Social Networks in Time and Space: Homeless Women in Skid Row, Los Angeles Author(s): Stacy Rowe and

Jennifer Wolch Reviewed work(s): Source: Annals of the Association of American Geographers, Vol. 80, No. 2 (Jun., 1990), pp. 184-204 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. on behalf of the Association of American Geographers Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2563511 . Accessed: 05/03/2012 21:34
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Social Networks Timeand Space: in HomelessWomen in Skid Row, Los Angeles

Stacy Rowe* and Jennifer Wolch** of *Department Anthropology, of University Southern California, Los Angeles, 90089-0042 CA of **School Urban& RegionalPlanning, University Southern of California, Los Angeles, 90089-0042 CA Abstract. Social networks operate withina specifictime-spacefabric.Thispaper develops a theoretical framework understandfor ing the role of social networks among the homeless.The conceptoftime-space disconis tinuity offered a wayto conceptualizethe as impactsof homelessnesson social network formation, daily paths, life paths, personal and self-esteem.Ethnographic identity researchamonghomelesswomenin Skid Row, LosAngelesis used to illustrate theoretical the framework. Results indicate that homeless womendevelop bothpeer and "homed" social networks a meansof copingwiththeir as circumstances and reestablishing time-space Networkrelationships can also continuity. serveas substitutes place-basedstations for in the daily path such as home and work. The characteristics social networksand daily of time-spacepathsappear to have affected the identitiesand self-esteemof the homeless women. Key Words: Homelessness, networks, social daily/ life paths, time-space discontinuity, networks, peer homed networks, homeless ethnography, women, SkidRow. OMELESSNESSin Americais widely acknowledgedto be a nationaldisgrace,one thatwillnot go away.The of rising numbers homelessmen,womenand children haveprompted socialscientists into the vestigate dimensions the problem, of the and its geocomplex natureof its causality, graphic dimensions (Baxter and Hopper 1982; Lamb1984;Bassuk et 1984;Robertson al. 1985; Erickson Wilhelm and et 1986;Bingham al. 1987; Dear and Wolch 1987; Morrow-Jones van and Vliet1989).Thisbodyofresearch that suggests
of of Annals theAssociation American Geographers, 80(2),1990,pp. 184-204 of 1990 by Association American a Copyright Geographers

theremaybe up to 3 million homeless persons inthecountry, concentrated largecitiesbut in also scatteredthroughout smaller townsand rural areas.Many theseindividuals of suffer from mental disorders, physical handicaps, suband stance abuse problemswhichcontributed to the onsetof homelessness. Inaddition, economic circumstances led have to the growing numbers homeless of (Robertson et al. 1985).Formost,homelessness the is end stagein a processof increasing marginalizationdrivenby largerstructural forces,including deindustrialization, closings, plant and the rise of low-wageservicejobs; deinstitutionalization a restructuring the Amerand of icanwelfare state;sociodemographic shifts rein sulting greaternumbers female-headed of households;and in manycities,skyrocketing homeprices and rents (Bluestone Harrison and 1982;Baer1986;Wolchet al. 1988).Thispolitical-economic context has increased the chances thateconomically marginal and dependentpeople willfacejob loss,eviction, domesticviolence, loss of welfarebenefits, or failure gain access to appropriate to community-based support services. Despite a significant researcheffort, there are serious deficienciesin our geographic knowledge and understanding homeless of little of people. Forexample, analysis homeless socialnetworks their or has context been spatial forthcoming exceptions, Mitchell (for see 1987; Glasser1988; Cohen and Sokolovsky 1989).It is well-recognized normal that socialnetworks constitutesourceofsecurity, a and health, welland being(Cohenand Sokolovsky 1989;Sarason Sarason1985; Whittaker Gabarino1983). and Theyalso providea wide rangeof material resources (fromfriends,relatives, employers) whichcan sustain mostpeople facing adverse

Homeless Women in Los Angeles

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circumstances job loss,eviction, (e.g., violence, et or loss of welfare support; Sinclair al. 1984; have found that Wenger 1984). Investigators the deterioration supportive of networks, due of to the combinedand prolongedpressures poverty personal and problems, contribute can to homelessness (McChesney1986). How do homelessindividuals cope withthis in socialnetworks breakdown their traditional in and thedisruption their daily livesitentails? How do theyrebuildtheirsocial networks to in obtainnecessary support the newsocialand of Howdo context homelessness? geographical these new networks and livingplaces affect To personal identity self-esteem? date,most and homelessness researchhas focusedon quantitative indicators cross-sectional and analysis, rather than the fine-grained, qualitative evidence about the dailylifeexperiencesof the homelessnecessary answerthesequestions to the (Koegel 1990).Thus,neither waysinwhich homeless people seekto reconstitute socialties (and thusgain access to associatedemotional nor and material resources), the geographical or of have dimensions context such networks, receivedmuchscrutiny. Inthispaper,we beginto addressthisgap in the homelessnessliterature. we Specifically, for propose a conceptualframework underin homeless socialnetworks timeand standing space,using ethnographic analyses homeless of women in Los Angeles'sSkid Row area to illustrate model.First, providean overour we viewof the geography serviceresources in of our study area,SkidRow,and detailour field methods. thenpresent model of homeWe a lesssocialnetworks, illustrations the from using research. Thismodelemphasizes ethnographic in the role of social networks meetingbasic needs and delineatesthe waysin whichtime of and space shape the socialnetworks homeless individuals. also stresses It thatforthe avdomiciledindividual, erage"homed" or stably social networks dailypathscreatea powand whichin erful sense of time-space continuity, turn moldsindividual and identity self-esteem. in createstime-space Homelessness, contrast, lack of locationally-fixed discontinuity-the in stations the dailypath.Our examplesshow howtime-space and discontinuity, thestruggle in of homelesswomen to survive a degraded can and threatening environment, alterpersonalidentity haveimpact self-esteem. on and The examples also illustrate how homeless

womenrebuild their socialnetworks in so and doing,try reestablish to time-space continuity and a valuedindividual identity, ofwhich both areessential coping in with recovering and from homelessness. Our conceptual modeland findings basedon ethnographic research provideotherscholars with testable hypotheses aboutsocialnetworks of homelesspeople. Theymayalso assistthe helping professions understand socialnethow faworkscan be rebuilt and how theymight cilitate the re-entry homelesspeople into of the mainstream American of society.

