they had submitted a memorandum to the Chief Secretary, Government of Bengal, demanding "creation of a separate unit". The signatories of the memorandum were: "Bhutia-S.W. Ladenla, Lepcha- Dr. Yen Singh Sitling, Nepali-Khadga Bahadur Chhetri, Prem Kumar Kumai, Meghbir Singh, Lachuman Singh, Narprasad Kumai, Deonidhi Upadhyaya and others." The memorandum contained a demand for Separate Administrative Arrangement for the region comprising the whole of Darjeeling district and the portion of the areas taken from Bhutan in 1865 and tagged to Jalpaiguri. The demand of the representatives of Darjeeling District is found to have been based on the incontrovertible data and facts of distinctiveness of the history, culture and geography of the place which being the homeland of the nationalities speaking and following entirely different language, custom, tradition and mindset to that of Bengal. The demand is regarded as the expression of the first political aspiration of the people and place. In spite of the Memorandum being the first document of political demand made from Darjeeling, it is widely accepted that first political demand for having their own homeland was raised in the year 1907 by the leaders of hill people of Darjeeling. The mover of the demand of the hill people was to be understood as the representatives of Lepcha, Bhotia and the Gorkhas. The raising of the demand in the year 1907 was mentioned in a memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru during his visit to Kalimpong on 29th August, 1952 by the President of All India Gorkha league, Sri Narbahadur Gurung. While tracing the political aspiration of the people of Darjeeling Sri Narbahadur Gurung is found to have stated that "as long ago as 1907 before the MorleyMinto Reform, the leaders of the Hill people of Darjeeling submitted a memorial to the British Government demanding a separate administrative setup for the District of Darjeeling". The copy of that "memorial" has not been seen in Darjeeling and same may be lying concealed in dust in the archives of Delhi and London. The region for which the demand of separate administrative setup was made by the Hill people in 1907 is found to have already been segregated from Bengal during its division in 1905. As a place Darjeeling in the then Bengal, had been segregated and tagged with BHAGALPUR OF RAJSHAI DIVISION in 1905 but at the time the annulment of the division of Bengal, the region again got reverted to Bengal. Thus it is evident that the Hill people were not happy even being tagged with Bhagalpur having a little affinity of language but difference in culture, tradition and historical identity. Hence, they might have submitted the "memorials" so as to have the political power and authority for carrying socio-political activities in a manner as enjoyed by other people elsewhere during the time. From the time of the submission of memorandum by the leaders of hill people of Darjeeling in 1907, the region and its people are found to have been persistently making prayers and representation, to the various authorities, for having a separate administrative arrangement. The most important thrust for the separate administrative arrangement since 1917 is given for the separation of the region from the administrative and political clutches of Bengal on the fact of the distinctiveness of history, geography, language, culture, tradition, behaviour and mindset of the people. In the modern parlance, the separate administrative arrangement is to be understood a Separate State in India as per the provision of the Constitution in force. In the direction of the persuasion of the case for separation of the region from Bengal "meetings were organised and petitions were signed. One meeting on 13th March 1920 was attended and supported by many of the European tea-planters and other residents of the District". In spite of support by the European tea-planters also for the separation of Darjeeling from Bengal, it was kept with Bengal against the wishes of the people even under the reforms measures put forward by Montague-Chelmsford Reforms in 1919. Darjeeling District was treated as a Backward Tract and had proposed its exclusion in the execution of some of the developmental activities under the provision

of the MONTAGUE-CHELMSFORD REFORM, 1919. On learning about it, the representatives of Bhotia, Lepcha and Nepali of Darjeeling District had sent a petition to Edwin Montague, the Secretary of state for India, London on 11th February 1920. The petition stated that "It appears to us that our case has been somewhat obscured by including it in the Despatch under 'Backward Tracts', and our prayer for separation from Bengal has been misunderstood as regards exclusion from general Reform Scheme. We had merely prayed for the creation of a New Hill Province of our own with fullest possible measure of Reform Scheme as granted elsewhere in India. As regards the inclusion of our District among 'Backward Tracts', we disclaim the description altogether. In some respects ours is an advanced Tract and is in no way inferior to any other community, our people are as vigorous as any under the Government of India, the percentage of the literate population is well above the average for the Presidency. We would, therefore, emphasise our desire for the fullest possible measure of the Reform Scheme to enable us to contribute most effectively to the welfare of India and the British Empire" The petition further in support of a separate administrative unit states that "The comparatively small population of our district may be urged as an argument against constituting it a separate unit. But our population is increasing at a phenomenal rate and it is more for our descendants than for ourselves that we are so earnest in the matter. Moreover, if our original proposal be adopted, namely, that the portion of Jalpaiguri District which (along with the Kalimpong Sub-Division) was annexed from Bhutan in 1865, should be excluded from Jalpaiguri and included in our unit, then, we should have a population about as large as that of New Zealand" ( Nicholas and Deki). Sadly the petition could not disengage Darjeeling District and the Dooars from the political and administrative scrabble of Bengal. After the submission of the above memorandum for the separation of the region from Bengal, several major political events took place. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was emerging as the soul of the freedom movement in India. When his Non-Cooperation Movement took a violent shape at Chaurichaura, Gandhiji suspended the movement. The stalwarts of Congress Messers Motilal Nehru and Chittaranjan Das, being dissatisfied on the suspension of the movement by Gandhiji, were inclined to continue the freedom struggle in a way different to that of Gandhiji. The subscribers of the line of the two stalwarts were called "pro-changers". The "pro-changers" founded SWARAJ PARTY in 1922. The Swaraj Party after winning the Calcutta Corporation election, Chittaranjan Das became its first Mayor in 1924. The next year he came to Darjeeling with a desire to recorporate from his failing health and "on his arrival at the Railway Station Darjeeling on 16th April, 1925 he was welcomed by a large crowd" {Sanjay}. When Chittaranjan Das was in Darjeeling, the soul and conscience of the independent movement, Mahatma Gandhi also landed in Darjeeling and had stayed for five days with him. During the sojourn of Gandhiji in Darjeeling the representatives of Darjeeling, who were pressing the Government for the separation of the District from Bengal, had not made it a point to meet and apprise the exigency of separation, but a school teacher Paras Mani Pradhan, who in the meeting of Planters Association, European Association, the representatives of people of Darjeeling and others held on 13th March, 1920, had vehemently opposed the PROPOSAL FOR SEPARATION OF THE DISTRICT FROM BENGAL, MET GANDHIJI IN DARJEELING. It becomes clear that the representatives of Darjeeling who were making forays with memorandums for the separation of the area from Bengal had conviction and faith of getting justice from the British. The Congress Party led by Dalbahadur Giri since 1918 was spear-heading the freedom struggle in Darjeeling was also adverse to the proposal forwarded by the representatives of the people of Darjeeling. Might from the dawn, the aspiration of having a separate administrative setup by severing the unnatural politico-administrative umbilical chord had

its opponent. The umbilical chord today has become an unnatural excrescence from the body of Darjeeling for its people. In spite of lacking support for the separate Administrative arrangement for Darjeeling from the erstwhile political leadership, Dalbahadur Giri and teacher Parasmani Pradhan, the informal body termed as representatives of the people of Darjeeling gradually turned into a concrete form of Hill men's Association for pursuing the issue more vigorously. Thus the newly formed Hill Men's Associations of Darjeeling and Kalimpong along with Gurkha Officer's Association and the Gurkha Library of Kurseong submitted a JOINT MEMORANDUM to Sir Samuel Hoare, P.C, G.B.E, C.M.G, the Secretary of State for India, London, on 25th October, 1930 for formation of a separate administrative set up for Darjeeling District. This memorandum also had the same fate as that of earlier submissions. The political scenario of India was developing with rapid stride on account of the intensified movement for Independence of the country. The British with a view to lengthening the tenure of their rule in India had been taking measures one after another. Among those measures, the years "between 1930-1932 three consecutive Round Table Conferences were held in London, and on the basis of the discussions held in those Conferences, the British Parliament passed an act which came to be known as the "Government of India Act, 1935." (Chaudhuri). When the Act was brewing, there was apprehension and also anxiety of the possibility of overlooking the long cherished desire of the people of Darjeeling as "there was no one at the Round Table Conference and subsequent Select Committees in London to voice the cause of this band of loyal and devoted people living in mountain fastnesses on the spurs of the Himalayas" (Hillmen's Memorandum). Hence, the Hill Men's Association as its last effort is found to have made representation on 6th August, 1934 to Sir Samuel Hoare, the Secretary of State for India, London, and Sir John Anderson, P.C, G.B.E, G.C.I.E, the Governor of Bengal with a request for making adequate provisions in the Statute Book for the protection of the interest of the hill people by way of safeguards or "the District of Darjeeling should be totally excluded from Bengal by creation of an Independent Administrative Unit with an administrator at the head of the area assisted by an Executive Council representative of all interest in the area and the area should be placed directly under the Central Government, the Governor of Bengal acting as an Agent to the Governor- General. No legislation passed by the Central-Government should apply to the area unless certified by the Administrator in consultation with his Executive Council." (IBID: NO.5) The signatories of the memorandum were Sonam Wangfel Ladenla, President of Hillmen's Association, Darjeeling, Gobardhan Gurung, Vice-President of Hill men's Association, Darjeeling and Madan Thapa, Secretary Hillmen's Association, Darjeeling. The absence of the signatories from Kalimpong, Kurseong and the representative of Lepcha of the Hillmen's Association to the memorandum are conspicuous that also shed light to the fact of "the deteriorating fraternity among the Lepcha, Bhotia and the Nepalis. This began with the demand by the Nepalis to introduce "Nepali" as a medium of instruction in schools, which in turn was a response to the Nagpur Resolution of 1920 by the Indian National Congress on the Linguistic principle of reorganisation of provinces" (Subba), but the very spirit of the reorganisation of province as propounded by the Congress in its Nagpur Session weakened the unity of the demand for the separation of Darjeeling and its contiguous areas from Bengal, on the fact of difference of language, culture, tradition, history and geography with the rest of Bengal. Foreseeing the impending political disadvantages on account of the lack of unity among the dominant hill community of Darjeeling, a meeting was held on 23rd December, 1934 in Darjeeling and a body named as "Hill peoples' Social Union" for the social development of Nepali, Bhotia and Lepcha by nurturing fraternity among them was formed. The Hill Peoples' Social Union in its efforts of realising its objectives formed a committee on 9th February, 1935 entrusting

it the responsibility of publication of a Nepali monthly named NEBULA. The dominant original inhabitant, consisiting of the Nepali, Bhotia and the Lepcha community were codified as NEBULA, but it is believed that the Hill peoples' Social Union and its monthly NEBULA had disappeared on account of its inability to sustain against the subtle diplomatic design against. The writers, artists, intellectuals and social activists of Darjeeling are found to have organised a Social Body named GORKHA DUKHA NIVARAK Sammelan {GDNS} on 3rd June, 1932. It was the first social organisation of Indian Gorkhas in India. The Sammelan had been arranging education for the orphans and many of them have become successful in attaining good post and position in the different public and private fields of society. Besides it, the GDNS as of today has produced several artists, musicians, dramatists, script-writers, and talents of high repute. Many of them are found to have carved a niche of excellence outside Darjeeling and India. A similar type of organisation was functioning in Punjab at the corresponding period, but later on they fought for the safeguard and upkeep of the Sikh nationality and their religion. Today they have an organisation called SGPC which is regarded as a symbol of unity, solidarity, esteem and glory of the Sikh as Nation, but Indian Gorkhas in general and more precisely socio-politically conscious, educationally advanced and culturally resilient Darjeeling was unable to form a body that could embrace the entire Indian Gorkhas. Thus the period from 1907 to 1935 is seen as the first phase of ushering of a political demand by the social elites and gentry of Darjeeling without forming a formal political organisation. The British Government instead of conceding to the demand of the Hill Men's Association; Darjeeling was made partially excluded area, so as to facilitate holding of election a for electing representative to the undivided Bengal assembly from Darjeeling as well. The listing of district into a partially excluded area and facilitating the holding of the maiden election in Darjeeling resulted in a fierce competition among the exponents of separate administrative arrangement for Darjeeling district. Thus in the first election in the district of Darjeeling, the contestants were Sonam Wangfel Ladenla, Gantshering Sitling, Rai Sahib Hari Prasad Pradhan and Dambersing Gurung. The former three were the ardent supporter and advocates of the separate administrative unit; as they are found to be the signatories to the memorandum submitted by the Hill men's Association to the then British Government for the creation of a separate administrative arrangement for Darjeeling District, along with the portion of Jalpaiguri District, having majority of Nepali population in the region, which was taken from Bhutan in the year 1865 as per the Sinchula Treaty. During the campaign, as of today the first and last Nepali speaking Superintendent of Police and the defacto ambassador to Lhasa of the erstwhile British Government Mr. Sonam Wangfel Ladenla left for eternity. The death of S.W. Ladenla left the field for the three contestants. Among the three contestants Rai Sahib Hariprasad Pradhan was a celebrated personality of his day in Darjeeling. Mr. Gantshering Sitling was a renowned social activist of the period and Mr. Damber Singh Gurung perhaps was the first advocate of Nepali Community of Darjeeling. In that maiden election of the District of Darjeeling Mr. Damber Singh Gurung got through and then came to be known as VOTEBABU. Thus in the history of Darjeeling District, the first election as per the provision of the Government of India Act, 1935 was held in the year 1937. The election smashed the amity among the leadership of the people who were spearheading the demand for of a separate administrative arrangement. The demise of Sardar Sonam Wangfel Ladenla during the period of election campaign is believed to have sealed the process of arresting the rift. A "cursory glance at the various memoranda discussed above indicates a tremendous strain that Laden La, the key figure in the region until mid 30s, had taken to keep the Hillmen's Association true to its name" (Subba), but it is said that "the old

order changeth, yielding place to new." (Coleridge), and taking the PLACE BY THE NEW the following Rainbow of the political and historical events engulfed the sociopolitico arena of the Gorkhas in India.

FORMATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND POLITICAL ISSUES

The unit of Indian National Congress in Darjeeling was the first political organisation formed by the Gorkhas in India. As in the year 1918, there was a Party Congress of All India National Congress in Calcutta, and "Dalbahadur Giri had attended the Congress at Calcutta and after the Session was taken in a car by Mahatma Gandhi for an exclusive talk. Dalbahadur Giri was a changed man when he returned to the hills, after meeting Gandhiji in Calcutta. The return of Giri from the Calcutta Session of Indian National Congress with the blessing and advice from Mahatma Gandhiji gave Darjeeling ita first political organisation. After "the death of Dalbahadur Giri in 1923 Jangbir Sapkota from Kalimpong, Gagatshering and Jangbir Raut of Darjeeling, Sabitridevi alias Hellen and Mayadevi from Kurseong and Sivamangal Singh from Siliguri, all devout leaders had carried the movement for independence of India with dedication and sacrifice" {B.B. Gurung}. Among them Mayadevi Chhetri was elected as member of Rajya Sabha of Indian Parliament on 3rd April, 1953. Subsequently in 1959, she became the first and last Indian Gorkha Lady to have succeeded in occupying the post of Vice-Chairman of Rajya Sabha {Bomjan}. Similarly the Member of Parliament elected from Darjeeling, Mr. T. Manen, in early 60's of twentieth century, had occupied the post of the General Secretary of All India Congress Committee. It was the culmination of highest political achievement of the Congress Party from Darjeeling without having any discernible result for the socio- economic and political betterment of the place and people. Since then it seemed that it was the policy of the party to make the leadership happy and pleased by ignoring and undermining the plight of the people. The political party of the Indian Gorkhas by the Indian Gorkhas for the Indian Gorkhas to supplement and complement the struggle for the Independence of Mother India was established in the year 1924 at Dehradun, the Uttaranchal of today. "Immediately after the Disobedience Movement of 1921-23, Thakur Chandan Singh started a national forum for the Indian Gorkha. He invited representatives of Indian Gorkhas from various regions of India and founded the now famed ALL INDIA GORKHA LEAGUE in Dehradun on 15 February, 1924" (Lama). The All India Gorkha League led by Thakur Chandan Singh is recorded to have extended its branches in Assam, Bhagsu, Darjeeling, Kashmir, North West Frontier, Calcutta, and Bombay within a short span of time. It had carried a brisk activity for giving Indian Gorkha a share in the national movement for integrating the Gorkha Society into the national mainstream. In spite of having led a brisk socio-politico activity for six years the All India Gorkha League

seemed to have suffered from a disease of decay due to betrayal from some of the office bearers, intra-organisational problem and financial constraint. Thus from the time of extinction of the All India Gorkha League till the beginning of 1930, the socio-political scenario of Darjeeling was not encouraging for the political protagonists of the region. The mutual distrust among the dominant communities was in the rise and the Government of India Act facilitating the maiden election in Darjeeling added fuel to the fire in declining the socio- political amity. However, in such inflammable circumstances the spirit of amity and the exigencies of unity for socio- politico survival inculcated by the Hill men's Association were hunting the minds of the elites of Darjeeling. "In such a situation, there emerged a young lawyer from Calcutta, whose very concern for his people had inspired him to study law. Damber Singh Gurung soon grew as the Messiah of the Gorkhas. He began to meet noted person from Kalimpong and Darjeeling and discuss the problems of the hillmen, in particular the Gorkhas. After a couple of such discussion a meeting was held on March 7, 1943 at George Mahbert Subba's school in Siliguri. The Hill Men's Association had become defunct by then, but its spirit had not diminished. Thus, some 60 odd Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalis gathered there and resolved to form an association called All India Nepali, Bhutia and Lepcha Association. Rupnarayan Sinha, its first Secretary and a busy lawyer, however, could not pay much attention to this Association. As days passed the Bhotias also withdrew themselves from this Association as they found little role to play in it. Thus on May 15, 1943 this Association was renamed as ALL INDIA GORKHA LEAGUE (AIGL) in a formal meeting held at Rink Hall ,Darjeeling and D.S. Gurung was made its first President" (Subba). "Though Jnan Tshering Sitling (Lepcha) was the only non-Nepali member in this League, the propagators of its ideology did not ignore the Lepcha and Bhutia, which they could have, given their absolute majority (Ibid)." Thus the AIGL came into existence under the leadership of Damber Singh Gurung. "While as a member of Bengal Assembly he had learnt the futility of a lone representative to the house from Darjeeling for obtaining socio-economic and political safeguard of the place and people. Hence, he endeavoured for organising AIGL in a firm footing for infusing a political sense in the community. He was convinced of the darkness of the future of the people of Darjeeling as long as they remained in Bengal. So, in order to get rid of the darkness the All India Gorkha League under his leadership had postulated/enunciated an idea of merging the region with Assam" (N.B. Gurung). The postulation was popularized by slogan that was buzzing as ASSAM CHALO. The concept of forming a separate zone by merging Darjeeling with Assam was on the basis of physical similarity and mental trait of the people of the two regions. And, to a great extent the proposition seemed viable against forcibly tagging of the place and people with entirely different region and population undermining the historical, cultural and inalienable political and natural aspects of the former, but it remained a mere wishful thought of a microscopic minority of India in Darjeeling. When India was about to win independence, the renowned lawyer Rupnarayan Sinha came forward with an idea of making the Darjeeling District as Chief Commissioner's Province outside Bengal. There was a tacit support to the idea from the Planter's Association and British Association also. The proposition of the Chief Commissioner's Province was a novel idea for the disengagement of the region from the political and administrative fang of Bengal, but the issue was raised when India was at the very threshold of independence. The All India Gorkha League under Damber Singh Gurung, the then member of Bengal Assembly from Darjeeling, forgetting his earlier pronouncement of not having socio-economic and political safeguard in Bengal, knowingly or unknowingly opposed the Chief Commissioner's Province proposal. And, labelling the move as the SALE OF DARJEELING, the organisational might of the AIGL

was set in motion for opposing the proposal of Chief Commissioner's Province. Rup Narayan Sinha might have been subjected to intimidation and threat also, but there was no such vehement opposition from any quarter in spite of having differences and also absence of amity on the issue of the separation of the region from Bengal till the time of floating the idea of Chief Commissioner's Province. The proposal, however, received stiff opposition that facilitated the design of keeping the place and people under Bengal. The All India Gorkha League had put four alternative suggestions against the demand of the Chief Commissioner's Province. The alternatives were "1. Inclusion of, the District of Darjeeling in Bengal in its entirety. 2. Separation of the District from Bengal, forming a separate Chief Commissioner's or Governor's province. 3. Separate North Eastern Frontier with Darjeeling Duars and Hill tracts of Assam extending upto Sadia and 4. Inclusion of Darjeeling in Assam. After a full debate lasting for four hours, the conference was unanimously of the opinion that the fourth alternative namely inclusion in Assam was the best one in the interest of the hill people. This resolution was taken on 22nd December, 1945." (Chiranjib Kumar Kar), but during the squabbles on the proposal of the Chief Commissioner's Province and its alternatives, the last election in British India took place in 1946 in which "Damber Singh Gurung was re-elected as M.L.A. on a Congress ticket. Later on he became a member of the Constituent Assembly. In his endeavours, to become a member of the Constituent Assembly he had much correspondence with Kiran Sankar Ray, Leader of the Congress Parliamentary Party" (Bhai Nahar and Kirpal Singh). In that election as per Bhagirat Rout, "Messrs. Rupnarayan Sinha and D.B. Khati had contested against him as independent candidates but with the wise support of the Congress and the popularity established in the masses led to his easy victory." But a year after this victory, the same Damber Singh Gurung was found to have become disillusioned and frustrated M.L.A from Darjeeling. In a meeting held in Kalimpong on 17th May, 1947, he said that- "India is going to get Swaraj very shortly. The Britishers are quitting India by June, 1948 and the Nepalis must prepare from now on to face the situation. He had learnt through experience that Gorkhas could not get anything from Bengal. The Britishers have treated us like animals but the Bengalese are worse than Britishers. The Bengalese will be our administrators and will try to keep us down all the time" (Bhai Nahar/Kirpal Singh). Thus with the defeat and disappearance of the Chief Commissioner's Province proposal of Rup Narayan Sinha, the All India Gorkha League and its President Damber Singh Gurung, who had opposed tooth and nail the proposal is found to have been overwhelmed with disillusionment. But, it was like "after Death the Doctor" because by this time the physical infirmities with a failing health stood on his way. Hence, the leader intending to struggle for the political survival of his community could not withstand, as other mortals, the warrant of death that was served on him on 7th April, 1948. After the premature demise of the President and Legislator Damber Singh Gurung, the All India Gorkha League was found to have made an attempt of segregating the region which was clawed by West Bengal in Independent India. And, in the direction of unfastening the politico-administrative claws, the AIGL is found to have placed a proposal of forming UTTARKHAND PRADESH through a public meeting held on 30th October, 1949 at GITANGAY DARA, DARJEELING. The meeting was presided over by no less a person than Rupnarayan Sinha who was the mover of the proposal for Chief Commissioner's Province which was opposed with organisational might of the AIGL under the leadership of Damber Singh Gurung. But the conception and enunciation of the SEPARATION from Bengal with different nomenclature {Uttarkhand Pradesh} is found to have been advocated by the same party which had opposed the separation in the name of Chief Commissioner's Province. The INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT on the very meeting in which the proposal of forming of UTTARKHAND PRADESH

comprising Darjeeling District, SIKKIM, JALPAIGURI and COOCH BEHAR was placed, submitted a written report -"today, their voices do not reach the ears of Legislators in Calcutta, for they are only three in the midst of 250 but it would not be so in the new Pradesh where they hope to do a great deal. Discussing the pros and cons of the movement from the economic point of view, the speakers compared there would be new province with Himachal Pradesh saying that the population of the later was 8 Lacs, while that of UTTARKHAND would be 21 Lacs. The annual income of Darjeeling District is near about 80 Lacs, from quinine, forests, amusement tax, excise etc. The annual income of Jalpaiguri is Rs 60 Lacs, Cooch Behar one crore and eight lacs and Sikkim 9 Lacs. When Himachal Pradesh can pull on with a meagre sum of Rs 8 Lacs, there is no reason why this Uttarkhand Pradesh would not do so, whose income is three times greater than that of the former. Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar and Sikkim are abundant in natural resources, besides an annual income of 2 crore pounds of tea from the district of Darjeeling alone. Judging from the financial point of view, the speaker stated that they can easily run the new Province which would be far better off than other provinces, for it would be a party of Mongolians having similar nature and habit" {Ibid}. The proposal of the Uttarkhand Pradesh was moved and placed by Randhir Subba on behalf of the All India Gorkha League and it was endorsed and supported by the leaders of political parties from different strata as the mover had stated that "the AIGL leaders are prepared to withdraw its leadership if other communities, including Bengalis, are willing to fight for Uttarkhand province. This province will have {given the first alternative} 7,832 square miles and 19, 95,068 persons out of which the "Nepalis" will be about 4, 39000 or 22 percent only. Thus, no community will be either in absolute majority or minority and even the Bengalis will have the opportunity to sustain their culture". {Subba} But "the Uttarkhand movement initiated by Randhir Subba of All India Gorkha League and Rupnarayan Sinha of Hill-men's Association on being encountered by a thunderous reprimand from the first Deputy Prime-minister of India Sardar Ballavbhai Patel, the proposal mangled into pieces" {Pradhan}. But the same "Patel had been prepared to concede partition even before Mountbatten's arrival. He was ageing, he'd suffered two heart attacks, and he wanted to get on with it, to end these ceaseless debates and get down to the task of building an independent India. Give Jinnah his state, he argued, it wouldn't survive anyway. In five years the Moslem League would be knocking at their door begging for India's reunification" (Collins and Lapierre). Thus, it is obvious that the man who was agreeable and amenable to the partition of India was extremely against the formation of Uttarkhand within India for the people of the region on the ground of weakening the country by such formation. Thus, the period from the inception of AIGL to the disappearance of the demand for Uttarkhand Province, the first generation of leadership also seemed to have been over. In the following years, the strong and resourceful All India Gorkha League having organisational strength gradually immersed into the din and dirt of West Bengal's electoral politics and in the game of the electoral politics that required two pronged move of winning the good will of the master of Bengal at Kolkata and the hoodwinking and bluffing of the naive electorates of Darjeeling. In the strategy of targeting two different points of electoral politics thrust upon Darjeeling in independent India of West Bengal, Deoprakash Rai, the Leader of the new generation representing the All India Gorkha League is found to have excelled and outsmarted all his opponents. He represented the Darjeeling 23-Assembly Constituency for a quarter century uninterruptedly without effecting any tangible improvement for the upkeep of the place and people. During his tenure, of representation, the earlier and initial commitment of All India Gorkha League, of the total separation of Darjeeling District had been modified to be under West Bengal by affecting an administrative mechanism called District Autonomy. In order to realise

and achieve the proposed District Autonomy, no concrete course of action was followed except placing of verbal demand and representations from time to time. And, in pulling the people on the tract as desired by him with such a hollow assurance and commitment, Deoprakash Rai successfully carried the mass along with him by his witticism and demagogy for twenty-five years. There was no dearth of explicit and implicit help in the direction of his endeavours. Hence, so long as he was in the helm of political affairs, Kolkata seemed to be worry-free and unfettered on their self-styled claim of Darjeeling as the crown of Bengal. The party under his leadership had the capacity and sway of marginalizing and also expulsion of the forces and elements which could be detrimental to the cause of the ruler of the state. There were several inner-party push and pull but in each case he is found to be victorious till his death as there is record that not a single opponent had been able to stand in AIGL as long as he was alive. Leaders who dared to challenge his style of functioning and performance were made like a fish thrown on sand. He was the first Gorkha Leader to occupy the post of Cabinet Minister in West Bengal of Independent India in 1967. The holding of the portfolio of Cabinet Minister had created a high hope and expectation in the minds of the people of Darjeeling, but knowing the mood of the people and being a shrewd politician and loquacious in his game, it is seen that the "All India Gorkha League in the District Conference held at Darjeeling on 13th May, 1967" had adopted a resolution on the Autonomous District Councils "The people of the District have raised their voice for Autonomous District Council within West Bengal through All India Gorkha League and other political parties of this district but so far it has remained unheeded. It is a pity that very important minority of India living on the sensitive border has not been given any hand or say in the administration of its own affairs. When similar minorities living in other states who raise their voice much later have been offered wide autonomy, why not the hill people of West Bengal? This is a discrimination about which the people are feeling very sore. This meeting of All India Gorkha League, therefore, reiterates its demand for Autonomous District Council and resolves that the issue will not be allowed to be kept shelved much longer. We will take all action for achievement of the object of Autonomous District Council within Bengal at a time it thinks opportune". {Chiranjib Kumar Kar}. That opportune moment never came for the people of Darjeeling despite his becoming a Cabinet Minister for two terms in the days to come. During his tenure of Cabinet Minister-ship it is seen the issue of Autonomous District Council was not pursued by him either in the Cabinet or in the Assembly, though had earned recognition and respect not only in Darjeeling but in the capital of the state. Thus, it was an unpardonable error that undermined the political future of the Gorkhas at large. Most unfortunately, it had occured during the perpetuated ERA OF GORKHA LEAGUE IN DARJEELING UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF DEOPRAKASH RAI FROM 1952 TO 1980.

FORMATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY

There was the 'GREAT BENGAL FAMINE IN 1943'. It is estimated that the calamity had taken the lives of three to four million men, women and children. The situation was further aggravated by the most terrible Second World War in human civilization. There was involvement of sixty one countries with a total population of one hundred seventy crore. The war had taken lives of twenty eight lakhs soldiers out of which seven thousand five hundred forty four Nepali speaking Gorkha Soldiers were sacrificed at the altar of the war. Twenty three thousand Nepali Speaking Gorkha Soldiers sustained physical injuries out of which a good number of them became physically disabled for ever. In spite of sustaining such a great loss the Nepali Speaking Gorkha Soldiers earned the recognition and was applauded for BRAVERY in the history of the WAR-FARE of the World. The scarcity of food, starvation and death had become the order of the day in Bengal. In such hours of shocking catastrophic situation the Political Parties were obliged to carry freedom struggle on the one hand and on the other reaching the rural mass for organising movement against the hoarders and blackmarketeers. The Communist Party of India {CPI} had started a programme as good as an expedition for organising People's Relief Committee in different parts of Bengal. Sushil Chatterjee made a dash to Darjeeling on being detailed by the CPI for organising the movement in Darjeeling District. During the period there were the nascent All India Gorkha League and the adult Indian National Congress in Darjeeling but they had not taken any progamme against the hoarders and blackmarketeers so as to ameliorate the plight of the people, but a driver, Ratanlall Brahmin, who was also known as MAILA BAJAY with some of his friends had been making dare-devil activities of breaking the godowns and plundering the hoarded items for distribution to the famine starved people of Darjeeling town. On hearing the activities of Ratanlall Brahmin, the leader of CPI, Sushil Chatterjee deputed to Darjeeling was eager to meet him. Thus, a seasoned and literate political leader found a courageous and daring hill boy who was well suited to the mission for which he had come. Ratanlall Brahmin too was impressed and influenced on hearing the ideals of the Communist Party from Sushil Chatterjee. The Communist Party helped establish him a leader and in turn he made the Communist Party in Darjeeling District. As "for the first time DRIVER UNION came into existence under the leadership of MAILA BAJAY and it followed the formation of Gariman Union, Rikshaw-man Union, Din

Majdoor Union, Chattra Federation, Mahila Samity and Kisan Sabha one after another. As it was remarkable that the Party started in 1943 had extended its influence in the intellectual circle more particularly among the student community" {R.B}. The Gariman Union is to be understood as the union of Bullock Carts which used to ferry in between Siliguri and Darjeeling during those days for carrying provisions. Hence, the present national highway 55A was known as Hill Cart Road till early 1990. The Rikshaw-man Union was the union of RIKSHAW PULLERS, as in those days manually pulled rickshaws were in service in Darjeeling town. With the advance of civilization the manpulled Rickshaw has disappeared from Darjeeling town but not from Kolkata city. In a short span of time the erstwhile Communist Party of India had taken a shape of well knitted cadre based strong organisation in Darjeeling. Immediately after the Second World War, THE LAST ELECTION OF British India was held in 1946 in Darjeeling, in that election, Darjeeling was allotted two constituencies against earlier one. In the General Constituency the AIGL candidate Damber Singh Gurung the former lone representative, had won the election with the support of the Indian National Congress. And in "the Labour Constituency, that was comprised of Twelve Tea Gardens, the contestants were Gaga Tshering of Indian National Congress, S.K. Tshering sponsored by the owners of tea gardens and Ratanlall Brahmin of CPI. In that election for Darjeeling, the CPI had issued eleven points proposal in favour of workers to be realised from the owners of the gardens and won the election with thumbing majority by polling 85 percent of the total polled votes" {R.B}. The election of the 1946 ushered three representatives of the Communist Party of India into the Assembly of undivided Bengal. They were Jyoti Basu representing the Railway Constituency of Calcutta, Rupnarayan Roy elected from the reserved seat of Dinajpur and Ratanlall Brahmin from Labour Constituency of Darjeeling. India then was at the very threshold of attaining independence after two hundred years of British rule. The Communist Party of India, the Darjeeling District Committee being overwhelmed of its victory in the election, held the first District Conference in a house called Topsitia owned by Snehangshu Kanta Acharya at Jalapahar. The conference was attended by Saroj Mukherjee and Bhawani Sengupta on behalf of the Bengal Provincial Committee. In that conference a political resolution was adopted and it had stated as "the demand of independent Gorkhsthan in independent India submitted from time to time by the District Committee is being upheld and reiterated. The demand of the Gorkhasthan was not the wishful thinking of Ganeshlall Subba, the then Secretary of CPI Darjeeling District Committee and Ratanlall Brahmin, the CPI MLA from Darjeeling, but keeping in mind the erstwhile national and international situation and the ideological and theoretical line of party, in the context of the politics of Darjeeling the demand is found to have been made" (R.B). The adoption of that resolution FOR THE FORMATION OF GORKHASTHAN in the first conference of the Communist Party of India, Darjeeling District Committee in the presence of the leaders of the PROVINCIAL COMMITTEE clearly shomed that the demand was being supported and consented by the Provincial Committee of the CPI. Hence, it becomes obvious that Ratanlall Brahmin M.L.A. from Darjeeling and the District Secretary of the party Ganeshlall Subba dared to submit a memorandum for the formation of Gorkhasthan for the Nepali Speaking Gorkha on 6th April 1947 to the Constituent Assembly of India. The copy of the memorandum was endorsed to interim Prime Minister Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru and Mr. Liaquat AIi Khan the Finance Minister of the interim Government and also the leader of Muslim League. In the memorandum citing various geographical, political, historical, cultural, linguistic and ethnical facts and figures, had urged and demanded as The Communist Party of India, therefore, demands that after making necessary revisions of the existing boundaries, the three contiguous areas of Darjeeling district, southern Sikkim and Nepal be formed into one

single zone to be called GORKHASTHAN." Thus, the erstwhile Communist Party of India operating in Darjeeling is found to have made the demand on the basis of the Right to Self Determination of Nationalities as propounded by Lenin and adopted by the then CPI for different nationalities of India. The Communist Party of India FOR DARJEELING DISTRICT had published a magazine titled BIR GORKHA which bears the map of GORKHASTAN ON ITS FRONT COVER PAGE, but the same Communist Party of India and its other off shoots today have become voracious opponent for the formation of separate state within India as per the provision of the Indian Constitution for the National minority Gorkhas of India dominantly inhabitating Darjeeling and its contiguous areas for reasons best suited to them. The ruler of the state of West Bengal from 1977 till today, the Communist Party of India [Marxists] popularly known as CPM, an outfit of CPI had moved a Resolution in West Bengal Assembly in the year 1978 and 1981 urging the Government of India for making arrangement to grant Regional Autonomy to the District of Darjeeling and the areas attached to it having the dominance of the people with different language, culture, tradition and mind set. The resolutions were passed and adopted in Assembly without any opposition. The Member of Parliament Ananda Pathak, elected for the Eighth Lok Sabha in 1984 from Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency on CPM ticket being armed with the resolutions unanimously passed by the West Bengal Assembly, moved a private member bill number 122 in the Lok Sabha of the Indian Parliament on 9th August, 1985, seeking regional autonomy for Darjeeling District and its contiguous areas having Nepali population in majority with the full consent of his party. But the Bill after debate was defeated by 47 vote against 17 votes only in spite of having CPM 22 MP, CPI 06 MP, RSP 03 MP and FORWARD BLOCK 02 MP (altogether 33 Members of Parliament belonging to Left Front for that particular Lok Sabha as they were elected from across the country.) The composition of the Eighth Lok Sabha from 1984 to 1989 was as follows: the Indian National Congress led by Rajiv Gandhi had 397 MP, Telugu Desam 29 M.P, CPM 22 M.P, CPI 06 MP, RSP 03 MP, Forward Block 02 MP, Janta Party 13 M.P, Asom Ganaparisad 06 M.P, Lok Dal 05 M.P, AIDMK[I] 07 M.P, AIDMK[II] 03 M.P, Akali Dal [Badal] 03 M.P, Akali Dal [Barnala] 02 MP, BJP 02 M.P, DMK 02 M.P, National Conference 02 M.P, Kerala Congress 02 MP, Sikkim Sangram Parisad 01 MP, Muslim League 02 MP, Peasant and Workers Party 02 MP, Plains Tribal Council 01 MP, Independents 06 MP, Nominated 02 MP, Unattached 10 MP, 15 vacant seats. Thus it is clear from the voting pattern and the composition of the house that neither the mover nor the sponsors of the bill for regional autonomy for the people of Darjeeling and adjoining areas nor the ruling and other parties were serious on the issue of the conferring of minimum political right to the Indian Gorkhas. The demand of separation from Bengal made by Darjeeling and its people from the very day of the birth of political consciousness was avoided one way on the other by the British. The same demand at the time of independence of India,by the then Communist Party of Inidia made was into a demand for a country called Gorkhasthan, by the then communistp party. And the same Party after the independence of the country is found to have modified the Gorkhasthan into a Regional Autonomy, but the demand of Regional Autonomy on the basis of ethnic composition and other aspect related to it is not in conformity with the provisions of the Indian Constitution in force. In order to materialize the Regional Autonomy as wished by the Communist Parties of West Bengal the Indian Constitution requires to be amended by the two third members of Lok Sabha. Subsequently, the amendment has to be ratified by the majority of States legislatures. Hence, the Regional Autonomy is nothing but juicy grape that dangles as an offer made to political jackals by advanced and major ruling community as a ploy to perpetuate their Administrative and Political Hegemony over the Region.

