-

.--,'

..

LIBRARY OF WELLESLEY COLLEGE

PRESENTED BY
Mrs. Hopes

IjWuuUt

(/b*A~J>

s/Lv-yt-CO

THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS

FIRST PART
VOL.
II.

ambrtDge
PRINTED BY
C.
J.

CLAY, M.A.

AND SONS

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
SECOND VOLUME.
THE EPISTLE OF
INTRODUCTION.
The
authorities for the text.
S.

CLEMENT.
PAGE

14
Other sources of evidence.

Symbols used.

TEXT AND NOTES.

5188

THE SO-CALLED SECOND EPISTLE OF

INTRODUCTION.
The
attribution to

S.

CLEMENT.
191210

Clement

in the manuscripts [191].

External evidence

against this [192,

193].

Internal evidence.

The designation 'to the Corinthians' [193, 194]. Not an Epistle, but a homily [194 197]. Probably

delivered in

considered [199
(i)

Harnack's theory of its Roman origin Corinth [197 199]. Limits of date [201 201]. 204]. Theories of authorship,

(ii) Bryennios' theory, Clement of Rome [204 206]. Hilgenfeld's Harnack's theory, the (iii) theory, Clement of Alexandria [206, 207].

Clement mentioned

in

Hermas

[207, 208].

Analysis [208

210].

TEXT AND NO TES.

The lacunae
Corrigenda
script.
in

the Alexandrian Manuscript.

261 263 267

21
1

in

the collation of the Constantinopolitan Manu268

TRANSLATIONS.
THE EPISTLE OF S. CLEMENT TO THE CORINTHIANS. AN A NCIEN T HOMIL Y.
271305

1.

2.

3063 1 6

VI

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
PAGE

INTRODUCTION.
The disInteresting problems presented by his personality and life. His relation to our main subject through covery of the Philosophumena. his intimate connexion with (i) the early history of the Roman Church, (ii) the earliest western list of Roman bishops.
1.

317, 318

ANCIENT REFERENCES TO HIPPOLYTUS.

1

Hippolytus [318

324].

Chair of Hippolytus [324

326].

318365
3

Eu-

4 Liberian Chronographer [328]. 5 Epiphanius [328]. 6 Apollinaris? [328]. 8 Hieronymus [329 331]. 7 Damasus [328, 329]. 11 Palladius [338]. 12 Theo9 Rufinus [331]. 10 Prudentius [332 338].

sebius [326, 327].

doret [338, 339]. 14 Andreas of Csesarea [340]. 13 Gelasius [340]. 15 Liber Pontificalis [340 342]. 16 Cyrillus of Scythopolis [343]. 17 Gregory of Tours [343]. 18 Eustratius of Constantinople [343]. 19 Stephanus Gobarus 2 Leontius of Byzantium [343]. 21 Chronicon Paschale [344]. [343]*

22

Concilium

Lateranense

[344].

23

Anastatius

Apocrisiarius

[344,
[345].

345].

24 Anastatius Sinaita [345].

25

Pseudo-John of Damascus

26

Germanus of Constantinople [345]. 27 Pseudo-Chrysostom [346]. 28 Georgius Syncellus [346]. 29 Nicephorus [346]. 30 Georgius Hamartolus [347]. 31 Photius [347 32 CEcumenius [349]. 349]. 33 Zonaras

[349]-

34 Suidas [349].

35 Nicephorus Callistus [349, 350].

36 Ebed-

Jesu [350].
[352

354].
360].

37 Inscriptions relating to reliques [351, 352]. 38 Itineraries 39 Western Service Books [354, 355]. 40 Calendars and

Martyrologies [355, 356].

[357

45

41 Florus-Beda [356, 357]. 42 Ado of Vienne 43 Mensea [361, 362]. 44 S. Petrus Damianus [362]. Passio Sancti Sixti Laurentii Hippolyti [363, 364]. 46 Acta SS.

Cyriaci Hippolyti Aureae etc. [364, 365].

2.

MODERN LITERATURE.
NAMESAKES OF S. HIPPOL YTUS.
Points of contact with the story of the son of Theseus [370].

365370
370377
Five other

3.

namesakes, real or imaginary persons [371]. (1) Hippolytus the martyr of Antioch [371, 372]. (2) Hippolytus the Alexandrian connected with
Dionysius [372].
of
4.