Investigating Social Networks among the UrbanHomeless

research on homeless Our ethnographic womenwascarried overa two-year out period in in the Skid Row area of Los Angeles.First, a for orderto provide geographical context our findings, briefly we characterize structure the ofthe SkidRow district describeitsspatial and organization resources.Next,we outline and the ethnographic methodsemployedin the field. Geographical Context: SkidRow,LosAngeles SkidRowisa dingy, area deteriorated located intheclassic zone oftransition oftheCeneast tral BusinessDistrict. locus of The historical in transient worker Skid housing Los Angeles, of Row's housing stockconsists primarily residential hotels,rooming houses,and low-rent The the beginning apartments. 1970s marked ofa majorincrease the number types in of and socialservice private agenciesand shelter proin whichcontinviders thearea.Thisincrease, in a ued throughout 1980s, the reflects shift the of number and needs of the residents the disof trict. Estimates thecurrent of population Skid Row fluctuate from 6000 to 30,000.The popfor which account ulation thetwocensustracts formostof the district placed at 8979 in was thatthe population 1980.Thereis a consensus has continuedto growand changeat a rapid to et pace (Hamilton al. 1987).Prior 1980,the was of population comprised mainly olderwhite men, manyof whom were alcoholicsor disabled,andwho livedon publicassistance. Now, the is however, population generally younger

186

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and morediverse. includesmany It blacksand Hispanics, single women, families chiland with dren (Robertsonet al. 1985; Hamilton al. et 1987). The growth shelter of and serviceresources hastransformed Rowintothelargest Skid "service hub" in the city(Fig. 1). Some of these resources outsidetheofficial are boundaries of the neighborhood, defined the City, as but by Curare heavily used by Skid Row residents. rently, there are approximately 2000 shelter

beds in SkidRow. Halfthatnumber availare able to womenand justover 100 beds are exclusively women. Longer-term for housingis availablein the area's SRO (SingleRoom Occupancy) hotels (counting hotelsone block the beyondofficial SkidRow boundaries, approximately 6700 units; Hamilton al. 1987).Some et of these hotels accept short-term housing vouchers from welfare the department are and thussimilar emergency to shelters function. in In additionto the shelter facilities, thereis a

Homeless Women in Los Angeles

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publicwelfare office, and more than50 programsare providedout of the social service agencies, missionsand shelters.These programsinclude meals,clothing, advocacyand legalassistance, alcoholand substance detoxificationand counseling,health and mental healthcare, family assistance, outreach,employment placementand special servicesfor Native Americans. vestpocket Two parks, managed bytheSingleRoomOccupancyHousing, Inc. (an SRO rehabilitation agency) provide green spacefor socializing recreational and uses. Charitable groupsfrom outsidethe area (parcome into SkidRow ticularly churches) regularly to serve mealsto homelessand otherneedy SkidRowresidents; Julian and Towne San Park Avenueare the commonsites. The risein the number socialserviceand of shelter providers sincethe 1970shasbenefited theresidents theareaand hasdrawn of homelesspeople from of service-poor parts the city (e.g., South CentralLos Angeles).The expansionof resources, has however, notkeptpace withthe rapidly increasing need forservices. Compounding this is the factthatsince the 1970s,therehas been almostno new housing in construction Skid Row, only demolitions which havereducedthesupply SRO housing of (by more than2000 unitsbetween 1969 and 1986; Hamilton al. 1987).As a result, eset an 500 timated to 4000SkidRowresidents be may on shelter anygivennight and thouwithout and/or sandsofothers temporarily are marginet allyhoused(Hamilton al. 1987).Those without shelter often sleep on thepublicsidewalks or or adjacentto missions, in nearby parks vacantlotsand buildings. Ethnographic Analysis The datacollectedand analyzedforthispaconresearch per are based on ethnographic enductedinand aroundSkidRow.The study tailedtwo phases. The first phase involveda intwo of lengthy period participant-observation in homeless street communities orneartheSkid This numRowdistrict. wasfollowed a small by interand berofformal lengthy informant key the of views, first whichwere conductedwith in homelesswomen who participated these or shelter. communities who livedin a nearby The participant-observation began in phase 1986.Initial contact withthe homeless January

a to was limited "Justiceville,"streetcommuThe organization. group a nity with semiformal underthe name corporation was a non-profit a Home forthe Homelessand exhibited hierTed Hayes, a grassroots archical structure. was minister, the and activist former homeless recognizedleader of the group,and a core These indias groupfunctioned hisassistants. over the vidualsexercised limitedauthority the thatcomprised repopulation fluctuating field No mainderof the community. formal thisperiod,nor notes were recordedduring in conducted.Presence interviews wereformal and but was thecommunity sporadic on-going and casualconversations included participation and of the occasionalprovision transportation food. Documentation of the community in was still through photography initiated Janthe uary1987 and continuedthroughout research. particlocationof the informal The primary and photographicdocuipant-observation in of shifted Spring 1987to theLove mentation Street and Towne Avenuein Camp on Fourth downtown Los Angeles. The Love Camp, had community, a more another informal street thanjusticeville, and stablepopulation location or as mostofthe members tents dwellings had constructedof wooden palettes and cardof structure the board.Alsotheorganizational Love Camp was less rigidthanthatof justiceby was shared David ville. Leadership informally and Adam Binion,but not all camp Bryant nor members recognizedtheirauthority, was Casual converthisa criterion residency. for and photography sationwithcamp members, and small the provision of transportation amounts cash continueduntilthe dispersal of of the camp. Inthewakeofmounting by pressure thelocal community, Campwas Love SkidRowbusiness in of by dispersed City Los Angelesauthorities June1987,coincidentwiththe openingof a for fencedoutdoorcampground thehomeless Many on the banksof the Los AngelesRiver. enteredthecampground LoveCampresidents The as did membersof Justiceville. outdoor campgrounditselfwas closed withina few homelesspeople to other months, dispersing of The migration pathswere not parts thecity. of for documented members either group; fully and members stayed together someJusticeville moved to Venice Beach until theywere once authorities. by againdispersed City

188

Rowe and Wolch sent of the women,but all nameshave been figures, such thoseofpublic changed exceptfor homeleadersofthevarious as therecognized was obAlso permission less communities. and in most intained for all photography received copyoftheprint. a stances subjects the of and Photography, the distribution prints commuto members the variousinformal of partof the process of nities, was an integral the pethroughout research rapport-building riod (Fig.2).1 It provideda role in the comwho munity the investigator, was oftenrefor ferred to and introduced as "the camp of phoAlso photographer." theprocess taking in and photography general,often tographs, with topic of conversation providedan initial unfamiliarindividuals. When prints were a back to Skid Row and distributed, brought was of and relationship trust reciprocity estabwerealso used ininformal, lished. Photographs documentedin the fielduntapedinterviews (See notes,whichaided in the data analysis. Collierand Collier1986,and Wagner1979for of expanded discussions the role of stillphoin Thusphotography socialscienceresearch). of and tography, the longduration timespent acquaintedwiththe homelessindibecoming allowedfora depth viduals and theirlifestyle, of mutualrevelation beand understanding that tween field researcherand informants to would have been difficult achieve through othermeans.