The Communist Party along with other national party were not sincere to the political cause of the people of Darjeeling and its contiguous periphery, where the non Bengali people dominantly reside. The people are subjected to exploitation and deprivation in a systematic way. The exploitation and deprivation are more subtle and serious in Dooars and Terai than in the hill areas of Darjeeling. The Nepali and Adivashi community constitute the overwhelming majority of workers in tea gardens, but the posts above the workers are being held by the people belonging to the ruling community of the state in almost all gardens. There is utter negligence in the establishment of schools for the children of Gorkhas and Adivashis in comparison to the running and management of Bengla medium schools. In some of the Nepali Medium Schools, Bengali teachers are found to have been appointed despite the availability of educated unemployed Nepali national in those areas. It is a widely held belief that in the fitness of majority population, there is the presence of overwhelming number of under-trials and convicts in the Correctional Homes of Jalpaiguri and Siliguri belonging to other than the ruling community. And, really the thickness and density of the particular communities could be felt and seen in the rallies and public meetings of political parties as well as at the time of forming a disciplined queue on the day of polling in different booths. But in terms of employment in the offices of the different Departments, the ratio between the ruling and ruled communities are exactly the reverse, if compared with the numbers that have been made to participate in rallies, public meetings for slogan shouting and standing in queue as stated above. This is due to the social, cultural, economical and political backwardness of the concerned people and group. Thus, in order to be employed, the competition between the advanced ruling and the backward ruled communities has become like a race between an Olympian and a Village Champion. The village champions are lacking safeguard and protection. However, they are as always obliged yet immune to the drawing of systematic political move. Their only consolation is to rely and believe in the result of their own faith. It seems that there is no way out in sight to the end of this exploitation and deprivation. The imposition of the will of the dominant community over the national minority having different culture, tradition, language, history and geography have so far refused to acknowledge exploitation and deprivation, rather they feel, it is their prerogative to subjugate and rule the people and place.

POLITICS AND DIPLOMACY AGAINST THE PEOPLE AND THE REGION

The socio-political and geographical constitution of modern Darjeeling District and the Dooars are the out come of the physical strength and perseverance of the inhabitant with the administrative-political knowledge of the British. Thus, in a sense it could be said that British made the region and laid the foundation of development that is still going ahead but with a tempo, which is far less than a snail's pace in this age of computers, but the stride of development activities was fast during the British days. While comparing the progress and development of the British days, with that of the present day Darjeeling in independent India, there is a notion and feeling that the British were more sensitive and sympathetic to the people and place than the present rulers of the state of West Bengal. In terms of development, the feeling and notion could be regarded as true to some extent for it does contains some substance, but, as regards to the conferment of political right and assuring a guarantee of the socio-economic upliftment of the people of Darjeeling, the British and rulers of the place of Independent India belong are different faces of the same coin. "Mohammed Ali Jinnah converted Pakistan from a slogan into reality in seven years" {Bhattacharjee}. The people of Darjeeling had not demanded a sovereign country like Jinnah but had represented to the British authorities for a separate administrative arrangement of the region by segregating them from Bengal where they have been tagged against their wishes and conscience. But the persistent demand for forty years {1907 to 1947} for separating the region from Bengal failed to attract a mere consideration of the British, and at the time of leaving India unmindfully, the region is found to have been thrust into the administrative- political mouth of wolf like Bengal. There are people who extol and describe the magnamity of British for making deposit of Twenty Lac Pounds in the Bank of London after the first and second world wars for the welfare of Gorkha Soldiers. They take it as an expression of generosity and love towards the Gorkhas. But "King Mahendra, without feeling a shame, had got transferred the amount in the account of his wife Ratna" (Krishna Abiral). Thus, the transfer of the money that was meant for the welfare of Gorkha Soldiers embezzled into a royal, private account, did not attract the attention of the so called benign British. The generosity and munificence of the British towards the Gorkhas is seemed as superfluous and if it had not been so the Gorkhas of Darjeeling region would have certainly obtained political justice from them at the time of their departure to London. The

Gorkha had given sweat and blood for making modern Darjeeling by sincerely assisting the British. However, Darjeeling region is found to have been given and tacked to Bengal by the British despite knowing well, that the people and place were adverse and against the idea to be in Bengal. The people of Darjeeling region had worked shoulder to shoulder with British for making Darjeeling a replica of London and they were attuned and acculturated with the manner, deportment of the British and had acquired education as that of the British, but at the decisive hour of arranging and ensuring socio-political security of the place and people who were by-product in culture, manner and education were thrown into the lap of usurper stepfather and departed for London for ever. It could be claimed and acknowledged that the British would not have been able to make Darjeeling their second home, had there been other people in place of the loyal, amenable, trustworthy Nepali speaking Gorkhas. As "it is clear that prior to the entry of the British in the hill region of Darjeeling district, no Hindu king of Hindustan and the Muslims who had maintained seven hundreds years rule could dare to set their foot in the region" {Gurung}, but the British came, saw and won the love of the inhabitants through subtle diplomacy, intrigues, deceit, betrayal and war also. They ruled the region as "Sikkim was betrayed by her native son, Chhibu Lama, then Darjeeling too has been let down by numerous native sons. The district was merged with Bengal and thereby with India" (Wangyal).

THE STATE REORGANISATION COMMISSION AND DARJEELING

Even if you prevail over them, they are not going to concede to your essential superiority or your right to rule them despite your evident wealth and power. The history of this standoff is manifest throughout colonies where white masters were once unchallenged but finally driven out. Conversely, the triumphant natives soon enough found that they needed the West and the idea of total independence was a nationalist fiction designed mainly for what Fanon calls the nationalist bourgeoisie, who in turn often ran the new countries with a callous, exploitative tyranny reminiscent of the departed masters. Edward W. Said, Culture And Imperialism.
The region being "merged with Bengal" after the departure of the British, the plight of the people and place under the new master started in a new scale with the possible newest designs. In spite of the formation of the FIRST STATE REORGANISATION COMMISSION {SRC} in the early fifties of twenty century, the long cherished aspiration of the people of Darjeeling is found to have been betrayed. For the purpose of the formation of the State Reorganisation Commission, {SRC} the first "Prime Minister of Independent India Pundit Jawaharlal Nehru on 22nd December, 1953 had made statement in Parliament that a Commission would be appointed to examine objectively and dispassionately the question of the reorganisation of the states of the Indian Union so that the welfare of the people of each constituent unit as well as the nation as a whole is promoted" {SRC-Report}. The statement was followed by the resolution of the Ministry of Home Affairs, New Delhi, the 29th December, 1953 with announcement of the formation of the SRC and in the resolution it was mentioned that "on the attainment of Independence, India was partitioned and the independent State of Pakistan was created. A process of merger and integration took place in regard to what was then called the 'Indian States'. This integration of the old Indian States which was brought about within a very short-period was an event of historic significance" {Ibid}. Thus, constituted SRC accordingly invited representation so as to reach them not later than 24th April, 1954. The SRC and its notification for representations was the God sent

opportunity for the People of Darjeeling for realising the long cherished desire of getting separation from Bengal and to have its Own Administration as Other Communities of India. But the God sent opportunity got intercepted by the redoubtable political ghost. The political ghost had inherited the responsibility, of keeping Darjeeling under West Bengal by all means that were under their command and disposal. And, as a means of keeping Darjeeling with West Bengal against the wishes of the inhabitant of the Darjeeling, a ploy for setting aside the claims of the people of Darjeeling seemed to have been hatched in a very meticulous way. The SRC, in consideration of the various representations stated that "in our examination of the various proposals for reorganisation we have mainly relied on statistical figures as given in the Censuses of various years. The Census figures for 1951 have been compiled according to what is known as 'Census Tract'. It has, therefore, been difficult to estimate the mother tongue figures on a taluk or tehsil-wise basis. We were given to understand that it might be possible to make estimates of taluk or tehsil-wise figures on the basis of certain statistical assumptions. Having regard, however, to the controversies which surround such assumptions, we took into consideration only the figures as printed in different Census reports in our conclusions" {Ibid}. Thus, it is crystal clear that the SRC had heavily relied on the census report for consideration and awarding the justification on the various representations. Being full aware of the modus operandi of the SRC, the Government of West Bengal headed by the Chief Minister Dr. B.C. Roy, so as to deprive and debar the long cherished aspiration of the people of Darjeeling for separation from Bengal, the CENSUS REPORT 1951 OF DARJEELING WAS TACTFULLY DISTORTED. In that distorted CENSUS REPORT of 1951 the total number of Nepali Speaking Population of Darjeeling District was shown as 88,958 only, and the Nepali Speaking population was shown 19.96 percent only. It was the mathematical jugglery of the Government of Dr. B.C. Roy, as only the Brahmin, Chhettri and the Scheduled Cast only were counted as Nepali Speaking People of Darjeeling District and the rest having their own dialects were not treated as Nepali Speaking People. The dialects spoken in their families were regarded as their mother tongue. In the preceding census Nepali speaking population of Darjeeling district was recorded as 94 percent. In the year 1920, while making demand of separation of Darjeeling region from Bengal, the memorialists had stated that "we should have a population about as large as that of New Zealand" {Nicholas & Deki}. But after thirty five years the same population in Independent India at the decisive hour of the formation of separate STATE through SRC was found to have been made a minority in their own land by a stroke of pen that was at the disposal of the Government. The SRC had received 1, 52,250 representations and in order to dispose off the cases it had visited 104 places of the country interviewing nine thousand people. In Darjeeling the All India Gorkha League {AIGL} and the Communist Party of India {CPI} had submitted representations. But in the final report of the Commission there is no mention of a single line regarding the submissions made by those two parties. When the SRC visited Darjeeling there was the political dominance of AIGL as the representatives to West Bengal Assembly from the district were elected from the AIGL. The Communist Party of India had submitted a memorandum to the commission on 20th May, 1955 making a demand of autonomy by amending the Constitution of India. The AIGL also placed a demand in the line of the Communists. The Communist Party that had placed a demand of a separate country, GORKHASTHAN to the Constituent Assembly and the same party after eight years are seen to have been making a demand for autonomy to the SRC, but the responsibility of the SRC was not to consider the case for autonomy but to create separate STATE through reorganisation of states. Thus the Demand of Autonomy made by the Darjeeling District Committee of CPI to the SRC seemed to be a

tutored Demand in the Interest of West Bengal. During that period Satyendra Narayan Majumdar, a member of Rajya Sabha, was in-charge of Darjeeling District Committee of the Communist Party of India, from the provincial committee of West Bengal. The man of the status of Satyam Majumdar knowing well the terms of reference of the SRC would not have made the demand of regional autonomy if he were really concerned for the socio-political interest and safeguard of the people of Darjeeling. Thus, it is not difficult to discern that his inchargeship of the Darjeeling District CPI was to organise and strengthen the party base by concealing the prime interest of West Bengal on Darjeeling. The Indian National Congress Party had its representatives in the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha from Darjeeling when the SRC visited Darjeeling, but the party as of today is not clear in regard to the political issue of Darjeeling. It is understood that the Congress Party of Darjeeling had maintained its stand of neutrality when the SRC had visited Darjeeling, but the All India Gorkha League having a nationalistic fervor in its programme and campaign also seemed to have been dragged knowingly or unknowingly in the tract followed by Communist Party of India. Hence, it is the irony of the political fate of Darjeeling that the All India Gorkha League had its representatives in the West Bengal Assembly elected from Siliguri, Kalimpong, Jorebunglow and Darjeeling constituencies during the decisive period of SRC's visit to Darjeeling, failed to register a mere presence to the First State Reorganisation Commission but the Government of BIHAR had made a claim of Darjeeling to the State Reorganisation Commission for merging it with Bihar. Rejection of the claim made by Bihar, the SRC has noted that "the Bihar Government's claim to Darjeeling and some other districts of West Bengal and to three districts of Orissa which are contiguous to Bihar, to which reference have been made in the opening paragraphs of this Chapter, are not justified on the ground of linguistic or cultural affinity, administrative necessity, or any other special reason. It is not, therefore necessary for us to examine them in any detail" {SRC Report page 171}. Thus, it is clear that the claim of Darjeeling by Bihar has been turned down by the SRC on the ground of dissimilarity of language and culture. In terms of language and national behaviour Darjeeling has a near proximity to Bihar, but there was and is also total dissimilarity of language, culture, mindset of the people of Darjeeling with that of West Bengal. If Darjeeling were West Bengal and had Darjeeling kept them and ruled, then in that case they would not have remained there even for a day, but Darjeeling and its people had been kept and ruled in independent and democratic India for more than six decade against their wishes. The grip is so firm that the first State Reorganisation Commission remained incapable of unfastening the grip as the task seemed to have become as difficult as snatching out a prey, from the mouth of a hungry wolf.

THE YEAR 1955 AND DARJEELING

The year 1955 has left important political marks in the history of Darjeeling in independent India. In this year, the political parties and its leaders of Darjeeling could not withstand the political, diplomatic and administrative onslaught of the government of Dr. B.C. Roy. The people had become like a wounded tiger, on being hurt their emotions. The discontentment was rumbling and the situation was becoming extremely twitchy. Thus, a vulnerable situation was being built. The vulnerability was compounded by state of affairs in the the tea gardens. The Plantation Labour Act was framed and approved in 1951 for looking after the safeguard of workers of Tea Gardens, but the provisions contained in it were partly implemented only from the April 1954. Despite the independence of India, the management of the tea gardens was in the habit of running the garden according to their whims. The managements of the Tea Gardens, from inception to the leaving of the British, were regarded as the absolute master. During the British days "isolation from the mainland especially the urban towns such as Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Kurseong and Siliguri enabled the planters to barricade the plantation. To maintain this even a para military force known as North Bengal Mounted Rifles [Sarkar and Lama: 1986:19] was kept in the plantation. By doing so, the workers were barricaded within the jurisdiction of the plantation. There were clear cut instructions to the top ranking managerial cadres, not to mix up with the workers, except in the working hours of the industry. This could be possible due to the colonial policy of the British Government which adopted a position which would favour the plantation owners only." {K. Sharma}. But the dawn of independence and the legislation of the Plantation Labour Act had done very little for the workers of Tea Gardens of Darjeeling. Hence the Shramik Sangh, a Trade Union wing of All India Gorkha League, and Mazdoor Union of the Communist Party of India, jointly submitted a charter of Demand on 8th May, 1955 to the owners of tea gardens and the Government. The major demands contained in the charter of Demands were the wages for the workers of Darjeeling Tea Gardens at par with Dooars Tea Garden be Workers, Bonus on the basis of profit, amendment in the provision of the Standing Order, abolition of the order of eviction of the workers on flimsy pretext at the whims of the managements etc. The management and the government paid no heed to the joint demand put forward by the two unions. And on being aware of the attitude of the management and the government, the two unions decided in a joint meeting held in Gorkha Dukha Nivarak Sammelan {GDNS} on 9th June, 1955 to

observe General Strike from 22nd June, 1955 in the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling. After the announcement of the general strike the Assistant Labour Commissioner held meetings on 15th and 17th June, 1955 with the representatives of the Trade Unions but the meetings failed to bear fruit and the two unions were forced to stick to the gun of the strike scheduled to begin from 22nd June, 1955. Arrest Warrant was issuued on 20th June 1955 against the leaders of the unions that had called the strike. "The All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) and Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) which is the strongest umbrella organisation of today were not in existence during that time in Darjeeling. The leaders Monoranjan Roy, the District Secretary of Mazdoor Union; Ananda Pathak and the Vice-President of Shramik Sangh, L.B. Lama were arrested. Ratanlall Brahmin and Deoprakash Rai had gone underground along with other leaders. The strike took place as scheduled but on 25th June, 1955 at 3 P.M. the police opened fire on the peaceful procession at Margaret's Hope Tea Garden. In the police firing Amrita Kamini 18 years, Moulisova Raini, 23 years who was pregnant, Kancha Sunuwar 22 years, Padambahadur Kami 25 years, Kalay Limbo 14 years, Jitman Tamang alias Majhi became martyrs in the historic movement of tea gardens of Darjeeling. On the day of the cremation of the six bodies on 27th June, 1955 in Darjeeling, the administration had clamped Cr. P.C. SECTION 144 but defying the prohibition and restriction, there was an assemblage of thirty thousand people in the funeral procession" {R.B}. The gathering of such a large number of people was the show of solidarity and unity of the people of Darjeeling against the apathetic attitude of the government and the management towards the tea gardens workers. The brutal killing of six people at a time by the police was an event of the first of its kind in Independent India as well as in the annals of working class movement. For, in spite of torture, exploitation, suppression and deprivation even during the British period, no such horrendous and condemnable act had taken place in the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling. The event had erupted as a neorevolution in the history of workers movement in Independent India, as it had the support of the entire people of Darjeeling. Prior to the event, the Nepali Speaking Gorkhas were considered as mercenaries only, used by the British for suppressing the peoples' movement, but the Strike of 1955 and the involvement and participation of the people from all walks of life clearly washed away the stigma of mercenaries fighting for the cause of others only, as the movement was a fight for their own cause and against exploitation and deprivation of the workers of tea gardens. As on being hit by bullets on their chests they had remained undaunted. The Government and the management was ultimately compelled to succumb before the unity and solidarity of the people for the first time in the one hundred years of the history of tea plantation in Darjeeling. The warrants of arrest issued against the leaders of the callers of the strike were withdrawn and the arrested leaders were also released that facilitated a meeting on 28th June, 1955 for negotiation which followed the consideration of most of the demands. Thus in independent India for the first time the owners, forces, bullets and the government that supposedly shielded exploiters were defeated by the workers of the Tea Gardens of Darjeeling on June, 1955 in the Kurukchetra at Margaret's Hope. If the event had occured elsewhere in the plains, several books and write-ups would have come immortalizing the historic victory of the working class. The party which had spearheaded the movement along with All India Gorkha League through their Trade Unions was on its three decades rule in the state of West Bengal when the Golden Jubilee Year 2005 of the historic event took place. The Party as well as the Government seemed totally unaware and unconcerned of the Golden Jubilee year of the Margaret's Hope Police firing and the victory of the workers of tea gardens of Darjeeling, but in 1955 the West Bengal Assembly was shaken by the thunderous attack by the leader of opposition, Jyoti Basu who had squarely blamed the government of Dr. B.C. Roy for the Margaret's Hope

Police Firing and made a demand for immediate inquiry on the happenings in Darjeeling. And, the same Jyoti Basu and the Government of West Bengal led by his Party seemed totally apathetic on the attainment of Golden Jubilee Year by the Historic Margaret's Hope Police Firing which had happened while the workers were carrying the banner of Red Flag bearing the symbol of the CPI. A simple and modest memorial has been erected at the spot where the police firing had taken place, resulting into the killing of six unarmed and innocent people at one so, It is also an irony that the memorial was being constructed by the unit of the Indian National Congress during whose rule the firing and killing had occurred. It was during the period of Emergency of Indira Gandhi, the Congress Party as a ploy of wooing the people is found to have constructed the memorial, but the Left Front Government being a true friend of Workers, has not thought it prudent to construct a befitting memorial in memory of the martyrs. The six people, who received bullets on their chests, were carrying the RED FLAG which had been RAISED by Communist Party of India (Marxists). However, in the Golden Jubilee Year (2005), of the Historic Margaret's Hope Firing, the TRINETRA a voluntary body of the writers and artists of Darjeeling Town had made a TELEFILM of the Historic Event, in the Workers Movement in Darjeeling. The Telefilm, titled THE YEAR 1955, has won applaud and appreciation from people across Darjeeling Hill. It is learnt, that the making of the telefilm was made possible due to the responsibility and sponsorship of R. B. Rai, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists and B.S. Subba, the Headmaster of Busty Gaon Primary School, Margaret's Hope Tea Garden. As of today the Margaret's Hope Event has been regarded as a beacon light for unity, organisation and struggle of the workers of the tea gardens of Darjeeling. The event, role and attitude of the related party, parties, group and individuals on the subsequent incident has become a subject for research and presentation in the form of comprehensive work, but no scholar and academician has ventured so far for producing a solid work except making contribution in short writings and mentioning of some flashes in few novels.

THE DARJEELING ENQUIRY COMMITTEE

There was pervasion of resentment, discontentment and distaste across the Darjeeling Hills against the Government of West Bengal after the police firing at Margaret's Hope Tea Garden and killing of six people. And, the Government being fully aware of the mood and sentiment of the people of Darjeeling, a Committee was constituted on 9th November, 1955 vide Resolution No 8417-P. The reason and aim of the constitution of the Committee was for assuaging the emotion and feeling of the people. However, in the resolution it was stated 'to examine the various problems affecting the hill areas of the Darjeeling district" and the committee was named Darjeeling Enquiry Committee headed by the erstwhile Labour Minister, Kalipada Mukherjee as Chairman, the other members were: Atulya Ghose, Maitraye Bose, Rabindra Sikdar, Laxmiranjan Joshi, Ramasankar Prasad, T. Wangdi, N.B. Gurung, T. Manen, R.K. Sharma and Siva Kumar Rai. The Committee met a cross-section of the people and visited different places of Darjeeling and submitted its recommendations to the Government. The Government published THE REPORT on 18th July, 1961 and it contained thirty seven recommendations made by the Committee on various subjects and actions taken on some of the recommendations. The Darjeeling Enquiry Committee, being acquainted with some of the pressing problems of the people, had made several suggestions and recommendations for the socio-economic upliftment of Darjeeling Hills, but the Government, in the implementation of the recommendations seemed to have been besieged with usual administrative procrastination. There are several instances of tardiness on the part of the Government and its administration for the implementation of the recommendations of the Darjeeling Enquiry Committee Report. The Committee had recommended "the construction of an all-weather jeepable road from Bijanbari to Rimbick should be taken immediately" It was mentioned by the government, the inclusion of the roads in Second Five-Year Plan, but the execution of the work was seen in the later part of eighth decades that is nearly after a quarter century. Similarly, regarding games and sports the Committee had recommended "the Hill people are very sport- minded. The construction of a stadium with adequate facilities for the different sports organisations and clubs should be taken up as early as possible. The difference of opinion as regards the location of the stadium should not be allowed to delay the matter and the Deputy Commissioner should bring the local people together and take an early and final decision." On this recommendation,

the Government had stated that "the site has now been finally selected at the Lebong and Mineral Spring Tea Estate off Darjeeling -Lebong Road. Construction works for the leveling of the ground have already been undertaken and are in good progress". But construction and completion to the serviceable extent of the same stadium was done in the year 1989 only. Thus the "good progress" of the work for the construction of a stadium took nearly three decades for making it serviceable. Further the committee in its report had recognised and remarked that "the hill areas of Darjeeling are famous for hundreds of varieties of flowers some of which are rare. The question of marketing of such flowers should be given special consideration." The government had responded the recommendation of the Committee stating that "a Flower Board has since been set up and the matter is being pursued by them. Till now Rs. 2, 100 worth of flowers grown in the hills have been sold in the Calcutta market through the Board". But today there is no sign of existence of the Board and the enterprising floriculturists of Darjeeling hills are carrying on their business without being guided and promoted by the Board. Many youths and promising entrepreneurs in various fields have successfully carved a niche from Darjeeling hills even without political and administrative support. Thus the constitution of Darjeeling Enquiry Committee and its recommendation was nothing but a political design of the Government of Dr. B.C. Ray so as to douse the ignited feeling of the people against West Bengal Government without giving anything to the people and the place. This was clarified by one of the members of Darjeeling Enquiry Committee N.B. Gurung in Para 29 of the draft recommendation, which was prepared by the Chairman of the Committee on the basis of the figures supplied by the Deputy Commissioner, Darjeeling, "on a scrutiny of the figures supplied by the Deputy Commissioner, Darjeeling and other departments it was however, found that the representation of the hillmen in the services in the district was not inadequate" But disputing the figures he {N.B. Gurung} had submitted his view and argument in writing precisely in the interest of the hill people. "I do not agree with this. During our discussion in the last meeting held in Calcutta I raised this point and objected the figures". "Thus if a correct investigation is made into the services in various Government departments in the three hill sub-divisions of the district, the representations of the hillmen in the lower cadre executive services and clerical posts will be found less than 40 per cent" the deficit in the hillmen representation in Government services within the district be raised to 70 per cent as demanded by the various political parties including the District Congress the hill people who constitute a distinct race having special features in West Bengal in the hilly district of Darjeeling is looked with the spirit of oneness and nonparochialism as expressed in the said Paragraph" (Gurung). But the submissions were not taken into consideration by the Committee. It was simply given a place in the Annexure. It is also a fact that no representations was made to the Darjeeling Enquiry Committee for the separation of the region from West Bengal as persistently demanded by the predecessors since 1907 till the existence of the Constituent Assembly.

THE SUBTLE ASSAULT

Even prior to the beginning of the story of the LOLLYPOP dangled by the government of Dr. B.C. Roy in the form of the Darjeeling Enquiry Committee, it had proceeded with the pushing of a subtle wedge in the politico- organisational set up of the All India Gorkha League {AIGL}. The party true to its prefix in its name had its organisational base throughout India. Since the period from the dawn of Independence to the mid-sixtieth was the political organisational hay day of All India Gorkha League. The period is considered by some of the political analysts as the renaissance of the Nepali Speaking Gorkhas in India. But during this vivacious youth of AIGL, it was surreptitiously stung by a sharp political diplomacy of the then Congress under Dr. B.C. Roy. The poison injected by the sting resulted into an inner party push and pull of a serious nature. The quagmire in the party was in between the leadership of the organisation and the elected representatives to the West Bengal Assembly. The nittygritty of the issue for tug of war in the All India Gorkha League was the offer and acceptance of berth in the ministerial cabinet of the Government of West Bengal by the representative elected on party ticket. Further, it also aggravated the situation due to the proximity with Indian National Congress as maintained by the representatives without the consent and authorization of the party and its leader. Thus the question of the relationship with Congress and a berth in the Government caused a flutter and division in the line of thinking among the All India Gorkha League leadership and their representatives. The difference of thoughts in regard to West Bengal Congress and Government headed by it led to create an irreparable fault line in the formidable organisational house of All India Gorkha League immediately after the first general election of free India. Gradually the politico-organisational activities of All India expanse of AIGL shrank and got confined within the perimeter of Darjeeling district only, but the shrinkage in politico-organisational activities of all India dimension did not end the wrangling in the house of All India Gorkha League. The event of the Margaret's Hope firing on 25th June 1955 had culminated into the expulsion of "three M.L.As namely Shiva Kumar Rai M.L.A, Deputy Labour Minister, D.B.S Gahatraj, M.L.A and George Mahabert Subba , M.L.A ON 29th August, 1955 from Party" (Gurung). The reason for the expulsion of the M.L.As from the Party was their inability to speak against the Police Firing and killing of six people in Margaret's Hope Tea Garden. The inertness of the three M.L.As in the assembly of West Bengal,to act against the gruesome act of the police and the expulsion of the M.L.As from AIGL was the success of the subtle design of the advanced and big nationality against the developing national minority, so as to weaken them organisationally and politically. The remaining lone M.L.A Narbahadur Gurung elected from Kalimpong constituency too was expelled from AIGL on 2nd December, 1956 on the charges of anti party activities {Ibid}. It was not only the bullets

that pierced the body of six workers of tea gardens, but also the cost of rice which was enhanced from fourteen paise per seer to twenty eight paise per seer in the following year, the year Shiva Kumar Rai was inducted as Deputy Labour Minister in the Cabinet of Dr. B.C. Roy). During those days the quantity of food grains was measured in seer instead of kilogram. It was seen that the Deputy Labour Minister Shiva Kumar Rai was put on the job for persuading the workers of Darjeeling Hill and making them agreeable to bear with the burden of the increased price of the ration. While carrying the assignment, the loyal Deputy Minister made an appeal to the workers of the tea gardens of Darjeeling through radio. In order to listen to the appeal from the Minister, some management of gardens had assembled the workers around their radio set on the appointed day in their respective gardens. Radio sets at that time were owned only by some affluent people only and few managers of tea gardens were seen to be in possession of radio sets. The radio set has become obsolete and nowadays television and cable network has reached nook and corner of the region. But even, today, more than half a century years later, H. B. Rai, Ex. M.L.A [1982-91] and the former member of West Bengal Provincial Committee CPM as well as his contemporaries living in different Teas Gardens are found to have been cherishing vividly the speech of the Minister on radio. One of the senior-most trade unionists and political leaders of Darjeeling presently {2007} belonging to Indian National Congress, Mr. P. P. Rai at the age of 82 years had also confirmed to this writer the veracity of events that was stated by Ex M.L.A, H.B. Rai. The Minister had appealed to the workers of the tea gardens for extending support by bearing with the increased price of the rice for a period of six months only; it was not six months but several years. The price index didn't fall to the workers' expectation. It was followed by the second general election that was held in the year 1957. In that election the three expelled M.L.As from All India Gorkha League contested as independent candidates from the constituencies of Darjeeling hill with the support of the West Bengal Congress. Eexcept N.B. Gurung from Kalimpong others had lost the election. He becomes a Deputy Minister in the West Bengal Cabinet. The strength of All India Gorkha League from four, M.L.A.s in 1952 came down to one in the election held in 1957. The lone winner of All India Gorkha League in 1957 election was Deoprakash Rai, who subsequently attained a stature of an indomitable regional leader of All India Gorkha League from Darjeeling. The party having a pan-India base was thus reduced to a regional party. It was the result of the socio-political superiority of the advanced and majority ruling Congress Party, being backed with the politico-administrative set up of the state against the region dominantly inhabited by developing national minority. And since then the All India Gorkha League has not been able to retrieve its pristine glory of all India Stature, in spite of winning three and four seats in 1967 and 1979 elections respectively for West Bengal State Assembly from Darjeeling district under the leadership of Deoprakash Rai. Besides AIGL, two national parities namely the Congress and Communist had been playing their role in Darjeeling according to time and situation, but solely in the interest of Bengal. From its existence (1981) the Indian National Congress is not in possession of any assets worth mentioning and has naught to show as their contribution to the socio-economic upliftment of the people of Darjeeling. In the long history of the party, it has produced members for Parliament and members to the West Bengal Legislative Assembly from Darjeeling but not a single member has so far succeeded in bringing about a tangible result in the sphere of socio-economic upkeep of the place and people. It is being severally claimed that the foundation of modern West Bengal was laid by the Royal Bengal Tiger Dr. B.C. Roy but the very same person in respect to Darjeeling was found to do politicking only for the denial of justice.

The Communist Party also stands identical to the Congress with respect to the socio-economic development of Darjeeling. The party, after a decade of its formation, was nearly decimated as a reason of its defeat in the first general election of 1952. To rejuvenatieg the party, the West Bengal State Committee of CPI is found to have taken a decision for sending one of its leaders to the Rajya Sabha from Darjeeling. In spite of knowing the fact that Darjeeling is a region mostly inhabited by Nepali Speaking People, the Communist Party of India had selected a Bengali named Satyendra Narayan Majumdar who was working along with Ratanlall Brahmin, Ganeshlall Subba, Bhadrabahadur Hamal and others for building the party in Darjeeling. In view of the need to fulfill the academic criteria, intellectual prowess and sensitivity to politics from the Marxian angle; Ganeshlall Subba was the fittest and ablest person among them, to be elected as the member of Rajya Sabha. But in place of consideration of suitability, fitness and utility to help consolidate and strengthen the party organisation in Darjeeling, the state committee of CPI being dominated by the leaders belonging to the Bengali Community, the choice to elect Ganeshlall Subba was ignored. Thus the selection of Satyendra Narayan Majumdar against Ganeshlall Subba was the victory of communalism over the Marxism in Darjeeling. The victory of communalist spirit in an expansive field of Marxism was the reason that the West Bengal state committee looked askance on Ganeshlall Subba for his loyalty to them instead of Marxism. "And the reason of being skeptical was that the Darjeeling District CPI being routed in the first general election of independent India in Darjeeling had held a review meeting in which Ganeshlall Subba is believed to have placed a political thesis on the organisational and political line exclusively for the District but in conformity with the Marxian principle. The crux of the thesis is believed to have been directed against the nationalistic chauvinism of big and advanced ruling class of the state. And it could not become a riddle to Bengali Leadership in the Communist Party of Darjeeling District for understanding the elements of disadvantageousness contained in that thesis of Comrade Ganeshlall Subba to safeguard the interest of Bengal and Bengali speaking community in the region in discreet way. But the Nepali speaking District Committee members of the erstwhile CPI mostly culled from the workers group being unable to comprehend the profundity of the thesis supposedly swayed by the Bengali speaking leaders present in the meeting" [Report from R.B. RAI but not chronicled]. In the following years some others also were marginalized and forced to leave the organisation on account of being vocal with forethought in the interest of the region and people. Thus, the Communist Party of Darjeeling has become stigmatized of not grooming and promoting leadership from the local literate and intellectuals circle in the interest of Bengal and its people. The Communist Party was not able to wash away the stigma till the formation of the first Left Front Government in West Bengal in 1977 under the leadership of Communist Party of India {Marxists}. After the Ganeshlall Subba episode Bhadrabahadur Hamal was elected [1957-62] as M.L.A for the West Bengal Assembly and Ratanlall Brahmin for Lok Sabha [1971]; both of them, belonging to working class, were successful to a great extent in justifying the post for which they were elected. However, the elite gentry and literate circle remained aloof from the Communist Party in Darjeeling. In spite of the aloofness and isolation from the informed and influential section, the Communist Party could be regarded as the political preceptor for Darjeeling. The Communist Party of India, being guided by the leaders from the then Calcutta was found to have learnt of organising Rallies, Gherao, Hartal, forming cadre based association/organisation and militant trade unions. In order to carry forward the activities as mentioned here the workers, cadres and leaders from Nepali Speaking People of Darjeeling were ordained in internationalism for the unity of working class only, concealing the Right to Self

