Cherokee Indian societies are known for their matriarchal kinship and descendant systems, giving women within

them increased social and political statuses. Che rokee women are seen traditionally as the creators of the world in many Indian c reation stories. Stories that honor Selu, the first woman and goddess of the cor n, brought about the origins of agriculture and speak to the fact that women gai ned power through family and land tenure. Through reproductive and family burden s, Cherokee women have gained the statues of providers of food and caretakers of the land. With this status, they have rose to heights and gained privileges tha t are usually thought of to include only men. Warrior women such as Nancy Ward h elped to complete this theme. Wards story described Cherokee women as obtaining c ertain rights and privileges that were not held by many European women at the ti me. Also, when missionary schools moved in on Native American land in the eighte en hundreds, the working roles of women changed due to vast urbanization. Still, women of Cherokee tribes maintained cultural and social practices that instille d their view of high statuses and involvement in the tribe. Cherokee societies w ere traditionally viewed as having matrilocal and matrilineal kinship patterns. This was because Cherokee women had an increased power of rights in the areas of land ownership, cultural rituals, politics, and war and in the education of fam ily and inheritance of family names. In the journal article I Look On You As My Children, the author, Katy Smith, convey s the cultural struggles that Cherokee mothers in the late eighteenth century an d early nineteenth century dealt with during the time of European encroachment o n tribal lands. Smiths purpose for writing the article was to show how Cherokee w omen utilized the changes that were happening to their homeland and families by taking advantage of missionary schools and upholding their cultural values in li eu of the threat of removal. Smith shows examples of these artful manipulators (40 4, Smith) in action as they sought to incorporate the offers of European-America n missionaries, traders, and intruders while still retaining and upholding their principal values and statues of female ancestors. Matrilocal and matrilineal s ocieties can be looked at in a cultural perspective through child care, creation stories, and cultural concepts within the Cherokee society. The matrilineal clan system used by the Cherokees held roles that includ ed women in both daily interactions and political and community decisions. The s ystem consisted of a broad network of kinship lines that helped to determine whi ch relatives joked, who one married and which elder was most respected (406, Smi th). Within this a kind network, many women were called mother, regardless of the fact that she had children or not. As a part of the matrilineal system, Ethnogra pher William Gilbert was quoted in the article as stating that the father in a C herokee family was not always in a position of high authority (407, Smith). Inst ead, the womans brother took on the main roles of education, mentoring and protec ting the children. Matrilineal Kinship relations and names were passed down the mothers line and created a foundation for Cherokee citizenship (407, Smith). Beca use the clan was inherited only from the mothers side, this gave Cherokee women p ower to define their communities socially and economically. Womens high status in the Cherokee culture also stems from an origin myth that held Selu, the Great M other, responsible for the agricultural production of corn. Selu represented a f emale spirit; one that was thought of as a goddess of the animals, plants and hu mans. For the Cherokees, Selu was a corn mother. Corn is a highly valued staple i n Indian communities. In similar Iroquoian related tribes, the story of Selu is valuable in understanding their cultural believes and actions in society. Selu, for Cherokee societies, was regarded as the corn mother who died so that maize w ould grow from her body- thus giving life to the people. The continued survival of the community was represented in the Ripe Corn festival when a woman elder br ings a basket of symbolic food to the ceremonial grounds. The symbolism was mean t to tie motherhood, materialism and economic success of the community together. This idea remained vital to eighteenth-century Cherokee society. This cultural concept of the female giver and nurturer of life discussed in the journal article I Look On You As My Children, was also mentioned in the journal W