A transitional residencefor homelessand batteredwomen and their familiesin the downtown area was a third of participantsite observation photographic and documentation. Participationa volunteer founding as and member of the sponsoring organization included in directinvolvement the day-to-day operationsof the shelter, withthe women, talking playing withtheir children, providing and services such as transportation, advice, encouragement, crisis and intervention. Formal, taperecorded interviews were conducted at this in shelter thefall 1987.Two otherinterviews of with womenwhowereformer members Jusof ticeville were conducted in the same fall.All interviews conductedin 1987 focusedon the women's experienceswith the Los Angeles of CountyDepartment Publicand Social Services (DPSS),but a wide rangeof topicsconnected withSkid Row survival strategies and socialtieswas also discussed. Clifton's a in Cafeteria,popular restaurant the downtownarea frequented the homeless by was community, chosen as a site forfurther in January participant-observation 1988. Contactwas also reestablished withformer members of Justiceville the Love Camp. Two and womenwho had livedin the Love Campwere in located and interviewed thisphase of the research. Theseinterviews broadinscope were and the topicsof discussion were initiated by the women,as well as by the researcher. In formal addition, observations were made at a newencampment First Broadway at and streets in downtown Angeles.Fieldnotes Los regardingtheseobservations the contexts the and of interviews were recordedand many phostill tographs documentedthe siteand residents. In accordance withstandardethnographic methods (Werner and Schoepfle1987;Spradley1979),careful attention devotedto acwas in the curately transcribing taped interviews orderto preserve grammar, the and structure, flow theconversation itwas converted of as to written languagewithpunctuation. However, of the subtlety inflection, lengthof a pause, facialexpression, body gestures laughter, and (whichoftencommunicate have not meaning) been captured. Since quotations removed are fromthe contextof the conversation, these are excerptsfromthe transcripts subject to some degree of misinterpretation (both by All readerand authors). interviews were conductedwiththe expressknowledge and con-

in Homeless Social Networks Time and Space: a Conceptual Model

a involve social interactions Anyindividual's as socialnetset finite of people, defined their are social networks comwork. stated, Simply whomone knows, posed of those individuals emoand fromwhom one obtainsmaterial, tional and/or e.g., friends, logistical support, kin, and providwork associates, neighbors, service ers (Bott1957; Mitchell1969;Fischer 1982).A as can socialnetwork also be regarded a time(Willspace mapofrepeatedsocialinteractions et mott1986;Fischer al. 1977).These repeated occur in the courseofan individinteractions timeand space,which ual's daily paththrough both shapes and is shaped by the social netof the work.Forthe majority individuals, piv-

Homeless Women in Los Angeles

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Rowe and Wolch pathsleads homeless and changesin daily/life people to develop waysto acquire resources a do which notdependon either spatially-fixed meansof home base or a job site.Alternative socialwelsupportincludepublicand private collectingrepanhandling, fare institutions, day labor and illegalaccyclable materials, tivities (e.g., drug dealing, thievery and the of In prostitution).light this, socialnetworks differ community within homeless the formed and spatialorganization in both composition the homed comfromthose formedwithin munity. as socialnetworks homeless We characterize peer networks two basic components: having (Fig.3). Peer networks and homed networks homeless and friends family, includehomeless homelesscommuniinformal lovers/spouses, (like encampments theLove tiesbased instreet orof Camp),and members homelesspolitical Homed net(such as Justiceville). ganizations refer socialtiesbetweenthehomeless to works of and members the homed comindividual of includeremnants the These latter munity. homeless individual'sprior social network; in workmates or "clients" donors; panhandling and otherservice casual labor;social workers homedre(and,fora smallminority, providers of The composition searchers and advocates). as bothpeer and homednetworks, wellas the occur,can be places wheresocialinteractions over time,given the unstableand fluctuate Neverpopulation. of transiency the homeless for theless, homelesspeople, thesesocialnetwhichcan occurat variable workrelationships, the in space,appearto replace role points urban in pathin stations thedaily of locationally-fixed maand continuity providing time-space creating support. and emotional logistical terial, discontinuity and The hardships time-space and associatedwithhomelessness, the devalued locales whichmosthomelesspeople are the to forced occupy(e.g.,SkidRow),influence pathdialectic.Notsurprisingly, dailypath/life of and socialnetworks dailyroutines homeless surpeople are used to meettheirimmediate life long-range goalsare vival needs.Asa result, Skid of necessity relegatedto a low priority. rich whileoftenrelatively Row environments, maybe perceivedas unsatin formal services, withpriorresidential in isfactory comparison associatedwith the stigma and carry settings and places of social marginality last resort. physSkidRow zones are typically Moreover,

otal stations a dailypathare the home and in workplace-points constant of return, essential functions (eating,sleeping,personalprotecand tion,storing goods,communications), intensesocialinteraction. Together, dailypathand socialnetwork the an locale. The locale constitute individual's contains boththephysical space defined the by It daily pathand itssocialcontext. thusincludes environmental social institutions and features, individuals presentin the space. Locales are of symbolic individual experiencesand aspirations (Tuan 1977),and serveas the "focusof meanings intention, or eitherculturally inor defined"(Relph 1976, 55). Psychodividually logical attachments thelocaleare significant to intheconstruction personal of identity (Searles 1960;Godkin1980).Further, control the loof cale indexes one's social statusand relative powerwithin community the (Dearand Wolch 1989).The qualitative aspectsoflocalesalso influenceindividual self-esteem (Godkin1980). Thus,iflocalesoccupied during courseof the the daily path (e.g., the home, workplace, school) are perceivedas falling beneath culnorms turally-derived acceptedbytheindividcan houal,thenself-esteem drop.The relative mogeneity the locale,or the perception of of sameness amongproximate individuals, also can affectindividual self-esteem and social networks (Smith 1981). Over time,dailypathsaccumulateto form life an individual's path. and paths Daily paths life interact, forming reforming other. each and the a Thisdaily/life dialecticprovides cumupath lativeexperiential basisforidentity influand ences self-esteem that (Pred1985).Thisimplies time-space continuity, the degree to which or successivedailypaths resembleone another and occur in the same locale,shapespersonal The and its subjectiveconnotation.2 identity of the the longer duration similar daily routines, exerted thoseroutines greater authority the by in the definition self. of can as Homelessness be characterized thelack of time-space or continuity simply time-space has discontinuity. Time-space discontinuity imfor of ramifications the development portant socialnetworks time in and space. Inparticular, theabsenceofa homebase restricts homethe less individual's access to family and friends, and vice versa.The workplace, another source of social contacts, mayno longerbe relevant. Thisbreakdown traditional of social networks

Homeless Women in Los Angeles

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PEER NETWORK / Spouse /Lover Family Friends Homeless of Members Informal Homeless Community Members Political of Organizations
Figure 3. Homelesssocialnetworks.