Determination of Nationalities as determined by Lenin. The internationalism for unity of workers of globe acted like political anaesthesia in the heart of ordained Nepali Communists of Darjeeling, which made them to engross on the thought and feeling of class struggle, unity of the workers of the world, dictatorship of proletariat and establishment of socialism etc. Gradually they were made inebrious for internationalism only in the name of Marxian ideology by building an imperceptible restrain for the entry of saner, literate and conscious political minded people into the Communist Party. Thus, the Bengali preceptors of Marxism is found to have taught its proselytized Nepali Communists of Darjeeling the doctrine and theories of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Mao in its syllabus minus the chapter on the Right to Self Determination of Nationalities coined and propounded by V.I. Lenin after the exit of Ganeshlall Subba. The process under which the Communist Party took its shape in Darjeeling led to form distaste in the minds of literate circle that regarded the Communist Party as a PARIAH. But in stead of taking steps for establishing acceptability and dispelling the Pariah tag the process of indoctrination of Marxism as suited to the preceptors was carried without taking any note of dictum that states "you can fool some people all the time, all the people for some time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time". The installation of the first Left Front government preceded by murky days of the emergency has had to a great extent helped in not being the communist considered as PARIAH in Darjeeling Hills. Thus the organisational strength of the communist party had unexpected growth. The growth had embraced a section of peasants, workers, employees, writers, artists, teachers and intellectuals, and on enlisting the support from the section of the literate and informed layers the effort and role of R.B. RAI, the lone but well read left intellectual in the house of the Communist Party of India {Marxists} in Darjeeling was commendable and enthusiastic. Within a short span, the Communist Party of India {Marxists} abbreviated as CPM had its Minister, M.L.A and also the members for Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha from Darjeeling. The people who were reposing faith on CPM had high hope and expectation for socio-economic and political upliftment of the place from the Government of West Bengal led by CPM, but the habit of hoodwinking the people of Darjeeling had become the nature of CPM as it was monitored and directed from Kolkata. Only these docile and loyal to Bengal, were chosen for carrying the responsibility of public representatives and political leadership by Kolkata. In this manner the socio-economic aspiration of the region went further to be neglected which gradually took one shape of a political cauldron, but the Government seemed unmindful of the formation of cauldron, as the movement launched by PRANTA PARISAD for formation of separate state was crushed with the use of police force Krishna Subba and Deoraj Sharma fell to police bullets on 7th September 1981 at Chowk Bazar, Darjeeling. It was the erstwhile Pranta Parisad which highlighted the demand for a separate state in an organised way for the first time since the origin of the demand. While pushing the demand, the Pranta Parisad had successfully enlisted the support and backing from a good chunk of the intelligentsia. In the history of struggle for having socio-political administration of Gorkhas in India, the movement of Pranta Parisad was the first endeavour backed by intellectual with concrete data based on history, politics, economics, socio-cultural aspect and the mindset of the people inhabitating the region, but the Government of West Bengal having perceived the preparation of Pranta Parisad on the different ingredients required to make the demand of a separate state, left no stone unturned to crush the movement. Thus Pranta Parisad could not withstand the shots fired from the administrative, political and diplomatic guns of the government machinery. The movement and the Pranta Parisad met premature death. This emboldened the government and the CPM and instilled confidence on their own strength and capability to face eventualities. The confidence and estimation of the

situation resulted into an enormous blunder for them, when the Gorkha National Liberation Front {GNLF} under the leadership of a derelict soldier Subash Ghisingh started a movement {1986-88} by making the demand of GORKHALAND. The involvement and participation of the people at the very outset of the movement caught the Government napping. However, the Government being confident of its might on barrel and bullet used the same for killing people in Kalimpong and Kurseong. The killing of innocent people resulted in a mass upsurge in Darjeeling hill which turned into a formidable challenge to the West Bengal Government and its machinery. The use of force led to more and more involvement and participation of the people with surcharged anguish and resentment. Thus, seeing the mass protest, the Government startled lebelled the movement for Gorkhaland led by Subash Ghisingh as "ANTI-NATIONAL". During this stage the Congress Government at the centre, inclined to harass the Left front Government of West Bengal under the Communist seemed interested to use Subash Ghisingh as a pawn in the POLITICAL CHESS BOARD of West Bengal. As Subash Ghisingh himself had disclosed "the home ministry's invitation for the January 28 meeting in New Delhi was delivered to him at his Darjeeling residence by an assistant director of the Subsidiary Intelligence Bureau {SIB}. Inder Jit came with a proposal. I went along. I also visited Inder Jit's house in Delhi. Inder Jit was around when Ghisingh handed over the memorandum to Rajiv Gandhi in Darjeeling on February 7. But the person Ghisingh first shook hands with after handing over the memorandum was not Inder Jit, but Partho Bhattacharya, Assistant Director, SIB, based at Siliguri. The involvement of Central Intelligence agencies in GNLF affairs is now well-known. Apart from SIB, the Research and Analysis Wing {RAW} allegedly has a finger in Ghisingh's pie. A senior congress-I politician told the Weekly, on express condition that his name would not be published: 'RAW is, of course, playing a role in GNLF'. What he did not state was that the Centre decided to harness RAW's services around May 1986, with the express purpose of guiding the GNLF agitation along the lines which would cause maximum embarrassment to West Bengal's Left Front government" {The Illustrated Weekly of India, February 1987}, but the Government of West Bengal being led by renowned Communist Leader, Jyoti Basu, knowing well the move of the Congress Government under Rajiv Gandhi, left no stone unturned in matching the challenges posed by Central Authority through Subash Ghisingh in the name of GNLF. Thus, Darjeeling seemed to have been made a battlefield of a subtle nature between the two political heavy weights. In the course the Left Front Government of West Bengal led by the Chief Minister Jyoti Basu took every possible measure to turn the table against the Central Government under Rajiv Gandhi. Thus, the demand for the separate State of Gorkhaland and the movement for its realisation becomes a political gambit between the Congress Government at the Centre and the Left Front Government of West Bengal till the holding of the West Bengal Assembly Election in 1987. The GNLF under the leadership of Subash Ghisingh out signalling leaders, cadres, supporters of the Communist Party of India {Marxists} belonging to the party of Jyoti Basu and let loose individual and mass attacks that resulted in violence, arson, murder, kidnapping, intimidation, terror, threat, extortion, social boycott, eviction in the entire Darjeeling hill and parts of Dooars areas for twenty eight months. In the name of movement for realisation of Gorkhaland it was not only the leaders and cadres of CPM, but even the common people having sympathy to the CPM party were subjected to harassment of severe nature. Thus, a situation was developed in which armed rowdies, criminals and hoodlums associated with GNLF took the lead of the movement targeting CPM and its supporters as well as sympathizers. In the name of Gorkhaland Movement the armed attacks by GNLF on CPM and its supporters and taking of defensive measures by the later, there ensued a war of fratricidal nature. The attack, defence and counter-attack

had become the order of the day of the Gorkhaland movement that cost the lives of several hundred helpless and innocent people. A good number of victims became physically disabled, public and private properties worth several crore of rupees were reduced to ashes, but the people making such huge and unprecedented sacrifices were not in the know of the source, from where they were made to fight. Two group of people having the same language; culture and mindset were seen fighting explicitly for the formation of separate State of Gorkhaland. One was carrying aggressive attacks on their fellow brethren for the interest of Congress of Delhi and another in the name of selfdefence was fighting for the concern of CPM of West Bengal for their survival in the state. Thus, in the name of formation of a separate State to be called Gorkhaland by segregating the region from West Bengal, a prompted hostility was thrust upon the people. The hostilities and the proposition of the formation of Gorkhaland by segregating the region from Bengal was termed and attributed by the CPM as a ploy and handy work of Congress Party against Bengal and Bengalese. Thus, termed and coined attributions were made the main plank of campaign by the CPM for the election to West Bengal Assembly scheduled to be held in March 1987. In the plain areas of Bengal, a tumultuous campaign was carried by CPM alleging the Congress Party as a designer and plotter of proposed Gorkhaland for the division of Bengal and that easily put the Congress in a tight spot. In the political and diplomatic push and pull the Chief Minister of West Bengal Jyoti Basu outwitted the young Prime Minister of India Rajiv Gandhi and achieved a thumbing victory for the third consecutive term in the election for West Bengal Assembly in 1987. Had there been no Gorkhaland Movement in Darjeeling then it would have made difficult time of wresting of power by winning the third term for the Left Front. After the victory of Jyoti Basu for the third time, the negotiation with the "Antinational Agitationist" for Gorkhaland got expedited on the initiative of the Government of India at the behest of the erstwhile Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. The leader of the Gorkhaland Movement Subash Ghisingh, being like a got defeated by the political, administrative and intellectual supremacy of Jyoti Basu. Being a wounded and frail soldier he was made to surrender the demand for the SEPARATE STATE OF GORKHALAND by putting signature to an agreement which stated as "in the overall national interest and in response to Prime Minister's call the GNLF agree to drop the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland" (Dutta). (EMPHASIS MINE). After surrendering the demand "GNLF President Subash Ghisingh seems to have mastered the art of making unusual requests. He had asked Jyoti Basu to send him a video cassette of the ceremony at Raj Bhawan on the occasion of the signing of the Darjeeling Accord. Readers will recall that after signing the accord, Ghising had requested the then Union home Secretary, C.G. Somaiha, to destroy the dossier compiled by the Intelligence Bureau, detailing his alleged links with foreign countries and the sources of GNLF funds. While the dossier still exists, Basu is unlikely to disappoint Ghising"- The Illustrated Weekly of India, October 2, 1988, page 43 under a captioned as DEEP THROAT}. Further the same Illustrated Weekly of India in its October 14, 1990 issue is found to have written under a captioned as PLAYING FRANKENSTEIN that "he [Subash Ghisingh] was a non-commissioned army gurkha who was singled out by RAW to be used as a tool to defy the CPM government of West Bengal. Buta Singh as Home Minister was keen to clip the Marxists' wings. The Gorkhaland agitation launched by Ghising and his followers became steadily more violent and the hill region had to suffer years of unrest and turmoil. Every time Ghising came to Delhi for talks, he was put up by the IB and RAW. A senior Delhi journalist served as his philosopher and guide". Thus the issue of a Homeland for the Nepali Speaking Gorkhas in independent India, and twenty eight months violent movement for achieving the same, was made a toy to be played by Delhi and Kolkata for their political and diplomatic interest only. Against

unprecedented sacrifices the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council came into being in lieu of Gorkhaland, as a mechanism for the socio-political development of Darjeeling hill areas. The GNLF and its President, Subash Ghisingh on occupying the chair of the Chairmanship of the DGHC spend most of his faculty and energy so as to flabbergast and hoodwink the general masses of Darjeeling hill. In doing so he is found to have raised the legal status of Darjeeling and a times calling it a no-man's land, ceded land, filing of a suit in the International Court of Justice in Hague for ascertaining the legality of Rulership of India over the region of Darjeeling. And he also had filed a petition in the Supreme Court of India on 19th October, 1994 praying that " the Hon'ble Court may be graciously pleased to direct the Respondent to discharge its constitutional obligations by passing the necessary legislation as per Articles 2 and 4 read with Article 253 of the Constitution of India so far as the territories of Darjeeling including Kalimpong, Assam Dooars and Bengal Dooars are required to be formally absorbed/admitted in the Union of India as envisaged by Article 1-3[C]." (The Writ Petition). But after the dismissal of the petition he was fund of tagsing the region with Bangladesh and at time expressing wish of merging the region with Bihar. The West Bengal Government and the CPM had branded the GNLF as Anti-national when it was making a demand for Gorkhaland, but when the same party and leader after dropping the demand of Gorkhaland was making detrimental statement as well as conducting activities being seated on the Chair of DGHC after taking oath of office from the Governor of the State, the CPM and the Government of West Bengal we seen to be unperturbed and comfortable for reasons best known to them. With regard to Subash Ghisingh and his Party the GNLF, the Government of West Bengal is found to have shelved the Rules, Act, Cr.P.C and IPC as well. The DGHC had to run as per the provision of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council Act 1988 which was enacted by the West Bengal Assembly. But in running and administering the DGHC, the Act is taken as a scrap of paper only by its Chairman Subash Ghisingh. The DGHC in its third tenure of five years that ended in 2005 was running without holding a single formal meeting. Similarly the School Service Commission [SSC] is a body formed as per the Act passed by West Bengal Assembly for each district. And the SSC for DGHC area also was formed but due to the opposition from the GNLF, the body has been made defunct. Thus the writ of GNLF was allowed to prevail against the Act passed by the West Bengal Assembly. The Sarva Sikshya Aviyan programme has been carrying on throughout India as an expedition for providing a facility of schooling to the children. The same programme was executed and implemented by DGHC in Darjeeling Hill Areas. In taking up of the Sarva Sikshya Aviyan propramme by the DGHC, the misuse and misappropriation of Rupees five crore fourteen lakhs and fifty thousand came to the notice of the general mass. The greatest corruption in the thirty years rule of the Left Front Government in Darjeeling under DGHC has been entrusted for investigation to the CID of West Bengal Police. The investigation instead of booking the culprit seemed to be shielding the involved. There is a clear provision in the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council Act for the existence of TWO TIER PANCHAYAT BODIES under the Article 31[1] of the DGHC Act which was Legislated and passed by West Bengal Assembly, and the same Act, except the provision of the Panchayat, is also in force for the DGHC. Keeping in view the intolerance of Subash Ghisingh to the existence of the Panchayat Bodies in the Hill areas of Darjeeling, the Government of West Bengal held election for one Tier Gram Panchayat only. The holding of the one tier Panchayat election was also done out of compulsion as the Seventy Third Amendment of the Constitution of India in 1993 has made the existence of Panchayat Institution a compulsory for the states. In that seventy

third amendment of the constitution under article no 243M clause no 3, it is stated without any ambiguity for Darjeeling that {3} Nothing in this Part{a} relating to Panchayat at the district level shall apply to the hill areas of the District of Darjeeling in the state of West Bengal for which Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council exists under any law for the time being in force: {b} shall be construed to affect the functions and powers of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill council constituted under such Law. Hence, it is clear from the provisions of the Constitution of India as stated here above under article 243M, clause {a} and {b} in respect of Darjeeling that the existence and functioning of Panchayat below the District level is a must. The Panchayat below the District Level means the PANCHAYAT SAMITY and GRAM PANCHAYAT AS EXISTED AND FUNCTIONED IN West Bengal according to West Bengal Panchayat Act, but during two decades of the existence and functioning of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, it was only the one tier Panchayat election for two consecutive terms. After the expiry of the tenure for the second term of the Gram Panchayat, no election for Panchayat was held, but the TENURE EXPIRED GRAM PANCHAYAT has been kept functioning even without making notification for the extension of the tenure of the Gram Panchayat. Thus in regard to Panchayat in Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council region, it was seen that the Government of West Bengal was neither in a position to hold election nor had the guts to notify the extension of the tenure of the Gram Panchayat. The uncertainty of existence and functioning of the term expired Gram Panchayat in Darjeeling hill was nothing but the result of Subash Ghisingh's aversion to Panchayat. Hence it was crystal clear that the Government of West Bengal seems to have succumbed to the whimsical, illegal and unconstitutional wishes of Subash Ghising by keeping in abeyance the rules, acts and the provision of the constitution. Darjeeling District was also brought under National Rural Employment Guarantee Act which was popularlys called as {NREGA} enacted by the Government of India for providing HUNDRED DAYS EMPLOYMENT for the people of rural India, from the financial year 2006. But a crisis in regard to the executing agency for hundred days work, as contemplated in the Act had crept in. The Scheme being centrally sponsored one under a Central Act for the rural people (who were keen for having the scheme). The Scheme was supposed to be executed through Panchayat. Thus, on one side the eagerness of rural people and on the other the scheme coming from Central Government a compromise was arrived at between the Government of West Bengal and Caretaker Chairman of DGHC Subash Ghisingh. The compromise was to have arrived by making some distortion and modification in the guideline issued by the Central Government for the implementation of the hundred days work in a year under NREGA, but in the execution of the Scheme, the sluggishness and procrastination was made to lead the order of the day till the expiry of the half year 2007. Further uncertainty was looming large in the execution of the scheme under NEGRA in Darjeeling. Thus in the scheme of things, the Panchayat and its functioning has become casualty in Darjeeling. It is not only the Panchayat which has been made a mockery in Darjeeling: when the election for the fourth term of DGHC was due in 2005, the President of Gorkha National Liberation Front and the Chairman of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, Subash Ghisingh started making hue and cry to with hold the election. He had wrote letters to the Prime Minister of India and the Chief Minister of West Bengal on 6th October, 2004, stating that " the law and order situation in the said areas is now under deadly threat and further it is likely to go out of hand of State Govt of West Bengal just like in the case of neighbouring country, as created by the above master minds with a view to destabilize the whole region of Himalayan belt and the North-East of India. There are still so many youths from these regions who are taking underground training in Bangladesh Camps.

From reliable sources, North Bengal is the biggest main HQ of International Spying Agencies which covers the vast areas of North Bengal, Sikkim, Bhutan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Assam, Bihar and Darjeeling District which is known to all and also known to the state and the Central Govt of India." Thus it appears from the content of the letter that Subash Ghisingh is found to have out-smarted and flower over the Intelligence Agencies of the Governments of India and West Bengal. The Government of West Bengal in stead of holding the election for Darjeeling Gorkha Hill council, as scheduled under the provision of the Act and Rules, took the trouble for amending the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill council Act so as to appoint him as Caretaker Chairman of DGHC by issuing a fresh order after every sixth months. Since 2004 the renewal of Caretaker Chairmanship had been made a normal feature for running the affairs of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill council, till 10th March, 2008. On that date he tendered resignation on being told by the Chief Minister, Buddhadev Bhattacharjee who was pressurised for removal of Ghisingh by GJMM. The details of the happenings have been dealt under a chapter Emergence of Bimal Gurung in this book. There were one hundred and twelve Gram Panchayat in the entire Darjeeling Hill areas and they were in operation even after the expiry of their tenure. The government of West Bengal had not taken any initiative for holding Panchayat Election on account of the abhorrence of Subash Ghisingh towards panchayat in Darjeeling hill, as he was critically intolerant to the existence of any statutory authority except himself. The government being in the know of the attitude of Subash Ghisingh had preferred to shelve the provisions of the West Bengal Panchayat Act and Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council Act solely to placate him. Out of one hundred and twelve Gram Panchayat only six Gram Panchayats were controlled by CPRM and the rest had total allegiance and affiliation to GNLF. After the removal of Subash Ghisingh from the care-taker chairmanship of DGHC all the Gram Panchayat except the ones controlled by CPRM switched over their loyalty and allegiance to GJMM and its president, Bimal Gurung. During the hey day of Subash Ghisingh they were the pillars of organization of GNLF for the rural villages. This time the Pradhan, Upa-pradhan and members of the Gram Panchayat become active organizer of GJMM in the countryside of Darjeeling hill. But in spite of their contribution for the organizational expansion of GJMM they were asked to quit their posts so as to provide fillip to the Gorkhaland movement launched by GJMM by way of not cooperating with the West Bengal Government. The turned coat Pradhan, Upa-pradhan and members of the Gram Panchayat being unable to defy the directive tendered resignation in the month of May 08, but the CPRM controlled panchayats did not submit their resignation as per the unilateral decision and directive of GJMM and had argued that it is not only Panchayat but the Chairman, vice-chairman and members of Municipalities also should tender resignation as the same was functioning under the provision of West Bengal Municipality Act and their functioning implied of the cooperation to West Bengal Government. Several Pradhan and Upa-pradhan who had tendered resignation were seen to be supporting the stand of CPRM controlled Gram Panchayat in private, but the CPRM taking stock of the situation had come to the conclusion that the dissolution of Gram Panchayat only would not provide any impetus to the movement for separate state of Gorkhaland rather it could cause difficulties to the people of rural areas in several count. However, it felt that the need of the hour was showing unity and solidarity of the people of Darjeeling and on the basis of felt necessity of the hour decided and directed the Gram Panchayat to submit resignation by convening a meeting of Gram Sabha so as to apprise the people the urgently needed unity and solidarity of the people and organizations of Darjeeling. Accordingly, the CPRM controlled Gram Panchayat also submitted resignation at the end of June 08. Thus, a situation of non-existence of

Panchayat was created in Darjeeling hill but Government and its administrative machinery seemed to have remained unperturbed and unmoved on the state of affairs.

STILLBORN SIXTH SCHEDULE AND PEOPLE'S ANATHEMA

The modern, secular nation-state adopted as a political model demands a certain flattening out of differences and the imposition of a structure that does not consider small or anomalous groups of people If nations have to be imagined into being, the people of the north-east may represent the most remarkable failure of that imagination in regard to India. Siddhartha Deb, Fragments from a Folder.

On getting the appointment of the Care-taker-Chairmanship of the DGHC, the issue of the International Spying Agency had disappeared from the region and the Government of India, the Government of West Bengal and the Caretaker Chairman of DGHC Subash Ghisingh were seen to have made an agreement on 6th December, 2005 to give the status of Sixth Schedule to the existing DGHC for which many parleys were carried on camera. The result of the conclave was nothing but the provisions of the existing Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council were to be incorporated in the proposed Sixth Schedule by changing the nomenclature only. While executing the agreement for the Sixth Schedule status to the existing DGHC a clause stating that "this in principle Memorandum of Settlement is the full and final settlement of the Darjeeling Hill Areas issue and no further demands in this regard would be entertained" { The clause no 11 of the memorandum of settlement made on 6th December 2005 between Government of India, Government of West Bengal and Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council for creating a new Council for the hill areas of Darjeeling District, under the Sixth Schedule of Constitution of India} was inserted. Thus, it was clear that the agreement was aimed and purported for sealing the political aspirations of the people of Darjeeling by the Governments through Subash Ghisingh. The mandate received by Subash Ghisingh had expired in the year 2004 and then after he had become an appointee of the Government of West Bengal, as caretaker chairman of DGHC enjoying facilities and perk from the public fund. Knowing well the implication and intricacies, of appointmenting Subash Ghising as Caretaker Chairman of DGHC; the acceptance and acknowledgment of as representative of the people of Darjeeling hills by the two governments for signing an agreement, was a serious disregard and disrespect of all democratic principles and system. If the Governments were sincere then the agreement would have been made with the representatives of the West Bengal Assembly and the Member of Parliament elected from Darjeeling in stead of signing an agreement with the person appointed by the West Bengal Government. During the British period, the Rules and Acts framed and enacted by Calcutta and Delhi had a tradition of necessary modification for application in Darjeeling so as to make their applicability attuned to the place. But on the attainment of

Independence the Rules, Acts, Planning made in Kolkata, though incompatible to the ground reality of Darjeeling, has been invoked in ditto. Further, in the twenty first century of democratic India, it was seen the governments taking all possible steps to force upon Darjeeling the political leader of their choice. Five days after the signing of agreement with the Governments of West Bengal and India for the Sixth Schedule status to the DGHC, the GNLF had organised a public meeting at Chowk Bazar Darjeeling on 11th December 2005 purportedly to explain before the people the details of the agreement. While addressing the public meeting Subash Ghisingh, the Care taker Chairman of DGHC, brazenly tried to silence the media and the political parties. As he said that, "reporters have been noted in my eyes. Do not think you can get away with your arrogance. If I become angry, God help you. Report the truth; you all have to live here after all. Till now my party's [GNLF] branch committee has been dealing with media sympathetically. But if I take up the matter, I won't be forgiving. I am an ex-armyman and I know how to use the weapon". Further mentioning the names of the leaders of Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists R. B. Rai and D. S. Bomjan, Subash Ghising issued threats of dire consequences, in case they indulge in the criticism of the GNLF and the Sixth Schedule. He also called upon his followers to annihilate opposition leaders and assured them that it is not an offence and it was not tantamount to any criminal act. Inciting the crowd and justifying the threat, he said "when Ram killed Ravana it was not a sin." The threat, intimidation and domination by Subash Ghisingh in that public meeting was telecast on the night of 11th December, 2005 by a local channel of Darjeeling and the local and national newspapers of 12th December, 2005 had covered the essence of his speech. The administration of Darjeeling, the different Intelligence Agencies and the Government of West Bengal pretended to be unaware of the public meeting and the speech made by Subash Ghisingh. On knowing the attitude of the government and the administration, Darjeeling Press Guild sent a complaint to the then President of India, Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam on 12th December, 2005 evening. The copies of the complaint were endorsed to the Prime Minister, Home Minister of India, the Governor and Chief Minister of West Bengal, Indian Journalists Union, the Press Club of Kolkata, National Human Right Commission and State Human Right Commission. The Press Club, Kolkata also issued statement on 13th December, 2005 "We strongly condemn Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council Administrator Subash Ghising's reported threatening statements against the media during a public meeting on 11th December, 2005. Such statements are nothing but brazen attempts to browbeat the media, stifle freedom of expression as guaranteed by the Constitution and certainly go against democratic principles. We are confident that as before, representatives of the media in Darjeeling will not be cowed down by such threats and will continue to report truth with courage". The leaders of the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists namely R. B. Rai and D. S. Bomjan lodged strongly worded diaries on 13th December, 2005 to Sadar Thana, Darjeeling against Subash Ghising for his inflammatory speech. The diaries were accompanied with newspaper cuttings which had carried the details of the inflammatory speech made by Subash Ghisingh on that day. The copies of the diaries with enclosures were also sent to the District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police, Darjeeling as well as to the Home Secretary, Government of West Bengal. The diaries were treated like scraps of paper and the authorities did nothing to apprehend the culprits. Seeing the unmindful attitude of the administration and their inhibition for taking steps on the basis of dairies, the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists organised a MASSIVE RALLY and public meeting on 15th December, 2005 at Chowk Bazar, Darjeeling town for infusing and instilling courage and confidence in the minds of people, party cadres, workers, supporters and the media. The rally and public meeting was the most befitting reply to

the threats and intimidations of Subash Ghisingh in a highly organised, polished and disciplined manner that turned the whole exercise of Subash Ghisingh to silence the opposition into a fiasco. Thus the attempt of imposing the terms and conditions of the settlement in the name of the Sixth Schedule Status for DGHC took a shape of central issue of politics in Darjeeling. Gradually the political parties and the informed layers of society started analyzing the pros and cons of the Agreement held among the Governments of India, West Bengal and Subash Ghisingh for the conferment of the Sixth Schedule Status to the DGHC. By that time there followed a report "PMO forms panel to review areas under Sixth Schedule" and and there was the possibility for the panel to visit Darjeeling for meeting a cross section of the people before the introduction of a bill in Parliament in the winter session 2006 for confer the Sixth Schedule Status to the DGHC. The Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists prepared its suggestion and proposals in regard to the proposed Sixth Schedule and had sent the same to the Prime Minister, Home Minister of India, the Chief Minister of West Bengal, Care taker Chairman DGHC, the member of Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha of Indian Parliament from Darjeeling, the leaders of opposition in Lok Sabha etc. The party had intended to submit the same to the panel formed by the Prime Minister Office on their visit to Darjeeling. The panel so formed did not come to Darjeeling. The Trade Union of Hill Employees Association under the leadership of Amar Rai held a seminar on the proposed Sixth Schedule on 6th January 2007 in Darjeeling. In the seminar, the lone speaker Dr. Mahendra P Lama, the Chairman of the Centre for South East Asian and South West Pacific Studies of JNU's School of International Studies, Delhi, explicitly highlighted the drawbacks, weakness and ineffectiveness of the proposed Sixth Schedule as per the terms and condition of the agreement and settlement made on 6th December, 2005 in Delhi by Subash Ghising. In order to make it workable for meeting the minimum socio-political aspiration of the people of Darjeeling he expressed the urgent need of amendment in the clauses of the agreement made on 6th December, 2005. Many of the suggested amendments were in tune and line of the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists. Later on he drafted the requisite amendments showing the weakness and flaw in the Agreement made by Subash Ghisingh with the Governments of India and West Bengal for the conferment of Sixth Schedule Status to DGHC. Several new items related to finance, planning and administration were also incorporated in the draft proposal made by him. The draft amendment named as JANTA BILL was published by local dailies, also posted into the Internet and its copies were circulated to the political parties and other organisations. Thus the endeavour made by Dr. Mahendra P. Lama was appreciated and applauded by a wide section of the people including the supporters of the GNLF minus Subash Ghising and his close cohorts. The All India Gorkha League, notwithstanding a political ally of the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists during the period, had reservation on the line pursued by CPRM and the Janta Bill of Dr. Mahendra P. Lama. The All India Gorkha League had left no stone unturned in opposing and condemning the Sixth Schedule. They claimed the settlement made by Subash Ghisingh for the Sixth Schedule Status was nothing but a got off ploy for clinging to the chair of the care- taker- Chairmanship of DGHC by deferring the election of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council. They were of the view that the proposed sixth schedule in no case could meet the aspiration of the people of the region for separate state of Gorkhaland. Opposing the sixth schedule with carping tongue and making hue and cry for a separate state of Gorkhaland, the All India Gorkha League under the Presidentship of Madan Tamang neither placed an alternative proposal against sixth schedule nor a programme for achieving a separate state of Gorkhaland.

However, holding of public meetings in different places as a part of political activities of the All India Gorkha League had surpassed other political parties from the last quarter of 2006. The result was not very encouraging since the people seemed to be cynical of the move. Thus, in spite of having made an agreement, the Sixth Schedule Status to the existing DGHC did not come to light even two years after the signing of the agreement. During that period the Principal Secretary of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council was found to have issued an order as- "In terms of the posts created vide Order No. 89/CO/CPS/DGHC dated 16th June, 2007 the following persons are hereby engaged in the newly set up "Ecclesiastical Department" on contractual basis with immediate effect upto 31st December, 2007 at the monthly pay and other terms and conditions as shown against each". The creation of ECCLESIASTICAL DEPARTMENT by Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council under the Caretaker Chairmanship of Subash Ghising was clearly against the Secular Spirit and Principle of the Indian Constitution. The person chosen and appointed by the Left Front Government of West Bengal for running the day to day affairs of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council had created a Department for looking after the Religious Matter and its promotion exclusively on the fund provided by the government, it had made the Secular and Secularism professed by the Left Front a Mockery, but the Government instead of making Subash Ghisingh accountable and responsible to the public in the larger interest of the region and also for the sake of the country was seen to have gone out of their way to appease him. Similarly, the Government that had taken a nap failed to grasp the public mood that had developed a strong dislike and resentment against Subash Ghisingh from the second week of September, 2007 on account of his oblivious and cold attitude towards Prashant Tamang, who was a contestant for Indian Idol from Darjeeling. In the campaign rallies for sending SMS to Prashant Tamang for ensuring his victory, slogans against Subash Ghisingh were heard in Darjeeling Hills. Four days before the declaration of the result of Indian Idol Contest, Subash Ghisingh left for Indonesia. During his absence the victory of Prashant, Tamang had set exhilaration and euphoria in the entire Darjeeling, but it was marred by the heinous event of Siliguri on 28th September, 2007. The happenings led to develop a situation, in Darjeeling under which there was every possibility of demonstration and protest against Subash Ghisingh on his return from Indonesia. In such a situation the United Progressive Alliance Government of India that was surviving on the outside support of the Left Front of West Bengal, apparently at the behest of supporter, its Union Minister Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi on 1st October, 2007 made an announcement: "Cabinet Nod to Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling" with an intention of making the entry of Subash Ghisingh smooth and devoid of protest. The announcement of the Union Minister Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi provided a strong pretext to the disheartened supporters of Subash Ghisingh to assemble at Bagdogra Air Port on 2nd October, 2007 to welcome him on his return with Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling. But it was easy for the common people to realise that the Cabinets nod to the Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling was a ploy manufactured by the Union Minister at the will of the party, on whose support the Government at the Centre survived. The supporters of the Central Government seemed to have made an effort to divert the wrath of the people by assuaging them with an anointment of the Cabinet Approval to Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling. This was because, two years from the date of signing of the Agreement on 6th December, 2005 to the announcement of the Cabinet Nod to the Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling on 1st October, 2007 more than half a dozen Sessions of Parliament were over. During those sessions of Indian Parliament not a single word was uttered with respect to Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling and with the passing of these two years of the agreement for Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling, the mood of the people was against Subash

Ghisingh. Therefore, the Union Minister thought it fit and prudent to announce the approval to Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling immediately after the Monsoon Session of Parliament, 2007 was over. Hence, the announcement of the Cabinet Approval to Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling after two years of the Agreement seemed to have have been made after keeping in mind the protection of Subash Ghisingh from his flaccid moral and political decline. The political parties operating in the region taking into account the different aspect of the developments related to the issue had come forward and made Outright Rejection of the Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling and expressed the strong desire of not to accept any thing less than a Separate State. Further, the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists had stated that the announcement of the Union Minister was nothing but an eye wash as otherwise he would have made an Ordinance in the interest of the people and place. Thus, in place of issuance of an Ordinance the announcement of the Cabinet Approval to Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling after two years of Agreement was to undermine the intellectual and political acumen of the citizens of the region. The cabinet approval of the sixth schedule status, to the existing Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council caused an euphoric merriment in the infirmed Gorkha National Liberation Front but other political parties, intelligentsia, artists and writers as well as a large section of people that counted more than ninety percent of the total population of Darjeeling Hills were against the proposed sixth schedule. The sixth schedule proposal was taken by the informed layer as a subtle design of the Government of West Bengal at the behest of CPM and imposing the same on Darjeeling and its people against their wishes and conscience. In order to translate the subtle design into reality the muscle power of the GNLF would be enforced so as to steamroll and crush the public opinion at large. Thus, there was pervasion of distaste and dislike for the role of GNLF not only from the informed circle but from within its party as well.

EMERGENCE OF BIMAL GURUNG AND FORMATION OF GJMM

I am Joaquin. I must fight And win this struggle For my sons I am the masses of my people and I refuse to be absorbed Rodolfo Gonzales, I Am Joachin(1967).

The dubious role of the GNLF in accepting the sixth schedule and an attempt to enforce the same, as an alternative sabotaging the demand of a separate state of Gorkhaland was vehemently opposed by one of its heavy weights Bimal Gurung. But in order to silence the protest as well as stop its spreading among the rank and file of the party, Bimal Gurung was expelled from GNLF on 3rd October, 2007. This expulsion led to the formation of Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha (GJMM) which was announced on 7th October, 2007 in a meeting attended by large number of people at Chowk Bazaar, Darjeeling. The Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha within a short period swelled and turned into a mass based party that posed a real challenge to the GNLF. The Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha led a massive rally for the gherao of Lalkothi, the head quarters of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, demanding the ouster of Subash Ghisingh, caretaker appointed by the West Bengal Government without holding election for the last two and a half years. The massive rally was obstructed by a heavy police cordon about half a kilometre away from Lal Kothi on 7th November, 07. The winter session of Parliament too was scheduled to begin from 15th November, 2007 and it was publicized through press statement by the CPM and its minister Asok Bhattacherjee and Rajya Sabha M.P, Saman(aka Suraj) Pathak that the sixth schedule bill would be placed and passed in that very session of Parliament. The Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha under the leadership of Bimal Gurung announced a programme of burning the COPIES OF MEMORANDUM OF SETTLEMENT MADE IN BETWEEN GOVERNMENTS OF INDIA, WEST BENGAL AND

THE CARE TAKER ADMINISTRATOR OF DGHC, SUBASH GHISINGH APPOINTED BY WEST BENGAL GOVERNMENT, and FOR THE CONFERMENT OF SIXTH SCHEDULE STATUS TO DGHC. The burning of the copies as announced took place on 15th November 07 throughout the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council areas as a joint programme of the newly formed Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha (GJMM) and the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists (CPRM). It was seen that the burning of the memorandum was carried with much enthusiasm and commitment by the participation of the general public. But, much to the expectation of the political analyst the copies of the bill of the proposed Sixth Schedule were distributed to the members of the Lok Sabha on 20th November, 2007 with an object of holding discussion on the bill on 4th December, 2007 for its approval. The Central leaders of Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh were in Delhi and set themselves in motion to engage in diplomatic exercises: While so doing, they began educating the the leaders of political parties and the members of Parliament about the hidden agenda of the Government of West Bengal concealed in the proposed Sixth Schedule and the extent of damage it would cause to the solidarity and unity of the different communities of Darjeeling Hills.The state itself had become an enemy of the constitution. The President of GJMM, Bimal Gurung was also intending to leave for Delhi, but could not go, because the former councilor of DGHC, K.B. Gurung belonging to GNLF was attacked by some miscreants and the GNLF had lodged FIR mentioning involvement of Bimal Gurung despite his not being present in the spot of the attack. But a warrant of arrest was issued on the allegation of attack on K.B. Gurung and an indefinite strike was declared in Darjeeling by the GNLF as a pressure tactic for his arrest. Later, he succeeded in securing the Anticipatory Bail. But, prior to securing the same, he had deputed a team to Delhi and it met the Chairperson of the Parliamentary Standing Committee, Home affairs, Smt. Sushma Swaraj, the leader of opposition Sri. L.K. Advani and others. Thus, the Delhi foray by the Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh and the team of GJMM with necessary support and guidance from Dawa Narbula who was Congress M.P. from Darjeeling and Nakul Chandra Rai, the Lok Sabha Member from Sikkim and many others from different political parties successfully knocked the doors of leaders and the stalwarts belonging to the both houses of the Parliament. In order to approve the proposed bill for Sixth Schedule in the Parliament, it was mandatory to garner the support and consent of the main opposition BJP. Hence, the Chief-Minister Buddhadev Bhattacharjee was reported to have visited the Durbar of the leader of the opposition L.K. Advani, forgetting his earlier carping statements against the BJP, for begging his support. But Advani refused to support the bill pointing out the break of Parliamentary precedent of taking the consent of Standing Committee prior to its introduction in Parliament. Thus, unable to enlist the support of the main opposition, the Home-Minister Sri Shivaraj Patil was compelled to refer the bill to the Parliamentary Standing Committee. As per schedule, the Home Affairs on that very day was supposed to have discussed and passed the bill in the Parliament. Thus, the effort and exercise of bulldozing the people's aspirations and opposition to the imposition of Sixth Schedule on Darjeeling by managing the Government at the centre by the Left Front Government of West Bengal, under the leadership of Buddhadev Bhattacherjee was thwarted. As it was the result of united opposition by the people of Darjeeling and the lobbying and diplomatic exercise carried out in Delhi. The might of the Left Front Government was humbled for the first time by the lovers of Gorkhaland. And the people from all walks of life from Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars region started sending representations to Smt. Sushma Swaraj, the Chairperson, Parliamentary Standing Committee, Home Affairs, with requests of rejecting the proposed Sixth Schedule for Darjeeling. The Lawyers of Darjeeling District Court also formed a Legal Awareness Forum chaired by Amar Lama and the Forum also opposed

the proposed Sixth Schedule. The different social organisations functioning in Darjeeling also came forward by sending letters opposing the proposed Sixth Schedule. The Parliamentary Standing Committee, Home Affairs formally invited (a) Gorkha National Liberation Front, (b) All India Gorkha League, (c) Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists, (d) Gorkha National Liberation Front C, (e) Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha and (f) Gorkha Rastriya Congress to place their points before the Committee on 20th December, 2007 in Delhi. All the invited parties except Gorkha National Liberation Front, who had done every thing possible to impose the Sixth Schedule Bill, went to Delhi with requisite papers and documents for opposing the imposition of the proposed Sixth Schedule. The parties submitted a joint memorandum and also individual representation to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs against the proposed Sixth Schedule on 20th December, 2007. But the Akhil Bharatiya Gorkha League was not the signatory to the joint memorandum submitted to the Parliamentary Standing Committee. However the united representation to the Parliamentary Standing Committee, Home affairs, Government of India, by the Parties against the proposed Sixth Schedule was given more impetus, when Dawa Narbula, the Congress M.P. from Darjeeling too made a verbal submission to the Parliamentary Standing Committee against the proposed Sixth Schedule and apprised the committee, that the formation of a separate state would be the only Political solution to Darjeeling's political problem. Thus the solidarity and unity in approach and representation was made for the first time in Delhi by the political parties and public representatives from Darjeeling. This show of solidarity and unity was also carried from the Parliamentary Standing Committee to the Jantar-Mantar Ground of Delhi, where the Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh had organised a day's Dharna on 21st December, 2007 for pressing the Government of India for the creation of Homeland for the Nepali Speaking Gorkhas of India. In that One Day Dharna, the participants and delegates from twenty two states of India along with the delegation of the Parties from Darjeeling joined in. Thus, in the political history of Nepali Speaking Gorkhas of India, the Dharna was first of its kind, in voicing the demand of a Homeland that is a Separate State, as per the provisions of the Indian Constitution. And in order to bolster the demand, a two day programme comprising of a seminar and convention was held in Delhi on 22nd and 23rd December, 2007, in the Constitution Assembly Hall, Delhi. The leader of Telengana Rashtriya Congress, renowned journalists, academician, retired army personnel, leaders of the Forum for the formation of Smaller States and bureaucrats addressed the seminar lending their support for the cause of Homeland for Indian Gorkhas. Among them, notable speakers were P. Nehru, Advocate Supreme Court and the leader of the proposed Telengana State, Col. P.R. Reddy who was also leading a movement for the formation of Separate Telengana state. He stressed the need of the united movement for achievement of a Separate State of Telengana and Gorkhaland, and suggested to make the demand of Gorkhaland simultaneously with Telengana and vice versa by the concerned people and the leaders leading the movement. The journalist Sanjay Hazarika commanding national repute and Awadhesh Coomar Sinha wielding a credit for lecturing in the different universities of world were also the speakers, who favoured the cause for having a homeland in India for the Indian Gorkhas by highlighting the contribution and the role of the Gorkhas in making modern India. Sri Om Gupta from North Eastern Hill University and General (retd) Ashok Mehta were also in support of the demand for a homeland of the Indian Gorkhas. The leader of the Forum for Smaller States Babu Ramdeodey Maji also assured the help of his organisation for achievement of a separate state of Gorkhaland for Indian Gorkhas. But after the return from Delhi, the All India Gorkha League organised public meetings in Darjeeling, Kurseong and kalimpong town where the president of the party, Madan Tamang made a vitriolic attack on the GJMM and other opposition parties that