(3)

Hippolytus the Greek captain of brigands [373

(5)

376].

(4) Hippolytus the soldier, the warder of S. Laurence [376].

Hippolytus

Thebes

[377].

GAIUS OR HIPPOLYTUS.
Was
Works ascribed to him [377]. there such a person as Gaius? [377]. 'Refutation of all Heresies' proved not his, but Hippolytus' [378].
'

377 388

The

Yet the author of the

Refutation

'

must have written

The 'Dialogue' to Gaius, except the 'Dialogue with Proclus' [378 380]. Gaius simply the name of the orthodox disputant, too by Hippolytus. All facts predicated of Gaius considered the author [381, 382].
wrongly
are predicable of Hippolytus [382, 383]. Testimony of the Letter of the The evidence of Eusebius [383, 384]. Presumption [383].

all

the works ascribed

Smyrnaeans

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
that Hippolytus wrote against
style [386].
5.

vn
PAGE

Montanism [384

386].

The argument from

against Gaius' [388].

Objections met [386, 387].

The Heads
'

THE LITERARY WORKS OF HIPPOLYTUS.

Introduction [388].
(1) Biblical

logical
(4)

6.

Heresiological [400 403]. Spurious Hippolytean works [403 405]. THE MURA TORIAN ERA GMENT. 4054 Metrical passages embedded in Irenaeus [405 407]. Verse employed for
and
for lists of the scriptures [407].

and Apologetic [395

399]-

and Exegetical [389 395]. (2) Theo(3) Historical and Chronological [399].

388405

theological teaching

The Muratorian
from a Greek
to the

Canon,
torian

history,

date and

treatise in verse [408

411].
Its

country [407].

translation

The

notice of

Hennas common

Mura-

The

the Liberian Catalogue, and Salmon's inference [411, 412]. treatise probably by Hippolytus [412]. Included among the titles on

Canon and

the Chair [412, 413].

7.

date [413].

8.

9.

THE COMPENDIUM AGAINST ALL THE HERESIES. THE REFUTATION OF ALL HERESIES. TABLE OF THE LITERARY WORKS OF HIPPOLYTUS.

413418
418

419421
422, 423

10.

EARLY AND MIDDLE LIFE OF HIPPOLYTUS.

His connexion with Irenaeus [422].

With Origen

[423].

1 1

WAS HIPPOL YTUS A NO VA TIAN?

The
allegation of Prudentius derived from

424427
inscription [424].

Damasus'

Damasus' statement avowedly based on hearsay [425]. Contemporary Considerations on the other side; ignorance of Hippolytus' history [425]. (i) the silence of Cyprian and the Liberian Catalogue, (ii) the chronology
[425427].
12.

THE SEE OF HIPPOLYTUS.

427434

His allocation to Ignorance of early writers on this point [427, 428]. Bostra based on a blunder [428]. Le Moyne's inference untenable [429].
His association
with the
see

of

Portus Eastern

Theories of Bunsen and Dollinger [430 432]. Most probably 'bishop of the Gentiles,' with Portus as head-quarters [433, 434].
13.

in

origin

[429,

430].

HIPPOLYTUS THE PRESBYTER.

Unique position of Hippolytus among contemporaries
[435]-

435,436

The

title

'presbyter' represents not office, but dignity [435].

To whom

applied [435].

Subsequently misunderstood [436

14.

].

LATER YEARS, BANISHMENT, AND DEATH.

The
pontificates of Zephyrinus

436440

and Callistus [436]. Peace of the Church, internal and external, under Urbanus [437]. Literary activity of HippoDeath of Alexander Severus succeeded by the persecution lytus [437].
under Maximin
[437, 438].

Banishment of Pontianus and Hippolytus

to Sardinia [438, 439].

Their death, and deposition [439, 440].

vin

TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE

15.

THE STATUE OF HIPPOLYTUS.

440442

16.

POSTHUMOUS HONOURS AND SANCTUARIES.

(1)

442468

The cemetery

sanctuary there [443

of Hippolytus in the Ager Veranus [442]. His Evidence of Prudentius [445]. The Romanus 445].

commemorated by Prudentius [446

described by Prudentius [451
455].

453].

451].

The

sanctuary and

festival

Gradual decadence of
Laurence [455]. Laurence [456

this shrine [454,

The adjacent cemetery

of S.

architectural history of the basilica of S.