HOMED NETWORK Network of Remnants Former OMELE INDIVIDUAL Clients Panhandling Social Workers Formal ServiceProviders ResearchersAdvocates /

ically degraded,and expose the newlyhomelessto an aliensocialcontext extreme of povcrime substance and erty, abuse.Often, result a is loweredself-esteem, a shift personal in and identity. preeminence short-term The of needs and a devaluedlocalecan lead to an altered assessment lifeplansand priorities, a transof and formed senseofself. In thiscontext, supportive homelesssocial networks particularly to therestoration are vital of a positiveand valued personalidentity. In thesections thatfollow, drawon results we of theethnographic to analysis illustrate conour ceptualmodelofhomeless socialnetworks and its implications. We concentrateon lover/ and spouse relationships street encampments, as these typesof peer linkages appear to be central the homeless to womenin our sample. Sinceremaining to theprior ties traditional socialnetwork minimal thesewomen, are for and linksto researchers/advocates relatively unusual and/or sporadic, our examination of homed networks focuseson the role of panclients handling and formal serviceproviders.

homeless which often ariseinvacant lots, parks and sidewalks SkidRow. In many in waysthese peer networks replace the function the of home-basein the maintenance time-space of continuity, identity and self-esteem the for generalhomelesspopulation. The formation, utilization and importance peer networks of appear to varybetween homelessmen and women. Lover/Spouse Relationships Womenseem to be muchmore likely than mento enterintoa lover/spouse relationship. Thisdifference simply may reflect demothe of graphic composition the area. Estimates of the femalepopulationresidingin Skid Row range from (McChesney 6.5 1987)to 23 percent (Robertson al. 1985).Eventhemost et generous estimate thefemale of indicates that population malesfaroutnumber females. Thus,even men who wish to enter into a lover/spouse relasmall are tionship constrained a relatively by pool of available femalepeers. in Butthegender imbalance demography also whichmaymotivate pointsto anotherfactor women to seek a lover/spouse relationship: attack.Many homed vulnerability physical to vulindividuals also reportfeelingphysically homenerableintheir communities; however, risk lesswomenmay atan increased ofattack be because of theirresidencein SkidRow. Many if womenmust sleep on thestreet theydo not have the moneyfora hotel,since the shelter resources womenin the SkidRowarea are for womenmay homeless inadequate.As a result,

Home Is WheretheHomelessAre: Peer Networks

Homeless people share theirlocales with otherhomeless the individuals, facilitating formation peer networks of within homeless the population.Peer networks comprisedof are homeless acquaintances, friends, family, lovers, and spouses; some peers will live in informal streetcommunities encampments the or of

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with imenterintorelationships mento satisfy In mediateneeds forprotection. thisway,the lover/spouse relationshipfunctionsin the manner a home-base. of servesaddiThe locationof one's partner For tionalhome-basefunctions. example,the lover/spouse a personto whombelongings is The relationand messagescan be entrusted. ship allows fora pooling of resourcesand a of "domestic"division labor(Fig.4). Also sigthe to nificantly, lover/spouse, whomone returns each day,createssome degree of timein a space continuity the dailypath.In effect, than of rather person becomesthepoint return, Rita and Paul provide an example of the of rehome-basefunctions the lover/spouse of lationship. One member the couple would at staywithall theirbelongings, or near the current wouldthus sleepingarea. The partner be free leaveandsecureresources to necessary Paulwouldoften forsurvival. example, For stay in the parkat First where the and Broadway, whileRitasought couple had spentthe night,
the place.

legal aid, panhandledfor money and then boughtfood for the couple's eveningmeal. Whileshe was gone,access to herpossessions was controlled Paul,and messages by could be left herthrough for him.Paul'slocationinthe point park other (or resting spot)wasthepivotal forRita's daily path;itwaswhereherdaybegan and ended (Fig.5). are Many lover/spouse relationships based These on mutual affection companionship. and suprelationships be a sourceofemotional can and self-esteem. exThe port, identity positive tent of positiveself-esteem afforded the to homelesswoman maydepend on the nature of her relationship the partner's and standing of in the homelesscommunity. duration The the relationship influences woman'sselfthe This identity definition a partner. as can be reinforced community by recognitionof a woman'sstatusas a particular man's loveror can her spouse. Such recognition afford protectionfrom harassment even when her partner is not physically present. from Pam'sinterview how Excerpts illustrate

Homeless Women in Los Angeles

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Figure 5. A typicaldaily path for Rita and Paul.

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two Lisa:Me, I'msupporting people on tendollars a day.The otherdayI gothomeand he waspissed off becauseI onlyhad$12.... WhenI come home, I'll sometimes putmoney changeI have, I'lltakemy place. hiding init.Wrapitup and putitinmylittle He has yet to findit.... You see all these little dollar a blackand blues?Becausehe wants fucking But I don't and a quarter?I said,"Nope, sorry." havethe moneyto move.

herrelationship herhusband with Teachplayed a positive role in her life.Upon their arrival in the California, couple's car was impounded. Without resources recover vehicleor to to the obtainsleepingquarters, twowere forced the to walk the streetsof Santa Monica forfour Pam was four daysbeforetheyfoundshelter. months pregnant the time.Teach provided at Pamwith vital encouragement, nutrition, companionshipand emotionalsupport. He also represented couple ininteractions authe with thority figures.
Pam:We didn'thaveno way, didn'thavenothwe in'to eat and there ain'tno missions nothin' or out therein SantaMonicaat all.... [H]e was tryin' to make a game of it, you know.And, you know, singing "A little further." and bit and Jokin' laughin' and stuff. I knewhe wastiredbutI thought And I was gonna just drop over,I was exhausted. And whenwe gotinthehotelon NewYear'sEveI slept it. through I sleptfortwo days,you know.He'd wakeme up and ask me,and giveme a drink and askme did I wantsomethin' eat and I'd sayno. to You know, and he'd makeme ... I remember bananas, that's whathe wasfeeding becausethey me, was easy,you know, get down. to

her Mattinsulted and undermined Although this Lisa herself-esteem, seemed to prefer situationto the prospectof facinglifeon the her alone. She did assert independence streets from and cigarettes money by covertly, hiding Matt,butthe priceshe paid forthiswas often abuse. physical StreetEncampments Informal streetencampin Participation an informal for ment alsoserveas a replacement homecan base and hence recreatestime-spacecontiwomen(as wellas forsingle for nuity homeless men and couples). In SkidRow such informal groups often becomecooperative communities for whichorganizeto providesecurity com(Fig.6). possessions and members their munity for as The camp also functions a context soIt cial interaction. is a place where messages of can be left and information concernto the and is community shared.The formation utiby is of lization socialnetworks thusfacilitated These netin participation the community. mateworksbecome the sourcesof logistical, supportonce providedby rialand emotional epto prior the homeless networks traditional are isode. The communities oftennamed(e.g., Love Camp) and manyresidents Justiceville, A as themselves members. diidentify proudly of typof vision laborand delegation authority of occurunderthedirection theinformal ically in leaders.Participation the group'sdecision such projects, processand community making self-escan as cookingand cleaning, heighten and as identity a productive teemand promote of member camp life. contributing are visible, Because encampments so highly auby theyare oftendispersed governmental of Members thedisrupted groupfrethorities. to quentlymigrate new sites en masse,thus in continuity the social network maintaining For shifts. relatively location their even though the of months), camp short (weeks, periods time

of Pam'sroleas Teach'swife and themother theirchildprovidedherwitha positive sense Theirrelationship of identity self-esteem. and (likethatof Paul and Rita)was based on reciprocity and mutualsupport.However,many homelesswomen (like theirhomed counterparts)are involvedin lover/spouserelationTheir are and/or which abusive ships exploitive. social threatening locale,absenceoftraditional attack and to networks, vulnerability physical often to the leadthem tolerate negative aspects A of lover/spouse relationships. relationship and funcservethe logistical material maystill tions thehome-base, theeffect idenof but on With can and self-esteem be devastating. tity no alternative home-base,homelesswomen enhomedcounterparts) often like (again, their their of dure predictable patterns abuse from danrather than facetheunpredictable partner alone. gersof the streets Lisa WhentheLoveCampwasdispersed, and herlover, Matt,movedintoa SkidRow hotel. in Mattstayed theroomwhileLisapanhandled to meetthe couple's dailyneeds. Lisawas amwith about herrelationship Matt.She bivalent abusive that and admitted he wasphysically that to he exploitedher,butshe continued remain withhim.