had gone to Delhi. The tone and the line of speech was a clear indication that the All India Gorkha League and its president was not in tandem with the unity and solidarity as formed and maintained in Delhi. But other parties who were the signatories to the joint memorandum that was submitted to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs were unanimous in maintaining unity and solidarity and in the days to come by they would stand together to oppose the proposed Sixth Schedule Bill and to realise the demand of the separate state of Gorkhaland. Thus, the CPRM being apprehensive of role of the ABGL and much concerned over the opposition unity, issued statement signed by Party's General Secretary R.B. Rai on 31st December, 2007 thereby urging the people to be vigilant and judicious against the move that could be pernicious for the welfare and well-being of the people in maintaining unity for the achievement of their long cherished goal. On 6th January, 2008 at Lebong the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha organised the biggest rally in the history of Public Rallies in Darjeeling. The Central Leaders of GJMM were made to swear in public as a confirmation of their allegiance to the party and programme to be pursued by it for achieving Gorkhaland. While addressing the historic crowd the President of GJMM, Bimal Gurung, announced a series of agitational programmes against the proposed sixth schedule and in favour of Separate State of Gorkhaland for the following three months. The CPRM also organised a public meeting on 12th January, 2008 at the historic Gitangay Dara, Darjeeling and announced its full support to the GJMM's programme to commence from 14th January, 2008 and the speakers also expressed resentment and concern against the activities of ABGL and warned against the idea of jeopardising the solidarity and unity of the people. The GJMM as announced honoured their words on 14th January, 2008 to carry and implement the Non-Co-operation Programme by closing the Government offices in the entire Darjeeling till 18th January, 2008. The Darjeeling Municipality, after the demise of Bal Dewan was scheduled to elect a new Chairman on 14th January, 2008 by ignoring the Non Cooperation Programme of GJMM. But a large number of people surrounded the entire Municipality Office Complex till the evening by breaking section 144 imposed by the district administration. The Darjeeling Municipality, having an absolute majority of GNLF, seemed to have undermined the Non-Co-operation movement of GJMM and the administration had imposed section 144 by deploying a heavy police personnel so as to facilitate the election. But the combined strength of the GNLF and the District Administration was defeated by the solidarity of the people that resulted in the postponement of the notified election. The closing of the government offices, for five days had unprecedented success too. The Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs was scheduled to visit Darjeeling on 6th and 7th February, 2008 for assessing the ground reality in regards to the proposed sixth schedule. The District Administration had also held a meeting on 30th January, 2008 with the Political Parties in respect of the scheduled visit of the Parliamentary Standing Committee. The meeting was attended by the representatives of all political parties except the GNLF. The GJMM decided to request the Parliamentary Standing Committee on home Affairs for annulment of the proposed sixth schedule by arranging unprecedented welcome to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home affairs as a mark of aversion to the sixth schedule by the people of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars. But the Government of West Bengal was made paranoid by the solidarity of the people of the region, against the proposed sixth schedule which it wanted to thrust upon them, against their wishes. Accordingly they managed the cancellation of the scheduled visit of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs, and arranged to send Subash Ghisingh, the caretaker administrator of DGHC, appointed by West Bengal Government along with the Chief-Secretary to Delhi, where they made their deposition to

the Parliamentary Standing Committee on 6th February 08. The GJMM termed the cancellation of the visit of the Parliamentary Standing as a conspiracy of Left Front government of West Bengal for depriving the people of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars to apprise their repugnance and refusal to accept the proposed sixth schedule to the Parliamentary Standing Committee, it announced a series of agitational programmes by placing demands for removal of Subash Ghisingh from the caretaker-administratorship of DGHC. At the same time they wanted to ensure the visit of the Parliamentary Standing Committee to Darjeeling and enlighten them about the prevalent situation of Darjeeling Hills. As a measure of exerting pressure a group of twenty-five, each from Kalimpong, Darjeeling and Kurseong started Fast-Unto-Death from 7th February 08. The health condition of some of the participants deteriorated to an alarming extent, but they refused to take medical help. The GJMM as a pressure tactic declared the closure of Central, State and DGHC offices from 12th February 08 for an indefinite period that brought the district administration to a stand-still. The Chief-minister of West Bengal Mr. Buddhadev Bhattacharjee during a visit to Darjeeling for holding talks with the Caretaker Administrator, Subash Ghisingh in the middle of 2007 while refusing an appointment to the Opposition Political Parties had stated that there were no Opposition Political Parties in Darjeeling and he had no knowledge of the presence of Opposition Parties. But after a couple of months the Left Front Government led by him were made to bow before the GJMM by its four days movement and he even invited them to Kolkata on 13th February, 2008 at 3 P.M. for negotiation. A delegation comprising Roshan Giri, Anmol Prasad, Alok Kanta Thulung, Tilak Chandra Roka, Madhukar Thapa and Bimal Darjee led by Kaman Singh Ramudamu, the Vice-President of GJMM reached Kolkata and attended the meeting with the Chief-Secretary Amit Kiran Deb, Home secretary, Prasad Ranjan Roy, the Divisional commissioner B.L. Meena and the Darjeeling District Magistrate Rajesh Panday at the Writer's Building. The delegation stood firm sticking to their guns that led to seek two days time (14th to 15th February 09) by the Government of West Bengal for removal of Subash Ghisingh whom the Government had pampered and allowed to declare the self-styled king of Darjeeling. The meeting had facilitated the withdrawal of Fast-unto-Death in Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong. But after the expiry of time begged by the government, the Chief Secretary Amit Kiran Deb made it clear through media the non-acceptance of the demand of GJMM. The following day the GJMM resumed its 'Fast-Unto-Death' as earlier in Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong. On the very day of the resumption of the fast on 16th February 08, the Election to the post of the chairman of Darjeeling Municipality lying vacant due to the demise of the chairman in office was scheduled to take place. But the GJMM as a part of their movement decided to obstruct the proceedings for that scheduled election by way of picketing the premises of the Municipality Office. The fifteen Commissioners belonging to GNLF made their entry into the Municipality office around 2 A.M on the scheduled day locked the doors from inside to obstruct the entry of thirteen Commissioners belonging to GJMM. On being informed of the development, the people picketed the entire Municipality Office complex till 9 P.M. and the Observer to that scheduled election deputed by government along with thirteen Commissioners could not take part in that forcefully manipulated election. However it seemed that the Government was inclined to accord its approval of the Election keeping aside the Democratic norms and principal. After the rejection of the demands by the West Bengal government, the GJMM resumed Fast-unto- Death movement from 17th February 08 in Kalimpong, Darjeeling and Kurseong. But on the same day Subash Ghisingh arrived at Siliguri Pintail village after lobbying in Delhi and told the media that there was every possibility of passing the sixth Schedule Bill by the Parliament during the Budget Session that was scheduled to begin from 21st February, 2008. On hearing the arrival and press-meet of Subash

Ghisingh, the supporters of GJMM prepared to blockade every entry point and prevent him from reaching Darjeeling. On the next day, 18th February, 2008 the supporters of GJMM and CPRM started pouring down to Siliguri from early morning, demanding the Removal of Subash Ghisingh from the Caretaker-administratorship of DGHC and cancellation of the proposed Sixth Schedule for Darjeeling. But large contingents of armed police forces with arms obstructed the masses at several places for not allowing them to reach Pintail Village where Subash Ghisingh was lodging. It seemed that the Government of West Bengal was determined to impose Sixth Schedule against the wishes of the people and to keep Subash Ghisingh on the politicaladministrative affairs of Darjeeling. Thus, the GJMM being forced to mount their pressure on Government declared indefinite strike from 20th February, 2008. The strike was total and peaceful. But the CPM from Siliguri sent a number of people led by Mukul Sengupta to Salbari for opposing the strike, despite knowing well that the area was predominantly inhabitated by Nepali speaking People. Mukul Sengupta dared to tell the people of Salbari to withdrawing the strike, as the area was not being included within DGHC. But the people resisted him telling that Salbari is a part and parcel of Darjeeling district and he along with his men was escorted back to Siliguri by police. The callous and unmindful attitude of the West Bengal government and subtle attempt of the CPM to ferment a divide in between the people of hills and plain of Darjeeling district compelled the GJMM to take a decision of organising a Fast-untoDeath programme at the premises of the Sub-divisional Office at Siliguri from 21st February, 2008. A group of people left for Siliguri from Darjeeling hill in the early morning for taking part in the hunger strike at Siliguri. The news spread like wild-fire and the people from Darjeeling hills and the periphery of Siliguri started going to the proposed site for extending their moral support to boost the spirit of the participants. But the police began to barricade and blockade the different points of roads connecting Siliguri and arrested indiscriminately the people having Mongoloid Face who had reached the proposed site of Fast-unto-Death at Siliguri. However, people pushing the barricades reached Darjeeling More which is situated two kilometres away from the sub-divisional office of Siliguri and the arrested people numbering forty six started Fast-Unto-Death inside the police Hazat. At such a critical juncture the administration took the decision of holding negotiations that ultimately settled the unconditional release of the arrested and allowing for sitting in Fast-unto-Death at Dagapur, three kilometres away from the earlier proposed site. The reason for not permitting the programme of Fast-unto-Death to be held at the premises of the Sub-divisional Office, Siliguri was mentioned by the Municipality and Local self Government minister Asok Bhattacharjee that the protesters Gorkha were 'outsider' in Siliguri. The so-called responsible government officials from Kolkata and Siliguri had also stated in the same vein to that of the minister. One of the police officials RJS Nalwa went to the extent of telling that "the protesters would be arrested--- they will not be allowed to go on a hunger strike in front of the S.D.O Office in Siliguri"-(The Telegraph 21st February, 2008). It seemed that their intellect, reason, wisdom and common sense, of propriety was politically blinded, as because the fact remains that Siliguri is a sub-division of Darjeeling district and the Assembly Constituency of Siliguri included Mirik Block which is a part of Kurseong Sub-division. The minister Asok Bhattacherjee was in the council of ministers of West Bengal, on being voted by the electorates of Mirik. But the same electorates coming from Mirik for taking part in hunger strike in the premises of SDO Office Siliguri were debarred, denied, arrested and blockaded giving the reason that they were OUTSIDERS IN SILIGURI. In the defence and security of Mother India, dead bodies of soldiers covered with the national tricolour reach Darjeeling hills with the honour of martyrs after every war, or skirmish since Independence through the days of the Kargil War. But the kith and kin of

those very martyrs were labeled as OUTSIDERS in Siliguri and not allowed to sit in hunger strike by the government of West Bengal at the behest of the CPM that seemed to be intoxicated with Bengali chauvinism. The administration carried the diktat and performed the duties to the fullest satisfaction of the political masters. In doing so, the law of the land and the right conferred by the Indian Constitution Article 19 to citizens seem to have been trampled. As because every citizen of India has the right to express his/her resentment for seeking justice by holding public meeting, rally, gherao, dharna, hunger strike etc. anywhere within India. But, Siliguri in spite of being a sub-division of Darjeeling within India the people from Darjeeling hills were denied obstructed and arrested for their attempt to sit in hunger strike on the ground that they were OUTSIDERS IN SILIGURI THAT WAS PRESUMED BY POLITICAL LEADERS. It was a naked violation and denial of constitutional, democratic and human rights of Nepali Speaking Citizens of India by the majority and ruling community of West Bengal with the administration at their command. But the parties, individuals, associations claiming to have been working for the protection and safeguard of the democratic and human rights of the people remained dumb spectators in the events of Siliguri before the administrative and political might of the CPM backed by rabid Bengali chauvinism. As a means of concealing and diverting the focus Subash Ghisingh was flown to Kolkata on 23rd February 08 in a planned way from Pintail village where he was holed up. In presence of such vulnerable circumstances the leaders of CPRM namely, Taramani Rai, Gobind Chhettri, Arun Ghatani and Kishore Pradhan under the instructions of the party started contacting different political parties operating in Siliguri. In their effort, they succeeded in taking with the leaders of CPI (M-L), SUCI and CPI-M-L (Liberation) to the place of Fast-unto-Death at Dagapur to offer flowers and Khadas to the participants of the hunger strike on 22nd-23rd February, 2008 for their morale boosting and addressing a joint press conference for condemning the attitude of the government and lending support to the movement. The move further consolidated by waiting upon a deputation to the Additional District Magistrate, Siliguri for immediate removal of Subash Ghisingh from the care-takership of DGHC, scraping of the proposed sixth schedule and maintaining peace, solidarity and harmony among the different communities of the region. Leaflets in Bengla and Nepali were distributed and a massive rally of the four parties was also held on 29th February, 2008. In Darjeeling, the Hill Employees' Union formed with the employees working in different Government and Semi-Government departments also decided in their meeting to resign in mass from their respective posts in case of imposition of Sixth Schedule by the Governments. The retired army personnel from officer to jawan held a meeting in Darjeeling Gymkhana Club where they decided to lend their moral and physical support to the movement led by GJMM. The meeting further resolved of pushing forward the demand for a homeland for Indian Gorkhas. Accordingly, the ex-servicemen organised meeting, dharna and rallies in Darjeeling, Siliguri and Delhi making a demand for a homeland for the Indian Gorkhas as per the provisions of the Indian Constitution. The Fast-unto-Death embraced a greater dimension, as it spread to the premises of the eight Development Blocks of entire Darjeeling hills and token fasting also started in front of Mal Police Station in the Dooars. The Fast-unto-Death, indefinite strike, deteriorating the health and conditions of the majority of the participants massive rallies in different parts of Darjeeling followed by snowballing of the support to the movement from the entire region, left no alternative for the government except to hold negotiations. Thus, the Left Front Government succumbing under pressure invited the GJMM for talks with the Chief-Minister at Writer's on 27th February, 2008 at 6.30 P.M. And much awaited the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs submitted its Report on

28th February, 2008 with a note of caution and warning too to the government. Further, it is seen that the Committee had suggested the taking stock of situation in Darjeeling along with constitutional and political implications contained in the proposed bill of Sixth Schedule for Darjeeling. Thus, the adverse note of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home Affairs and the protest from Darjeeling gaining a nature of mass movement, the UPA Government thought it wise to freeze the proposed Sixth Schedule for Darjeeling in an explicit manner. And, in Kolkata the inflexible and big-headed Chiefminister setting aside his busy schedule took the pain of holding rounds of hectic parleys with the delegation of GJMM comprising Rosan Giri, Pradip Pradhan, Dr. C.K. Subba, D.K. Pradhan, Anmol Prasad and Amar Lama led by Bimal Gurung and also confidentially with Subash Ghising. Finally the result of the parleys was made to be known by written press-release from Chief-minister on 29th February, 2008, wherein it was mentioned that Subash Ghisingh was given time till 10th March,2008 to resign. The flashes of news from the press-release of the Chief-Minister and direction from the GJMM Leaders led to the withdrawal of the indefinite strike and the Fast-unto-Death. There were 234 participants in the Fast-unto-Death and they had refused taking medical help during the hunger strike. Hence, many of them were rushed for hospitalization after the withdrawal of fasting. Any protest, movement and expression of resentment by the people of Darjeeling against the unpalatable policy and decision of the government used to be taken as Anti-Bengali and Anti-plains people, by some ministers, bureaucrats, leaders, intellectuals who seemed to be clouded their own rabid chauvinism. But as a panacea to that kind of ill-conceived notion the Fast-unto-death movement from 17th to 29th February, 2008 was a mirror. As because among 234 participants in the Fast-untodeath there were 6 Marwari, 4 Bihari, 2 Bengali, 5 Muslim and one Harijan who were born and brought up in the region for which they were aspiring and struggling for separation from the administrative and political dominance of West Bengal. But the coverage of the movement in its right perspective has been deliberately or accidentally overlooked by most of the national media belonging to public and private sectors.

THE ADVANCED AND BIG NATIONALS PERCEPTION AND PRACTICE OF MARXISM OVER THE NATIONAL MINORITY
The newly-independent nation can find itself administered by an indigenous middle class that uses its priviledged education and position cheerfully to replicate the colonial administration of the nation for its own profit. J. McLeod, Postcolonialism.

The Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists was formed in 1996 by breaking the CPM, a ruling party of West Bengal on the grounds of ideological and political differences. It was the second break up of the party in its thirty-two years of existence. The first break in the house of CPM had taken place in 1967 and both the splits in the solid organisational-political foundation were occurred in the district of Darjeeling. The first split had taken place on account of a movement at Naxalbari, Darjeeling that led to the formation of Naxalite group of Communist popularly known as CPI [M-L]. As "the peasant struggle in Naxalbari had developed since the early 1950s, but attained a new level of organisation and militancy when it was programmatically linked with the struggle of tea plantation workers in the neighbouring gardens. The peasant struggle at that time was being led by the Siliguri unit of the Krishak Samiti composed mainly of CPM members. The largest proportion of poor people in the Naxalbari areas consisted of Santhal, Oraon and Rajbangsi sharecroppers tilling the jotdar's land on terms which was perhaps the most oppressive in all of West Bengal. The formation of the United Front government in March, 1967 was followed by widespread rumours among most of the landowning classes in the area that the government would dispossess them and grant ownership rights to share-croppers. As a result, there was large-scale eviction of sharecroppers" (Chatterjee}) The eviction led to court case and non compliance of the court order by the owners of the land took the form of movement for land rights of the peasants in Naxalbari.The Darjeeling District Committee Member of CPM, Charu Majumdar, who led the Naxalbari movement became the single most influential leader of the CPI [M-L]. When the momentum was gained by the peasant struggle, he emphasised that the chief feature of the Naxalbari struggle was that the peasant fought neither for land nor crops but political power. And the political power, the CPI [M-L] had attempted to wrest with arms. He (Charu Majumdar) was not hesitant of telling that the President of China was the President of his party. But the formation of CPRM in Darjeeling, the second split of CPM was not for political power as wanted and pursued by Charu Majumdar and his men. The protracted ideological struggle within CPM ultimately led to the formation of CPRM in 1996, on the issue of the right of nationalities for having their own STATE within India as per the provision of the Indian Constitution. The leaders of the Communist Party of Bengal had supported a demand of the independent Gorkhasthan for the Gorkhas of Darjeeling at the time Independence. But the same leaders showcaused and expelled R.B. Rai M.P, Lok Sabha, Dawa Lama M.P. Rajya Sabha, D. S. Bomjan, Taramani Rai, Gobind Chhetri and Sawan Rai from the CPM for demanding a separate State within India. When there occurred a possibility of the splitting of CPM and leading to the formation of

CPI [M-L] on account of Naxalbari armed Struggle led by Charu Majumdar, the CPM had made several endeavours for assuaging the rebel leader and his supporters. The erstwhile Land and Land Revenue Minister and others were dashed to Siliguri from Kolkata for holding conclave with the leader who was leading a revolt. But at the time of formation of CPRM by revolting against the ideological principle linked to the rights of nationalities for having their own State within India, the same leadership of the CPM from Kolkata made no effort of listening and assuaging the leaders and cadres belonging to national minority group. Thus at the time of first split the CPM took every effort to mollify the rebel but in the second time it remained apathetic and indifferent as because the revolting leaders and cadres did not belonging to their own community as in the earlier case. Hence, it was clear that the party and its leaders from Kolkata seemed concerned for the rebels of the party carrying armed struggle in Naxalbari but the same party and its leaders had no botheration for the rebels who were making the demand of separate state within India in accordance with the Leninist principles. But still they are regarded as true Marxists not communal, and the leaders and cadres, who were differently treated, are the communalists not Marxists as available in the DICTIONARY of the CPM. Hence, in the Marxian political terminology, Communalism is made to be understood as a word whose use is monopolised by the big and advanced but unenlightened ruling sub-nationality of West Bengal.

MICRO-COMPARTMENTALISM
'It is not a mere accident that the nineteenth century, the century of the invention of modern means of transport was also the century of emerging nationality (A.R.Desai). The "nationality is a historically evolved stable-community of people formed on the basis of a language, territory, economic life and psychological make up in a common culture"[J. Stalin]. Thus, in the evolution of nationality the essential ingredients, the territory, economic life, psychological aspect and cultural affinity are bound together by the thread of common language. But in spite of the language being a major factor for the formation of nationality it could not be the sole agent, nevertheless it is regarded a dominant cause of cohesiveness. The Bengali Language of Bangladesh and West Bengal of India is one and the same, but the Bengalese of West Bengal and Bangladesh though having similarity of language and facial look, they are two distinct and separate entities. As the Hon'ble Delhi High Court had asked the Government of India to submit a report "whether alleged illegal Bangladeshi migrants were operating firms from West Bengal and fake exports to Bangladesh were being used as a cover for siphoning off money through hawala channel." And, in response to the Hon'ble Court's directive the Union Home Ministry had submitted that "a population census to identify Bangladeshi nationals staying illegally in India is not feasible because they have similar ethnicity, language, culture, dressing and food habits as those of Indian nationals belonging to eastern parts of the country" (The Statesman, dated 27th March, 2007, a English daily published from Siliguri, Kolkata, New Delhi, Bhubaneswar). Despite the existence of such inseparable similarity between the two identical people they are distinctively two different nationals in regard to their nationality question. There is no difference in the spoken language of America and England as well as their dressing code, but they are two different nationals. Similarly there is no difference in the Nepali Language used in Nepal and India but the Nepali national of Nepal and Indian Nepali National are two different and separate entities, evolved through a distinct historical, socio-economical process leading to psychological make-up of their own type with common means of communication nurtured for years together. But India, being a country of continental dimension with multi ethnic population as it is recorded that "of the 5653 communities in India, 635 are tribal. Of the later, a little over 200 categories are found in the Northeast" {Verghese}. In the ocean of such varied ethnic groups spreading in an expanse extending from Kanyakumari to Kashmir, the Indian Gorkhas are found as a microscopic minority, except in West Bengal, Uttaranchal and North Eastern India. As a result of the scattered settlement in the midst of several ethnic groups, it is only the language which is found to have played a dominant role in the evolution of Nepali.Nationality in the context of India would be Indian, sub-nationality - Nepali/Gorkhali, Bengali, Punjabi etc. nationality in the context of Nepal would be Nepali. Hence, the language is one of the strongest cementing components for the historically evolved Indian Nepali. And in the process, the emergence of nationalism of nineteenth century had its effect in Darjeeling too. As the advantage of compact settlement within discernible region different castes having their own dialect had "successfully preserved and developed Nepali language in Darjeeling even while facing adverse circumstances. The Nepali Nationality of Darjeeling would not have come into existence if the Nepali language had not been preserved as a means of communication and expression of thought and feeling by the educationally backward and majority of workers" { Dr. Kumar Pradhan}. Hence, the role of Darjeeling region in the evolution of the Indian Nepali and shaping the socio-cultural

identity and forwardness in political activities is of paramount importance with wide significance in India for the entire Indian Nepali. Keeping in view the importance and significance Darjeeling was regarded as the nerve centre and also the capital of Indian Gorkhas for social, cultural, educational, literary and political activities. But along with the flow of water from Teesta, Rangeet and Balasan from the hills of Darjeeling to the plains of Bengal, the recognition as nerve centre is on the wane due to the play of various internal and external factors. As the inability of retaining recognition, of the nerve centre by facing the odds and the challenges posed by those factors could be on account of sheer backwardness, docility and carefree mental make-up of the people of Darjeeling. Taking advantage of it, the clever and developed and arrogant ruling majority community has had been taking every chance of using "SAM, DAM, DANDA VHED" for making the people a "victim of their own ignorance". The incessant stratagem employed by West Bengal for wearing out the endeavour of getting the region separated from the political and administrative clutches of Bengal has several manifestations. As, instead of making a united move for the realisation of political aspiration, the different castes/ communities comprising Nepali Speaking Indian Nationals are moving in centrifugal direction. The play of the centrifugal forces is the resultant affect of the Mondalisation of Indian politics during the Prime-Minister ship of V.P. Singh. As prior to it, the different caste associations of Darjeeling were confined to the sphere of cultural activities except All India Tamang Buddhist Association. As it had obtained, the status of Tribals in 2002, as a result of twenty five years of struggle. But, after the constitution of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, it has gradually followed the sprouting of several organisations bearing the names of caste and community by whom they were formed. Further, many semi-defunct associations went into activation. The formation of organisation/association such as Gedung for Tamang, Kirat for Rai, Lafa for Magar, Newar, Limbu, Sunwar etc. etc. are found to have taken place in Darjeeling. The objectives of making such different and separate organisations/associations by each caste belonging to Nepali sub-nationality which was evolved through historical, social, economical and political process extending a period of more than one and half century, are mentioned for the preservation of the innate cultural peculiarities and also availing of economic benefits by obtaining reservation in the name of caste. As the prevailing scenario in the sphere of employment, the lucrative and prime posts are held by scheduled tribes and castes and more so by the people from outside the district. Thus, it is difficult for the general people to occupy the posts held by scheduled tribes/castes; the general Indian Nepali Nationals seemed to have been prompted for fragmentation/ compartmentalisation into different associations in the name of castes out of one single unified Nepali community solely for getting reservation as enjoyed by scheduled tribes and schedule castes. There is practically no difference in regard to socio-economic conditions and mindsets in between the scheduled tribes/castes and the general Indian Nepali Nationals. But the socio-economic and administrative policy of the Government led to form a socio-political fragmentation amongst the Indian Nepali Nationals. Rai is the largest constituent of Nepali Community and it has few dozen sub-castes that formed the Rai society as a whole. Given the fact that the Mandal Commission Report lists all the Gorkhas as OBC, this fragmentation is similar to the linguistic one the government created during the first States Reorganisation Commission. Which is tantamount to a ghetto culture' the Nazi's had initiated against the Jews. But from among those several sub-castes it is only two/three sub-castes belonging to Rai society were listed as Other Backward Class {OBC} by the Government of West Bengal. Similar types of omissions have been made in respect of granting the status of Other Backward Class to Chhettri and Pradhan too. Further in order to get a Certificate of OBC the recommendation, as a proof of applicant's veracity to the very caste or sub-caste listed as OBC, from his/her

caste association formed a precedent. The precedent of the recommendation and its acceptance acted as an indirect encouragement for making association of caste and sub-caste for getting a certificate with the hope of obtaining benefit and other consideration as reserved for Other Backward Classes. During the course of evolution of the Indian Nepali, the festival of Dasain/Tihar and Nepali Language had become a common identity. But the process of fragmentation or micro-compartmentalism just like binary fission associated with Amoeba, brought about by the formation of different castes associations in Darjeeling, a dispute and controversy for the observance of Dasain/Tihar festival has also been taking place. As the All India Tamang Buddhist Association claiming themselves to be tribals issued a decree to its members for discarding the Dasain/Tihar festival branding it as a festival of Hindus. The All India Tamang Buddhist Association was the solid and unified organisation but the issue of the Dasain/Tihar has fragmented it into two camps. And, the Akhil Bharatiya Nepali Anusuchit Jati of scheduled caste was the strongest and solid caste organisation. But it also stands divided into two fragments on the demand of making/ treating them as Scheduled Tribe in place of Scheduled Caste. For the wrecking of division on the issue of the conversion of Scheduled Caste into Tribal, the role of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and its Caretaker Chairman Subash Ghisingh was perceptible. The break away group formed an association comprising Kami, Damai and Sarki belonging to Nepali scheduled castes group, called "KADASA" and it had been to Delhi for demanding Tribal Status for them with the blessing and guidance of Subash Ghisingh. The Chhettri and Bahun had their association like others named as Hitkari Sammelan but it also could not remain aloof when the issue of conversion into tribal was floated by GNLF. The caste associations of Rai and Gurung were endeavoring for years together for obtaining scheduled tribe status. Even before floating the idea of the conversion of Scheduled Caste and the constituents of Hitkari Sammelan into Tribal Status it was perceived that Rai and Gurung would be listed as tribals. As the case files of Rai and Gurung were believed to have been put on the administrative tract for consideration, but, neither Rai, nor Gurung nor others could get Tribal Status in spite of making hue and cry for the same. Finally it seemed that the different castes that were eager for obtaining Tribal Status are not in the know of reasons that debarred them from having the same. It was accepted fact that the whole of Indian Nepali consisted of Barah Barna {twelve different facial outlooks} and Chattish Jat {thirty six Castes}. And in spite of having conglomeration of such varied abstracts, the Indian Nepali National has had been presenting a solid stance as their national identity. But the trend of forming separate associations by different caste with an aim of realising economic benefit has caused a fear and apprehension in the minds of some intellectuals and conscious people for the national unity of Indian Gorkhas on the following presumption. As India has a population of more than one hundred crore in which it is claimed the presence of mere one crore Gorkhas in India. But as per the Government official record the population of Gorkhas in India; it is not more than twenty Lakhs. And in those twenty lakhs, the concentration of Gorkhas population within a specific territorial limit is found in Darjeeling Hill areas and Dooars. The population of Darjeeling hill areas is eight lakhs as per 2001 census. As the area being the homeland of Nepali population, its percentage in the total population within the region could safely be taken more than ninety percent and it comes a little more than seven lakhs. The percentage of twenty lakhs Nepali people of India in the vast ocean of more than one crore Indian population comes around 0.2 percent only. Thus, the seven lakhs population of Darjeeling in all India contexts becomes a microscopic minority of 0.07 percent. Further the population of West Bengal is more than eight crore and the Nepali speaking population of seven lakhs from Darjeeling would be 0.875 percent in the state of West Bengal. Hence it is seen mathematically that

the Nepali Speaking Population in India and in the State of West Bengal is in vulnerable minority. But the vulnerability has been further aggravated in Darjeeling hill due to the process of fragmentation thrust upon them by prevalent socio- economic circumstances. But in spite of the motion set in for fragmentation and also the forces at work, the Indian Nepali of Darjeeling has been kept tied together, for its unity by the only one living element that is their mother tongue, the Nepali Language. Hence the Nepali Language has become not only a rallying point for the Indian Nepali National but also the fulcrum of the socio-political and cultural activities. Hence, it was sloganised as "living nationals' alive language, the Nepali Language". But the Nepali Language having the status of second language and also official language for Darjeeling, as accorded by the West Bengal Language Act, 1961, which was one of the major official languages during the Raj, has not taken a practical shape in its usage in Government and Semi-Government offices. As in the printings of Ration Cards, Nomination papers, different forms and for correspondence as well as noting in files either English or Bangla has been used.

MERGER OF DARJEELING WITH SIKKIM

The issue of the disengagement of Darjeeling from the politico-administrative web of Bengal for the formation of a separate administrative unit is the oldest political demand in India. But taking into account the non-realisation or achievement of the political demand for a pretty long time, a few people, who could be counted on the finger tips of left hand, from Darjeeling with weakened standing have been advocating the merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim. The protagonists of the merger issue say that the region for which the demand of separation from Bengal has been raised for years together was once the part of Sikkim. It is absolutely true that, historically the region was a part of Sikkim prior to Gorkha invasion on the province and the first British encounter with the Gorkha. And in support of demand for merger with Sikkim, the protagonists extracting a sentence from the document prepared by West Bengal Government in 1986 captioned as "Gorkhaland-Agitation-The-Issue-An Information-Document" has had been using it as a handy tool. As in page number 4, Para 2 of the very document it is written that "historically, which is known as the district of Darjeeling today was parts of two kingdoms during the pre-British period-the kingdom of Sikkim and Bhutan". The same CPM which accused the BJP of saffronising history has here coloured' history by conveniently expunging from the history of Darjeeling the contents of Article 3 of the Treaty of Sugaulee, 1815 and as also the information in the District Gazetteer compiled by A.J. Dash. Further the same fact has been found repeated in the fourth para of the same. Thus, the sentence clarifying the historical background of Darjeeling has been used as pinpointed weapon to support the demand for the merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim. Hence, it is seen that the protagonists, instead of taking care of several other related and dominant factors, have been giving a great emphasis for undoing the historical incidence that had occurred more than one hundred and seventy five years back. Thus, under the historical premise they have been making the demand of the merger of the region from where it was truncated by war, design and diplomacy. But the demand having the intricacy in its nature of separation from West Bengal could not be decided by a mere historical exigency. If the merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim turns into a reality on the fact of historical record then the reverse march of history does not end there by attaining the merger. And, after merger it moves further with the truth that the whole land was a country that belonged to the Chogyal Dynasty. Thus, the merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim contains a perilous portent in it. This is because the separation of the region, if considered by giving due credence to the historical fact then it is not only the existence and solidarity of a state but India itself as Sovereign country would be at stake. Darjeeling district and its contiguous areas were acquired from Sikkim and Bhutan and once Sikkim was the sole master of the region. And the master might have the right to claim for his ceded/lost territory, if it wished so. Hence, Sikkim and its people have the right for making claim of recovery of region which earlier was the part and parcel of their kingdom. But the former Chief Minister Narbahadur Bhandari, who was also one of the prime activists for the merger of Sikkim in India in 1974, was adverse to the merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim. He "[Bhandari] dismissed the story of his seeking Sikkim's merger with Darjeeling as a plant to discredit him. He wondered how a state could merge with a district. With a population of 1.3 m, Darjeeling would submerge Sikkim with only a third that number. {Verghese}. Similarly the present Chief Minister Dr. Pawan Kumar Chamling is also not inclined towards a claiming Darjeeling but he is lending his

support for the formation of Gorkhaland, a separate state within India comprising Darjeeling District and its contiguous areas. Further, the print media had carried a report that he had advocated the need of the formation of separate state of Gorkhaland for the people of Darjeeling and its contiguous areas in the meeting of United Progressive Alliance, the ruling coalition of India from 2004, held in Delhi on 21st March, 2007. Thus the former and present Chief Ministers of Sikkim for inexpressible reasons of administrative and political aspect related to ethnic morphology of state seemed adverse to the issue of merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim. And few of the noticeable reasons could be impossibility of unity in thought and approach between the peoples of the two region that was politically, administratively and psychologically kept separated for more than one and half century. Darjeeling has been in the Indian National political main stream since the birth of Nationalistic Consciousness, whereas Sikkim is a new entrant to it. The pace with which Sikkim is moving in the socio-economic transformation would be made difficult by the amalgamation of varied ideas as a result of the merger. And despite having an undeniable and discernible contribution of the majority Nepali speaking people in making of the modern Sikkim they are being regarded as immigrants in Sikkim by the elite, holding the reigns of Administration. The immigrant perception is a deep rooted phobia, because the political and historical writers enjoying close proximity with the successive Chogyal Dynasty have made record of the immigration of the Nepali speaking people.Chogyal Thutob Namgyal and Gyalmo Yeshe Dolma in their The History of Sikkim state that, when we came over (i.e. from Chumbi, Tibet) we had to fight fierce battles with the Limbus and the Magars. In both Sikkim and Bengal the Gorkha has been 'othered and has been the instrument of convenience the 'pharmakos'. The history of the Gorkhali people has always been devalued, by the colonisers and a colonialist ideology implanted that history, culture and progress began with the advent of the white and later the brown sahibs. As in India it has become a precedent for applauding the valour of Nepali speaking soldier in the war field for the defence of country and terming them immigrant during the peace period. But after attainment of independence and merger of Sikkim with India, due to the unflinching loyalty on the sovereignty of India and also perseverance in transforming Sikkim from feudalistic to democratic institution have not been able to erase the stigma of immigrant. As it is found on record that the "immigration from Nepal is steadily increasing and is encouraged by all classes as the Nepali ryot is hard working and thrifty as a rule, pays his taxes regularly and at the same time is a law-abiding and intelligent settler" (Sunanda K Dutta-Ray) And further "White recorded in 1906 that in the interest of the state and of the Lepchas themselves, the reverses north of Gangtok should be thrown open to Gorkhas settlers {Ibid}. And thirty years after the encouragement the Chogyal 'had written to Sir Basil Gould, the PO, as long ago as 1942 about the potential danger of immigrants taking over the country" {Ibid}. Subsequently it had become the fear of the erstwhile Chogyal that it was Indian policy to weaken Sikkim's Tibeto-Buddhist ethnic by extending support to the Gorkhas Hindus who might be expected to form alliances with their compatriots in Darjeeling {Ibid}. Thus it could be seen from the facts stated above that the seed of mistrust and disbelief is found to have been sown prior to the merger of Sikkim in India. That Sikkim is no doubt the home land of Lepcha, Bhutia and Nepali and regarding socio-political status it is written that "the Lepcha remained as an appendage of the Bhutia with hardly any political or economic leverage. Barring a few elite amongst the Gorkhas, the vast majorities were sharecroppers or confined to petty trade or employment as labourers or workers. Their political status was second class and their power and numbers stood curbed by the enforced and manipulated parity with minorities" {B.S. Das}.