Importance 458]. Reliques

and

of Hippolytus transferred thither [459, 460]. Consequent transformation in the personality of Hippolytus [460]. Hippolytus the gaoler substituted for

Hippolytus the divine [460 Hippolytus [463, 464].

(3)

463].
The

Subsequent history of the cemetery of

(4)

(2)

sanctuary on the Vicus Patricius [464, 465].

The sanctuary

at Portus [466].

The

castle

and commemoration

at

Fossombrone [466,

467].

Reverence paid

to

Hippolytus outside

Italy,

especially in France [467, 468].

1

7.

SPURIO US A CTS OF HIPPOL YTUS.

Acts of the Laurentian Cycle.
Acts of the Portuensian Cycle.
468

474

474477

APPENDIX.
1.

S.

2.

PETER IN ROME. THE EPISTLE OF BARNABAS.

481502

503512

INDICES.
1.

2.

INDEX OF SCRIPTURAL PASSAGES. INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.

515517
518532

THE EPISTLE OF
TO

S.

CLEMENT

THE CORINTHIANS.

CLEM.

II.

THE
are
sq.

scripts

number, two Greek manuand a Syriac version. Codex Alexa?idrinus (A), where the Epistles of Clement (i) added to the New Testament; an uncial manuscript probably
authorities for the text are three in
fifth

belonging to the
It
is

much

It is fully described above, i. p. 116 century. blurred and worn, and a leaf has disappeared

it

towards the end of the First Epistle. Thus it omits from In the Second Epistle wv yap iJStKow to the end of 63.
off at 12 ovtc apaev ovre 6rj\v tovto, the

57 dvO'

breaks

end of the manuscript

The so-called v e^eAKwri/coi/ is almost uniformly inAll deviations from this authority in my text are noted in The lacunae in this manuscript are the apparatus criticus beneath.
being
lost.

serted.

not stated, except where a various reading is concerned complete list is given at the end of the Epistles.
(2)

but a

Codex Constantinopolitanus (C), a cursive manuscript dated It is 1056, and containing the whole of the Two Epistles. The v e^eX/cwTiKoV is systedescribed fully above, 1. p. 121 sq. All the matically omitted, though there are one or two exceptions.
a.d.

variations of this manuscript likewise are recorded beneath, with the exception of the v kfyzkKvmiKov which it seemed unnecessary to
notice.

Syriac Version (S), where the Epistles of Clement are found (3) incorporated among the Epistles of the New Testament in the Philoxenian (Harclean) version. The extant manuscript is dated a.d. 1 1 70. This authority also is described fully in the introduction,
1.

p.

129

sq.

How
to

far this version

it

for the text,

and

what extent

may be accepted as evidence seemed advisable to record

the variations from the Greek, I have there stated with sufficient
precision.

The
duction.

relations of our three authorities to each other,

and the value

to be assigned to each, are considered at length in the general intro-

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT.

Besides these authorities (the manuscripts and the version) we have two other sources of evidence; (i) Clement quotes very largely from the lxx, and the text of the lxx therefore may be used as a testimony. But discretion must be exercised since the degree of accuracy in quoting must be a matter of experience and we cannot even assume, where
;

there are variations, that the reading which agrees with the lxx text actual gives the actual words of our author, a tendency to restore the

form of the original being noticeable

self
is

in transcribers

(2)

Clement him-

frequently quoted by later fathers, especially by his namesake Clement of Alexandria. But here again discretion is needed, for the

fathers

notably

the Alexandrian Clement

often
it is

quote very loosely

and from memory.

Where our

chief authority (A) deserts us,

necessary to be espe-

On this account I have given cially careful in dealing with the others. the variations of the Syriac version in greater fulness in these parts
as this is the only check on possible errors in the one Greek manuscript (C) which we possess here. In these same parts I have uniformly inserted the v 1z\kv(jtikqv, though wanting in C, because it would certainly have had a place in A, and therefore presumably

than elsewhere

represents the original text of Clement.

very few words only are necessary to explain the notation.