HomelessWomenin Los Angeles

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SECURITY.

at office/residenceLoveCamp. 6. Security Figure

in becomes a stablepointof return the daily pathsof itsresidents. as herself one of the identified Lisaproudly of members theLoveCamp.The camp original by providedLisa withtime-spacecontinuity as functioning a home-baseand allowingLisa Homed friends to expandher social network. becamefriends residents of andrelatives fellow to and resources Lisa.Lisarecognizedthatthe life of "veterans" transient are thosethathave timeand mobility dealwith acceptedenforced peer netby space discontinuity maintaining works.
lived all ... Lisa: Otis,Sue,Roger, thesepeople that on our side of the streethad been thereforall for Theyhad been together years. thosemonths. Theywere used to thisbeing moved fromone whohadbeenon thestreet Linda, placetoanother. new sevenyears, this nothing to them. hey, was for movedagain.They'dgone from We'rejustgetting to Thiswas nothing, lot one parking to another. sayhey,yougot to pack up and go.

and are Because thesenetworks continuous thereis a measureof controlover close knit, outsideaccess to thegroup'slocale. Members know who "belongs" in of the encampment and protection security thearea.Thisprovides For and theirpossessions. forcamp members provided the Lisa example, stressed protection Prior her relationship to bythe encampment. abusive to she withMatt, was married another man. Duringher stayat the Love Camp, she to foundthestrength leave him.The sourceof and was thatstrength the continuity support at of her peer network the Love Camp, enand ablingherto asserther identity leave the abusiverelationship.
it. Lisa:... I justone daysaidthat's That'sit,and I ButI and got mystuff I movedup Towne Street. had 20 people to watchmyback over the guy. Because he would have hurtme, but there's20 people thatdidn'tlike him,thatdidn'tlike him because of whathe was doingto me. So I didn't about it. haveto worry

196

Rowe and Wolch replacethoseformed formal welfare services, The within contextof employment. locathe tionofinteractions thehomedcommunity with and space,allowing the istypically fixed time in somedegree homeless individual reestablish to in path.Also, oftime-space continuity thedaily of (acceptable institutionalized norms behavior rules panhandling sites, bureaucratic governing tend to structure welfare-recipient activities) theinteractions womenand betweenhomeless their As peer networks, homednetworks. with identity and homed networks undermine can self-esteem. They can also provide essential resources reinforce and material emotional and when the particularly time-spacecontinuity, theirdefining characrelationships transcend welfare ter(panhandler/client, recipient/social worker). Panhandling on Manyhomeless womenrely panhandling to activities provide resources to the necessary In requirements. meet theirdailysubsistence is thissense, panhandling analogousto a job. have a fixedsite, around Most panhandlers As which their revolve. a result, many daily paths occur within this of theirsocial interactions context. At times, homeless women form with membersof the friendly relationships whom theyregularly enhomed community counter. The social networksformedwith through members the homed community of macan panhandling be sourcesof logistical, terial and emotionalsupport,and serve as for sources of positiveself-esteem homeless women. in of CafeteLisapanhandled front Clifton's clientele.Often ria,whichhas a largeelderly her shewrote letters cleanedhousefor "regor even iftheycould not pay herforher ulars," services thetime. at Thisreciprocal relationship herself a helpful, as allowedLisato identify productiveperson. LomaLinda a comesfrom Lisa: There's guythat I man a every Sunday, 93-year-old that methere him some and onedayI asked for change, hesays a to "Canyouwrite?"....AndI wrote letter his I And got daughter.... that tobea thingdidevery from I for and dollars Sunday him. gotlunch five Andlast him writingfewletters.... for a Sunday he wasrealupset he's because beenlowon cash. "I to He says, don'thaveanymoney giveyou." I said. that's "Arthur, ok,no problem,"

a Although lacking roofand fourwalls,resoften allow idents that feel street encampments a morestablelifewithbetterquality thanresno idence in a SkidRow hotelor shelter; reto and the sourcesmustbe diverted payrent, is individual notconstrained hotelor shelter by management (whichoftenlimits duration the ofresidence, and/or restricts imposes curfews, As visitors). Ritaexplains:
Rita:And that'swhypeople stayon the streets because theirmoney.... At leasttheycan buy I meanthis washinthewashroom, sounds shampoo, crazybut itstrue.Theycan buy cigarettes, they can buyfood,certain thattheyneed, perthings sonalproducts.... [Ina hotelor shelter] [Y]ougot a roombutnone ofyourneedsare metexceptfor shelter.

in communiThus,participation the informal tiesmay actually increase individual choiceand self-determination, provide excess reand sourceswhichcan be accumulated investfor mentin longer-term projects. As encampments growin size and visibility, from church theyoftenreceivedonations and Grillsfor cooking, community organizations. food,clothing, and personalgoods were disfor tributed amongLove Camp members, exaccuample. A camp thuspromotesmaterial mulation, servesas a source fordonated and utigoods. Thishelpsthe residents effectively lize theirlimited stockof resources. Lisatells how variousgroupsand individuals donated itemsto the Love Camp. She mourns loss the ofthesematerial goods whichhad to be abandoned once the groupwas dispersed.
Lisa:Butwhatwasupsetting that many was so peoto ple haddonatedso many things us.Forinstance, aid. with first We Thrifty's all the healthsupplies, hadthegrills people donated.Thosebeautiful that thatthe churchpeople donated.The tents grills the that church FredJordan's people donated. gave me mine.

withthe Homeless Interactions Homed Community: Homed Networks

social interactions withthe peer Although of network the maydominate socialnetworks homelesswomen, contactswith the homed In the are community also vital. many respects, whichlead to socialtieswithhomed activities such individuals, as panhandling obtaining and

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197

Women who panhandlemaybe perceived as less threatening the homed community by thantheir malecounterparts, facilitating social interaction the formation friendly and of relationships. women who panhandlemust But also faceabusivebehavior from passersby. The most degrading form suchabuse isthesexual of propositions womenmust the endureon a frequent basis.To preserveher self-esteem, Lisa in had drawndefinite boundaries her interactionswithherpatrons. She distinguished herselffrom in womenwho are prostitutes, an effort preserve identity self-esteem. to her and I Lisa:have that "Hey, give twenI'll you people say, I room.gotmoney ty dollars youcomeuptomy if movie No "Want gotoa dirty to upthere." thanks. "CanI touch with me?""Youwanna, know." you If you? I cantouch I'llgive some you you money."
I'm No, no ... I'm nota hooker, nota prostitute."