Thus, in spite of having presence of Nepali population in majority they seemed like pawns for the power equation in the chess board of ethnic politics of the State. But despite being used as pawns, "the Gorkhas in Sikkim are neither afflicted by the Gorkha phobia nor aware of their potential power. They still seek their identity as Sikkimese and work within its polity" {Ibid}. Hence the potentiality of the majority community has been assimilated in the Tibeto-Buddhist ethnic administrative perspective keeping and maintaining separate and distinct cultural identity. The state emblem and the architectural bearings in the public, private and administrative buildings are found to have been imbibed as unity in diversity by different ethnic groups. The unity and amity has become a hallmark of Sikkim and the same has conferred the coveted status as the most peaceful state in India. Hence it seemed that the government and intelligentsia are not inclined to setting a ripple in 'Tsangmo' of communal harmony in Sikkim by raising a bogey of merger of Darjeeling with it. But prior to the merger of the kingdom of erstwhile Chogyal into the union of India, the relation between Sikkim and India had soured to some extent. "For years, the Chogyal and Hope Cooke, his American wife, had been building an anti-Indian platform in Sikkim and abroad. With her contacts in USA and elsewhere, she began raising fundamental issues like Sikkim's claim to Darjeeling which had been ceded in 1835 to the British. She even widely circulated a pamphlet on the subject." {B.S.Das}. But instead of getting ceded Darjeeling, the claimer, lost his own kingdom. Thus the claim of Darjeeling for Sikkim seemed a bad portent too. However, the realignment of Darjeeling with Sikkim was an easy proposition and possibility at the time of merging Sikkim with India as its twenty second state in 1975. But keeping Darjeeling with West Bengal it is only Sikkim wherein the Chogyal was ruling had been merged. And many political writers were of the view that Sikkim being a protectorate state of India; it should have merged at the time of the attainment of independence by India. When manoeuvreings for the merger of Sikkim with India was hectic, there was Mr. B.S. Das as the Chief Executive in Sikkim from Government of India and after the completion of the merger, he wrote in 1983 that "if the mistake of 1947 in denying merger to Sikkim with India could be corrected in 1975, why could Darjeeling not be restored back to Sikkim thus fulfilling the aspirations of a homeland for the Gorkhas?" (The Sikkim Saga). But the man who was at the helm of affairs at the crucial hours, when internal and external process for the merger of Sikkim with India was underway, is found indifferent on the issue of unifying Darjeeling also with Sikkim for its final merger in India as twenty second state. Further he was fully aware of the claim of Darjeeling made by the Chogyal and his wife. The parties and leaders who were instrumental for the merger of Sikkim with India too did not take note of Darjeeling for its inclusion. Similarly, politically conscious Darjeeling and intellectuals wherefrom an expression of aspiration for joining Sikkim and thereby becoming a Nepali Speaking State in India was not raised at the time of the merger of Sikkim in the union of states in India. As it was the opportune moment for the people of Darjeeling in its history of Independent India for separation from the political and administrative clutches of West Bengal to become a separate state by uniting with Sikkim. Thus an opportunity for the unification of Sikkim to its pristine geographical glory had been lost in 1975. And the loss of a golden chance could be attributed as sociopolitical backwardness of the people of the entire region. Hence today it seems that there is no way out except penitence and the penitents to regard the fish that slipped off the clutch as the greatest catch. And knowing well the mindset and the national psychology of the loser of the opportunity, the sympathy from the stature of Mr. Das for a "Homeland for the Gorkhas" seemed nothing more than crocodile tears. It is, however, the "Belated Thought" for the restoration of Darjeeling to Sikkim as Homeland for the Gorkhas from a senior Indian Administrative Service cadre has caused psychedelic

effects on some people with impaired credibility as a Concept of Greater Sikkim. But as of today not a single political party from Darjeeling is found to have been making the issue of merger with Sikkim. Almost, all the political parties of region are silent on the issue of merger of Darjeeling with Sikkim, except the Gorkha National Liberation Front {GNLF}, at the height of Gorkhaland Movement in 1986 its President Subash Ghisingh "[he] also added, rejecting the suggestion that Darjeeling hill areas should be merged with Sikkim. If we are to be a part of any other state it is thousand times better to be in West Bengal" {Darjeeling Himalaya in Flames, page no 25 Para 3} Nevertheless, if the issue of greater Sikkim had originated and was initiated from Sikkim then it was certain to gain momentum. But Sikkim remaining unconcerned on the issue of the Greater Sikkim and the exhibition of an excessive interest by persons of 'weakened standing' from Darjeeling would be like praying to a husband for withdrawing TALAK. The production of sound could be possible with the clapping of two palms otherwise moving of the bogey of Greater Sikkim from Darjeeling alone could be a cry in the wilderness. Hence presently the issue has got infested with heavy inertia on account of it being lectured in public meetings in Darjeeling only by the persons who seem to be of infected reliability.

ECONOMIC POTENTIALITIES OF DARJEELING

Darjeeling is endowed with tropical to sub-tropical, to Alpine climate and temperature that gives scope for wide-ranging agricultural and non-agricultural as well as industrial productions. But the exploitation of the prevalent situation in the interest of the people and the region has not been carried with technical support, administrative backing and political determination. In the modern parlance of development among the three ingredients mentioned above the political determination is a dominant factor that alone decides the course to be followed for development activities. Thus for the development of any region or a country, the political vision accompanied by administrative backing and translating them into reality has to be done with technical support ensuring the participation and involvement of people. And it is the task generally expected to be taken and performed by the Leader. Hence the role of the leader seems indispensable for the development of a place and its inhabitants. As leadership, is not about making emotional speeches and leading demonstrations. Leadership involves trust. And only those inspire trust, who has the ability to subordinate their ego to the greater good." (Khera). Further the "leadership is not only demonstrated in the battle field or in times of crisis but in every deed" {Ibid}. But in respect of Darjeeling it is only the assurances that were being provided in abundance by the leadership for years together. The assurance they had been giving never got exhausted, as it flowed continuously from their honeyed tongues. As they do not stop of offering assurances despite their inability of enlisting political support, administrative backing and arranging technical know-how in the right direction for the development of the region. Keeping in view the aspiration of the people for the socio-economic development and the unmindful neglect of the same for years together, the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists have published in 2000 a Booklet captioned as Economic Viability of the proposed State of Gorkhaland. The booklet in a layman's point of view contains several suggestions and proposals for the socio-economic development of the region. The areas and avenues referred to in the booklet do not seem impossible for planning and execution of the same, for the upliftment of the region. It is an accepted fact that Darjeeling is known in the world for its TEA, with matchless flavour and taste. It is not only Tea but almost all the products from the soil of Darjeeling which have some peculiar, exceptional tang, flavour and extreme compatibility to the sense of taste and smell. The oranges of Darjeeling are regarded as the sweetest in comparison to production from other regions of India. Similarly, Maize, Potatoes and several other vegetable products contain taste and scent as true products of nature. And, it is on account of the region being nurtured and cared by the bracing climate and atmosphere which is continuously released and regulated from the majestic KANCHANJUNGA. But the yield rate of the different crops in hilly region of Darjeeling is decidedly lower than the plains. In spite of low rate of yield the products containing ingredients of superior quality could not reach the market and become a mere product for domestic consumption only on account of various reasons and factors. "India is the largest producer of fruits in the world. However, more than 30 per cent of the fruits is wasted as it cannot reach the market and there is limited scope for processing it. In the US, 70 per cent of the fruit produced is processed, in Malaysia 83 per cent. In India this is a mere 2 percent {Kalam}. But in that very two per cent Darjeeling has no place. "South Africa has half the world's gold mine and substantial portions of the earth's

diamonds. However, despite this, Africa remains poor today because the resources are not developed to create higher value products within the country" {Ibid}. And "Israel, a country with practically no rain, which is today a leader in many agricultural products and milk production {Ibid}". Thus the use and exploitation of the available resources in the optimum level alone will decide and ensure the prosperity of the people. But Darjeeling enjoying wide possibility for creation of higher valued products in the field of agriculture, horticulture, floriculture, pisciculture, apiculture etc. has remained virgin for their production and marketing as ever due to absence of technical and professional guidance to the people of the region. There is immense potentiality for the development of the region in almost all fields. If it is carried with sincerity backed by political determination, it could turn into a selfsufficient and richest region in the country. Darjeeling supports approximately 400 flowering plant species, including 28 rhododendrons and 322 orchids. Fifty-three of the orchid species are listed as rare or endangered. At least 144 of the plant species are endemic to the eastern Himalayas of which 29 are endemic to Darjeeling. One hundred and thirty one species of mammals are recorded in Darjeeling, including the red panda, Himalayan black bear, clouded leopard, tiger, Himalayan thar, ghoral, gaur, and pangolin. Early records list 550 bird species. At least 125 freshwater fish and 51 reptile and 25 amphibian species are also recorded from this area" (Fareedi/Lepcha). It is mentioned in the Ramayana that Laxman was brought to sense with the treatment of an herb called 'Sanjeevani' that was procured from the Himalayan region by Hanuman. And Darjeeling being at the lap of the Himalaya, the Kanchanjunga is certainly the house of the several 'Sanjeevani' which is needed to be explored, extracted and marketed. On the emergence of JHARKHAND as a new state, the Science and Technology Council of the newly born State made Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam, the President of India as its Patron for the exploration and development of herbal drugs industry. In the capacity of the Patron Dr. Kalam writes as "this was a new experiment for the state and also for the mission, but one that, given our experience in mission management, offers tremendous scope for Jharkhand to enter three areas in a big way- floriculture, herbs and herbal products." {Ignited Minds page 161 Para two}. But in comparison of Jharkhand with Darjeeling, it is far richer in flora and fauna which are yet to be identified and exploited for the economic support of the people of the region and also for the welfare of the humanity at large. Darjeeling hill region's water resources, if harnessed and exploited, could generate from 3000 to 4000 megawatt electricity as estimated by experts. As it is learnt that the CHUKA HYDEL PROJECT of Bhutan generating 300 megawatts only sells 1500 million units to India has been earning 30 per cent of its revenue from the sale. The water resources is the only avenue where the investors have a guarantee of return with profit and in the context of globalization, the perennial river, streams and rivulet of Darjeeling surely could be a gold mine. But it requires an ambitious action plan from the administration with political determination for the implementation of the same so as to get positive result. As the renowned scientist and the President of the largest democracy of the world, Dr. APJ Abdul Kalam is of the opinion that "thinking is the capital, enterprise is the way, hard work is the solution" and further he is seen to have stated as "why cannot water from the Brahmaputra, which is in flood much of the time, be diverted to Rajasthan or Tamil Nadu which are starved of water?" And in the same manner the thinking for the socio-economic development of Darjeeling could turn into an enterprise and the same could get administrative approval and support for execution with sincerity then certainly the region would become a small part of heaven in India inhabitated by self reliant people. But the experiences gained through years being a part of Bengal, Darjeeling and its people have learnt to live in wintry political climate with deprivation, exploitation and suppression. However, the present and following generations of

Darjeeling have urges, will and the aspiration for becoming the smallest member in the VISION 2020 as contemplated by His Excellency Dr. APJ ABDUL KALAM.

SUPPRESSION OF ASPIRATIONS
Thequestion which the colonized peoples have asked themselves has been What must be done to bring about another Dien Bien Phu? How can we manage it? It modifies the attitude of the colonialists who become aware of manifold Dien bien Phus. This is why a veritable panic takes hold of the colonialist government in turn. Their purpose is to capture the vanguard, to turn the movement of liberation towards the right and to disarm the people. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.

The people having different language, culture, tradition and mindset from the rest of West Bengal, have been persistently carrying a struggle for separation of the region, so as to decide the political fate by themselves. The political parties, social organisation, intellectuals and people from all walks of life, belonging to Nepali Speaking Gorkha Community are aspiring for having their own Homeland in India. It is also a naked truth that there are more than ninety per cent people in Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars region who are found to be in favour of separation from Bengal for the formation of a Separate State of their own in India. But in spite of having such an overwhelming support for separation of the region from West Bengal, it has not been successful. But in opposition, West Bengal has been successful for clinging to the region through political jugglery backed by administrative might. Thus the issue of homeland for Indian Gorkhas has been made an odd fight between the advanced, developed and majority Bengali community ruling the state and a suppressed and ruled national minority that is Nepali Gorkhali Community. And in the fight, the provision of the Indian Constitution for the formation of a separate State for the Gorkhas seemed to have been locked by a key of 'extra constitutional' PRECEDENCE OF CLEARANCE FROM THE STATE GOVERNMENT, FOR INITIATING THE PROCESS FOR CONSIDERATION OF THE DEMAND. As for the formation of new state there is provision in the Indian constitution under article 3 which states that :- "Formation of new states and alteration of areas, boundaries or names of existing states- Parliament may by law (A) form a new state by separation of territory from any state or by uniting two or more states or parts of states of by uniting any territory to a part of any state; (B) increase the area of any state; (C) diminish the area of any state; (D) alter the boundaries of any state; (E) alter the name of any state"(Constitution of India). Thus as per the provision of the Indian Constitution the formation of a separate state for the Indian Gorkhas comprising Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars region could easily be formed by the Parliament. As for the formation of a Homeland for the Indian Gorkhas dominantly inhabiting the region, it seems that there is no constitutional difficulty and legal hurdles as it is explicitly clear in the Constitution of India under article 3 as quoted above. But the successive union governments of India have FOLLOWED THE PRECEDENCE FOR THE FORMATION OF A NEW STATE ON THE RECOMMENDATION OF CONCERNED STATE GOVERNMENT ONLY. Thus, it has been made an administrative precedent for obtaining a clearance or consent or recommendation from the concerned state before the introduction of a bill for creation of a new state, which is not required and obligatory also as per the provision of the Article 3 of the Constitution. Hence the precedent, as long as it remains in force the aspiration of

having a separate state for the Indian Gorkhas comprising Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars, stands as an obstacle and hurdle, because expecting a magnanimity of recommendation from West Bengal for their compatriot belonging to another ethnic group would be like praying for mercy to the butcher by an innocent lamb. But the history of different communities is replete with the struggles for setting free from the political and administrative bondages. As no ruler, whatsoever be his might, has become successful in keeping under subjugation, the people who had aspired to have a system of self rule as guaranteed by democratic forms and norms. Similarly, West Bengal could carry its rule in the region on some generation for some time. But there is gradual growth of disenchantment against the rule of Bengal over the region after the birth of every generation. And the manifestation of disillusionment and dissatisfaction against the rule of West Bengal has been on the rise. But, as of now, the same has not taken any ugly shape except some occurrences during the agitation of 1986-88. And it seemed that no lesson has been taken from the happenings of the period except intensifying the manipulative device and mechanism. The device and manipulative technique employed by West Bengal for sustaining their rule against the wishes of the people has been pushing the aspiration of Darjeeling towards the WALL and on reaching the WALL an explosion of frustration might take place. Thus, the socio-political and economical activities carried by the successive ruling parties and the neglect, deprivation, exploitation as well as the unattended political aspiration of the region is building into a large cauldron that is likely to head for a chaos. The political parties, social organisation, saner and democratic minded people are seriously concerned to avert the explosion of the political cauldron that is warming with speed. They are very apprehensive of the possibility of the fluid political situation to be hijacked by some ultra and subversive elements. If in case they do so, the cauldron in all likely manners would burst. Therefore, the entry of such forces could be detrimental for the people and the country as a whole. Hence several political, social organisations and individuals are taking every possible initiative of making foray into the political Durbar of Delhi. And, as of late, BHARATIYA GORKHA PARISANGH, a conglomerate apex body of political, social organisations, trade unions and prominent individuals belonging to various walks of life, has been making every effort to apprise and convince THE GOVERNMENT OF THE NATION on the urgency and necessity of HOMELAND for INDIAN NEPALESE. And, besides taking up the case of Homeland for Indian Gorkhas, the Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh as an apex body of Nepali Speaking Indian Gorkhas is making every endeavour for working in the interest related to socio-political and economic cause of Indian Gorkhas residing from Kanyakumari to Kashmir and Gujarat to Assam. In the earlier days, All India Gorkha League was the ray of hope for the Indian Gorkhas across the country but its decimation and confinement to Darjeeling Hills, the Akhil Bharatiya Nepali Bhasa Samity had filled up the vacuum. But the disappearance of Akhil Bharatiya Nepali Bhasa Samity along with the scheduling of Nepali Language in the Eight Schedule of Indian constitution in 1992, a dire need of an All India Organisation for the Indian Gorkhas, was felt across the length and breath of India by the Nepali Speaking Gorkha. And there was really a vacuum in all India level especially for the Indian Gorkhas for intervening into the day to day socio-political activities of Indian Gorkhas. Thus there is a high hope and expectation in the minds of Nepali Speaking Indian Gorkha across the country for taking a workable and effective shape by the Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh. Hence a great and challenging responsibility has fallen on the shoulders of Smt. Dilkumari Bhandari, the President, Sri C.K. Shrestha, the working President and Sri Sukman Moktan, the General Secretary of Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh. In the joint mission of the trio the role and contribution of Rev. Enosdas Pradhan of the Church of Northern India, Delhi needs to be recorded in the history of

Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh. During a short span of time it is stated that Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh has succeeded in organising state Committee in Twenty Two States of India. But it is certain that the inability for carrying the Herculean task ahead by the entrusted leadership would be counted as a failure and inability of the Indian Gorkhas as a whole. Hence, it seems that on realising the enormousness of the burden to be carried, they are seen engaged in the task leaving family attachments for the time-being. But the result still has to be achieved. And the endeavor made by them is being closely observed by the saner and committed individuals and organisations from across the length and breath of India. This is because in the past the Indian Gorkhas were being deceived and cheated for the cause of Homeland. Having learnt their lesson in a bitter way, they are reminded of the adge 'once beaten twice shy'. In reality they are in no frame of mind, to either compromise or be cheated and betrayed for the second time. There is a strong feeling in the minds of Indian Gorkhas that in each and every decisive hour of their socio-political safeguard, they had been laid down by the unscrupulous leadership. The unflinching support and loyalty rendered to the Gorkha National Liberation Front from across the country for the cause of a Homeland of Indian Gorkhas and the betrayal of the same by its leadership has become a malignant sore in the hearts of people. Thus, the sting of betrayal inflicted in the hearts of the people by the Gorkhaland Agitation led by Gorkha National Liberation Front in 1986-88 has had a nightmarish effect. As an outcome of the effect, the sincere and saner leadership, political parties and individuals have not been able to take the people out of the grip of that nightmare for reposing confidence in their hearts. Hence, a habit of watch and see and the major chunk of people prefering to be fence sitter has been the socio-political scenario of Darjeeling hills and Dooars. There are several people who leave no stone unturned in blaming the general mass for their inertness and apathy towards the socio- political scenario prevalent in Darjeeling hills. As the people are facing hardships, they do not react even if they do not get water supply for several days, there is no reaction from them for not having regular supply of ration; the absence of civic amenities has also been tolerated with meekness. There are several thousand people engaged by Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council on contract basis as contract employees, without any sort of security for services rendered by them, but there is no resentment. The corruptions and spending of several thousands crore of Rupees by DGHC in partisan manner has been dissolved in the thick of household gossip without a protest. The existence and functioning of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council has caused little benefit but immense damage in the socio-cultural arena of the Darjeeling hills, and very few are worried over it, and the rest are indifferent. The unmindful and illegal constructions and unplanned development has caused unspeakable damages to the beauty of the queen of the hills. It has become a matter of nobody's concern. A perceptible change to the magnitude of heaven and earth in the beauty, glamour and vivacity of Darjeeling town has taken place. Darjeeling, the summer capital of British India, once renowned as the Queen of Hills in the world is gradually becoming the most congested and vulnerable hill town in the world. But in the midst of such negative attributions, Darjeeling hill is believed to be the largest consumer of electronic goods, mobile phones and household decorative and luxurious items. Keeping aside the worries of deplorable and wretched condition of rural roads, the latest vehicles released by the different automobile companies have reached the remotest villages of Darjeeling hills. In comparison to the rural West Bengal the lives, living condition, socioeducational standard of Darjeeling as whole is seen well ahead because of the inherent quality of industriousness and entrepreneurship of the people of Darjeeling in various fields. Very recently people in the Khashmal areas are found to have taken interest in the cultivation and sale of green tea leaves and also manually prepared teas. And it is

seen that entrepreneur tea producers of Khashmal areas have produced much more green tea leaves than the experienced tea planters of established tea gardens. The professionals were out-witted by the novice in the cultivation and production of tea leaves. Thus, the senior planters and experienced tea producers are perplexed and perturbed by the ingenuity of the people of the rural areas. The cultivation of tea and production of green leaves by the very few people of Khashmal areas is of recent endeavour. Similarly the people in the different areas of Darjeeling hills are found to have surpassed and excelled in the culture, growth, breeding, development and production of quality ORCHID and SQUASH without any assistance, help, and guidance from the governments in any forms. The Nepali speaking people are fond of having a taste of living in a decent, furnished house with blooming flowers irrespective of financial condition and social status. Thus the blooming of flowers, of different seasons around the house of Nepali speaking people has become their inherent aesthetic trait irrespective of the size of the land and the house they occupy and financial condition under which they are living. In acknowledgment of the exceptional dedication and solemnity of the people many writers and poets are found to have described the Nepali speaking people as ORCHID BLOSSOMED IN CREVICE OF BIG ROCK BEING BLESSED BY NATURE.

PRASHANT PHENOMENON
Overturning colonialism, thenis also a process of overturning the dominant ways of seeing the world, and representing reality in ways which do not replicate colonialist values. Edward W. Said, Orientalism.

The SONY Entertainment Television Channel had been holding a programme named Indian Idol since 2005, for finding the best singer. There were nearly twenty-eight thousand entrants from across the country in its consecutively held third programme in 2007. The process of selection from such a staggeringly large number of contestants was really strenuous and cumbersome. But a team of four Judges did their job with meticulous care exhibiting their efficiency of highest order. Finally thirteen contestants were filtered through the ear, eye, mouth, mind, sense and consciousness of the Judges they were focussed in the Gala Round. From this Gala Round the viewers were given the right to send votes through mobile and other telephone devices in the form of SMS to a number specified by SONY, to his/her favourite contestant. The voting system was the process of elimination of contestant who got the least number of votes. The process of elimination took several weeks and finally Amit Paul from Meghalaya and Prashant Tamang of West Bengal working in Kolkata Police from Darjeeling remained in the fray. And before the final showdown for the crown of Indian Idol the two contestants were made to visit their respective home town by SONY. Amit Paul on his visit to Shillong was greeted by the State Chief Minister D.T. Lapang in a ceremony by conferring the title of Grand Ambassador for Peace from Meghalaya and declared the support of state Government for winning the Crown of Indian Idol by arranging Free Telephone Booth for voting their Grand Ambassador Amit Paul. But Prashant Tamang despite of not having Government programme was greeted by a massive number of his fans and supporters throughout the journey from NJP to Darjeeling a distance of ninety kilometres. The people had thought and expected that Government of West Bengal too would do something for Prashant because he was from Kolkata Police and the State Chief Minister himself being the Minister-in-charge of the Police Department. But the Government remained silent and the print and electronic media were directly and indirectly raising support in favour of Amit Paul. The Times of India wrote "voting for their Indian Idol, Amit enjoys a clear edge over Prashant". The Statesman also wrote "while Prashant is from Darjeeling, the other finalist Amit Paul has close bonds with Siliguri. This foot hill town is where Amit's ancestral house is". It was also reported in the local dailies published from Siliguri the desire and wish expressed in favour of Amit Paul for his victory by the Sabhadihipati of Siliguri Mahakuma Parisad and the responsible Minister Ashok Bhattacharjee who was also from Siliguri. There was display of life size Photo, Banner, Festoon of Amit Paul in some of the places of Siliguri as a part of campaign for his victory. But the campaign had taken a low profile when Amit Paul was shown wearing Khasi National Dress in a state sponsored programme for his campaign as a contestant for Indian Idol from Meghalaya. However the whispering campaign was carried in favour of Amit Paul, till the voting line was kept open. In this manner the people of Siliguri metropolitan city were insinuated to favour Amit Paul, while voting for their Indian Idol. Further, to discourage Prashant fans, the Statesman Daily publishing from Siliguri had reported "however some locals alleged that Prashant's fans in Shillong

the hometown of Amit, are not being allowed to use public booths and recharge their vouchers to vote for him." The reportage in the contest for the Crown of Indian Idol, Prashant Tamang seemed to have been placed in the corner. However, crushing those sorts of rumours under foot on the day of the final contest on 14th September, 2007 Prashant did fare better than Amit Paul, who even forgot some lines of the song while singing. The attempt of the Judge Alisha Chenoy to cover up the mistake of Amit Paul was vehemently opposed by another Judge- Anu Mallik who highly commended Prashant for his performance. The Voting Lines for choosing the Indian Idol were kept open till 23rd September, 2007 evening 6 P.M. When Prashant Tamang was selected along with Amit Paul of Shillong and Emon Chatterjee of Kolkata as the Top Three of Indian Idol, the formation of Prashant Fans' Club in Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Kurseong, Siliguri and other parts of India had taken place. The placement of Prashant Tamang in the final stage of Indian Idol contest by defeating Emon Chatterjee prompted the Fans' club and supporters of Prashant Tamang to collect donation for sending votes by organising free booths at a war footing. The mother and sister of Prashant Tamang realising the futility of expecting support and help from the Government of West Bengal and the Caretaker Chairman, Subash Ghising of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, reached the house of the Chief Minister Pawan Chamling of Sikkim to plead for his help and obtained positive assurance for taking steps for the victory of Prashant Tamang. Thus within a very short period the people of Darjeeling Hills, Siliguri, Dooars, Sikkim, the different states of Indian Union and also the Nepali Speaking Gorkha Community staying in different countries lent moral and financial support and help for ensuring victory of Prashant Tamang in the Indian Idol contest. The gradual improvement from the entry in the Gala Round culminated into excellent singing and performance on the day of the finals brought victory for Prashant Tamang with overwhelming votes which was declared by organising a Grand Finale in Delhi on 23rd September, 2007. The Indian Gorkhas for years had been suffering a severe dearth of recognition and appreciation at the National Level and the emergence of Prashant Tamang on the stage of Indian Idol acted as a catalyst for the formation and establishment of unprecedented national unity amongst the Nepali speaking Gorkhas of the country. The exceptional and historical surge for emotional bonding to unite together, the spirits of the Indian Gorkhas, had sent the message of enthusiasm and elation to the Nepali speaking Gorkhas living across the length and breadth of the Globe. All these different factors led to the landslide victory of Prashant Tamang and its resultant impact was not simply like a wave, but a Tsunami of merriment. The epicentre of Tsunami like merriments was Sikkim and Darjeeling, where very peaceful, orderly and disciplined rallies and public meetings were on. While there was a flow of gaiety and laughter of merriment a comment as "Nepaliko Indian Idol bana diya ab hamara Ghar, Mahalla ka Chowkidari Kaun Karega" (A Nepali has been made an Indian Idol now who will guard our house and establishment) from Nitin a Radio Jockey of Superhits 93.5 RED FM came as an unexpected shot on the head and heart of Indian Gorkhas. The statement was the expression of feeling towards Indian Gorkhas by a section of people of the country and they were unsportsmanly against accepting the verdict of the people and judges for conferment of Indian Idol title on Prashant Tamang. As Sarmi Das Gupta, Ankita Chakrovarty, Kalyan Ghosh and Kisholoy Roy had written letters to the Editors, the letters were published on 27th September, 2007 in The Telegraph published from Siliguri and Kolkata. In the letters, they had expressed the wrong choice of Indian Idol by a flawed process. But in the choice of preceding two Indian Idols the same process was followed and that was not flawed whereas in the choice of Prashant Tamang who defeated a boy belonging to their community the process became faulty. Furthermore it

was seen that in the corresponding period, similar type of Reality Show Programme was organised by Zee TV popularly known as SA-RE-GA-MA-PA. The programme was concluded on 13th October, 2007 several days after the declaration of the result of Indian Idol Contest. In SA-RE-GA-MA-PA Programme Anik Dhar of Kolkata became champion by defeating Amanat Ali of Pakistan and Raj Hussain of Rajasthan by securing 3,65,85,134 (Three Crore Sixty five Lakh Eighty five Thousand One Hundred and thirty four) votes through SMS. The victory of Anik Dhar was not considered a wrong choice through a flawed process and all were seen happy. But it was only during the victory of Prashant Tamang, the yardstick was termed as flawed. Hence, it is nothing, but a bad carpenter complaining about his tools, because they had expected the victory of their man, otherwise they would have written the letters when the competition was on. Even during the Gala Round in one of the episodes Prashant Tamang was shown as a Chowkidar and the same was vehemently protested by the fans of Prasant Tamang and the protest forced the SONY for an apology through Prashant Tamang. But in case of the comment from Nitin, a Radio Jockey of Superhits 93.5 RED FM, the burning of an effigy of Nitin was followed by a general strike on 26th September, 2007 in Darjeeling. In Siliguri Prashant Fans' Club and several social bodies and organisations had held a mammoth but SILENT PROCESSION in protest against the statement of Nitin and the RED FM on 28th September, 2007. But an unfortunate event bearing a nature of communal clash took place on that day. The daily Telegraph publishing from Siliguri had mentioned the RUMOURS namely {a} "a pregnant woman kicked near hospital, {b} Man prevented from buying medicine, beaten up and {c} Bleeding patient beaten up" as the causes of sordid clashes that engulfed Siliguri Town for nine hours. But the three rumours were not the causes, as some of the processionists are found to have claimed that there was provocations for several times and ultimately some female members of the procession were heckled by the provocateurs and the intervention by the male members resulted in assault on them in an organised way. The English daily, The Statesman while reporting the cause of the event had also carried a report that "they are also expressing an acute dislike for reality shows on TV and SMS votings to elect a champion, which to many is inciting regional sentiment at a time when the world has shrunk into a global village". If the argument of inciting regional sentiment as stated by the daily is to be accepted then Siliguri is a subdivision of Darjeeling District and the Indian Idol Champion Prashant Tamang was from Darjeeling working in Police Department in the State of West Bengal, In the context the question of 'acute dislike' and SMS voting appears to be a hollow. Hence, the reportings of the Dailies published from Siliguri, seemed to have been lacking the essential ingredient of the actual happenings on the day but were tilting the balance to justify their logic. However, the happening could be a planned handy work of communal and anti-social elements as the pelting of stones, bricks and bottles were not only from the mob but even from the top of the houses and buildings that was seen by some of the processionists. Hence, many were of the opinion that the happening was a fit case for investigation by an independent agency, so as to ascertain the fact for avoidance of the repetition in future. The happening ought to have been condemned from all quarters, as no sane people can tolerate the ruining of communal harmony by a few anti-social elements. Many people were of the belief that the ugly event would not have taken place, had there been congratulatory statement from the Chief Minister or any of the agency of the Government of West Bengal immediately after the declaration of result of Indian Idol. But the ugly event took place and an ineffective police arrangement turned into an opportunity for the communalist and anti-social elements to fan the passion of communalism, which enabled them for gathering an excited mob that kept several processionists in confinement with repeated attempts of mass thrashing them within the premises of

Siliguri court for several hours. And, much later in order to rescue them for their safety the S.S.B. was pressed into service. Many saner and sober people were of the opinion that the ugly event would not have grown to the size of that alarming proportion, had the police taken prompt, decisive and effective action, at the very moment of the happenings. But the sordid incident took place within the premises of the administrative headquarters of Siliguri and very near the Intelligence Office. A section of the processionists were kept in captivity within the compound of Siliguri Court for nine hours by the agitated mob. The same mob from time- to- time was engaged in the exercise of passing derogatory statements on their Indian Idol Victor, with an aim to taunt and demean the victory. But in the midst of such blooming orchids like Prashant Tamang and many others, the people of Darjeeling have been conditioned, while receiving the dead bodies of their kith and kin who had been martyred in the battlefield after every skirmish. Yet, they have gone on to defend the country's international border with utmost diligence, valour and courage. Similarly, they are no less while dealing with the insurgents and are ever prepared to shed their blood for the cuase of mother INDIA. There are several memorials erected in and around the length and breath of Darjeeling hills and the country to perpetuate the memory of martyrs from the days of undeclared KARGIL WAR. The names of the martyrs belonging to Sino-India and Indo- Pak wars are also found engraved on the Martyrs Column erected at Batasay near Ghoom Pahar in memory of those brave sons of mother India from Darjeeling. But the generations of the martyrs as of today, have not been able to hold the Post of Governors, Diplomats and Ministers in the Union Cabinet of India. And in the field of Games and Sports, there are players of national level but their number stands negligible. In the same way very few artists and singers have become able in carving a niche in the respective sphere. Even in today's most lucrative and a guaranteed earnings related game is CRICKET. But the Nepali speaking young sportsmen have not adopted and adapted to the mode of popular and flourishing game of cricket. But the sons and daughters of nature being blessed by the majestic Kanchanjunga are forced to lead a life under constant negligence, humiliation and time and again haunted by the strong sense of provocation, and contempt.

IGNORED BY FOURTH ESTATE OF DEMOCRACY

The time will come when our nation will honour the memory of all the sons, the daughters, the mothers, the fathers, the youth, and the children who, by their thoughts and deeds, gave us the right to assert with pride that we are citizens of the world. Nelson Mandela, First state of the Nation address.

In terms of socio-cultural, educational, economical and political upliftment Indian Gorkhas are really ORPHANS in Independent India. The media is regarded as a friend and guide of the people and individuals and are also the custodians of Human Rights. In India the role of the media in regional and national issue is really praiseworthy. As the late Prime-Minister P.V. Narsimha Rao and the liberator of Jharkhandis -Sibu Soren were not spared by the media in reporting about them and the very reporting led to the proceedings for punitive measures. A word or two must be mentioned about the NANDIGRAM EPISODE of 14th March, 2007 carried and enacted with meticulous care and communistic precision had been exposed nakedly to the world by the media. The smuggling of women and children by the stature of the Member of Parliament Mr. Babubhai Katara on 17th April, 2007 was exposed to the public by the print and electronic media. It is very often seen as the use of steamroller at their whims by the power hungry government, its machinery, the influential and privileged persons against the rights, wishes, aspiration and the voices of individual and also the general people. In some of the cases the people have become helpless in making a protest against the plight thrust upon them. But in such case the media is always found to be taking the side of the victim. Hence, it is generally accepted and also believed that the media always takes up the cause of the people, and not the authority. But in respect of the issues related to Darjeeling and its people, the roles of the media, the fourth estate of the largest democracy of the world, in no case is encouraging and appreciative. As regards the plan, policy and the contemplation of the governments on Darjeeling and its people have remained as an exclusive business to be known by them only. The Right to Information Act is nothing for Darjeeling. For instance Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, the Chief Minister of West Bengal and Subash Ghisingh, the Chairman of DGHC held many a one to one closed door meetings as and when they met and the contents and subjects of the discussions have been kept confined to themselves. On one the occasion, Chief Minister Buddhadev Bhattacharjee came to Darjeeling in a convoy of government vehicles by covering the number plates of the vehicles and held talks with Subash Ghising. In the same manner the public meetings, rallies, demonstrations etc. organised by different parties and organisations for the formation of separate State of Gorkhaland has not been carried by the national and state level dailies since the formation of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and its functioning in the age of Right to Information of twenty first century. The leader of Gorkha Liberation Army Mr. Chhatray Subba and some of his associates were making statements to the media for the formation of a separate State of Gorkhaland from the beginning of 2000. But subsequently, he was arrested in an alleged attempt on the life of Subash Ghisingh and was put into confinement. The case on the attack of Indian Parliament has been disposed off within three to four years. As "Mr. SAR Geelani, a lecturer in Arabic at the Zakir Hussain

College, Delhi, was arrested in connection with the 13th December, 2003 attack on the Indian Parliament and was charged with conspiring the attack along with others. The lecturer was booked under the erstwhile draconian law, the Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act and following investigation by the Delhi police, the designated court awarded Mr. Geelani with death sentence. However, following an appeal, the Delhi High Court acquitted Mr. Geelani on 29th October, 2003, citing the lack of evidence to link the college lecturer with the terror strike. The acquittal of Mr. Geelani was later ratified by the Supreme Court of India on 4th August, 2005." And the same Geelani was invited by the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights, Siliguri Unit for delivering lecture against capital punishment on 6 October 2007 in Mitra Sammilani Auditorium, Siliguri. {The Statesman dated Thursday, 4th October, 2007}. But the case of the reported attack on Subash Ghisingh has had been kept lingering for keeping Chhatray Subba and others in Jail exclusively for creating a sort of fear psychosis in the minds of the people who dare to raise the demand of Separate State of Gorkhaland. Murder, robbery, arson have been taking place even after the reported attack on Subash Ghisingh in Darjeeling Hill. Three Councilors of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and few others are seen to have been murdered before and after the reported attack on Subash Ghisingh. But in these cases no one has been detained and the suspected criminals were set free on bail by the District or Lower Courts. But on the attack of Subash Ghisingh, the reported attackers having an identity as a true protagonist for the demand of a separate State of Gorkhaland, the government seemed to have stood against granting the bail, as a prewarning to the common people. And it is also a fact that the bail petition moved in the Supreme Court of India by the reported accused was vehemently opposed by West Bengal Government through its lawyers and advocates. Thus, out of fourteen reported attackers arrested by Police six persons are in custody for eight years and some time they are resorting to hunger strike in jail for early disposal of the case. The leaders and cadres making demand of separate State for Kamtapuris are also seen languishing in Jail along with their Nepali speaking compatriots in the state of West Bengal ruled by a party that professed Marxism and Leninism as their basic tenets of governance. Thus the Government of West Bengal, being guided and led by the ideals of Marxism and Leninism as professed by them, are of late suffering from a strong grip of phobia caused by the constant demand of Separate State made by distinct and different linguistic groups residing within compact areas with discernible socio-politico activities entirely different to that of the ruling class. Being unable to hide the apprehension of their mindset and guilty psychological feelings, they are found to have been taking the dictatorial course of action, against the party and person for making demand of SEPARATE STATE. As the West Bengal government led by CPM has become a victim of their own suspicion and being over suspicious, they feel uneasy on the movement of Maoist in Nepal, Tamils in Srilanka and establishment of Democracy in Bhutan. The CPM seems to have been suffering from a syndrome of suspicion on the people, who are making the demands of a Separate State. The syndrome has inculcated a feeling in them for treating the demand for separate state not as an aspiration of people but a result of the influence and impact of insurgencies from the North Eastern India and Naxalite movement of the country on the people of West Bengal. And in the rule of CPM in West Bengal, extending more than thirty years in an interrupted manner, it is only the arch enemy of the party and the leaders and cadres who had been making demand for separate state are destined to be in judicial custody, being dragged in proceedings on different pretext. But the plight suffered by them also goes un-noticed from the eyes of the Human Right Bodies.