The

authorities are designated as

above A, C,
'

S.
;

Where an
where
it

any word or words,

pressed by 'def.'
it is

this is signified

by
is

om.'

authority omits is defective by

is

mutilation or otherwise, so that

we cannot

Where

the reading

the reading, this doubtful, as for instance

tell

ex-

when

impossible to say what Greek text the Syriac version represents, the abbreviation is 'dub.' The abbreviations 'app.' and 'prob.' stand for
in the text imply apparently and 'probably'. The square brackets that it is doubtful whether the words or letters so enclosed ought to
' '

The word Clem in the textual stand as part of the original text. notes signifies Clement of Alexandria ; and, where necessary, the re' '

ference to the page of Potter's edition

is

added.

rrpoc
H 'GKKAHCIA
rrpoc KopiN0ioyc]
see
I.

kopingioyc.
tov Qeov
titles
*

y\

7rapoiKOvcra

Pcojurju

For the

of this epistle in the several authorities

pp. 117, 122, 131.

'The Church of Rome to the Church of Corinth, elect and congreeting in Christ Jesus.' On the form of the address, as connected with the question of the
secrate
;

inave^oov napotKel aocpia, ov KaroiKel,

de Conf ling. 17
Krjcrav
cos

(1.

p. 416) /caro>-

iv Tvarpibi,

TTapaKrjcrav,

ovx S eVi tjivrjs Greg. Naz. Orat. xiv (i.

rrjv

p.

271) Tis
irohiv

KaT(o
;

aKrjvrjv

ical

rr/v

authorship, see the introduction,

p.

I.

ava>

(diaipijaei)
;

ris
(I.

352 sq.

KCU KCLTOIKLCLV

Orat.
els

VU

TvapoLKiav p. 200) K

The

writer's
it

name

is

suppressed

ttJs

napoiKLas
:

ttjv

here, as

seems also

to

have been

<TK.va6p.evoi

comp.

KaroiKiav p,eraGen. xxxvi. 44

suppressed in another letter of the

Church of

Rome

to

the

Church of
a

(xxxvii. i) KarcoKei de 'la/cco/3 iv rrj yjj ov naptpKrjaev 6 Tvarhp avrov iv yrj X.avaav,

Corinth written more than half

Heb.

xi. 9,

Luke

xxiv. 18.

Thus

ixap-

century later during the episcopate of Soter see Dionys. Corinth, in Euseb. H. E. iv. 23. This address is imitated in the openings of three early Christian
;

olkos, na.poiK.elv, TrapoiKia,

are said of

the captivities of Egypt (Acts vii. 6 from LXX, xiii. 17) and of Babylon (Theoph. ad Aut. iii. 25, 28). See
especially the uses of napoiKelv, KaroiKelv, in reference to the migrations of
Israel, in Judith v. 7

documents

at least

(1)

The

Epistle

of Poly carp, see I. p. 149 ; (2) The Letter of the Smyrnceans, giving an

10.

Of

these

account
(3)

of

Polycarp's

martyrdom,
;

captivities the present earthly condition of the Christian people is the

see Ignat.

The

Polyc. I. p. 610 sq Apostolic Constitutions. For

and

antitype (Heb.
(2)

iv.

1).

Connected with
is

this

primary

other openingswhich it has influenced (though in a less degree), see the note

conception

the secondary idea of In the inscriptions non-citizenship.

'the sojourners' are opposed to 'the C. I. G. 3595 * re iroXlrai

on irapoiKovaa below. 1. napoiKovcra] 'sojourning in? (1) The primary idea in this word is
transitoriness.

citizens,'

Kal 01 ndpoiKoi Tvdvres

1

(comp.

ib.

1625,

The

distinction be-

63 1, 2906, 3049).
citizens

The

Christians are

tween ndpoLKos a temporary and k6xoikos a permanent resident appears from Philo Sacr. Ab. et Cain 10
(i.

no

on

earth.

They

dwell in

the world as aliens,

ndpoiKoi,
1

ijivoi, irap7ridT}p.oi,
;

Pet.

p. 170) 6

yap

rots iyKvickiois p.6vois

Heb.

xi.

13.

i. comp. 17, ii. n So too Clem. Rom. ii.

6
Trj

THE EPISTLE OF
6KK.\r]cria

S.

CLEMENT
Kopivdov, kAj/Sid
I.

tov Oeov
ev

Tt]

wapOLKOvarj

Tohy
3

tiyiaar/uievois
iravTOKpaTopos]

6e\t]fiaTL

Oeov

tov
i).