and FormalInstitutions Homed ServiceProviders of the affect maintenance institutions Formal waysforthe in time-spacecontinuity similar in communities: defining homedand homeless to socialinteraction the by daily paths, limiting material locale,and by providing institutional does not individual But resources. thehomeless admailing have a home-baseor permanent servicedelivery. consistent dressto facilitate This,coupled withthe homelessindividual's or resources to inability storeand accumulate as social networks means to utilizetraditional and material resources social makes ofsupport, serviceproto linked institutional interactions At to morecrucial well-being. thesame viders be may difficult accessto theseresources time, rules for the homeless,due to bureaucratic linkingaid to keeping rigid appointment job schedules,completing searchesand work of documentation inand providing projects, come and expenditures. with providers Ongoingrelationships service continuity are important sourcesoftime-space women.Accessto the serhomeless formany by is vice provider facilitated the factthatthe with is homeless individual familiar the provider's dailypath,as it is definedby the service The homeless person, however, institution. of pathto that theproconform daily her must viderifshe is to gainaccess to thissource of can access, Serviceproviders facilitate support. providepersonalsupport.Perand, at times, sonal relationshipswhich go beyond the are role of the serviceprovider professional rare, but whentheydo occur theyare botha as welcomesourceofsupport wellas a source of positive self-esteem. with up Pamstruck a relationship Mrs.Smith, This the wifeof a founderof a local mission. in status oballowed her priority relationship food and clothingfromthe mission. taining at whileshe and Teach were living the Often, Love Camp,theywould stop in at the mission and supthe dailypath, during courseoftheir with payments their publicassistance plement Pam suppliesdonatedto thembythe mission. faas her relished identity one of Mrs.Smith's thatone of the mission vorites and indicated reprimanded workers once been severely had was whoshe(Pam) byMrs."S" fornotknowing accessto Mrs.Smith. her andfor denying direct from a support too, receivedinformal Jane,

Manywomenare proud of theiridentity as a panhandler because theydo nothaveto rely for solelyon public or charitable institutions their an support. Panhandling provides undocumentedsource of incomethatsupplements afor replacesinstitutional assistance without for When fecting eligibility welfare programs. is and wherean individual panhandles a matter of personal choice. An individual panhancan dle as long and as oftenas she chooses, dependingon immediate needs. Thus,the daily is path of the individual definedby personal ratherthan by the authority considerations constraints and imposed institutional by support serviceproviders. at the same time,panBut sourceofincome, handling an unpredictable is of for the making accumulation resources longterminvestment difficult. Lisa: preferenceI'mgoing go panhandle, is to My Andso fora I'llmakemoremoney doingthat. I'm I dollars. hey, coupleofdays madeforty Ah, from dolall it good.Then, ofa sudden went forty It a lars almost twelve to dollars. wasboom, ten, realdrop. at constraints do Moreover, timesauthority interfere a woman'sability panhandle. with to Ritaworkedin front CityHall forseveral of months witharrest beforeshe was threatened ifshe returned. the absence of a suitable In site panhandling and the loss of associatedincome and socialinteraction, and Paulwere Rita forcedto finda substitute theirinformal for meansof support. Ultimately, had to rely they solelyon formal publicassistance.

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Rowe and Wolch bythe poor recordofthe Los AngelesCounty Department PublicSocialServices of (DPSS) in regularly providing necessary the finances. She in complainedthatlandlords the Los Angeles areawereawareoftheproblems recipients encounterwithmaintaining eligibility payand mentsdue to DPSS policiesand procedures. Theyare therefore oftenunwilling rentto to welfare recipients. to Cathy and Jane discussed Cathy's attempt an find apartment she felt ofadequate that was quality:
AFDC. Unlessit'sa rathole downtown someor But thing. uh, it'snota dependablesourceof income. It'smonth-to-month eligibility. You can get cut offat anytime,ifyou get Jane: over twenty-five dollarsa week you can get cut off.Up to twenty-five dollars, theywantthatreported, right?

social workerwiththe Los Angeles County Deof partment Children'sProtectiveServices.This relationship not only provided material support for Janeand her family, but the personal attentionenhanced Jane'ssense of self-esteem. Servicedid someJane: The ladyfrom Protective wentoversomebody's head."This thing, needs lady money right away."Andthatlady, blessherheart, she gave me and mykidsa hundreddollars, her own personal check,out of herown account. Jane'sexperiences withthe service providers did not always enhance her self-esteem,however. She related an experience with her case worker,which occurred followingthe theftof her purse (and all of her money)froma shelter. She called her worker and requested that her nextcheck be issued early.Janeexpressed frustration that her worker would not recognize her individuality, that she was not like some of the other women receivingwelfarewho might use their monies to buy drugs or alcohol. By herself fromother recipients, distinguishing she affirmedher identityand esteem as a good mother and provider. I Jane: think everything wouldgo smoothly ah, at the Department PublicSocial Servicesifthey of treated you likea clientand not likesome tramp on thestreet.... I'mnotthetype person just, of to liketheyhave thesewomenthat'sjust on drugs and spend theirwhole welfare check on things not they supposedto.Theydon'tpaytheir rent or takecare oftheir kidsand that, know.... [Ilt's you likeyou,you'renobody, you'rejusta set of numbersto thosepeople. That's youare.You'renot all human. You don't supposedto have anyfeeling. Ifyou do you better put themon the bottomof yourfeet, and that's it. Many service recipients express frustration in a service delivery system which they feel refusesto recognize theirindividualneeds and desires. The institutional/bureaucratic routines and the physical design of the facility and its interiorspace may also contributeto thisfeeling of frustration inhibitingthe homeless by individual'sabilityto formand maintaina continuous, friendlyrelationship with a service provider. For example, Pam complained that she has been shiftedfromcaseworker to caseworker,decreasing the likelihood thatshe will establish a continuous formal or informalrelationshipwith a worker. Cathy was actively working to reestablish time-space continuity, finding apartment an by for herselfand her son. But she was inhibited

won't rent youwhen to on Cathy: [T]hey you're

in Transformation the Daily/life PathDialectic: Construction of the Homeless Identity

The deprivations whichaccompanyhomelessness lead many homeless individuals place to a greater on of emphasis thesatisfaction shorttermneeds and objectives. a result, esAs the of tablishment fulfillment long-term and goals are subordinated elementsin and supportive The the socialnetwork become alienated. can is deddailypathof the individual oftenfully icated to meetingthe subsistencerequirements thatday,blocking for efforts long-term to escape fromthe homelesscondition.The recursive relationship betweenthe dailypath as and life pathisthus altered, immediate priorHence, the experiential basisforself-identity of becomes static. The definition "self-asas homeless" becomes deeply ingrained the meansand the willto escape chronichomeergistically. thatcan resources Welfare programs supply or a be used to maintain establish home base, butsuch programs often stress satisfaction the of short-term, needs rather than emergency Delong-term quality-of-life improvements. cisions situations disrupt can provoked crisis by and positive client-provider relationships lead to thewithdrawal the informal of assistance by
lessness deteriorate simultaneously and synities supercede the prioritiesof the life path.