FINANCE AND DEVELOPMENTAL PROPOSAL

Sikkim is the immediate neighbour of the Darjeeling Hill areas comprising of three subdivisions namely, Sadar, Kurseong and Kalimpong. Sikkim has a population of near about five lakh and Darjeeling hills a little more than eight lakhs as per the census report of 2001. Sikkim, in spite of having less population than Darjeeling hill but being a separate state and also the youngest member of North Eastern Council, passed the annual budget of Rupees 5221.11 crore for the financial year 2007-2008, in the Assembly. Further, Sikkim enjoys exemption in income tax, production cess and subsidy of thirty percent for the purchase of machines and other accessories as declared by the Government of India in the month of March 2007 for encouraging industrialization in the hill state. While addressing the "Assembly of Sikkim state the Governor Mr. V. Rama Rao said that the budget proposals have been formulated keeping in mind the objectives and policy prescriptions envisaged in the 11th Five Year Plan. A number of new policies and thrust areas have been identified in the 11th Plan document. These have been incorporated in our budget proposals for the year 2007-08". Siliguri is a subdivision of Darjeeling district created out of Kurseong sub-division and it is smaller in area than Kalimpong sub-division. But Siliguri subdivision has a population near about fourteen lakhs as per the census of 2001. And, for the development of Siliguri sub-division, Siliguri-Mahkuma Parisad, Siliguri-Jalpaiguri Development Authority and Siliguri Municipal Corporation, the three statutory bodies are operating in unison. The budget of "Siliguri Municipal Corporation for 2007-08 fiscal year was approved today without any amendment. The whopping Rs. 104.33 crore budgets was passed by a majority vote this afternoon" {The Statesman dated 29th March, 2007}. During the corresponding period the three subdivisions namely, Darjeeling, Kurseong and Kalimpong had Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council as their agency for development. But it had no power and authority for making the budget and mobilization of the resources. Hence, the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, since its inception, is dependent on the magnanimity of the Central and State Governments. But the magnanimity was seen to be confined with Rupees Twenty Two Crore grant to the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council per annum from the Government of India. Thus the meagre amount received/given to Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council in comparison to the amount secured by Siliguri, a subdivision of Darjeeling District, has not been regarded by the Government as neglect of the three sub-divisions of Darjeeling District inhabited by Nepali Speaking population. In order to expedite the pace of development in Independent India the PLANNING COMMISSION was constituted. Many Five Year Plans were formulated and implemented in independent India. But it seemed that Darjeeling Hill is neglected in every successive Five Year Plan. As of today, that is the first decade of twenty first century, there is not a single work worth showing executed under the Five Year Plan for the socio-economic development of the place and people.

The seventh Left Front Government of West Bengal {2006-2010} has been making an utmost endeavour for the industrialization of the state for the socio-economic development. Despite the stiff opposition for the acquisition lands by the farmers, the Government of West Bengal under the Chief-Ministership of Buddhadev Bhattacharya took all-out measures for acquiring the agricultural land for industrial purposes. As it was change of heart of the Left Front Government and more precisely of the CPM from their earlier established and declared perception on the capitalists and their role in the socioeconomic development. Thus, the change of heart was a clear signal and indication of a farewell to their rigid and dogmatic attitude towards the capitalists and bourgeoisies. The national and international capitalists and bourgeoisies also did not take much time to understand the change of heart as an appeal of the government with folded hands for investment in the state. Hence, many of them being encouraged on the initiatives of the government that were in conformity with the globalization of the day seem to be rushing to West Bengal with plans, proposals and assurances for investments. The effort of the government and willingness of the industrialists for making a new developed Bengal is really heartening. And in order to translate the vision into a reality several lakhs acres of Land has been earmarked for the establishment of various types of industries. In the process a little more than twenty five thousand acres of land has been identified and earmarked for offering to the industrialists in the district of Darjeeling. But in that identified and earmarked land not a decimal of land has been reserved for industrialization in the hill areas of Darjeeling. The proposals for setting up of different kinds of industries are suggested only for Siliguri and its surroundings. Not a single industry has been proposed for the Hill Areas of Darjeeling. Thus, it has become the habit and part of their nature to claim Darjeeling, as the crown of Bengal. When it comes to Darjeeling's development not a word is whispered, either in the cabinet or within the state Assembly. Again, Darjeeling is too insignificant a name to be heard within the raucous proceedings of the house. Darjeeling only matters to the West Bengal state, so long as it can; collect fat revenue from its world famous tea, indiscriminately hack the rare old trees from the forest region. A recorded fact that the WBFDC made a record profit during the 1980s agitation on the pretext that the GNLF cadres were involved in illegal logging (Dr. TB Subba).The way the logs were being transported by the Forest department had made people in Kalimpong come out with a variation of an old proverb, na rahega bas na fukayga sootay(sic) apt albeit funny. Jonathan Bate, the British eco-critic couldnt have been more correct when he says, imperialismcolonialism has always brought with it deforestation and the consuming of natural resources Darjeeling has always been wantonly exploited be it by the British Raj or by Bengal Raj.The area still remains a cheap holiday destination to the merriment of tourists with shoe-string budget. For sure it matters to the gaudy state civil servants, to be groomed and rule the docile looking naive hill folks. And of course it matters most to the potbellied; city based political heavy weights, when they enter the election fray. It is at times like this, heaps of lies and fake promises are made to woo the voters. Other than these facts Darjeeling as such has no relevance in any other context.

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AFTER GHISINGH'S TERMINATION TILL THE ABORTED ATTEMPT OF THE LEFT FRONT TO DEPOSE THE PRIME MINISTER, MR. MANMOHAN SINGH
There were three members elected on tickets of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) to the 14th West Bengal Legislative Assembly from Darjeeling Hills. But, out of three Pranay Rai and Goulan Lepcha resigned from the primary membership of GNLF and started raising the demand for a Separate State of Gorkhaland in the West Bengal Assembly soon after Subash Ghisingh was deposed from the post of Care-taker Administrator of DGHC. They submitted a memorandum to the chief minister of West Bengal, Buddhadev Bhattacharjee in support of the demand. Thus, the two legislators namely Pranay Rai and Goulan Lepcha succeeded to occupy a premier place in the history of the Legislative Assembly of West Bengal by exhibiting their courage and commitment to the cause of a Homeland for the Indian Gorkha. The voicing of the demand for Gorkhaland, was the first of its kind in the annals of the history West Bengal Assembly. The feeling within the public was that the two Legislators would join Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha {GJMM} which had been formed for spearheading a movement to realise the demand of Gorkhaland within India, by joining the Darjeeling district and Dooars region. But in a surprising press statement of Bimal Gurung, the President of GJMM had asked Pranay Rai and Goulan Lepcha to resign from the membership of West Bengal Assembly and prove their sincerity and commitment towards the cause of a Homeland for Indian Gorkhas. The informed layer of Nepali speaking Gorkha community of India became stunned on hearing Bimal Gurung as they had thought the movement for Homeland will get a fillip by the persistent political and diplomatic foray by the duo in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly and the same would prove a powerful shot in the hand of Bimal Gurung and his party GJMM. But contrary to people's expectation Bimal Gurung again disheartened them by asking the removal of Dilkumari Bhandari from the presidentship of Bharatiya Gorkha Parisang which had been working for enlisting the support of Nepali Speaking Gorkha and other socio-political bodies of the different states from India for achieving a Homeland for Indian Nepalis. The need of the hour then was unity and solidarity of the aspirants of a Homeland for Indian Nepalis. But it seemed that Bimal Gurung and his party GJMM acting as catalyst was more into breaking the unity and solidarity without which the achievement of Homeland for the Indian Gorkha could be nothing save a day dream. In the corresponding period Madan Tamang, the president of All India Gorkha League {ABGL} had also asked Dawa Narbula, the member of Lok Sabha from Darjeeling, to resign from membership of Parliament, for his act of not submitting a written objection against the imposition of Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling. On seeing the movement of pro-Gorkhaland parties moving in a centrifugal direction, R.B. Rai, the general secretary of Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists (CPRM) had issued a press statement, with an appeal for not interfering into the political

and organizational affairs of one party by another in the larger interest and aspirations of the people. The political parties intending to lead the people for separation of the region from West Bengal have seen engaged in acrimony would be taken in poor taste. It was common knowledge that the knot of separation of Darjeeling and the Dooars had to be disentangled from the West Bengal Assembly and the Parliament. But some of the parties that had been making promises for working to separate the region from the political and administrative clutches of West Bengal had asked the legislators and Members of Parliament to quit their respective posts was a reason best known to those concerned. Some of the political parties operating in Siliguri were against the demand of a separate state of Grokhaland. They were very tactful in manipulating the Siliguri Municipal Corporation to pass a unanimous resolution against the demand in the last week of March 08. Thus, it was seen that the separation was to be made from the clutches of the people who were united after settling their political and social differences. But the parties operating in Darjeeling hills, those wanting to form a separate state of Gorkhaland by separating Darjeeling district and Dooars region from West Bengal had not been able to bind themselves together despite pursuing the same demand. Comparatively the political parties of Siliguri dissatisfied by the UNANIMOUS RESOLUTION against the demand alone had also decided to organize people's convention on 10th April 08 at Kanchanjunga Stadium, Siliguri, in which all the social and cultural unions functioning in Siliguri were asked to make their presence obligatory for ADOPTION OF A RESULOTION AGAINST THE SEPARATION OF SILIGURI FROM WEST BENGAL. The Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha as a counter measure was supposed to organize a Rally of All Gorkha Ex-servicemen's Morcha and a hunger strike on 9th and 10th April 08 in Siliguri. Rather most appropriately on 3rd.April 08 explosion of Rdx took place at Champasari, Siliguri in which three people killed and one sustained an injury. The operators were supposedly working on a timed device in a closed room, where they were staying on rent, seemed to have mishandled the explosive. The CPM minister from Siliguri, Asok Bhattacharjee was at Coimbatore at the time of explosion and while ringing from there he didn't hesitate to inform the press at Siliguri that "intelligence officials had precise information that some seditious forces were attempting to spread unrest in Siliguri. I had said this earlier and today my apprehension came true". (The Telegraph dated 4th April 08) But "the inspector general of police (North Bengal), R.J.S. Nalwa, however said nothing could be said till the investigation was completed. We need to check out whether they were making IEDs ever since they were staying there."{The Telegraph, 4th April 08}. The local daily published from Siliguri had also carried the statement of CPM leaders Mukul Sengupta and Ramasankar Prasad in the same line to that of their leader and Minister Asok Bhattacherjee. But the Statesman English daily published from Siliguri had carried on 4th April 08 as "I am a common man. I am a paanwala" 'is what the IG of the state Intelligence Branch (IB), Mr. Gaurav Dutta told reporters to avoid queries related to the bomb blasts at Champasari in Siliguri today'. Thus it could be presumed from the versions of the two authorities, that the responsible minister of Left Front government belonging to CPM and his party had surprisingly outwitted the concerned authorities by being more knowledgeable in the occurences of the bomb blasts at Champasari, Siliguri than the officials meant for the job. By twisting the facts, the design was to oppose the demand of a separate state of Gorkhaland. The minister Asok Bhattacherjee on his return from Coimbator had immediately held a joint meeting with the police and civil authorities in Siliguri on 5th April 08 and next day, the Telegraph carried two columned news of the said meeting captioned as Asok sounds terror alarm in Siliguri in which it was written "the police also suspect that the blasts were planned for execution in the next five-six days, going by the

timer indicators. One of the devices was set for detonation after three days and 44 minutes, another after six days, one police official said. There was a convention as arranged by the Siliguri Municipal Corporation on April 10 at Kunchanjunga Stadium. So the probability (of blast) could not be ruled out, he said". Thus, after the meeting the police officials also seemed to have changed their mind for pursuing the matter in tandem with the minister's version. But the general secretary Rosan Giri of GJMM had stated that "the state government at the behest of Asok Bhattacharjee is conspiring to stop the Morcha from carrying out its programmes in Siliguri and Dooars by alleging that the party had links with the blasts. We demand that the investigation be handed over to a central agency to expose the truth" (The Telegraph dated 7th April 08). However, unearthing the truth of the blasts the ruling Left Front was seen engaged in mustering support from the political parties, socio-cultural organization and individuals by arranging citizens' convention scheduled to be held on 10th April 08 at Kunchanjunga Stadium to adopt a Resolution against the demand of Gorkhaland and inclusion of Siliguri in it. But the Revolutionary Socialist Party {RSP} one of the major constituents of the ruling Left Front informs "the decision to stay away was taken keeping in mind the sensitive nature of the convention and the possible rift it might create between the plains and hills. The district CPM insisted that the two RSP councilors had earlier consented to the convention. The meeting has not been called by any political party but by the civic body. All political parties that have representative in the corporation had agreed to it, said Jibitesh Sarkar, a state committee member of CPM". (The Telegraph dated 8th April 08). But a day before the proposed convention, the All Gorkha Ex-servicemen's Morcha was reported to have obtained permission for organizing a Rally in Siliguri, for which a meeting of GJMM leaders and the district Magistrate was held the previous day. Hence, the rally was arranged as scheduled, but the Ex-servicemen from Kalimpong were not allowed to proceed further from Sevok by the deployment of heavy police contingent. And, the Rally from Darjeeling, Kurseong, Sukna and its surrounding were also obstructed at Sukna and released "between 10.30 A.M, 11.10 A.M around 1000 marchers starting for Siliguri were told not to go beyond Pintail village. Around 11.40 A.M the DM, Rajesh Pandey and SP Rahul Srivastav meet the marchers and asked them to stop. At 12.05 marchers negotiate with the officials to allow them to proceed till Darjeeling More. Accordingly Police barricades were withdrawn. Between 12.55- 1-35 pms around 300 policemen stop the marchers; DM and SP refused to allow them to move upto Air View More. All of a sudden a stone hits a police constable, and the police charge with batons and fire tear gas shells. The crowd disperses. More than 25 people, including 14 policemen injured." (The Telegraph dated 10th April 08) (Emphasis mine). It was apparently felt by the CPM that the different communities residing in Siliguri were inconspicuously favouring to be in the proposed state of Gorkhaland for speedy socioeconomic upliftment and all-round development. Hence, the CPM was seen determined in not allowing the political party, organization and individuals to set their foot in Siliguri, with any kind of activities related to the demand of Gorkhaland. But in absence of support from the masses the CPM seemed to have taken a course of repressive measures with the use of police force and administrative machinary against the Rally of All Gorkha Ex-servicemen Morcha on 9th April 08. It was begun by vandalizing the office of the GJMM by CPM cadres with impunity, at Darjeeling More, Siliguri. Further, the Siliguri Municipal Corporation took all preparations for holding the convention on 10th April 08 explicitly with a plea for maintaining communal harmony, but implicitly to adopt the resolution against the demand of Gorkhaland. On realizing the intention and motive of the corporation which was at the behest of CPM "the Congress and the Trinmul Congress have decided to follow the RSP in pulling out of the tomorrow's all-party convention organized by the Siliguri Municipal Corporation (SMC) to show hills -plain

unity. The meet has been called mainly to garner support against the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha's decision to include Siliguri subdivision in the new state that it is demanding" (The Telegraph dated 10th April 08, Emphasis mine).The north Bengal convener of Trinmul was seen to have told the press as "we are pulling out because we do not believe in the parochial politics of the CPM" {IBID}. Thus the convention organized by SMC at the behest of CPM turned out to be a parochial endeavour of its mentor. The GJMM as a reprisal to the Lathicharge, bursting of tear gas shells, pelting of stones etc. by the police on the Rally of All Gorkha Ex-servicemen Morcha, ransacking of their office at Darjeeling More by the CPM and the convention of SMC against Gorkhaland, decided to call a twenty four hours Darjeeling district bandh along with Rallies, public meetings, observance of one day token hunger strike in the different places on 10th April 08. The programme of GJMM went peacefully as decided but "the police arrested Kamtapur Progressive Party Leader Atul Roy and over 150 followers of the KPP and the Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha from the venue of a token hunger strike at Matigarah BDO office premises at Shivamandir in Siliguri today. They were later released on bail from the Matigara police station" Italicization mine {The Statesman, North Bengal & Sikkim plus dated 11th April 08. Thus, it seems that the government of West Bengal was determined for not allowing any sort of activity on the demand of Gorkhaland in Siliguri which historically, legally, ethnically, emotionally and psychologically do not form a part of the state of West Bengal. The GJMM being frustrated by the move of the government at the behest of the CPM had announced its programme of not allowing the district magistrate, Rajesh Pandey to enter the Darjeeling hills. They later made amends of recruiting their own force named as Gorkhaland Personnel and made an appeal of non-cooperation with the government by not paying taxes and declared the closure of government offices from 14th April 08. A mob allegedly ransacked the office of CPM at Kurseong. The district magistrate, Rajesh Pandey being a blue-eyed boy of the CPM and more precisely of the minister from Siliguri, was in Darjeeling district for more than twelve years from the post of ADM, Executive officer Siliguri Jalpaiguri Development Authority, D.M Jalpaiguri and D.M Darjeeling. Thus his prolonged tenure in the region was due to a close proximity with the political leadership of the ruling party. Following the Champasari blasts on 3rd. April 08, "the Pradhannagar police recovered 2.5 kg explosive from a Mallaguri household on 8 April and ten live bombs with six timers from a Gurung Busty household on 12 April". (The Statesman, 16th April 08 North Bengal &Sikkim). The findings of explosives and timers by the police seemed to have born out and corroborated the claim and statement of Minister, Asok Bhattacharjee and his party as they were targeting the party and individuals that were making the demand for Gorkhaland by stating that Siliguri has become vulnerable on account of the presence of subversive elements. But informed layers were seemed not ready to accept the version of the minister, his party and the findings of the police revealed as they were of the view and opinion that the explosives and timers if it was really found, could have been collected for use either in Nepal or Bhutan or North East of India and not absolutely in Siliguri. As the persons arrested by the police in connection with the blasts were to be from Nepal, Bhutan and Darjeeling Hills. But the persons arrested and claimed to be from Darjeeling Hills were least known and could not be identified in Darjeeling hills. Further they were not associated with any political party and organization operating in Darjeeling Hills. Another possible angle as discussed in the public was that some agency might have been involved to execute the deed at the behest of some powerful lobby, solely with a purpose to create fear-psychosis in the general public so as to libel the people, organization and individual, who were making and supporting the demand for a separate state for a Gorkhaland. As the West Bengal

government and parties operating in Siliguri and more precisely the CPM were dead against the demand of separate state for a Gorkhaland and had taken all sorts of measures to discourage the activities of Gotkhaland demand in Siliguri. It would have been better had the West Bengal Government banned the parties that demanded Gorkhaland. But being unable to do so, it was seen that they were engaged in intrigues and conspiracy in connivance with the admininstration to restrain the activities of the parties making demand for a Separate State of Gorkhaland in Siliguri. As it was seen that there was a naked demonstration of their design on 9th April 08 at Darjeeling More, Siliguri wherein the police personnel some astonishingly in mere slipplers pelted stones, burst teargas shells and mercilessly beat those who were participating in the Rally of All Gorkha Ex-servicemen Morcha, and prevented them from entering Siliguri town in procession for highlighting the demand of Gorkhaland. As a result was several ex-army personnel sustained injury, many of them were hospitalized with severe injury, four of them were missing for several days, some of them were arrested and charged. These retired army personnel who had fought for the liberation of Bangladesh, India-China and Indo-pak wars with valour and had won gallantry awards. But the same ex-army personnel decorated with medals, badges, ribbons and citation that were received as mark of dedicated service to the nation were mercilessly beaten and humiliated by the West Bengal Police. The battered ex-army personnel were from the rank of Lt.col to the ordinary soldiers and the thrashing had caused the medals, badges and ribbon to be littered all over and some of it was deliberately trampled by the angry men in uniform. Thus, the Rally of unarmed war heroes was crushed by the politically surcharged staff, with their stick and riffle butts. The khaki clad police unionized and affiliated to the ruling party of West Bengal were far more efficient than the CPM cadres in carrying out the high command's order. But the incident was not a matter of shame for the cultured and civilized Government of West Bengal led by Buddhadev Bhattacherjee, who is also a politburo member of the Communist Party of India (Marxists). Meanwhile, the Governor of West Bengal, Gopal Krishna Gandhi was reported to have written a letter to Bimal Gurung, the president of GJMM with a request to allow the district magistrate, Rajesh Pandey to return to the district head quarter, Darjeeling. On his return to Darjeeling the district magistrate held a meeting with the leaders of GJMM and the result of the meeting was the constitution of one-man inquiry committee on the happenings headed by M.L Meena, the principal secretary of environment department of the government of West Bengal. This was a cover up exercise to hush up the unconstitutional act of the police and to secure their protection. As such the result of the one-man inquiry committee has remained as stated above. The GJMM after making sway and establishing command and control over Darjeeling hills was expanding its organizational and political activities in Siliguri and the Dooars, so as to highlight the demand of Gorkhaland comprising Darjeeling district and the Dooars region. But the West Bengal Government at the behest of CPM in Siliguri and more precisely on the reported discreet advice of the M.L.A and minister Ashok Bhattacherjee representing Siliguri seemed determined to stall the GJMM in carrying any sort of political or organizational activities in Siliguri. The GJMM grew tired of making persistent requests to the district administration to secure permission to hold public meeting in Siliguri. When such requests were refused the GJMM in response had declared the closure of state and central offices from 14th April 08 while keeping the essential and emergent departments out of its purview. Thus, Darjeeling hills came under a grip of stagnation that implied non-existence of government machinery. All Gorkha Students Union associated with GJMM started on 14th April 08 a PADA YATRA (travel on foot) from Darjeeling Hill via Siliguri to Sunkosh the extreme boundary of proposed state of Gorkhaland that separates from Assam. This was to highlight the area

for which the GJMM WAS MAKIING IT'S CLAIM FOR THE FORMATION OF SEPARATE STATE OF GORKHALAND.The participants in the Padayatra on reaching Darjeeling More, Siliguri on 16th April 08 had found the road leading to Siliguri town barricaded by the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI), a youth wing of the CPM, with administrative protection. They were persuaded and forced to follow the route leading to Dooars via the Highway and even that route was barricaded at three places which were the entry points to Siliguri town. The obstruction to enter into Siliguri led to a meeting by a visiting delegation with the chief-secretary, A.K. Deb, Government of West Bengal on 23rd. April 08 and it was understood that the delegation had requested him for holding a public meeting in Siliguri on 27th April 08. But the chief-secretary, Government of West Bengal, "A.K. Deb today told a visiting delegation of Gorkha Janamukti Morcha that the situation in Siliguri was tense and it would not be proper for the government to allow them to hold a meeting there on 27th April. On September 28 last year, there was large scale violence in Siliguri and the army had to be deployed. Since then, things have not been in right shape in Siliguri"The Telegraph 24th April 08. (Emphasis mine). It is understandable that the plea for not giving permission for public meeting as stated by the chief-secretary was the tense situation in Siliguri. But in that tense situation the CPM and its youth wing, DYFI were seen holding public meetings and rallies at different places in and around Siliguri so as to oppose the demand and the movement carried out by GJMM. The cause of tense situation has been attributed to the ugly incident of 28th September 07 by the chief-secretary. The details of the 28th September 07 incident have been dealt in succinctly under the chapter Prashanta Phenomenon. Hence, if the incident of 28th September 08 was the real and sole cause of Siliguri becoming tense, then it could be easily termed as the failure of the government of West Bengal to defuse the situation and restore normalcy even after a year. As the same government and its administration was able to restore normalcy and maintain law and order in Kolkata, where a violence of communal nature had taken place after the incident on 28th September 08 in Siliguri on the issue of allowing or disallowing Talisma's sojourn in Kolkata. A similar situation had developed in Kolkata due to the suicide of Rizwanur in failing to bring his beloved consort from the captivity of her parents. The situation could very well have given an opportunity to the communal elements to exploit and extract benefit for their parochial and narrow selfish end. But the alarming situation was nipped in the bud on account of the alacrity and judicious administrative intervention at Kolkata. A grave situation with wide ramification was built up in Nandigram, West Bengal on account of killing of fourteen people reportedly by CPM cadres dressed up in police uniform. The killings were protested and highlighted by the Governor of state, intellectuals, political parties and other luminaries from different fields. The explosive and volatile situation and circumstances were seen to have been kept under grip by not allowing it to take the shape of conflagration of political and administrative failures. But the same government and its administration denied permission to hold public meeting to GJMM with a plea that there was no improvement of situation after several months of 28th September 08 incidents in Siliguri. The reason and grounds of tense situation in Siliguri as stated by the chief-secretary, if it is to be accepted is clear that the government and its administrative machinery was to be held responsible for their failure of defusing and normalising the situation even after a lapse of several months. The failure of the government in maintaining law and order in a normal course has automatically led it to forfeit its right to be in power. The denial of permission to hold a public meeting in Siliguri was nothing but a discreet and diplomatic endeavour to subside and subdue the simmering urge, surge and emotion of the people residing there, so that the inclusion of Siliguri in the proposed new state of Gorkhaland would be stalled forthwith.

The other side of the discreet, diplomatic and administrative endeavour of the government was to create a sort of fear-psychosis within the minds of the aspirants of Gorkhaland. As has been seen that Chattray Subba was voraciously advocating for the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland and at times he had reportedly advocated the use of arms for its realization. But he was arrested on the alleged attack on the convoy of Subash Ghising on 10th February 2001 at Saat Ghoomti, below Kurseong and since then he has been kept in Jail. The inability of Chattray Subba not getting bail on one or other pretext for eight years was nothing but a superb design of the government to inform and impress the people to be prepared to face the same fate as that of Chattray Subba if they wanted Gorkhaland by separating the region from West Bengal. In spite of the presence of this Damocles' Sword, the CPRM had been spearheading a movement by organizing meetings, rallies, deputations and correspondences to the authorities for early disposal of the case of Chattray Subba along with the five others who are languishing in Jail. Other political parties, organizations and legal professionals were indifferent on the issue of protracted jail term of those people. But GJMM formed to ouster of Subash Ghising for his misrule as the care-taker of DGHC, and scraping of proposed sixth schedule for Darjeeling and achievement of Gorkhaland was also seen to have raised the issue of early release of Chattray Subba in their public meetings. Thus, the issues raised and advocated by GJMM and its professed stand for peaceful, nonviolent, non-communal and democratic movement has been considered by CPRM as a meeting point and synchronisation of political wavelength between the two like minded parties. Hence, the CPRM had recognised and accepted GJMM as a true friend, ally, comrade-in-arm and co-marinerto swim over the stormy and systematic politicoadministrative waves of the Bay of Bengal. Taking into consideration the role and the movement of GJMM an unconditional moral and physical support was extended by CPRM simultaneously carried and organised independent programme so as to supplement and compliment the movement launched by GJMM. As a part of independent programme for providing fillip to the endeavour of GJMM two frontal wings of CPRM namely Democratic Revolutionary Youth Front and Democratic Revolutionary Women Front staged 24 hours Hunger Strike on 24/25 April 08 in Darjeeling, Kurseong, Kalimpong, Gourbathan, Mirik and Bijanbari placing demands for the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland, unconditional release of Chattray Subba and others and reopening of the case file of the victims of 1986-88 movement for adequate compensation to the bereaved families who were paid Rupees Eight thousand only. Whereas in contrast each family of the Nandigram killings was paid Rupees Five Lakh by the same Left Front government. The twenty Four Hours Hunger Strike was being widely responded from different sections of the people. There was a rush of visitors to the venues of the hunger strike for lending moral support to the participants, and it was encouraging to see them write commendations, comments and suggestions in the Register Kept for public opinion. Bharatya Gorkha Parisang (BGP) an apex body of Indian Nepalis bearing a nonpolitical character held its National Council Meet and seminar from 29th April to 1st May 08 in Risi Bhawan, Siliguri by extending invitation to political parties operating in Darjeeling. The meet was attended by the representatives of BGP from twenty two STATES of the Indian union, celebrated intellectuals of different disciplines, reputed social activists and leaders who were spearheading movement for the formation of separate states of Telengana, Bidarva, Bundelkhand and Harit Pradesh in India. But the absence of GJMM, GNLF, CPM and the Congress from Darjeeling was conspicuous. However, the meet had appealed and urged for the unity and solidarity of Indian Gorkhas to achieve a Homeland for them. To achieve such a homeland, the area comprised of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars region. Accordingly, a resolution was adopted

for the same and a request was forwarded to the Government of India for taking appropriate action. But when the session of the BGP was on the GJMM being unable to get permission to hold a public meeting in Siliguri had decided to sit for hunger strike before sub-divisional offices of Darjeeling District as well as in parts of Dooars from 1st May 08. The hunger strike was held in Darjeeling hills but the West Bengal Government was determined not to allow hunger strike before the sub-divisional office at Siliguri. Therefore in the early morning of 1st May 08 a large contingent of force was deployed at Darjeeling More to obstruct the entry of the participants. On reaching Darjeeling More, the participants and their supporters were arrested indiscriminately. The number of arrested people exceded two hundred on that day. At this juncture, instead of normalizing the situation the West Bengal Government indulged in a petty gimmick when the cabinet minister, Asok Bhattacherjee made appeal to the tourists as -"I earnestly request tourists not to head for Darjeeling this summer. The situation in the hills is too complicated" (The Telegraph 1st May published from Siliguri) Emphasis added. By issuing the statement the cabinet minister, Asok Bhattacherjee might have thought that tourist would stop visiting Darjeeling and would serve as a fatal blow to parties and the representatives of the people of Darjeeling who were persistently demanding a state within India, and for which they wanted to hold a public meeting and hunger strike in Siliguri. However, this did little to affect the decline in the number of tourists visiting Darjeeling hills. But the statement coming from Asok Bhattacharjee could be easily construed as a failure in handling the situation that lacked the broadness and a clear vision to guage the situation as expected from the stature of the rank of a Cabinet Minister. As Kashmir then was turning out to be dangerous and vulnerable for domestic as well as international tourists due to infliction of Terrorists activities in the entire state. There was report of kidnapping of tourist by the subversive elements and similar situation had developed in the North Eastern India where even the NGOs' were not spared. But, at no time such statement is found to have been made by a minister for other authorities to dissuade the Tourist from visiting those places. But the two month old agitation promoted in "GANDHIAN WAY" by GJMM to form a separate state for Indian Gorkhas within India was found to have compelled the West Bengal Government to request the Tourists to avoid visiting Darjeeling hills, and the reason given was that "the situation in Darjeeling hills is too complicated". If the situation was really too complicated, then no one can deny the fact that it was the responsibility of the Government of West Bengal to defuse and normalize the situation in the best possible extent. Hence, the statement of the minister, Asok Bhattacherjee could be accepted as the inability and inefficiency of the Government of West Bengal to restore normalcy in Darjeeling hills. The inability to restore normalcy by the government which was democratically elected and constitutionally constituted would mean the collapse of the law and order. The break down of Law and Order normally invite the dissolution or dismissal of the Government for its failure to maintain Law and Order as per the provision of the Country's Constitution. But the national media belonging to big industrial houses in league with the state of West Bengal seemed to have deliberately ignored that very statement of Asok Bhattacherjee. Hence, the skipping of the dangerous portent contained in the statement of a responsible minister, Asok Bhattacherjee could be easily understood that the people making a demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland within India was on the making of a minority. As the developed and pseudo advanced ruling majority of the state of West Bengal was totally against the demand and were more into promoting regionlistic chauvinism. Thus, in this way a war like situation had been drawn between the homeland aspirant Gorkhas and the advanced and ruling Bengali community in the state of West Bengal. In this war, the intelligentsia of Darjeeling is found to have been infested with heavy inertness due to political, diplomatic and

administrative exercise carried by the ultra chauvinistic Bengali nationals who are not ready even for a moment to accept the incontrovertible facts and figures based on the solid foundations of historical, legal, geographical, ethnical, political and constitutional realities favouring the Indian Gorkhas. But, it has been observed that they are unmindful and pretending to be ignorant on the loyalty of Indian Gorkhas towards mother India by shedding their blood, tears and sweat. The Indian Gorkhas too have udeniably contributed in making India the world's largest and vibrant democracy. It has been mentioned in the preceding Para the decision to observe fast-untodeath but was obstructed in Siliguri by the district administration at Darjeeling More on 1st may 08. However, the next day a good number of participants with a seizable numbers of supporters were moving on the hill cart road to reach the premises of Subdivisional office were severely beaten and humiliated before the public in an organized way. The scene was so barbaric that the ladies too were beaten, thrashed and kicked in a broad day light. But the police instead of apprehending the assailants arrested more than two thousand people belonging to the Gorkha community for the reason best known to the ruling CPM. It is being perceived that the role of the administration and CPM was fermenting communal tension in Siliguri where near about twenty thousand people from Darjeeling district and Dooars had assembled at Pintail village and were marching towards Siliguri on 3rd. May 08 by pushing the police cordon and this sounded an alarm within district administration. Thus, seeing the mood of the people and the gravity of the situation the district administration found no option but to succumb and allow the assembled people to go upto Dagapur and accordingly granted permission to participate in the hunger strike at Darjeeling More in defiance to the diktat of the CPM. On that day when the assembled people were marching towards Siliguri from Pintail Village by breaking the police cordon reportedly a stone had hit the sub-divisional officer Smitha Pandey, at Dagapur. Some of Bengala News Channel immediately had flashed the report in its footage as the District Magistrate; Smita Pandey sustained brick injury thrown by one of the marchers. The next day after covering the events the Telegraph wrote "a police barricade, comprising around 300 personnel guarded the highway bringing traffic to a standstill for around three hours. The interception triggered a heated exchange of words. A stone thrown by one of the marchers hit Siliguri sub- divisional officer Smita Pandey on her shoulder". Thus the electronic media did not know the diffrence between a brick and the stone, as well as the identity of the stone hit official. Despite such inciting reportage, the sagacity of the leaders of GJMM could not be undermined and after the realization of the seriousness of the situation by the administrative heads called a meeting in Siliguri Circuit House where permission was granted to GJMM to hold a public meeting AT INDIRA GANDHI MAIDAN ON 7TH MAY 08 FROM 11 TO 4 P.M with the imposition of several conditions that were to be observed by GJMM FOR THE PUBLIC MEETING. The three days time was far too inadequate to organize a public meeting by honouring the conditionalities imposed by the district administration. However, the turnover of the people on the day of the public meeting at Indira Gandhi Maidan was far from the expectation of the administration and the organizers, as it was the largest assembly of people in a public meeting as recorded in the history of Siliguri. On the day of the meeting Amra Bengali and Bengala Bhasa Bachau Samity, reportedly a brain child of minister Asok Bhattacherjee and backed by a section of the administrative officials had called twenty four hours strike in Siliguri against the rally and public meeting of GJMM. But despite the strike in parts of Siliguri the whole city was weighed down by the convoy, rally and the supporters of GJMM. The meeting was jointly addressed by leaders of GJMM, KAMTAPURI PEOPLES' FRONT and GREATER COOCH BEHER MOVEMENT COMMITTEES in a most orderly, well disciplined and peaceful manner. The meeting explicitly proved the contention and

argument of the administration that the holding of meeting by GJMM would result into communal violence and tension in Siliguri as a false and concocted propaganda. While addressing the meeting the GJMM president, Bimal Gurung had issued an ultimatum of seven days to the district administration for arresting the culprits who had thrashed the innocent GJMM supporters at Hill Cart Road while on their way to Sub-divisional office on 2nd May 08. But the ultimatum was seen to have been responded by CPM as "on 9 April, a day after explosives were found in a house in Mallaguri, a resident of the area, Amal Khawas, lodged an FIR with the Pradhannagar police station. In it, Khawas said the owner of the house, Ganga Majhi, was an active Morcha worker and its leader Rosan Giri frequently visited the house, said Jibitesh Sarkar, a senior district leader of CPM. Khawas also stated that the explosives were brought here by the Morcha supporters as a part of plot to eliminate local CPM leaders, claimed Sarkar, who is one of the three CPM leaders whom the Morcha wants arrested". (The Telegraph dated 9thMay 08 published from Siliguri, Emphasis mine). Further, the same Telegraph had written while unfolding the report as "the CPM dug up three FIRs lodged in the hills and plains against some Gorkha Janamukti Leaders and urged police to act on them. Observers said the move was in retaliation to the Morcha's seven-day deadline to the police for arresting the three CPM leaders involved in the incident of May 2, when supporters of the hill party were assaulted in Siliguri. The Morcha had set the deadline yesterday at its public meeting here". Emphasis added. Thus, the blast of explosives in Siliguri was being seen to have been used after more than a month by the CPM as bulwark to their heinous act of beating and assaulting the ladies in public. When the series of blast of explosive had taken place in Siliguri there was apprehension in the saner and informed circle that the act could be a master design of some of the influential circle in connivance with a section of government officials, as a ploy to malign the people and organizations who were demanding a separate state of Gorkhaland in India. The involvement of Rosan Giri in the blast of explosives and its REVEALATION to the public after more than a month through media influence could easily be understood as the concurrence of the civil and police administration for working in tandem with the wishes of the ruling party in the state of West Bengal ruled by CPM. But, however as a means of attempted projection of an independent face of the police, they arrested six people on 9th May from periphery of Siliguri in connection to the thrashing of the ladies belonging to GJMM, ON 2 MAY 08 . The arrest described as "an eye-wash only" by the GJMM as the police had not dared to arrest the leaders of the CPM whose names were specifically mentioned in the FIR by the complainant on the shameful incident of 2nd May 08. The GJMM with the help and support of the people was persistently claiming Siliguri to be a part of their proposed Gorkhaland and the CPM of Siliguri more rightly the minister Asok Bhattacherjee adopted a "measure" to counter the claim of GJMM, by organising this rally after every three days. Externally as a showpiece the rally was to mention communal harmony in Siliguri between the people of Hills and Plains, but internally it was to incite the people against GJMM and its demand and that was the order of the day in Siliguri town. But realizing its ineffectiveness the minister was engaged in diplomacy, politicking, conspiracy and use of administrative machineries to suit his design and interests. The glaring example of this endeavour was the beating of ex-servicemen and ladies at Siliguri with impunity, issuance of statement by his lackeys and tenderloin in the name of intellectuals of Siliguri and opposing the movement of GJMM. The CPRM being fully aware of the move of CPM and its minister Asok Bhattacharjee took a step for dialogue with the saner people and parties of Siliguri. It also prompted the intellectuals associated with the other political parties to hold a rally on 3rd May 08 against the assault on ladies in Siliguri on 2nd. May 08. And, one of the participants "Mr. Bani Prasad Mishra, a retired director, Centre for Himalayan Studies,