hat would Pocohontas Think Now? Women and Cultural Persistence by Clara Sue Kidw ell. The author argues that a womans reproductive function plays a big part in sc ulpting her cultural perception and social role in the tribal society (149, Kidw ell). In Indian cultures, they saw women as the ones who carried the culture of the groups and who had the primary role of teaching that culture to the children . This perception came from the fact that women are the ones who bear children. Women in Indian societies were known to carry higher social and political roles in the society because they would gather food from the wild to feed their famili es. This ensured that women had economic status in their communities because the y added greatly to the food supply and managed over it. One way to understand gr eater how Cherokee Indians identified themselves would be to look at the origin stories. In Indian origin stories women are the creators of the world. Women typ ically influenced community and social events indirectly opposed to direct publi c rule. Nonetheless, they were powerful members of the society. An expression of this power can be seen through the story of the origin of corn among the Creeks in Oklahoma (150, Kidwell). The story begins with a woman named Selu. She was r esponsible for feeding her family on a daily basis. The food was delicious, but she would not reveal where it came from. She had two sons who were curious and f ollowed her out as she went to get the food. They found that she would rub skin from her body and then continue to shape it into grains. They were horrified and called her a witch. The story concludes with Selu instructing them to kill her, drag her body on the ground and then to bury her. They did so, and the next yea r the two sons found corn that grew from the same spot that she was buried and w here her body touched the earth. This story connects women with birth, death, fe rtility and land. The main theme relates that death brings life. This idea is wi despread among agricultural tribes (150, Kidwell). It also speaks to the power t hat women have over their societies and land. Because Cherokee tribes culturally praise women in their creation storie s, agricultural success, and in their main role as family caretakers, they had m any conflicting agricultural and gender role views with European societies. Cher okee societies were based upon distinct gender roles of the men and women in the tribe. Even after the settlement of the Europeans, the Cherokees were strugglin g with the idea of animal ownership and the cultural ways of the Europeans. It d id not make practical sense for the Indians to switch roles of the men and women and have the men milking the cows and the women working in the house. In the jo urnal King Philips Heards: Indians, colonists, and the problem of livestock in Ea rly New England, the author Virginia Anderson explains the struggles of livestoc k and property rights between English settlers and native Indians. The Indians s aw animals in a different light. The men typically hunted animals in a certain w ay that was meant to be respectful to the animal spirits. They did not domestica te animals for reasons such as difficulties with foreign animals; land encroachm ent, animal identification and unfair animal caused damage reimbursements. One Main reason why Indians found transitioning to animal domestication difficult wa s because their gender roles would be altered. Men typically hunted while women worked in the fields. The Europeans did not understand this way of life and saw it as uncivilized. There were many struggles that resulted from both groups for the reason that they did not understand each others cultures. Women in the Indian society were keepers of the land more than the men. Anderson explained how the societies were matrilocal- couples moved into the womans family after marriage, a nd land was passed down the womans family line. European societies fallowed a sys tem of patrilocal family descent patterns and residence. In patrilocal societies , a married couple would move into the males household. Cherokee women had ties t o the land by growing food for their families. This tie to the land with agricul ture created close knit female bonds that maintained their social power over the home, land, and family residence. In the Journal of Southern History by Carolyn Johnston the topic of how Indian w omen maintained their statuses, power and traditional beliefs after the settleme nt of the Europeans was discussed. This article explains that even after Europea