Homeless Women in Los Angeles

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the serviceworker. example, one point For at in her homelessepisode, the immediacy of Cathy'sneeds required expediencyand the of subordination long-range considerations. She therefore risked the of losing support hersocial worker, with whomshe maintained good rea lationship, enlisting aid of a welfare by the advocate(Kelly) from private a agencyto resolve an immediate problem withhereligibility.
Cathy:My supervisor's mad at me, cause I took Kellydown thereand afterthatshe ain't never me that,can'tgetnofavors more.... I forgave for no

Welfare eligibility serviceprovision and are oftenerratic, we have alreadymentioned. as The constant renegotiation benefits reof and quirements undermines longer-run planning. ForCathy, aspectof homelessness dethis was and bilitating affected self-esteem. her
Cathy: feel] [I depressed, poor,youknow.... You're just barely makin'it. I'm veryunhappy beingon welfare, veryunhappy.... There'sjust no hope. There'sno future it. in

Supportive social networkscan also be ephemeral erratic, and efforts use to frustrating the resourcesthey providefor longer-term plan-making. example,lover/spouse For relacan tionships crumble quickly under weight the of crushing problems partners, of particularly Informal drugaddiction. are encampments disoften turbed, individual leaving members adrift. within peer network Friends the mayrespond to personalproblems withmobility; theymay be jailedor institutionalized their or homeless episode can come to an end upon finding accommodation. contactscan disPanhandling appear or be lostas the panhandler forced is to by local authorities relinquish habitual her location. Cathy Pam'scases indicate, As and rewithserviceproviders be dislationships can turbedboth by the pressof immediate needs and bybureaucratic fiat. Thisinstability network in supports leads to frequent substitution amongavailable support whichinitself demandsimmediate sources, attention and diverts energiesawayfromlongterm strategies reentry for into the homed mainstream. The resultis prolonged homelessnessand a transformation identity in and self-esteem. Such substitution betweenmembers of supportive networks was a common copingmechanism thewomeninour samfor ple,e.g.,thesupport fellow of members the of LoveCampfilled gap left thedissolution the by

of Lisa'smarriage. subsequent Her relationship withMatt,in turn, helped her cope withthe of dispersal Love Camp.Ritaand Paulalternated betweenthesupport panhandling of clients and socialserviceproviders. When Teach was jailed and faced extradition anotherstate, to Pam was forcedto turnto social servicesto provideforherdaughter and herself. Successin meeting immediate dailyneeds is not without cost, however.While effectively copingwithsurvival needs can be a sourceof positiveself-worth personalidentity, and the identity beingreinforced the"self-as-homeis less" or "self-as-recipient." Thus,Pam'sability to manipulate socialservice the system gaveher a senseofindependence, accomplishment and success;but she was stilla recipient and conto tinued facetheday-to-day of struggle homelessness. devaluedand degradedSkidRow The localealsocontributes thelossofself-esteem to and theadoptionofa "self-as-homeless" idenRita howthephysical tity. discusses designand temporal organization a Payment of Office of the Los AngelesCounty of Department Public SocialServices to of contributes thefrustration bothclients and socialworkers. partitionThe ingof the space createsphysical and psychologicalbarriers betweenthe clientsand staff. Thisseparation informal inhibits socialcontact and reinforces homelessindividual's the definition selfas recipient. of
Rita:That'sterrible, thesepeople haveto standin thatline forso long,and they'vegot too many windows different for things, many too windows. It's too confusing, manynumbers, too that'sall all they're calling daylongis numbers.... There's nothing confusion but and chaos all day long in thatplace and it'svery mentally to disturbing, the fullest degree,especially whenyou'rein need. Rita's husband Paul indicates the recursive relationshipbetween self-imageand the locale of Skid Row. Paul:A slumarea isa slumattitude, they keep can youina slum attitude keeping inslum by you places. Notgiving theopportunity do nothing you to .... Whenyougo intothoseold hotels downthere and there'scigarette butts overthe floor. when all So you'resmoking, automatically you throwa cigarettebuttonto the floor. there, one more It's so isn't going hurt. to Andit'snotgoing getcleaned to up, so who really cares?

The devalued natureof the locale was not passively accepted by the membersof Love allow Camp,however.Informal encampments

200

Rowe and Wolch

_S4-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DayattheprkonFta 7 Clean-up ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~A