North Bengal University, said that a solution to the vexed Darjeeling Hill crisis would continue to elude so as the administration remained partisan in dealing with a democratic movement. A political problem must be solved by political means principally through dialogue based on restraint and understanding. Hooliganism has no role in a democratic system of politics Mr. Mishra said. Prof Ajit Roy of North Bengal University also castigated the administration for having remained mute spectators while some political activists had gone berserk in tyranising over innocent people belonging to particular ethnic community on 2nd May" (The Statesman, lead news in its Bengal & Sikkim plus dated 5th May 08, but Emphasis mine). But the intellectuals of Darjeeling despite having their aspiration and urges for having a separate state of Gorkhaland seemed to have been cowed down by the subtle move of the minister Asok Bhattacherjee. As they were being in the know of the undemocratic and dictatorial move pursued by the district administration, they did not come forward to register their protest. They uttererly failed in taking a lesson from Bengal's intellectuals and celebrities who had come to the street against the highhandedness of the police in Nandigram and elsewhere. In Darjeeling it was only Nanda Hangkhim who dared to revolt and as a mark of protest had returned the BHANUBHAKTA AWARD given to him in 2004 by the Bangla Academy for his service to the cause of Nepali Language and literature. But other recipients of the Awards were seen thunder-struck for they were neither supporting nor opposing the return of Bhanubhakta Award by Nanda Hangkhim. Rather they seemed unconcerned on the move of Refunding the Bhanubhakta Award. This was truely a sorry state of affairs, giving ample scope to the future generation, to debate over the subject. The story of origin, development and the course followed by the BHANU BHAKTA AWARD being fuelled by politics could be written in short as follows. THE LEFT FRONT, A CONGLOMERATION OF DIFFERENT POLITTICAL PARTIES, CONSTITUED UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA [MARXIST] ABBRIEVATED CPM INSTALLED ITS GOVERNMENT IN WEST BENGAL IN 1977. The left front prior coming to power had announced and incorporated in its election manifesto that they would constitute Academy for different languages, which was prevalent and use in the state, for their protection and promotion. And, on being elected to power Urdu Academy was formed for the first time in West Bengal. In Darjeeling, the formation of the Urdu Academy was followed by the constitution of Nepali Academy, due to persistent request and appeal made by some of the Nepali writers associated with the CPM. But there were wide differences in the Autonomous Character and Fund Allocation in between the two Academies. In spite of having scant power and fund, the Nepali Academy had initiated some progressive measures of causing publication of books written by a number Nepali writers as well as the translation from other languages into Nepali. The Nepali academy while doing its works of promoting language, literature, art, culture with limited resources had a short span of life. After working for seven years, the Nepali Academy was forced to be a defunct body due to the Gorkhaland Movement under the leadership of Subash Ghisingh, who tried every possible means to brand the Nepali Academy as a real opposer to the demand of Gorkhaland. After the vitriolic campaign against the members of Nepali Academy, continued the members took the option of disassociating themselves from the academy and this lead to an automatic dissolution of the academy. But during its existence the Nepali Academy had awarded a sum of Rupees Five Thousand as BHANU AWARD and CITATION to the following individuals for their outstanding contribution in the field that they were associated with. The first BHANU AWARD was given in the year 1979 and awardee was the revolutionary poet AGAMSINGH GIRI who was posthumously honoured. The Second Bhanu Award recipient were INDRA SUNDAS in literature for his novel JUNELI REKHA, and in the field of drama was MOHAN THAPA, in arts BIRENDRA SUBBA and in

classical songs MANICK CHANDRA PRADHAN were the recipients.The third BHANUAWARD was distributed in the year 1981 on the occasion of BHANU JAYANTI in the following order. In literature M.M GURUNG for his work BIRSEEYEKO SANSKRITI, for arts B.R. GURUNG, for music INDRA THAPATHALIA and for drama, HARKAMAN LAMA. Recipients of the fourth BHANU AWARD 1982 were in literature KAMALA SANSKRITIYAN for her book VICHAR ANI VIVECHANA, for music ARUNA LAMA, for drama and dance RANJIT GHISING. But in that year in place of art LALDAS RAI was awarded the Bhanu award for his exceptional talent in sculpture. The BHANU AWARD for the year 1983 was awarded in the following manner. In literature Dr KUMAR PRADHAN for his book PHAILO PAHAR, for music SHANTI THATAL, for arts BHUTTO PRADHAN and in place of drama D.B.PARIYAR as a producer of First Nepali Film. In the year 1984 RAJNARAYAN PRADHAN for his literary work VISHWAKA DASH MAHAN NATAK, for classical music, the renowned Tabla badak and guitarist TRIRATNA TULADHAR, for drama Sri P.S. LAMA and for arts Late KRISHNA SUBBA posthumously were awarded the BHANU AWARD. Prof. LILABAHADUR CHETTRI of Assam for literature, HIRA KUMAR SINGH of Bombay for drama, KARMA YONJAN for music and PREM KESHI for arts were awarded BHANU AWARD for the year 1985. The last BHANU AWARD was given in the year 1986 in spite of stiff opposition from GNLF as it had given a call to boycott the Award. The recipients were SARAD CHHETTRI for literature, HIRADEVI WAIBA for music and JAYANTA BOMJAN for drama. For arts, TEZU SUBBA was awarded posthumously. But, on the day of the BHANU AWARD JAYANTA BOMJAN did not turn up for receiving the award on account of physical threat and had boycotted the award but the other three recipients remained present and received the awards. But almost after a gap of sixteen years it was announced that the BHANU AWARD raised to the tune of RUPEES TWENTYFIVE THOUSAND would be awarded from the Bhanujayanti 2002. In order to select the awardees a five member committee comprising Dr.Lakhidevi Sundas, Dr Gokul Sinha, Dr Ghanashyam Nepal, Prof.Haren Ghosh and CPM leader Tulsi Bhattarai formed the members as per report published in the Weekly Sagarmatha on Sunday June 23-29, 2002. The Municipality minister Asok Bhattacharya had made an announcement in the first week of July 2002 that the award would be given to Sri Indra Bahadur Rai for his contribution towards the cause of Nepali literature. But on the day of BHANU JAYANTI 2002 the award was not been given as had been announced and had been declared previously and the same would be given on 15thNovember 2002 after organizing a programme at the Loreto College Hall. Accordingly on the given date the function was presided over by Pijus Kanti the vice chancellor of North Bengal University and the award was handed over by Minister Asok Bhattacharya. But the award, on account of non-existence of a Nepali Academy, was from Bengla Academy and the citation was from the chief minister Buddhadeo Bhattacharya. The Bhanu Award for the year 2003 was granted and awarded on 29th.Nov. 2003 to Sri Himandas Rai for his continued service in the field of Nepali Literature in a function held in the auditorium of Loreto College. The function was presided over by Sri Indrabahadur Rai and the award was handed over by Minister Ashok Bhattacharya. The Bhanu Award for the year 2004 was given to Sri Nanda Hangkhim for his continuous service to upkeep Nepali Literature. Sri Badrinarayan Pradhan was given the Bhanu Award for the year 2005 on 4th November 2006 in the auditorium of Loreto College by Ashok Bhattacharya in a function

presided over by Krishna Singh Moktan. Suraj Pathak, Rajya Sabha Member, the Secretary, Information and Cultural Department of the government of West Bengal and Rajesh Pandey the District Magistrate, Darjeeling were the guests of honour of the function. Thus there were host of recipients of Bhanu Bhakta Award belonging to different disciplines and faculties but it is only Nanda Hangkhim who refunded the AWARD in protest against the brutal treatment faced by the ex-service men in the hands of the West Bengal police, when they were leading a peaceful, well organized and disciplined procession on 9th April 08 at Darjeeling More, Siliguri. It was really a matter of concern that the other recipients were seen neither supporting nor opposing the stand taken by Nanda Hangkhim. Thus, it seemed that the intellectuals were not prepared to fight against the onslaught unleashed by the advanced, developed and ruling community against the national minority who had held the awardees to be the pivots of their society. But in Siliguri few educated lackeys of CPM leadership declaring themselves as the intellectuals of the area had issued a press statement opposing the demand of Gorkhaland. Further, they were seen organizing a signature campaign on 12th May 08 in Siliguri against the demand of separate state of Gorkhaland in the name of an organization called JAN JAGARAN MANCH OF unenlightened INTELLECTUALS OF SILIGURI. The move was clearly a stigma against the formation of separate state of Gorkhaland which was advocated on the basis of geo-political, historical, administrative, ethnical and constitutional provisions as applicable in India. But the intellectuals, legal professionals, technicians, bureaucrats, academicians, artists and other professionals who were aspiring to have a separate state of Gorkhaland within India as per the provision of the Article 1-3 (c) of the Indian constitution were seen to be incipid and spineless before the might of the draconian move. There were social, cultural and other organizations functioning for years together in other sub-divisions of the district purportedly for the wellbeing of Indian Gorkhas. But it was seen that the intellectuals belonging to Bengali community held a rally against the highhandedness of administration and CPM in Siliguri but Darjeeling being the epicenter and work field of the socio-political, musical, educational and literary activities and a cultural Mecca for the Indian Gorkhas, where Nepali Sahitya Sammelan and Gorkha Dukha Nivarak Sammelan, the only premier organizations of Indian Nepalis as its conscience keepers, were seen to be indifferent towards the perverted designs against the Indian Gorkhas by the educationally, culturally, economically, socially and administratively advanced state of West Bengal. Similar organizations were seen functioning in Kalimpong and Kurseong but they too were indifferent towards the undemocratic rather uncivilized happenings in Siliguri. Besides them, there were mushrooming organizations on the basis of cast and sub-cast for the socio-economic safeguards of the members belonging to the respective organizations, that were headed by educated, saner and retired officials. But all of them had remained mute spectators. Similarly outside Darjeeling, the Indian Gorkhas were bereft of speech and action when the beating, stoning, thrashing of Indian Gorkha Exservicemen and kicking of Gorkha ladies in Siliguri were shown by the electronic media. Even Sikkim a neighbouring state of Darjeeling, and the government in the state was headed by Sikkim Democratic Front that had come to power in Sikkim with a campaign to restore Democracy, was also dumb when on a broad-day -light Democracy was slaughtered in the streets of Siliguri. Thus, it was seen that they all looked sheepish before the might of the advanced community ruling the state of West Bengal. However, in presence of such horrible socio-political-administrative panorama prevailing before the majestic Kanchanjunga, it was only the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists headed by R.B. Rai, ex-member of Parliament that came down heavily through electronic and print media on CPM and its government for administrative

highhandedness that was backed by Government with the assistance of the CPM cadres for crushing Democracy under its foot in Siliguri. But following the successful 7th May 08 Public Meeting in Siliguri, Indira Gandhi Maidan. The report revealed that due to differences the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha disbanded AGSU on 10th May 08 despite it being an affiliated student union of the Morcha. The affiliated student union had completed a successful Padayatra from Darjeeling to Sunkosh for highlighting the areas for which GJMM was proposing to carve a separate state of Gorkhaland and the PADAYATRIS were flagged off by GJMM president Bimal Gurung who had also reached Sunkosh on the day of completion of successful padayatra and had greeted and felicitated the padayatris, in a ceremony held on 3rd May 08 for their successful completion of the journey. And, the organization such as Hill Secondary Teachers' Association,(HOSTA) Hill Employees Association (HEA), Casual Employees Association(CEA) and several other Trade Union were voluntarily functioning as associate units of GJMM for strengthening hands of GJMM and push forward the movement to form a separate state of Gorkhaland. But after a meeting of the GJMM leaders on 16th May 08 it issued a diktat to change the flag and prefix GJMM to the nomenclature of Casual Employees Association. In the midst of such development the All India Gorkha League (ABGL) while observing its sixty five birth anniversary had held a public meeting on 15th May 08 at Chowk Bazar, Darjeeling. In the said meeting, the ABGL distributed copies of a letter dated 28th November 2005 sent by the Kamtapur Progressive Party (KPP) to the home ministry three years ago. The letter read as "the domiciled Gorkhas who are presently living in the hill region of Darjeeling actually are not Indians, nor are they recognized as ST. Historically, during the British rule in India, the Gorkha were brought to the region by the British Government for extension and development of tea industry". The Telegraph dated 16th May 08. Thus, it became understandable that in the name of observing anniversary the ABGL was seen to be hammering a wedge between the GJMM and Kamtapur Progressive Party who had recently formed an alliance for extending support to each other, in the struggle for achieving a separate state for the respective communities for whom they were fighting and leading the movement. Further with regard to the proposal for review of Indo-Nepal peace and friendship treaty 1950. The Maoist after its recent victory in the election to the constituent assembly of Nepal had raised the demand. The CPRM had welcomed the proposal, Madan Tamang; the ABGL president had stated that no Indian Gorkhas should speak on the issue, as there were forty thousand Indian Gorkhas who were working in Nepal. The review of that treaty and introduction of Passport would cause their exodus to Darjeeling. Here too the ABGL under the leadership of Madan Tamang is seemed to have ignored and deliberately or accidentally overlooked the intricate and detrimental augury contained in Clause Seven and Eight of that very treaty would permanently create confusion between the Indian Gorkhas and domiciled Nepalis. The former attached to the soil for generations together. While the latter, on the basis of the said clause had made a fresh entry into the country in search of greener pastures. To differentiate the two, a distinct line needs to be drawn. As the clause seven of that very Treaty states "The Government of India and Nepal agree to grant, on a reciprocal basis, to the nationals of one country in the territories of the another same privileges in the matter of residence, ownership of properties, participation in trade and commerce, movement and other privileges of a similar nature." Thus as per the provision mentioned above the Indian Gorkhas in India having similar facial appearances, physical build up and other trait has been misconceived as reciprocal citizenship of India, whereas no other Indian has such reciprocal citizenship. Thus, India being recognised as the largest Democracy in the world where among the bonafide citizens it is only her Nepali Speaking Indian Citizens seem to have been made the Reciprocal Citizen by clause

seven of Indo-Nepal Treat 1950. As a result of this skeptical clause the Indian- ness and their loyalty towards the nation are often being raised. This has in effect become a handy too for the unscruplous politicians and a band of regional chauvanists, to exploit and marginalise the Indian Gorkhas with a narrow parochial design. This sinister clause has become a matter of grave concern for the Indian Gorkhas. The adverse effect of this clause can be mitigated only by creating the separate state of Gorkhand. Hence, the people despite being the citizens of India with Mongoloid origin are subjected to humiliation, torture, extortion and expulsion from different region of India as in NorthEastern India. However, it is not only the people with Mongoloid origin who are facing expulsion from North-Eastern India but there are other instances too but people belonging to different linguistic group to have been expelled. But in such expulsion the state governments of the expelled people are seen to be taking a good care of their expelled people by raising hue and cry over the matter. But in the case of harassment and expulsion of Nepali Speaking Indians no voice of protest from any government has ever been heard. In this manner, when Indian Gorkhas become a victim of politically designed and administratively maneuvoured apparatus they feel neglected, isolated and forlorn in India, where Democracy is a way of life. But it remains silent on the plight, sufferings and oppression imposed on them by their fellow countrymen. In some parts of India for minor differences on issues, they make mountains out of a mole hill, and threaten to recede from the Indian Union. However their voice is heard and dealt with palliative measures from the right level. But in the case of the Indian Gorkhas no such voices have been raised, ever. And despite being socio-politically emaciated through a systematic devise for years, they continue to have an unflinching loyalty to India and unwavering faith on its constitution to have a Homeland of their own in India. This would serve as a final and ultimate panacea to ride off the sufferings, plights, oppression and a sense of insecurity by establishing national identity. As the plights, sufferings and oppression have been further complicated by academic and simple misunderstanding of the Clause Eight of Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship 1950 which reads as "So far as matters dealt with herein are concerned, the Treaty cancels all previous treaties, agreements, and engagements entered into on behalf of India between the British Government and the Government of Nepal." The cancellation of all previous treaties, agreements and engagements made between British Government of India and Nepal means that near about one third of the land approximately eighteen thousand kilometres and its people belonging to erstwhile Nepal were made parts of British India through the Treaty of Segowlee 1815 stands cancelled. As the Article Three of the Segowlee Treaty 1815 by which the lands and people residing there were ceded to the British India by Nepal reads as "The Rajah of Nipal hereby cedes to the Honourable the East India Company in perpetuity all the undermentioned territories, viz- First-The whole of the low lands between the Rivers Kali and Rapti. Secondly- The whole of the low lands (with the exception of Bootwal Khass) lying between the Rapti and the Gunduck. Thirdly- the whole of the low lands between the Gunduck and Coosah in which the authority of the British Government has been introduced, or is in actual course of introduction. FourthlyAll the Low Lands between the Rivers Mitchee and the Teesta. Fifthly- All the territories within the hills eastward of the River Mitchee including the fort and lands of Nagree and the Pass of Nagarcote leading from Morung into the hills, together with the territory lying between that Pass and Nagree. The aforesaid territory shall be evacuated by the troops within forty days from this date." The independence of India from the British yoke in 1947 had led to the formation India and Pakistan and both the countries had inheritated the land, people, assets and liabilities of the territories ruled, administered and governed by the British so as to form the respective two independent countries in the globe. Thus, the territories and people, brought into the British India by the Segowlee Treaty 1815

seemed to have clearly come under India on its attainment of independence on 15th August,1947. The territories and people included into the British India as per Segowlee Treaty 1815 were Darjeeling, Dheradun, Kamoun, Garwhal, Nalapani, Bhaksu and so on. Presently these areas have been constitutionally recognized by forming a Separate State of Uttaranchal within the union of India. Similarly the present three sub-divisions namely Darjeeling, Kurseong and Siliguri were taken by the British as per the Souglee Treaty 1815 and had restored to Sikkim but subsequently taken over from Sikkim in 1835 and following years. But the independent India while executing a Treaty of Peace and Friendship 1950 with Nepal is seen to have cancelled the Segowlee Treaty 1815 and the cancellation of that very treaty automatically implies the rejection of the inclusion of those region and people inhabitating the areas into the union of Independent India. Thus, it is seen that uncertainty is looming large over the region and its people. However, in case of Dheradun, Kamoun, Garwhal, Nalapani, Bhaksu so on the politicoadministrative uncertainty seemed to have settled for ever by the formation of a separate state of Uttaranchal as a unit of Indian Union. Whereas the uncertainty emanated from the cancellation of the Segowlee Treaty 1815 and the same being over ruled by the Treaty of Peace and Friendship 1950 with Nepal, the region of Darjeeling, Kurseong alongwith Siliguri and its people have been kept in a limbo. Moreover, Kalimpong presently a sub-division of Darjeeling district and the Dooars region now forming a part of Jalpaiguri District were also brought into the British India by way of Sinchula Treaty 1865 with Bhutan by the British. And, the political issue has been further complicated by unnecessarily joining Darjeeling District and the Dooars region and its people to form the administrative unit of West Bengal in Independent India, as against the wishes of the people in residing in the areas. The whole region is historically, geographically, ethnically, culturally and politically different from the rest of West Bengal. Further, it is a naked fact that the people residing in the region had been struggling against British ruled Bengal as well as independent India's West Bengal since 1907. But the higher diplomacy and politico-administrative manuveouring supplemented by conspiracy of advanced nationality, the people and the region are forced to be under the subjugation of an advanced community. It is also an irony for the Indian Gorkhas that inspite of taking parts with all their resources at their disposal for the independent struggle and contributing in their own way in making modern India. The most commendable of the lot being the Gorkhas guarding and defending the nations's formidable and sensitive International borders. Yet their political fate dangles in uncertainty. The uncertainty in no case could be regarded good for the nation as the region comprising Darjeeling Hills, Terai and Dooars is a distinct spot that separates Indian Union from Bhutan, China, Bangladesh and Nepal in its periphery. Thus, the region situated within the proximity of borders of four independent countries bears a significant logistic and strategic importance, and the people inhabitating such vital areas are struggling to be a part and parcel of Indian Union for several decades, by forming a separate state as per the provision of Indian Constitution. But the rulers of the nation seem least interested to fulfill the aspiration of the people and place solely on account of the irrational obstruction put forward by the state of West Bengal. The argument and logic against the demand for formation of separate state comprising Darjeeling Hills, Terai and Dooars as put forward by West Bengal is weak and untenable. The region as usurped by the West Bengal Government was historically, politically, ethnically, culturally and geographically never a part of British Bengal and independent India's West Bengal. But West Bengal in ndependent India is taking all the diplomatic and conspiratorial measures to keep the region under their administrative-political rule. Every half-hearted step and measure taken to woo the people of the region has only alienated them from the rule of West Bengal. The psychological, mental, emotional and political alienation started in 1907 and

has been building into a Big Cauldron for the rulers who seemed callous, unmindful and indifferent to the wishes and aspiration of the people. However, it is said that there is always a Silver Lining in the dark clouds, and with respect to the regions century old issue there are several saner, wise, sagacious intellectuals in Bengali community who are lending support for a Homeland for Indian Gorkhas in Indian. A group of students from Presidency College, Kolkata visited Darjeeling and they have made video-films depicting justification of the demand for the formation of separate for Indian Gorkhas comprising Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars and the administrative highhandedness against the people making the demand. Many of the intellectuals belonging to different academic disciplines, from amongst the Bengali community are also found to have been discussing problems faced by Indian Gorkhas in India, on account of not having a designated place as their Homeland. Thus, a good number of intellectuals and celebrities and also some political parties operating in the plains of West Bengal who are being acquainted and informed of the history, geography, culture, ethnology of the place and people of late have started lending their support, by criticizing the role of the Left Front Government of West Bengal. But some of them namely a reputed writer and historian Soumen Nag, Abijit Majumdar political leader of Siliguri and renowned correspondent Jaidep Majumdar have had to face the brunt of the parochial, chauvinistic and bigoted communalists of West Bengal. However, their courage to oppose the deceit and reveal the truth will occupy an important place in the history of the Indian Gorkhas. The Gorkha Janamukti Morcha in its nascent stage was seen to be very keen for maintaining the unity among of the different political parties operating in Darjeeling Hills for which it had held a meeting with the leaders and representatives of other political parties in Darjeeling. But the relation between All India Gorkha League (ABGL) led by Madan Tamang and GJMM gradually deteriorated due to inherent arrogance of Madan Tamang who was unable to tolerate the latters progress, in uniting the people from different walks of life for the greater and just cause. Amidst the differences, they were seen charging, scolding and leveling allegation against each other in public. In choosing a comrade in arms for isolating one by another, Madan Tamang was seen to have taken in some occasion the president of Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) Darjeeling Hill Unit, Dr. G.S. Yonjan to his side. But Dr. G. S. Yonjan was a new entrant in politics as he had joined BJP after an unceremonious exit from the post of Chairman, School Service Commission, Darjeeling Hill Unit, it was appointment that had been made by the Left Front government of West Bengal, after his superannuation from the post of the Principal of Kalimpong College. Thus, he being a leader from Darjeeling Hills associated with the national Party, which had its governments with allies in more than half of the states of India, was not astute enough to play an effective role in the cause of a Homeland for Indian Gorkhas. In such problematic and unpredictable situation the role of Congress and its member of parliament from Darjeeling, Dawanarbula was seen to be inadequate as a result of his party's bridle on him for working as a bridge for rapprochement. Thus, the situation proved to be a boon for the CPM to exploit gains only from the role of deliberate or by an accident as played by the different parties as if it was at the discreet command from elsewhere. The CPRM being composed of saner, dedicated and experienced leaders, but in the absence of the educated and informed layers of society who are seen to have been inflicted by a sort of anathema against Communists, had been maintaining a fairly cordial relation with all the parties. As a result of fairplay, the CPRM had good relations with GJMM. But after an unexpected support from the people and by opening a dialogue with the chief-minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee, Government of West Bengal and having succeeded to oust Subash Ghisingh from the care-taker-ship of DGHC by stalling the proposed Sixth Schedule Bill for Darjeeling,

there was a noticeable change of attitude in GJMM and its leaders towards the CPRM. However, it is seen from the print-media reports that CPRM was committed to lending unconditional support to the Democratic, Peaceful, Non-communal and Non-violent Movement of GJMM, for the achievement of a Separate State of Gorkhaland comprising of Darjeeling, Terai and the Dooars. But instead of appreciating the facts the GJMM through print media have issued threat and intimidation to other parties, who were also pursuing the demand of Gorkhaland. The Government of West Bengal was adverse and spiteful towards the activities of other parties too, but were more intent towards the CPRM, as it had become an eyesore in the eyes of the Government on account of commitment and sincerity that the CPRM had delivered for the cause of Gorkhaland. In the prevailing scenario of political uncertainty, the GJMM and the administrator DGHC, B.L. Meena held meetings that produced and circulated gossip; talks and news of allotment of contracts to many of the hardcore GJMM activists, and the same had the bearing of some truth. The allotment of contract works on the recommendation of GJMM had many interpretations in political circles, as some had attributed it a compulsion of GJMM for keeping the hardcore loyal together through the allotment of some works. And others were of the view that the assignment of works to the hardcore GJMM as a subtle weapon used by the administration at the behest of government. A few were of the belief that the issue of separate state of Gorkhaland for GJMM was nothing but like external ivory of an elephant for exposition. In the flow and circulation of such varied rumours, the West Bengal government invited for talks on 22nd. May 08, in Kolkata. Accordingly a four member delegation comprising Amar Lama, Rosan Giri, Pradip Pradhan and Dr.Harkabahadur Chhettri all Central Committee Members of GJMM held an hour long meeting with the Chief -minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee in his chamber at the Writers' Building. While reporting the outcome of the meeting the Statesman wrote-"In an apparent warning to the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJMM), the state government today asked the party to sever ties with other separatist groups while catagocally stating that any demand for inclusion of Siliguri and Dooars in the proposed Gorkha state would not be considered. The GJMM leaders today met the chief minister and handed over a map of the proposed Gorkhaland which included, apart from Siliguri, the entire Dooars area." (The Statesman, 23rd. May 08). (Italicization mine). Further, the Home secretary, Asok Mohan Chakrabarti told the press that "Buddhadev Bhattacharjee asked the Morcha to steer clear of organizations like Kamtapur Progressive Party and Greater Cooch Behar Democratic Party. Both want Cooch Behar district to be declared a state and are supporting the Morcha in its Gorkhaland demand" (The Telegraph, dated 23 May 2008).Thus, it is clear from the reportage carried by the Statesman and the Telegraph that the chief minister out rightly rejected the demand for inclusion of Siliguri and Dooars in the proposed state of Gorkhaland without giving any valid reason but further warned not to be associated with the parties that is not liked by him. Had it been under his capacity he would have banned the parties that was not liked by him but being unable to ban the parties not liked by him in a democratic set-up of India, he seemed to have warned the GJMM to sever its ties with the Kamtapur Progressive Party and Greater Cooch Behar Democratic Party and others. India being a country having a continental geo-political dimension the existence and functioning of innumerable big and small political parties is the hallmark of its political credibility, which had been growing even prior to the country attaining its independence. The existence and functioning of multiparty democracy is the singular achievement and supreme political paragon of India that stands as an example before the world. Hence, it is the political liberty of any party that is not banned by the government to choose its allies for moving along to realize the goal. But in the case of Darjeeling Hills, the chief minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee and his government is seemed to be dictating the choice of an ally. By the logical conclusion, it

seems that their guidance was to sever ties with other parties that are branded and identified as Separatists. Thus, it could be nothing but bullying and bulldozing the national minority inhabitating the state of West Bengal that is ruled by big and chauvinistic nationals. Further the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland is based on the historical, geographical, cultural, ethnical and political facts and realities that attracts the article 1-3 of the Indian Constitution. The ultimate authority for granting or rejecting the separate state of Gorkhaland as a Homeland to Indian Gorkhas is the Parliament of India and not Buddhadev Bhattacherjee, the Chief-Minister of West Bengal. Thus, instead of being diplomatic and tactful in dealing with the sensitive issue related to the aspiration of the people who are overwhelmingly favouring a separate state of Gorkhaland, he seemed to be allergic and adamant. The dialogue with the GJMM delegation could have been taken as a chance for assuaging the feelings and sentiment that were severely hurt on account of unmindful and callous administrative measures in Siliguri in the preceding days. But the government of West Bengal and its administrative layer which is manned by different set of community other than the one that is making the demand of Gorkhaland seems to have taken a rigid stand against the demand. Despite knowing that the issue of separate state of Gorkhaland could only be resolved by the Parliament which is the supreme law making body of the country and its function being determined by its citizens. As in the case of the demand of constitutional recognition of Nepali Language the Prime-minister of India, Morarji Desai had rejected the demand terming the Nepali Language as a Foreign Language. But, later on Language got the Constitutional Recognition through the will of the Parliament of India. Similarly, Laluprasad Yadav, the chief-minister of Bihar while opposing the demand of separate state for Jharkhandis had stated that the division of Bihar for the formation of separate state of Jharkhand would only be possible over his dead body. But the Parliament of India formed the separate state of Jharkhand by dividing Bihar and Laluprasad Yadav is still alive despite losing his chief-minister-ship and holding the portfolio as a successful Indian Railway minister in the 14th Lok Sabha. It is not only that but the same Laluprasad Yadav was seen in the election held for the Assembly of newly formed Jharkhand state begging for votes in favour of candidates fielded by his party. Thus, in spite of having such glorious records of the supremacy and paramountacy of Indian Parliament as well as democratic system and culture of great India, the government of West Bengal led by the Marxist chief-minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee and his party seemed to be bent upon to oppose the demand of separate state of Gorkhaland for Indian Gorkhas in a most unrealistic, unreasonable and uncompromising manner which is also against the established and declared Marxian philosophical stand and practice. But still they are to be regarded as Marxist whereas the true and dedicated Marxists may be ashamed to witness the bad presidium set by a coterie of semi-fascists in Marxist cloaks. The threatened indefinite strike announced by GJMM was scheduled to be resumed from 7th July 08 after the expiry of the relaxation period that was to be followed by replacing the WB Registration Numbers to GL for Vehicles plying within Darjeeling District and Dooars region. But on 5th July 08 the GJMM made announcement of the postponement of the indefinite general strike till 7th August 08. However, they called for observance of strikes in the DGHC, Municipalities, Central and State Governments Offices. Further the replacement of the Registration number of vehicles from WB to GL was made obligatory for the vehicles owned and used by the Central Committee Members of GJMM only. The strike in offices and the use of GL number plates by GJMM leadership were mentioned as a pressure to the government of West Bengal for organizing Tripartite Meeting in Delhi on the issue of Gorkhaland in which the GJMM was seemed to have intended of taking the All Party Delegation for Talk to press the

creation of a Separate State of Gorkhaland, comprising Darjeeling District and Dooars region. But on 7th July 08 Priminister, Dr. Manmohan Singh was scheduled to leave for Japan to attend G-8 Summit comprising Japan, Germany, Italy, England, France, Canada, Russia and America. In the Summit India and China were also invited as India had given the Draft Safeguard Agreement to the board of Governors of INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AGENCY and it meant the finalization of Nuclear Deal with America, for which there were wrangles and squabbles for several months between the UPA Government led by Dr. Manmohan Singh and the Left Front that was supporting the government from outside with its 59 members of the Lok Sabha. The core issue of the dispute was that the Left Front was of the view that the Nuclear Deal with America would be detrimental to the national interest of India, whereas the UPA government had been claiming that the Nuclear Deal would be signed in the larger interest of India. The Left Front issued an ultimatum to the UPA government to clarify its stand by 7th July 08; it implied that the presence of Prime-minister in the G-8 Summit would make the left withdraw its support to the UPA government. But undermining the threat of Left Front the Prime-minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh proceeded with determination, stating that there was no danger to his government. In the earlier occasion the government was seen to have succumbed and back-tracked, instead of proceeding ahead with the Nuclear Deal as and when the threat of withdrawal of support had come from the secretary of CPM, Prakash Karat. But this time the Congress seemed to have been well prepared so as to enlist the support of the members of Parliament belonging to different parties other than its ever pestering ally, for the survival of UPA government, in the event of the withdrawal of support by the Left Front. After the withdrawal of Support by the Left Front, the sworn political enemies BJP and CPM started demanding confidence vote in Parliament to the UPA Government in unison. In compliance to the democratic norms, the UPA Government convened two days session of Parliament on 21st-22nd July 08, inspite of beginning a scheduled session of Parliament from 11th August 08. Thereafter the result was known to the country.

THE GREAT KOLKATA DHARNA

Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it, or betray it. As for us who have decided to break the back of colonialism, our historic mission is to sanction all revolts, all desperate actions, all those abortive attempts Frantz Fanon

The CPRM not only had its fight with the cloaked Marxists, but in a very discreet way it was to confront with an ally and co-partner in the fight for separate state of Gorkhaland. However, the CPRM as a seasoned and mature political party succeeded to avert the inevitable confrontation. As CPRM had decided two month earlier to stage Dharna at Writers' Building that was the power centre of West Bengal Government, on 12th and 13th June 08 on the demand of formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland. In addition the also demanded adequate compensation for the victims of 1986-88 agitation and a speedy trial in the case of the alleged attempt on Subash Ghisingh at Saat Ghumti on 10th Feb.2001. After the Dharna they were scheduled to address their grievances before the Governor, Chief-minister, Chief-secretary, Home secretary and Human Right Commission of West Bengal.But the GJMM started hunger strike from the first week of June- 08 at Naxalbari against the denial of permission of holding public meeting at Naxalbari and subsequently the hunger strike was extended to Matigara, Bagdogra, Salugarah. And on 8th June 08, the GJMM declared the blockade of the national Highway that lead to Kolkata and Bihar as a counter measure against the denial of permission for holding public meeting at Naxalbari and despite organizing hunger strike for the same. On the same day an organization named as Janachetna Mancha reportedly to have been formed about a month back at the behest of CPM Siliguri entered to the site of the road blockade with an intention to pressurize and lift the road blockade. Thus, it was natural for an altercation that led to skirmish and pelting of stones. The police entered the fray by bursting tear gas shell and Lathi charged as a result near about forty people sustained injury and hospitalization. The immediate reaction of GJMM was to call for twenty four hours strike from 9th June 08. The strike was total in Darjeeling hills and on the preceding day of the strike, the GJMM president, Bimal Gurung was addressing a meeting of contractual employees of DGHC at Kalimpong where he had said that an agitation would be launched from 7th July 08 and suggested the people to make collection and arrangement of necessary provision, to sustain the movement. But when the twenty four hour strike was on and at about noon message started flowing in Darjeeling town that an indefinite strike would be called by GJMM from 10th June 08. At that moment CPRM was making last preparation and giving a final touch to their Kolkata trip to send two thousand people for the prescheduled programe of Dharna at Writers, Building. The message was like a bolt from the blue. However the leadership was optimistic that passage of vehicles for carrying the participants of Dharna would be allowed to reach Siliguri by the GJMM as they had intimated THE SCHEDULED PROGRAMME IN WRITING TO GJMM prior to the call of twenty four hours strike by them. And accordingly, the organizer chief of Youth wing of CPRM and the leader of the Kolkata Writers' Dharna, Sekhar Chhetrri contacted over the phone Bimal Gurung to allow them to reach Siliguri in the hired vehicles. He however, refused to comply the request and stated that even the military vehicles were not allowed to ply. Prior to it I.K Sharma, the Central committee member of CPRM had contacted through mobile to his lawyer colleague, Amar Lama who was also the Central Committee member of GJMM, in regard to their decision of calling the indefinite strike,

but the reply was that, he was not aware of the decision of the strike. In such a situation within the CPRM OFFICE, Darjeeling K.B. Subba, T.M. Rai, Ganesh Rai and Sekhar Chhetrri held a meeting with some of the participants of the Writers' Dharna, namely Nabin Tamang, Sudhan Dahal, Asok Gajmer, Usha Thapa, Preeti Rai, Ramesh Khati, Kumar Subba, Suman Thami, Birendra Giri, Bhanu Pradhan and decided to walk from Darjeeling to Siliguri covering a distance of 90 kilometre so as not to disturb the indefinite strike of the GJMM. And, accordingly message were sent to the different areas from where two thousand youth belonging to Democratic Revolutionary youth Front and Democratic Revolutionary women Front of CPRM were supposed to take part at Kolkata Dharna. But most of them had not expected a decision to move on foot with a short notice of twelve hours, which was much ahead of the proposed schedule of boarding the bus and taxis to Siliguri on while on their way to Kolkata. But the party directed them to assemble at Ghoom Railway Station, Rungbull, Sonada, Dilaram and Kurseong from 7 A.M, 8 A.M, 10 A.M, 12 noon and 2.30 P.M respectively on 10th June 08. Thus, as a result of the directive to move within twelve hours, many of them were startled as they were mentally prepared to take the normal course as per scheduled. However, near about one hundred fifty male and female participants to Kolkata Dharna assembled at Ghoom Railway Station on 10th June 08 at 7 A.M and they were flagged off by the Central Committee Members of CPRM, Balay Dukpa, Narbu Lama, N.B. Rai by giving vermillion Tika and best wishes for the journey. The marchers were determined to reach Siliguri by late in the evenining and halt there for a night so as to be able to board the train to Kolkata the next day. The decision of the marchers was communicated to the Central Committee Member, Taramoni Rai at Siliguri and for him it was really an alarming message and directives from Central Committee Office, Darjeeling. But he took the responsibility with total dedication and sincerity by taking Kala Tamang, Radhika sinha, Wangdi Dukpa, and other Central Committee members of the CPRM who were staying at Siliguri, and many others who were active supporters of Gorkhaland state associated with GJMM around Salbari and Pintail village, Siliguri. R. M Rai, Milan Chhettri and others of his own party were with him, and they managed to make arrangements for food, lodging and other requirements for four hundred seventy marchers, who had reached Siliguri by 11 P.M of 10th June 08. The marchers on their way to Siliguri were seen at Kurseong by Bimal Gurung in person, as he was returning to Darjeeling in a convoy of vehicles after attending a public meeting at Monteviet Ground. And, two responsible leaders of GJMM, namely Amar Lama and D.K.Pradhan who too were on their way to Siliguri in the vehicle after attending and addressing public meeting at Monteviet ground came across to anticipate the marchers. But the two responsible leaders remarked in a jestful manner to the leader of the Marchers, Sekher Chhettri that as walking is good, they should walk. However, Kalimpong, Teesta, Rambi, Kalijhora and Gourbathan units of GJMM allowed the participants to attend the Dharna in Kolkata and were allowed to go to Siliguri in vehicles on their way so as to catch the Train for Kolkata. The next day while leading the entire delegation, Taramoni Rai left for Kolkata by Teesta Torsa Train. In Kolkata the Central Committee members of CPRM namely Gobin Chhettri, Arun Ghatani and Bindya Dukpa had reached a week ahead of the scheduled programme and they were engaged for fourteen to fifteen hours of hectic mental, physical and diplomatic exercise in the unbearable summer heat of Bengal. As they were assigned the responsibility by the party for making arrangement of accommodation, food, as well as the security of the participants by ensuring support and help from other political parties, they also had to highlight the programme through media, for popularizing the demand for which Dharna was scheduled to be organized. It was seen that they had carried the assignments to the fullest satisfaction of the party and to the best of their capacity and ability. The situation in Siliguri and Dooars had become