n contact and conquest by government and missionary groups, Indian women were fo und to keep their cultural practices intact. The Europeans created a burden on C herokee matrilocal family structures when they increased the number of widely sp aced family farms and cattle grazing land. This created some loss in female cont rol over residence and land power. Johnston explained Carneys analyses of letters , poetry, speeches, and diaries of Indians from the 1700s to the present to anal yze this problem through primary sources. Still, Cherokee women found ways to co mbat this challenge to their cultural status. As Indian women married European m en, they became the main cultural translators between the two societies: Europea n and Indian. They instilled their cultural ideals in their tribes and families through the origin stories. Within the journal What would Pocohontas Think Now? Women and Cultural Persistence, origin of corn story was described. It related t o the story of Pocahontas and John Smith. Pocahontas laid down her life first as a way of claiming her womanhood by adopting him into the tribe when he was outl asted and about to be killed. They worked out a kinship; when he was in her land he was her son, and while in his land, she was his daughter. This exchange spea ks to the matrilineal and matrilocal systems that are present in Cherokee Indian societies. Matrilocal Cherokee societies allowed women to have control over more than the l and. The Matrilocal family system gave women control over most property, residen tial and social dealings. Women had control over their marriages and maintained their right to have an abortion when their survival was at stake. They claimed p ositions over relations at home, land ownership, agricultural production and the internal networks of social relationships (408, Smith). Because of their high s tatus in political matters, women had the right to hold respected active roles i n battle and be known as War Women. They were allowed the same privileges as men . Mothers often voiced their complaints and added suggestions in town councils. One woman was concerned about the Whitemans interpretation of Cherokee women. She wrote Benjamin Franklin to clear up her reasoning in hopes to create peace betw een the Indians and the European settlers. She states woman is the mother of all ( 411, Smith) and because of this, she concluded that the settlers should mind wha t a woman says. According to the journal What would Pocohontas Think Now? Women and Cultural Persistence, a woman played a major role in the first contact with European Colonists. It is reported that the Lady of Cofitachequ in the southeast g reeted a man named Hernando de Soto in 1540 (149, Kidwell). In the area that is now the state of Georgia; the lady gave Hernando her string of pearls. This coul d have been as a sign of good will, but it is significant because a woman repres ented her province. This is an instance of matrilineal descent; Where land and p roperty was passed down the womans family line. Matrilineal descent was common am ong Southeastern Indian tribes. Contained within both journals What would Pocohontas Think Now? Women and Cultur al Persistence and Journal of Southern History was the story of Nancy ward, A fa mous Cherokee woman warrior. Fallowing the principles of a typical Cherokee soci ety, Nancy Ward was born into her mothers Wolf clan around 1738 in the Cherokee t own of Chota, and lived in her mothers house by the Little Tennessee River. This was most typical for her since there was less Cherokee contact with European set tlers at the time of her birth. According to the matrilineal structure of traced kinship through the mothers side, the Property belonged to the women, and they a lso had a great deal of freedom in choosing their partners and in managing thei r families. The women had a greater say in political matters, and spoke in meeti ngs that dealt with tribal concerns, and decisions to initiate wars. As the Euro pean explorers settled in the New World, they brought a new model of descent and kinship structures. The Patriarchal system was one that was dominated by men; t his caused the lives of Cherokees to be transformed forever since the beginning o f the 1700s. Nancy Ward was born with the name Nanyehi. The Cherokees called her War Woman because she upheld her native culture that allowed women to be involve d in political decisions and war acts. She was later called the Beloved Woman by members of the Cherokee Nation because of her leadership roles and dealings wit

h the government, hunters and scouts. When Nanyehi was a teenager, she married a man named Kingfisher. They had two children together. Though Kingfisher was a me mber of the Deer clan, both children became members of her Wolf clan. Nanyehi too k on roles in gardening community fields, preparing food and tending to her chil dren. When war broke out, her life changed dramatically. She joined Kingfisher i n the war against the Creek Indians of Georgia. When Kingfisher was killed, she took his gun and joined the battle to aid in defeating the Creek Indians. This a ct gave her recognition in her tribe, and she was given the honorary title of Wa r Woman. She continued to speak in political councils after the battle and later went on to marry a European trader named Bryant Ward. This is when she took the name Nancy Ward. She remained close to both Indian and European societies, havi ng had children in both. Nancy Ward is an example of a woman who was affected by the European settlement, yet still remained a distinguished member of the Chero kee society. During the early nineteenth century, Cherokee women stayed true to their respons ibilities as main caregivers and translators of culture by pulling their childre n from missionary schools to celebrate cultural days. During this time period, E uropean land advancements were taking place that further threatened Cherokee cul ture, land and political systems. Remaining active in their childrens lives showe d a push of progressive action on the parts of mothers to influence school chari ty and school subjects. Mothers actively made schools a meeting place when famil ies were forced to move farther apart due to the increasing acres of farmland. Cherokee women utilized the changes that were happening to their homeland and fa milies by taking advantage of missionary schools and upholding their cultural va lues in lieu of the threat of removal. Smith shows the mothers in action as they sought to incorporate the offers of European-American missionaries, traders, an d intruders while still retaining and upholding their principal values and statu es of female ancestors (404, Smith). Smiths article describes a period of time wh ere Cherokee mothers did not merely resist change, but found ways to manipulate it. The Cherokee women used missionary schools to their advantage by pulling the ir children out for ceremonies and using the buildings to enhance their social s tatus in the community. They kept track of what the teachers taught their childr en and were not quiet about voicing their opinions about how the schools were ru n. As Indian men married white women, the meaning of the word moth er was carried into European families. Indian mothers continued to play the main role in their childrens upbringing. They vocalized complaints about the mission schools regarding the expense of clothing and what they were learning. Missionar ies quickly learned that the mothers in Cherokee culture had more right to the c hildren than the fathers (418, Smith). Mothers also controlled their childrens sc hedules, and regularly pulled them out of mission schools for Green Corn ceremon ies, family illness, vacations, and ball plays (418, Smith). These breaks from t he missionary schools helped to reinforce Indian culture and family roots. Cher okee mothers included their children in cultural practices when they were home. It was their duty to educate them in mission schools so they could learn much ne eded skills. Still, Mothers also took the time to educate them in cultural Chero kee tradition to preserve their Cherokee identity. The schools deemed useful for the Indian adults as well. One woman learned how to read with the help of two s laves and a son who attended a nearby mission school (420, Smith). The mothers took advantage of the offerings at the school. Schools offered much needed assis tance with clothing, food and shelter for the children in desperate times. Cher okee mothers were not shy about voicing disapproval in mission schools when they failed to live up to their expectations. A forced council was set in place afte r a complaint about clothing being sold to students instead of given up freely. The council was made to resolve the issue by stating We will take no more pay fo r clothes (423, Smith). The schools became a place where Cherokee women could gai n social control over their communities and families.