D__~~~~~~~~~0
I'm

~ ~

[~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

~~~~~~~~~~I

and Figure 7. Clean-upDay at the parkon First Broadway.

timeand energies homeless residents invest to by in improving camp'senvirons cleaning the in and keeping tents belongings order(Fig. and in 7).Thepridedisplayed thecamp'scleanliness Skid Row streets relative the surrounding to as enhanced the camp members'self-worth contributing citizens.
to come down, our street was spotless ....

ula homeless streetcommunity.This strategy backfiredwhen itconflictedwithpubtimately lic policy goals: us reasonwhytheythrew off Lisa:That'sanother strucBecausepeople had permanent the streets. strucpermanent the They considered tents tures. witha nailtheyconsidereda tures... anything making ... started structure too many permanent homes,and you know,you can't do that.It took minutes up that andtookfive us so longfor to build to tearitdown. Daily pathswere also affectedby camp members' complacent attitudetoward theircircumof stances. The visibility the encampment allowed the group to receive and accumulate donated goods. Many more homeless people came to the encampment after it generated media attention,swelling the size of the community.This, along with the camp's growing resource base, encouraged residents to alter theirdailypathsand spend almost all theirtime at the encampment, partiallyor totallyaban-

Lisa:We gotthe city say"Look,you'redoinga to better cleaning up." Becausewhentheyused job

They

would bringus down hoses,brooms,degreaser, whatever needed.... [W]ewouldmoveallour we stuff into the street,... and scrubthe sidewalk out down.... [Ejverybody cleaning their was tents, cleaned stuff so everything really got sweeping out, out.... However, the camp became so supportive thatresidentsattemptedto remainon the sidewalk and build quasi-permanent structures (plywoood "homes") as a personal long-term "solution" to a more transienthomeless existence. The intentwas not to rejoin mainstream society, but instead to remain as a member of

Homeless Women in Los Angeles

201

doning other subsistencestrategies. Instead, members grewreliant donatedprovisions. on Lisa is critical thischange in behaviorand of the dependency thataccompaniedit. Lisa: got big, We too people started getting greedy, when people started believing somebody that owes you something, that's when your attitude changes.... Formostindividuals, hardships homethe of lessnessin the Skid Row environment transform personal self-worth. identity diminish and The ongoing supportive elements homeless of social networks standin the wayof totalmaterialand emotionaldevastation, constiand tutethesole brakeon a downward of spiraling personal valueand identity. Homelesswomen in our samplestressed importance their the of socialrelationships, the time-space and continuity thoserelationships in provided, preventinga completecollapseofprior personal idenand After failure traditional a tity self-esteem. of social networks provideadequate support to and thuspreventthe onset of homelessness, the homeless socialnetwork provedso critical to material and emotionalwelfarethat the as adoptionof an identity "homelesscommunitymember,""panhandler," as a service or provider's"favorite"was readilyembraced. Whilethe acceptanceof these new identities serves positive a in function meeting daily needs and maintaining self-esteem within the geoof graphic and social context homelessness, it works against developing boththe means, and the will,to execute long-term projectsaimed at reentering mainstream society.

and Conclusions Summary

Our findings revealthe fundamental structure of social networks among the homeless womenin oursampleand provide cluesabout the networks homelesspeople more genof The women's networks have peer and erally. homed sub-parts, both of whichare typically and from their removed socially geographically priorresidential Both peer and community. in homednetworks central helping are homelesswomenreestablish time-space continuity. The rebuilding processproceeds byreplacing of thefunctions a spatially-fixed home-base and social interactions workplacewithsignificant at occurring variablelocations.Such interac-

tionsinvolve friends, family, a lover/spouse; or encampmentcommunities; panhandling patrons; and socialserviceproviders. homeFor lesswomen, lover/spouse relationships only not provideemotionalsupport, but likea homebase,supply protection a constant and pointof reference thedaily in path.Informal street encampments more directhome-basesubare stitutes, despitethe factthattheyare subject to enforcedmobility police sweeps. Panby handling socialserviceproviders and function likea job in threeways, providing by cashand in-kind income, structuring individual's by the dailypath,and bycreating set of socialcona tacts can which andoften provide do emotional and material resources almsor beyondgiving publicassistance grants. Like their homed counterparts, homeless womenactively substitute reliance one soon cial network for member another everyday as exigenciesand geographical accessibility demand.Panhandling, suddenly is prohibited, replaced by publicassistance; one serviceprovideris replacedby another;spouses exit,to be replacedby a lover.In thisway,homeless womenmarshall their resources and maximize the support providedbytheir social network. the Finally, impactof homelesssocial networks personal on and varidentity self-esteem ies both within and between network comSocialtiesmay havebothpositive ponents. and negative effects self-definition morale. on and The "self-as-homeless" identity be readily may adopted, if the experienceof homelessness withit a clearly-defined recognibrings role, tion(as a leaderor advocate,forexample), noor of toriety otherforms attention previously to unavailable theindividual. far But morecommon,we suspect,are devastating impacts on identity self-esteem. and Alongwiththe short timehorizon enforced beinghomeless, by precarious socialnetworks a threatening and locale can alterthe individual's daily/life dialecpath tic. Long-term investments improving for the lifepath are postponedand resignation a to negative "self-as-homeless" deterioidentity, rating are self-esteem, hopelessness comand monand difficult resist. thesupport to But provided (either periodically habitually) or by homelesssocial networks shelter mayparallel itself its impacton the qualityof lifefor in homeless women. Theresearch a of suggests variety hypotheses and questions be exploredinfuture to studies.

202

Rowe and Wolch the of continuity facilitate building social and faced much theisolation of networks, alleviating homeless, and providethem bythe (formerly) in witha measureof self-determinationtheir These housingprograms livingenvironment. only address the needs of a portionof the numdue homeless community, to thelimited of ber of availableunitsand the diversity the of homelesspopulation.The designation selected geographicalareas for homeless ensocial networks campments would reinforce continuity those who are for and time-space or unable to secure traditional congregate proposal, housing. Thisis a morecontroversial opposition whichwould giventhecommunity located and likely result, but ifappropriately in could be mitigatrestricted size,opposition ed. amongthe The recovery social networks of homelessis essentialto solvingone of their the to most critical problems: inability organize. From thisperspective, adoptionofa "selfthe a can as-homeless" identity actually provide basis by which homelessness can be ultimately their comThrough recognizing transcended. homeless and mon circumstances organizing homeless actiongroups, otherwise the diverse a community be able to form socialmovemay their demandson the menttargeted placing at and political political agenda,and influencing which effect homeservice decisions provision lessness. The current ofhomeless lack political meeting awayfrom powerleads policymakers such as adtheirneeds forgreater assistance, social services, ditionallow-costhousing, job Thus the powerand employment. training and lessnessof the homelessreinforces exachomeless erbatestheir Assisting people plight. social networks empower can to rebuildtheir strughelpthemintheir them, inso doing, and of lives. the gle to improve quality their

First, samplewas small.Analytic our methods sam(suchas survey research) permit that larger ple sizes would be usefulto expand on our research findings. Second,thefocus ourethof nographic workwas homeless women.An oband viousquestionis: how do socialnetworks dailypathsdiffer among homelesssub-popuof lations?Does the composition density or paths socialnetworks thespatial or range daily of for discrete groups, differ menandwomen, age racial/ethnic minorities, type and degree of new disability, homelessand old? Moreover, in do observed differences socialnetworks and have dailypathsbetweenhomeless subgroups parallels in comparable groups withinthe Further could inhomed population? analysis to dicatethe extent whichhomelessnetworks in time-spaceare the resultof situation (the homelesscondition)or stem fromindividual or Third, characteristics (disability demography). LosAngeles welfare policepolicies and and the nature theSkidRowenvironment of werecriticalto ouranalysis, suggesting thepolitical that economic and geographiccontextwill conof tribute the structure function social to and networks theconfiguration dailypaths. and of How much influence does the locale and its exerton socialnetwork forperceivedquality mation, conceptions self?Thisquestion and of shouldbe exploredbysystematic, comparative timeethnographicresearch incorporating and cognitive budgetanalysis mappingtechniques,at a variety urbansites(as described of in Rowe and Wolch 1989). also Our study haspublicpolicy implications. to homeless Concertedefforts assist people in their socialnetworks be a vital rebuilding may service to arsenal. Current addition theservice focuseson the material provision deprivation that ofthehomeless. Our research suggests the of are socialeffects homelessness notonlyrebut latedto material conditions, these condia tionsare in themselves consequence of the that of This socialcontext homelessness. implies the provisionof safe, neutralspace where homelesspeople can socialize,eat, leave beactivities and may longings, plantheir ongoing be valuable.Models forthistypeofspace may includeprotected vest-pocket parks dropand incenters 1989for (see Cohen and Sokolovsky to a description a drop-in of program targeted elderlyhomelessmen of New York'sBowery district). Transitional, congregateand communityhousing would provide time-space

Acknowledgments
ScienceFounThefinancial of support theNational in Science and dationProgram Geography Regional The authors would like is gratefully acknowledged. to thank Lutkehaus, WeibelJoan Patsy Asch,Nancy and Orlandoof the Anthropology Department, Miof chael Dear of the Geography Department the of California the adviceand for University Southern Particisupporttheyprovidedto thisundertaking. Research Project pantsintheLos AngelesHomeless also useful comments. seminar provided Suggestions D. were and from referees Stanley Brunn anonymous

Homeless Women in Los Angeles in particularly helpful improving paper.Elizabeth the McAuliffe Elpidio and Rochaskillfully maps drew and figures. Finally, thanks due to the many are women and men on Skid Row who sharedtheirlivesand provided insight their into socialnetworks. istheir It trust respectthatis mostvaluable. and Whilethose in listed above provided valuable assistance theproductionof thispaper,theyare not responsible for in or The opinions and anyerrors omissions thetext. conclusions solelythe responsibility the auare of thors do notnecessarily and reflect views those the of acknowledged.

203

Notes
1. This andallotherphotographs byStacy are Rowe. 2. The conceptoftime-space is to continuity similar in Godkin's ofthenotion use rootedness hisstudy ofalcoholics (Godkin1980), placesmoreembut phasison the temporal dimension.

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