Kvplov
5 ai<pvi-

A;

tov iravTOKparopos

(comp. Ap. Const.

KaTaXel^ravres

tt)v

7rapoiKiav

tov

tovtov (comp. C. I. G. 9474 TOV (SlOV TOVTOV Tt)v TTO.poiK.iav), Ep. ad

Kocrpiov

toIs euro tcov tvapoiKidv ev als erT/peiro, Apollon. in Euseb. H. E. v. 18 r] Ibia

napoiKia uvtov

o6ev

r)v

ovk ede^aro
It

'.

Diogn.
(os

naTpidas oiKovaiv idias aXX' ndpoiKoi' p,T)(Ovcn navTcov <os no5

whence parochia, parish.

Kia

seems

XTrai kcu TTavff VTrop.evovo'iv cos evoi' tto.cra ;evr) iraTpis eaTiv avTcov kcu Tracra
TTciTpls evt],

not strictly correct to say that irapoiwas equivalent to the later term
dioiKTjais
',

where the writer

Christians.

is

de-

scribing

the

good

illustration of this sense of napoiKeiv is Orig. c. Cels. iii. 29 ai 8e tov Xpio-Tov

eKKXrjcriai,

for napoiKia, though it is sometimes a synonyme for dioUrjais (e.g. Conc.Ancyr. Can. 18), appears to have been used much more generally.

avve^eTa^opevai Tats

cov 7rap-

oiKovai brjpcov KKXr/o~iais, cos (pcocrn/pe's' elcriv ev Kocrpoo, ib. 30 eKKfoquias TOV

often given of irapoias though it denoted the aggregate of Christian communities in the
Kia,

The explanation

Oeov TrapoLKOvaas

eKKXrjo-iais tcov

Kaff

neighbourhood of a large town, receives no countenance from the earliest

usage of rrdpoiKos, etc. for the preposition is not local but temporal, and denotes not proximity but trausilo;

tKao-rqv ttoXiv br)ua>v.

Compare

also

the parable in Hennas Vis. I. 1. In the prologue to Ecclesiasticus ol ev

tji

TrapoLKia are the

Jews of the

dis-

riness.

that irapoiKia is almost equivalent to Siao-wopd; and, as the latter word is transferred to the Christian people, the spiritual Israel
(i is

persion, so

Kelv see the

1.

For the accusative after napoinote on Polyc. Phil, inscr. kXtjtoIs k.t.X.] Taken from the
1

salutation in
ev Xpio~Ta>

Cor.

i.

1, 2, rjyiao-pievois

'Itjo-ov, KXrjTo'is dy'iois.

Cle-

Pet.

i.

TTapeiribrjuois diaanopas),

SO

the former.

address

here, Polyc. Phil. Trj

Hence the form of which appears also

KK.\T]cria

ment not unnaturally echoes the language of S. Paul's Epistle to the

Corinthians, even where he does not it. Similarly the Epistle of Ignatius to the Ephesians predirectly quote

tov Oeov

ttj

Mart. Polyc. rj napoLKovo-a 2pvpvav k.t.X., Dionys. Corinth, in Euseb. H. E. iv. 23 ttj napoikovo-t] Toprvvav, Epist. Gall, in Euseb.
irapoiKovarj QiXirnrovs,

sents parallels to S. Paul's Epistle to the same church, especially in the

H.E.

Buvvt) kcu Aovydovvco ttjs TaXXias napoiKovvTes dovXoi Xpio~Tov.

I

v.

ol iv

opening salutation. The same relation again exists between Polycarp's Epistle to the Philippians and the
corresponding
the
letter of S. Paul.
tjyiao-uevois,

From
'

this the

substantive napoiKia

For

came to be used in a concrete sense, the body of aliens,' for the Christian
brotherhood in a town or district. The earliest instances which I have observed are Mart. Poly c.'mscr. naaais
Tals
koto.

meaning of

'conse-

crated to be God's people,' see the notes on toIs dyiois Phil. i. 1.

3.

X"P ls

K- r

-^-]

X^P ls

vpiiv Ka\ elpTjvrj

navTa tottov

ttjs

dyias kcu

KadoXLKfjs KK.Xr)o-ias irapoiKiais,

Corinth. [?] in Euseb.