Collectively, the texts encompassing origin stories, agricultural and kinship tr ends, and the high social status of Cherokee women illustrated the Cherokee trib al culture. Both of the articles I Look On You As My Children, by Katy Smith and What would Pocohontas Think Now? Women and Cultural Persistence by Clara Kidwell stressed that the traditional Cherokee matrilineal system of kinship was preser ved by Cherokee women through their major involvement with missionary schools, a griculture, inheritance and child care. Although European settlers had influence d Indian families with their own values and ideas of what it means to be civiliz ed, Cherokee family ties and traditions were still preserved. In the texts of Th e William and Marry Quarterly by Virginia Anderson and the Journal of Southern History by Carolyn Johnston, the matrilocal and matrilineal kinship structures w ere explored further with stories of Warrior women, increased social status and economic and political power. In Cherokee societies and history, women had a sig nificant role in creating cultural concepts that maintained matrilocal and matri lineal kinship systems. The many examples of woman influence in their societies after the influx of settlers fit with the history of matrilineal and matrilocal kinship and ownership systems. Overall, Cherokee families value women in their societies because of the womans role as mother and caretaker of the land and the social dealings of kinship. The ir high statuses might spur from reproductive functions, but women continued to climb as cultural and creation stories tied them to the land and formed cultural perceptions that became reinvented in ritual practices, ceremonies, political i nvolvement and the teaching of the children. Cherokee societies experienced extr aordinary transformations during the European settlement in the Americas, yet wo men were proven successful in maintaining these matrilineal and matrilocal ideal s of kinship and land ownership even after the intrusion of European settlers an d patriarchal cultural and social structures.

Works cited: SMITH, KATY SIMPSON. "I Look On You As My Children": Persistence And Change In Ch erokee Motherhood, 1750-1835." North Carolina Historical Review 87.4 (2010): 40 3-430. Academic Search Complete. Web. 2 Mar. 2012. Anderson, Virginia. The William and Marry Quarterly, Third series, Vol. 51, No. 4, pp.601-624, WilliamsBurg: Omohondro Institute of Early American History and C ulture, Oct, 1994. Print. Johnston, Carolyn Ross. "Eastern Band Cherokee Women: Cultural Persistence In Th eir Letters And Speeches/A Cherokee Woman s America: Memoirs Of Narcissa Owen, 1 831-1907." Journal Of Southern History 73.1 (2007): 162-164. Academic Search Com

plete. Web. 12 Mar. 2012. Kidwell, Clara S. "What Would Pocahontas Think Now?: Women and Cultural Persiste nce." Native America Literatures 17.1 Jan. (1994): 149-59. Print.