tense and vulnerable on account of the campaign launched by Amra Bengali, Janchetna Manch and Janjagaran Manch against the demand for the separate state of Gorkhaland. The three organizations claiming to be apolitical organizations but it was believed that they were the brain child of the CPM, and more precisely it was alleged that they were acting at the behest of Minister, Asok Bhattacherjee. The nature of campaign carried out by them had set communal tension in and around Siliguri and Dooars. Thus, there were apprehensions that the repercussion of Siliguri happenings would be reflected in Kolkata where the participants to Kolkata Dharna could be the possible victims. But the saner, wise, judicious and democratic minded people of Kolkata city from to every walk of life were seen to have welcomed the participants. There was not a single adverse comment, sarcasm, seeing with ed eye and to look upon the Dharna Participants landed at Sealdah Railway Station and moved in procession by carrying Banners, Posters, Play cards and shouting slogans for the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland for Indian Gorkhas to secure their political safeguard and an Indian identity. The procession braving the 40 degree Celsius temperature of Kolkata led by Taramoni Rai, Gobin Chhettri, Kishor Pradhan, Arun Ghatani, Sekhar Chhettri, Wangdi Dukpa, A.D. Rai, Mohan Poudyal, Bikram Chhettri, Santosh Pradhan, Kailash Khawas, Sanjila Ghising, Jasuda Tamang, Bindiya Dukpa, Vindiya Gotamay all Central Committee Members of CPRM with Volunteers detailed by CPI (M-L) Liberation made marching for an hour round the streets of Kolkata. In this manner the Kolkata Dharna started from the different villages of Darjeeling in early dawn of 10th June 08, for walking fifteen hours to cover a distance of ninety kilometres was followed by the Rally from Sealdah Railway Station turned into Dharna, meeting, discussions, speeches, interaction with different layers of intellectuals and politicians and briefing the print and electronic media in front of Writers' Building at Metro-channel simultaneously waiting upon Deputation to the Governor, Gopal Krishna Gandhi, the Home Secretary, Government of West Bengal and the Human Right Commission. In support of the Demand for the formation of Separate State of Gorkhaland, speedy trial of Chattray Subba and others and adequate compensation to kith and kin of the people who had died in the movement of 1986-88,(1) Basudev Basu, AICCTU, West Bengal state secretary, (2)Abash Munchi, Central Secretariat member of MKP, (3)Bibash Basu, state committee member, AICCTU, (4)Parag, secretary, PDPS, (5)Bablu Das, CPI(ML) Kolkata Office, (6)Prabir Das, Member Kolkata district, CPI (M L), (7)Rafiul Haque, Workers Party of India, West Bengal State Committee member, (8)Barnali Mukherjee, Central committee member of Communist Party of Bharat, (9)Swapan Kumar Roy Chaudhary, Arujee Mitra Smarak Samity, (10)Bablu Dutta, state secretariat member CPI(ML) Kanu, (11)Pradip Banerjee, secretary West Bengal State Organizing Committee CPI(ML), (12)Somnath Chatterjee, secretariat member CPI(ML) SOC, (13)Chotan Das, State secretary Bandhi Mukti Committee, (14)Raja Sarkar, Ganapratirodh Manch, (15)Daipan Banerjee, AISA, (16) Prabin Gurung, General Secretary, United Forum for Cinchona and (17)Santosh Rana, General Secretary, PCC, CPI(ML) spoke in the public meeting and expressed their solidarity and support to achieve objectives for which Kolkata Dharna was organized. The successful holding of such kind of effective political activities in Kolkata with the involvement and participation of such large numbers of organizations from Bengali community amply proved that the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland was never a demand against Bengali community of West Bengal. It was for the first time in the history of century old struggle for separation of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooar from the unmindful political and administrative clutches of Bengal, was seen to have been highlighted with historical, geographical, political and administrative records after supplementing with incontrovertible data, facts and figures by the leaders and participants of Kolkata Dharna. As a result of the zeal and awareness in the leadership

being armed with different aspects of the demand for Gorkhaland to be taken ahead successfully had engrossed the attention of saner, liberal, unprejudiced, non-parochial and principled leaders and parties in Kolkata on 13th & 14th June 08. As the assemblage and participation of leaders from seventeen different organizations along with the involvement of their supporters and cadres for the cause of Homeland for Indian Gorkhas clearly proved and exhibited that it is only the chauvinistic and parochial Bengalis who are against the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland and they do not represent the entire Bengali population. Some of the print and electronic media in spite of being owned and run by Bengali nationals were also carried reportage, interview and panel discussion live telecast without any reluctancy. Hence, the seventeen organizations, theirs supporters and cadres as well as a large section of people from different walks of life to form the gentry of Kolkata metropolis, and the media for their intellectual balance in differentiating the truth from deceit deserve standing ovation from the heart and soul of every Indian Gorkhas. Further, the Indian Gorkhas will truely appreciate their endeavour to gauge and draw a distinct line between the historical facts and ambiguous design sustained by the constant political ouslaught let loose from the chambers of the Writers Buildings. In the same breath, their sagacity to dissuade from the narrow regional parochialism will not only foster the movement for a separate Gorkha Homeland, but would uphold the true Bengali legacy that would in the days to come stand as a shining example before the nation. Thus, in a sense the Kolkata Dharna jointly organised by the Democratic Revolutionary Youth Front and Democratic Revolutionary Nari Morcha of CPRM had been successful in constructing a Bridge over the Deep Socio-Political Rift made by Chauvinistic and Parochial elements between the two great nationals of India. The Bridge would certainly give passage to every one for knowing the history, culture and identity of people residing in Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars and the rest of Bengal and knowing each other will also lead to respect each other. The respect and honour of the history, culture and national esteem of one by another will create a vast and fertile expanse for unhindered socio-politico growth and development and the simultaneous growth and development of the two communities will further strengthen the democratic values and its ingredient in the largest democratic country of the world. But the 470 participants with their leaders were scheduled to return to their respective areas on 14th June 08 after the successful completion of the Kolkata Dharna, Deputation, Public Meetings and interaction and discussion with intellectuals, political leaders and media in the capitol of West Bengal were confronted with a predicament. As their safe return to their respective home had become a serious problem as there was no availability of Transport from Siliguri to the different areas due to the indefinite strike of GJMM. In such a situation, at the direction of the party K.B.Subba, Narbu Lama, N.B.Rai, B.M.Rai made a concentrated effort by calling the District Magistrate, Rajesh Pandey, Additional District Magistrate, P. Zimba and ASP, J.Paul for providing necessary security to the participants from Siliguri to their respective areas. But in the evening of 13th June 08 luckily the news flashed that the indefinite strike has been further relaxed till 6 P.M of Monday, the 16th June 08. And, accordingly on 14th June 08 the participants were given rousing reception on behalf of the CPRM, Central Committee at NJP Railway Station by Narbu lama, Balay Dukpa, N.B.Rai, B.S.Subba, B.M. Rai, Sawan Rai, L.M.Lama, D.R.Sharma, Arujun Chhettri. On the same evening a similar type of reception was organised at the railway station located at the highest altitude in Asia, the Ghoom Railway Station by K.B.Subba, T.M.Rai, Ganesh Rai, Tshering Tamang, Sudhan Sharma on behalf of Darjeeling Terai Dooars Chia Kaman Mazdoor Union and Darjeeling, Terai Dooars Staffs and sub-staffs association for their successful Kolkata Dharna programme.

A HISTORIC SEMINAR ON GORKHALAND

The successful Kolkata Dharna was immediately followed by the holding of demonstration and hunger strike for twelve hours in Kolkata by the Bandi Mukti Committee for the release of Chhatry Subba and others and demonstration and hunger strike for Gorkhaland by CPI(ML) New Democracy in Delhi in the last week of June 08. The Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR) collected signatures of sixty renowned Celebrities from across India in support for the demand for a homeland for the Indian Gorkha and submitted the same to the governments of India and West Bengal. (Please See Annexure). Buddhadev Bhattacherjee being elected as a member of West Bengal Legislative Assembly from Jadavpur Constituency for years together was leading the Left Front Government as its chief minister. He was extremely adverse to the issue of Gorkhaland as a homeland for Indian Gorkha comprising Darjeeling District and Dooars. But the renowned Jadavpur University falling under his constituency had a distinction of holding a seminar in Vivekananda Hall of the University on the issue of Gorkhaland on 9th July 08 joiintly by Indian Institute of Marxist Studies (IIMS), Kolkata Chapter,21/1/1, Creek Row, Kolkata-700014 and All India Student Association (AISA). The holding of the very Seminar in the university located within the citadel of chief minister was like a swoop upon a roaring tiger. But the organizer not only dared the tiger but also braved to extend a formal invitation to R.B. Rai, the General Secretary, CPRM as a speaker on the demand of Gorkhaland. On receipt of the invitation letter, CPRM took up the matter with the organizer for inviting other political parties operating in Darjeeling who were also pursuing the demand of Gorkhaland. But it was replied that the Seminar was organized with a view to forge unity among the Leftist who professed Marxism but baring CPM for establishing unanimity in approach to the issue of Gorkhaland. In spite of such a reply from the organizer of the seminar, CPRM again tried their best on which the organizer agreed only to invite Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh on the criteria of its persuasion of the issue of Gorkhaland in the national level by organizing support in the different states of Indian Union. Accordingly the General Secretary CPRM, R.B. Rai, Central Committee Members namely Taramoni Rai, Gobin Chhettri,Arun Ghatani, Kishor Pradhan along with Youth Leaders viz, Santosh Pradhan, Kamal Rai and Suren Chamling attended the Seminar. The Bharatiya Gorkha Parisangh was represented by its working President, C.K. Shrestha and General Secretary Sukman Moktan. The Hall packed gathering was addressed by Durjay Choudhary, Dr. Kunal Chottapadhya who was a professor of history in Jadavpur University, Dr. Arindam Sen, C.K Shrestha, Basudev Basu, R.B. Rai, Dr. Partha Ghosh and Taramoni Rai. Besides discourses there was also an interaction session, in which Debuprasad Bondhopadhya, Goutam Sen and Swamitra Basu had taken part. The speakers dealt in detail to enlighten the audience the history, geography, culture of Indian Gorkhas, their contributions in the Freedom Struggle and continuous input made by them in making modern India on being subsumed in the country along with a vast terrritory after 1815. Finally, the five hours session came to the conclusion that, there is no scope and justification in denying a homeland to the Indian Gorkhas comprising Darjeeling District and Dooars region. In the history of struggle that extended more than a century for having constitutionally, administratively and politically recognized and designated homeland for the Indian Gorkha, the Seminar was a first of its kind. As it was for the first

time the intellectuals spoke and supported the cause of a homeland for Indian Gorkhas through a platform by ignoring and undermining the opposition of their own community that had been infected by the virus of parochialism. The bigoted parochialists had been on the job of telling the general people in the plains that the issue of Gorkhaland is an Anti-Bengali and narrow Gorkha chauvinistic demand. But the seminar in the Vivekananda Hall of Jadavpur University addressed by leading intellectuals of the Bengali Community had dispelled the canard spread by ultra-nationalistic individual and leaders against the case of a homeland for the Indian Gorkhas comprising of Darjeeling District and Dooars that were never a part of Bengal. The seminar lending its support to the cause of homeland for the Indian Gorkhas decided to organize Seminars in Jawarlall Nehru University, Delhi, Kolkata, Siliguri and Darjeeling for enlisting the requisite support and help from intellectual community of India. And, the Indian Institute of Marxists Studies assured of creating a Website with their own Fund for which necessary papers, documents, data and other relevant items pertaining to the demand of Gorkhaland were requested to CPRM and Bharitya Gorkha Parisang. Thus, the Kolkata Dharna jointly initiated by the Youth wing and Nari Morcha of CPRM had put the ball in the court of the intellectuals of India for extending their valued support for making the case for a separate state of Gorkhaland comprising Darjeeling District and Dooars for the Indian Gorkha a reality. The indefinite strike resumed as announced earlier but on the second day of the resumption of strike(14th June 08) an All Party Meeting barring the GNLF and CPM was convened by the GJMM at Gymkhana Club at 10 A.M. The meeting was attended by the representatives of National, State Level and Regional parties operating in Darjeeling Hills that stood as thirteen organizations. After more than three hours of deliberation the meeting unanimously passed a resolution that read as "The meeting unanimously urged the Government of India to create a separate state of Gorkhaland by carving out the area of entire Darjeeling District and the contiguous Dooars area of Jalpaiguri district in the state of West Bengal". The meeting also strongly condemned the atrocities perpetrated by the Government of West Bengal and CPI (M) cadres against the Nepali speaking Gorkhas of Siliguri and Dooars area, who were peacefully and democratically holding a rally and hunger strike in support of their demand for creation of Gorkhaland within the framework of the Constitution of India. The meeting further condemned the reign of terror unleashed by the Government of West Bengal, by disallowing the Morcha supporters to hold democratic activities in Siliguri and Dooars area of Jalpaiguri District. The meeting therefore requests the Government of India to make an immediate intervention in this regard to uphold the democratic right of the people". The resolution was signed by (1) Bimal Gurung, GJMM (2) Nakul Chhettri, Indian National Congress, (3) Dr. G.S.Yonjan, BJP, (4) Mohan Singh Rai, CPI, (5) Gopal Chhettri, Trinmul Congress,(6) Shamshul Hoda, Indian union of Muslim League, (7) Laxaman Pradhan, All India Gorkha League, (8) R.B. Rai, CPRM, (9) D.K.Bomjan, Gorkha Rastriya Congress, (10) R.Moktan, Sikkim National Front, (11) D.K.Pradhan, GNLF(C), (12) Minority Cell (Congress), Altaf Hussain and (13) Chabi Rai, Kisan Congress. The meeting arrived at a consensus of taking one representative from each organization to visit Delhi as and when invitation is received from Delhi by GJMM for holding talk and discussion. Some portion of deliberation of the meeting and joint press briefing by the leaders of the thirteen organizations was live telecast by some of the media channels. But West Bengal units of BJP, Indian National Congress, CPI and Trinmul Congress immediately reacted, stating that the person putting signature on the resolution were not their representative and further added that the names of the persons signing in the resolution were not known them as their members. On the same day the West Bengal Government had also called an all party meeting in Kolkata at 4 P.M on Darjeeling affairs and probably with an

intention of adopting a Resolution against the demand of separate state of Gorkhaland. But the main opposition party of West Bengal, Trinmul Congress and another opposition party SUCI decided for not attending the all party meeting called by the Government on the ground that GJMM was leading a movement in Darjeeling with a demand of Gorkhaland and the concerned party that leading the movement was not invited to that very All Party Meeting. However, the GJMM was invited on 18th June 08 for holding talk with the government of West Bengal only, but declining the invitation GJMM insisted for Tripartite Meeting with involvement of government of India. Thus, being pressed from different sides the All Party Meeting instead of taking resolution against the demand of Gorkhaland, the chief-minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee again extended invitation to GJMM for holding talk with the state government. But GJMM was pressing for Tripartite Talks on the issue of Gorkhaland for which they had been carrying out indefinite strike in Darjeeling hills and relay hunger strike in Dooars and at some places in Siliguri with incessant relaxation for sixty hours. The demand for holding Tripartite Meeting and the on going indefinite strike and relay hunger strike was seemed to have created an impasse which got further complicated due to political crisis in Delhi for finalizing the nuclear deal and its vigorous opposition from the Left Front that was supporting United Progressive Alliance(UPA) Government. Thus, the national political scenario and rigid stand taken by the Left Front Government against the demand for Gorkhaland put the GJMM between deep sea and devil and in order to get rid of the situation that had fallen on them, an announcement of suspension of indefinite strike till 5th July 08 was made on 24th June 08, evening before the expiry of sixty hours relaxation as given to the indefinite strike. The announcement was followed by sending delegations to Delhi and Kolkata led by Rosan Giri and Amar Lama respectively. The suspension of the strike and sending of delegations, was not taken very kindly by the people, as most of them had procured food stuffs for the strike by taking loan and mortgaging ornaments and other saleable items whatever they had at scrap throw away price just for buying essential items at an exorbitant rate from traders and shopkeepers. The delegation to New Delhi had met the Union Home Minister, Shivaraj Patil who is believed to have advised the delegation that "if any cooperation is needed the union may help the state and others." The Telegraph dated 25th June 08. The "cooperation of the union" was clear that the Government of India would not do anything against the wishes of the government of West Bengal. But the GJMM, despite being aware of the mind of West Bengal Government was trying to have a Tripartite Meeting by pursuing the matter with the government of West Bengal for which a meeting was held at the Writers' Building, Kolkata with Buddhadev Bhattacherjee, the chief minister. After the meeting the chief minister told the press as "I told the morcha that if we cannot sit together and work out a political solution to the problem in the hills, talks with the Centre would not be meaningful. So, I appealed to them to go back to Darjeeling and think again on my proposals for a bipartite discussion. I told the morcha delegation that we have been staying united for so long and in a peaceful manner. So, why is the question of the state's division being raised! What for! I had said this at an earlier meeting with the morcha too". But the Morcha's delegation leader, Amar Lama briefed the media that "the chief minister told us about granting more powers to the hill council. But we turned down his proposal and told him that we want Gorkhaland. So in that way our meeting was not successful. The chief minister did not say that the Centre would not agree to our demand for statehood, but we categorically told him that the tripartite meeting should take first and that it was our responsibility to convince the Centre" The Telegraph dated 28th June 08.

DOOARS---GEO-POLITICAL REALITY
The area named as Dooars is a geographical region enclosed by Assam, Darjeeling district, Bhutan and Darjeeling district and Coochbehar district in its Eastern, Western, Northern and Southern frontiers respectively. The region is the habitat of Adivashi, Rajbansi, and Nepali speaking Indian Gorkhas, Hindi Speaking Communities, few Bengali and others. But the Gorkhas and Adivishi-Ranbansi constitute the majority of the population in Dooars. Dooars today comprises of one hundred and fifty-six tea gardens, forests with varied flora and fauna and rich natural resources and also Natural Tourist Spots. The tea gardens started by the British nurtured and nourished with blood and sweat of the Gorkhas and Adivashi-Rajbansi is a Live Monument of Friendship between Adivashi-Rajbansi and the Gorkhas even after of one and the passing of one century and a half century. During such a long course of time the intermingling of the great and historic nationals, the Nepali Language has become the Lingua-franca of the region. Many a writer subscribes the presence and influence of Nepali as an immigrant stating that they were brought there from Nepal by the British for Tea plantation. But such attribution to the Gorkhas inhabitants of Dooars is seemed to have been based on the light and superficial academic exercise only. As the history of any place is found to have started from pre-historic days and continuously extending to modern age and further to eternity for which Dooars has no exception. The available text in regard to the history of Dooars also dates back to the age of the Mahabharata. Suniti Kumar Chatterjee, who is regarded an authority on Ethnology and Language has written that the Kirat and Chinese soldiers had fought for Kaurav in Mahabharat War. During the "period of Mahabharata, the king Bhagdutt belonging to Kirat National had extended his kingdom upto the slopes of the Himalaya embracing the plains that included Assam in its east and Nepal in the west, under which present Dooars was also included. The Kirat, according to Col. Dalton, were the inhabitants of North-Eastern Frontiers of India and a section of it had reached and settled in Assam. Bal Chandra Sharma, an authority in Nepali Language and Literature writes that the eastern part- Pallo Kirat of Nepal is the main habitat of Kirat who are mainly divided into Rai and Limbu and further they are subdivided into several castes and subcastes. But they are united into a solid Kirat by blood and culture. According to celebrated linguist and professor, Dr. Mohan P. Dahal, Rai and Limbu belonging to Nepali national and its other caste and sub-caste come under the name as the primitive Kirat or Kiratee who is regarded a distinct mongoloid family".{Man Narayan Pradhan} Thus, it is clear that there were settlement of Kirat in Dooars since the age of Mahabharata for which Suniti Kumar Chatterjee's opinion is par excellence and beyond an iota of doubt, as he has mentioned the settlement of Nepalis in Dooars since three thousand years. But the extensive increase of Kirat alias today's Nepali settlement in Dooars could be traced in short as hereunder. In the year 1788 Nepal had overrun Sikkim and it is natural that the lands won by way of war were to be kept with discernible population belonging to the victorious nationals; otherwise the victory may not bear any significance and meaning. Hence, it is certain that the pressure for extension of Nepali settlement could not be avoided in Dooars from that very period. Further the historian "Kshitize Vedaalankar is found to have stated as that SANAYSI SENA (means army in hermitage dress), some had termed it as Bairagi Seena, was constituted and formed following the famous battle of PLASSEY in 1757. The damages inflicted to the East India Company by the Sanaysi

Seena have also been mentioned by Bankim Chottopadhya in his novel Annandamath and Devi Choudhrani. The same Sanaysi Seena led by Bir Syamsingh Basnet had reached till Dinajpur, Rangpur and Rajshayee in 1776 and on its return in 1782 from Rangpur they had reached Dooars and Jalpaiguri. This fact also contains in the history of Cooch Behar". {ibid} The army dressed as Sanaysi were culled and constituted from Kirat who is known as Nepali in modern parlance. Bhutan is the immediate neighbour of Dooars and there are historical records of the settlement of Gorkhas in the west and southern terai of Bhutan since 1614. In the year 1772 Bhutan had attacked Cooch Behar and had taken it under Bhutan keeping the king and his brother in confinement. The victory of Bhutan over Cooch Behar is certainly due to the combined strength of army that constituted of Nepali and Bhutanese subjects. Thus, it is not only highly probable but also incontrovertible fact for the increase in settlement of Nepali population in Dooars from that very period. But later on Bhutan was forced to restore the kingdom to the king of Cooch Behar by releasing the king and his brother at the intervention of the British East India Company, who were superior in weaponry and warfare tactics. The British, despite being able in succumbing Bhutan into restoring the erstwhile Kingdom of Cooch Behar was not contented as it had declared war against Bhutan in 1864 on the pretext of violation of some conditions arrived at with the British for the restoration of Cooch Behar. The war ended through a Treaty which is known as Sinchula Treaty 1865 executed in between British India and Bhutan and the article II of that very Treaty runs as---"Whereas in consequence of repeated aggressions of the Bhootan Government and of the refusal of that Government to afford satisfaction for those aggressions, and of their insulting treatment of the officers sent by His Excellency the Governor-General in Council for the purpose of procuring an amicable adjustment of differences existing between the two states, the British Government has been compelled to seize by an armed force the whole of the Dooars and certain Hill Posts protecting the passes into Bhootan, and whereas the Bhootan Government has now expressed its regret for past misconduct and a desire for the establishment of friendly relations with the British Government, it is hereby agreed that the whole of the tract known as the Eighteen Dooars, bordering on the districts of Rungpoor, Cooch Beher, and Assam, together with the Talook of Ambaree Fallacottah and the Hill territory on the left bank of the Teesta upto such points as may be laid down by the British Commissioner appointed for the purpose is ceded by the Bhootan Government to the British Government for ever." In this manner the Dooars of those days comprising "Eighteen Dooars, Talook of Ambaree and Fallacottah" seized by British with armed force from Bhutan and ceded by the later as per the Treaty of Sinchula 1865 had formed the Geo-political Map of presdent day Dooars. Further as mentioned in the same article, "the Hill Territory on the left bank of Teesta upto such points as may be laid down by the British Commissioner appointed for the purpose" meant the part and parcel of the then Kalimpong, which was a part of Bhutan but today it is a sub-division of Darjeeling district. Thus, it is crystal clear that the Lands named as Dooars and Kalimpong along with its people settled there were dragged into British India in 1865 by way of Sinchula Treaty. But so called historians, intellectuals, columnists and politicians with scant study of the place and people claim the Nepali in Dooars as outsiders, illegal settlers, and immigrants and so on. Thus, West Bengal is the only state in India where the people who had entered along with lands and had been amalgamated into India are being called immigrants.In 16th century Salem, America, people who coveted the land of their neighbours simply cried-out that they were, witches and devil worshippers, immediately these neighbours would be tried and sentenced usually to death, the land would be left to the neighbours. Bengal does the same by falsely othering the aborigines as immigrants/foreigners/outsiders to appropriate their lands. As a result of such concocted and misconceived notion, the

Gorkhas in India are facing a deep crisis of their identity of Indianess across the country. Similarly, the Bengali in India would have faced the same situation if there had been no separate state named as West Bengal with the existence of an Independent country Bangladesh having free border like that of Nepal with India. In that kind of circumstances the entire Bengali community of India would not have remained contented and satisfied with any arrangement other than a Separate State named as West Bengal within India. This fact could be corroborated that Bengal, Bihar and Orissa were once united as a single administrative unit Bengal Province but on reasons of national identity and other related issue they got separated and formed three states of the Indian union. Thus, in order to safeguard, protect and establish the Indian identity of the Bengali community they would not have awaited for hundred years with patience and loyalty the rulers of India as has been done by the Indian Gorkhas. But today Tripura and West Bengal the two states of Indian union are being ruled by Bengali community and it is an exception as of today as no other community has a privilege of having two state governments ruled by people having the same language, culture and ethnic composition in India. Hence, it is seen that not all but a few chauvinistic Bengalis are fully contented and satisfied to the brink with those kinds of exceptional political and administrative powers and privileges, not enjoyed by any other Indian National. This very privileged but unenlightened lot is unwilling to understand the urges, aspiration about national identity and problems of the developing compatriots. Hence, the rapacious opposition against the wishes and sentiments of Indian Gorkhas for having a homeland in India can be termed as the belching of contentment from political and administrative power as enjoyed by the state government. Thus, in the manner as stated here above the process of settlement of Kirat alias today's Gorkhas in Dooars was started from the time of Mahabharata. But with the march of civilization many twists and turns of the events on the land and its people has had taken place. The ups and downs course charted by Dooars was the result of the craving in the minds of the kings who were ruling the countries bordering Dooars for territorial expansion. But the twist and turn is found to have put at rest by the British due to their superiority in production, management and arrangement of effective armaments, ammunition and weapons for warfare against conventional weaponry of the erstwhile kings bordering the Dooars. However, the British could not enjoy the fruits of their superiority in armoury, intelligence and diplomacy by embracing all respect in Dooars after1947 as they were forced to leave India for ever tagging Dooars with West Bengal against the wishes of the people residing there. Thus, the region on being tagged with West Bengal after independence of India has been subjected to a sort of a neo-colonial rule and to get rid of it, the people are seen to be moving from pillar to post in vain. The suffering of the people and their fight for doing away with the same, if written, it would compile of voluminous political documents in independent India. Hence, as flashes of the same, a few lines from the oral submission of Manoj Tigga, president of Dooars Jana Sangharsa Morcha to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Home affairs, Government of India on 10th January 08 would enable the readers to be abreast of the gravity of sufferings of the people. As he said "Gorkha and Adivasi are being yoked like two bulls for ploughing Dooars. We are ploughing land but we have not given rights on lands and there is no arrangement and system for registration of patta. Hindi is the medium of learning for us but there is dearth of establishment of primary and secondary and higher secondary schools. After passing higher secondary stage the students are not allowed to study in Hindi medium and they are forced either to opt for English or Bengla as a medium of learning. Further there is no provision of taking Nepali and Hindi as Elective subjects in Colleges and on making demands for arrangement of the same, the administration ignoring the demand tell the Adivasis to go to Jharkhand and Nepali to Nepal. There are ninety eight percent of Nepali and Adivasi in the total work force in the

entire tea gardens of Dooars but in the administration, governance and political level there is no representation from the two communities. As most of ninety percent of Hindi and Nepali medium schools are being forcefully converted into Bengala medium and evidence of it as 5-E is being enclosed with the representation". Further, while making submission to the same committee on the same date, the general secretary, Manoj Tamang of Dooars Jana Sangharsa Morcha is found to have deposed as " Madam, the worker of Dooars is getting fifty rupees as daily wage and if his family consists of four member then each member will have a share of rupees twelve and fifty paisa and out of it a member has to afford two Meals and a Tiffin together with the expenses on health, education and entertainment. Thus, we are living with a sum of rupees twelve and fifty paisa and it is easy to think how we are surviving in Dooars. In this way the workers of Dooars are living. There are no other industries except tea garden and the workers do not have an inch of land on which they could engage for other means of production for sustenance. At the same time many tea gardens are closed and some of them on being opened, rations are not given and other benefit and right as mentioned in Plantation Labour Act are being denied. It is under these conditions that the workers of Tea gardens in Dooars are made to live. The political parties and Trade unions functioning in Dooars are seemed to have become a servant of the owners. It is neither the political parties nor the national parties that could take up the issue of the upliftment of the exploited as they are being kept suppressed by the ruling party and as a result of it being forced; we have formed Dooars Jana Sangharsa Morcha. It is our belief through our experience that until and unless we get political power in our hand in proportion to our population, our development is not possible, otherwise we would be made to live perforce like animals". The deprivation, exploitation, suppression and denial of legitimate rights of the original people of Dooars by the immigrants claiming to be the real inhabitants of the place has been carrying on in a systematic way, being backed by mechanized politicoadministrative power. As Dooars has five seats to the Legislative Assembly of West Bengal and one parliamentary constituency to the Lok Sabha of India. All these seats are reserved for the Tribals but it is only the tribals having total allegiance and dedication to the plan, programme and policy of the national and state level parties operating in Dooars are they eligible to get the ticket to be elected as representatives. However, despite being in the know of plights and sufferings of his kith and kin that form the tribal community, they were seen to be in no position to raise voices for them due to inexpressible inhibition. Thus, the representatives from the unit political level to the Assembly and Parliament seemed to have been fastened by the diktat of the national and state level political parties, against working and speaking for the communities to which he/she belongs. However, it is seen externally by the higher ups that they are the representatives of particular communities for whom they were representing. Thus, the majority of the people residing in tea gardens and working there have been made a sort of political machine that produce votes only for ruining their own socio-economic and political destiny. In this manner democracy has been made into a two edged sword that but cuts both ways and this is the Janus-face of the Marxist rule of West Bengal. A Marxist state, where the ill paid and the under-nourished are but substance. The substance that presses the electronic buttons to ejects the members of the privileged lobby to the lofty heights of political power. This political power has ensured the stability of the Left Front Government to create a record of some sorts. Similarly, this is the sordid tale about the superb technical faculty of the highly advanced and well developed ruling national over the underdeveloped and socio-educationally backward minority in the state of West Bengal. Prior to the Emergency rule of Srimati Indira Gandhi, Darjeeling district together with Mal and Matelli of Dooars comprised one parliamentary

seat to the Lok Sabha. And, it was the only seat in the August House of India's Parliament having five hundred fifty members in which one Nepali speaking Member of Parliament was elected by the votes of Nepali speaking electorates. But during Emergency rule Mal and Matelli of Dooars was chopped off from Darjeeling and the district was tagged with Islampur and Chopra predominantly inhabitated by Muslim voters this has been formed as 4-Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency. In this way the Darjeeling Parliamentary Seat for Lok Sabha has been made into an invincible battle field for any candidate to get elected, without the support and votes from Nepali and Muslim majority community, together with the Bengali and Hindi speaking electorates that form the minority. Thus, in such dispensation, the chances of sending one representative from amongst Nepali speaking electorates have been sealed for ever. The crookedly designed and politically innovated dispensation has tactfully ensured the victory of candidate belonging to the national parties only for representing to the Lok Sabha. The elected candidate in spite of being from Nepali speaking community would not be able to take care of the socio-political aspiration of Nepali speaking people in the parliament of India, on account of the guideline of the national party towards Darjeeling and its people. In this manner, in the democratic set up of the largest democracy of the world, the socio-political aspiration of Nepali speaking people of Darjeeling has been chained in a subtle way but it is seen successful democratic participation from other corners of India. Similarly, Siliguri and Phasideva the two Assembly segments of 4Darjeeling Parliamentary Constituency, from where till late 1960 member to West Bengal Legislative Assembly were used to be elected from the Nepali speaking community, but today the naked fact has become like an allegory. And, recently a reportage carried by Local Daily that in the name of delimitation of constituencies "Siliguri sub-division which is smaller than Kalimpong and Darjeeling in area has been given one more seat and it has now three Assembly seats to the West Bengal Assembly. The Delimited Constituencies are Siliguri, Phansideva and Matigara-Naxalbari with 1, 61575/, 1, 43296/ and 1, 61750 voters respectively", (The Himalaya Darpan dated 22 June 08, published from Siliguri). But Darjeeling hills comprising three sub-divisions, despite making representations and waiting upon the Delimitation Commission with memorandum for increasing the Assembly seats has been kept unaltered and limited with three seats, namely 22, Kalimpong 23, Darjeeling and 24, Kurseong Assembly segments with 1,60000+,175000+and 170000+ voters respectively, (As per 2005 Electoral Roll). There are several Assembly Constituencies in different states of India with or less than one lakh voters. The Himalayan State, Sikkim is the immediate neighbouring state of Darjeeling and the Himalayan State has Assembly Constituencies with less than twenty thousand voters, In consideration of Geo-political and ethnical aspects, as well as logistic and strategic point of view, the allotment of twelve to fifteen Assembly Constituencies for Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars would have been in the best interest of the nation. But the ruler of the nation and the bureaucracy ensconced in the ivory tower seemed to have ignored the Chicken-neck of Eight States of North East India probably being influenced by the higher diplomacy and manoeuvrings of the chicken-hearted advanced, developed and erudite chauvinistic national ruling the state of West Bengal. Further, Siliguri Municipality was formed for the first time in 1950 and it was headed by a Nepali speaking representative. But it has been converted into Siliguri Municipal Corporation in 1990 with forty seven councillors, where not a single Nepali speaking citizen was elected as councillor, as a result of subtle policy and programme of national party ruling the state of West Bengal. Likewise there is the Zilla Parisad in Jalpaiguri district for which there are provisions to elect six members from Dooars region. But in proportion to the Nepali speaking population that constitute thirty eight

percent of the total populace has also not been adequately represented in the Zilla Parisad since its formation in 1978. The Nepali speaking community in Dooars is a developing national mostly concentrated in the Tea Gardens. It is a universal socio-political fact that every developed and developing national aspire to have their national esteem to be protected and in so doing they seek their own system of governance, that could be compatible for social, cultural, educational, economical and political development in an unhindered way. And, the political parties throughout the world strive and also help people to stand on their own feet for the ultimate realization of the five objectives as mentioned above. It is also an accepted fact that the right to pursue, in the social, cultural, educational, economical fields, and political development in a suitable way, are regarded to be the Liberty of people as introduced by the French Revolution which was the first of its kind in the history of human civilization. The French Revolution was followed by the formation of nation states with the birth of Democracy in the world. Hence, the Rights and Liberties are found to have been entwined in the Constitutions of Democratic countries, following the periods of the French Revolution. Another greatest political event was the Russian Revolution that had also given utmost impetus to the liberation of the exploited and suppressed nationals in the world. Recently the abolition of two and half century old monarchy in Nepal is being claimed as the victory of DEMOCRACY. Thus democracy and institutionalization of democracy has been forming a way of life of developing and developed nationalities. India, after its independence has also drafted and adopted one of the most capacious and lengthiest constitutions for the second largest population of the world. India being armed with the voluminous constitution is in the present day context recognized as the Largest Democratic Country in the world. Hence, it is natural for the people living since the dawn of civilization in the region comprising Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars to have an aspiration to be governed as per the provisions of the lengthiest constitution of the world by rummaging its pages for deliverance from the exploitation, suppression, harassment, denial suffered at the hands of compatriots ruling the state. The Communist Party of India (Marxists) regards V.I.Lenin as their political deity, as he was one of the greatest revolutionaries in the history of human civilisation. The leader of Russian revolution and founder of United Socialist Soviet Republic,(USSR) Lenin, while founding the USSR by honouring and assuaging the feelings and sentiments of different nationalities had asserted that the willingness of the national minorities to remain with the big and advanced nationality will depend on the role and attitude of the latter towards former. But the followers and worshippers of Lenin in West Bengal by ignoring the very Assertion of Lenin have formed their own collective belief, opinion and view that fits in the scheme of their prerogative to rule the national minority in a way and manner as determined by them without taking care and concern for the wishes and desires of the minority. Hence, some ministers, bureaucrats and well read intellectuals but informed with parochialism and belonging to a section of the Bengali community describe the demand of the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland as per the provision of the Indian Constitution in force as SECESSION, DIVISION OF BENGAL, A DESIGN OF GREATER NEPAL, CONSPIRACY OF IMPERIALISTS TO DESTABLISE INDIA, ACT OF EXTREMISM AND SO ON. They never want to discuss the historical, geographical, ethnical, political and constitutional aspects of the demand but rather they express their willingness and readiness by giving money and some power in the form of autonomy to remain under them instead of forming a separate state of Gorkhaland, as per the provision of the Indian constitution. Professing to be Marxists they suffer from the imperialistic ambitions, and sham 'white-mans burden'. In order to lord over them, they are even willing and ready to grant and confer a sort of mechanism

which doesn't fall within the scope of the constitution of India for which the Government of West Bengal was seen to the rigorously persuading to effect a change in the spirit of the Indian Constitution. And surely, it was the most unfortunate event in the history of post independent India, when the central government at the behest of West Bengal State, attempted to extend the provision of the sixth schedule of Indian Constitution to Darjeeling - where the overwhelming population is that of the non-tribal. On the contrary as per the constitution of India, it is crystal clear that the said provision is solely meant for the tribals of the North East. The Government of West Bengal directly ignoring the established and readymade provision of the Indian Constitution's Article 1-3C, under which a separate state can be easily formed has time and again procrastinated the procedure, by offeriing poor alternatives as options. Such alternatives that tend to further reduce the actual size of Darjeeling by carving out the Dooars and Siliguri from its original ambit. The same is not compatible to uphold the spirit of the constitution. In relevance to the resent day context of the overall situation, the Bengal Government is expected to be, democratic and more realistic. Hence, the Bengal Government on no account should give the impression that it is suffering from a serious syndrome of colonial hangover. Come, then, comrades; it would be as well to decide at once to change our ways. We must shake off the heavy darkness in which we are plunged, and leave it behind. The new day which is already at hand must find us firm, prudent and resolute. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.

ANNEXURE I

1. 2. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32.

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