H. E.

Dionys. iv. 23

salutation in S. Paul, excepting the Pastoral Epistles. With the addition of nXr^OwOei^ however it
is

the

common

ap.a Tals Xonrais koto. Kprp~r)v TvapoiKiais, Iren. in Euseb. H. E. v. 24 elprjvevov

occurs only in the two Epistles of S. Peter, from whom probably Clement derived the form, as the First

i]
'

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Irjcrov

rifjiiov

XpiCTOv.

X a P t

^lu ^u

KaL zipviwi diro ttclvto.

KpaTOpos Oeov diet 'Irjcrou XpiCTOv 7rAt]6uv6eir] I. Aia t5 ai<pvi&iovs kcli 7ra\\r\\ovs
diovs] at(ppr)diov<T

yevo/ULevas
9.

A.

yevo/xtvas]

evcur

A.

S has a present; comp.

Epistle

is
1

frequently quoted by him.

were modest

your wives were quiet

In Jude
eipjjvT]

we have

e'Xtos

vpuv koI

and
5.

orderly.'

kcu dydnT] TrXrjQvvBeir].

'

Tas alcpvidiovs k.t.X.]

This lan-

navTOKparopos] The LXX rendering of JTI&QV in the expression the Lord of Hosts (see Stanley, Jewish Church
'

II. p. 87), apparently not a classical In the New Testament it word. occurs once only out of the Apoca-

where S. Paul is So again quoting from the LXX. 2, 32 (LXX), 56, 60, 62 (comp. 8
lypse, 2 Cor. vi. 18,

navTOKparopiKcp),

Polyc. Phil,

inscr.,

Herm.
sition

Vis.

Polyc. 14.

3 (Sim. v. 7), See also Pearson

iii.

Mart.

Exposigni-

of the Creed
its

p.

78 sq (ed.

guage accurately describes the persecution which the Roman Christians endured under Domitian. Theirtreatment by this emperor was capricious, and the attacks upon them were reWhile the persecution of peated. Nero was one fierce and wholesale onslaught in which the passions of the multitude were enlisted on the emperor's side, Domitian on the other hand made use of legal forms and arraigned the Christians from time to time on various paltry charges see
;

Chevallier) for ficance in the

'

position

and

Latin Creed. As a Latin translation of iravTOKpaTfop, 'om'

its
'

nipotens is the survival of the fittest, defunct rivals being omnitenens,' omnipollens,' etc. Conversely the Latin 'omnipotens' is sometimes

350 sq. Apollonius in Philostr. Vit. Apoll. vii. 4 distinguishes two kinds of tyrants of which Nero and Tiberius respectively are
I.

above,

p. 81, p.

the types the one passionate reckless (oppoicrrjs km o/cpirou),

and
the

translated by navTodvvapos for navTOKpdrcop Gesch. d.

204

sq,

comp. Caspari Qttellen z. Taufsymbols III. pp. vi, 24, 209212. The two occur to;

other stealthy and treacherous (vnoKadrjpevrjs), the one acting with violence, the other using forms of
justice.

gether in the Liturgy of S. James, rravTodwapc i, dyios 7ra.PT0Kpa.TQip, (Swainson's Greek Liturgies p. 270
sq).
'

Obviously he places the contemporary tyrant Domitian in this second class. Again Domitian
11)

I.

We should have written sooner,

own
troubles have hindered

but our
us.

We are grieved to hear that

one

described by Suetonius (Domit. in language closely resembling Clement's, 'non solum magnae sed et callidae inopinataeque saevitiae.' Compare the accounts in Euseb. H.E. iii. 17 sq, Chron. an. 95, Dion
is

or two headstrong ring-leaders have fanned the flame of discord among This was not your wont in you. former days. Your firm faith, your

Domit. 12, 15. speaks of ol noXXol tVi AopcTiavov duoypoi (though this
Cass,
lxvii.

14, Suet.
1

So Mart. Ign.

refers especially to Antioch).

sober piety, your large hospitality, your sound knowledge, were the admiration of all. Authority was duly
respected by you.

These and other passages referring to the persecution of Domitian are given in
In one of above, I. p. 104 sq. these attacks the writer's namesake,

full

Your young men

THE EPISTLE OF
(rujUL(popa^

S.

CLEMENT

[i

t)fjLiv

(^ofjiev

d$eA(pol, fipd^tov vopatvov Tri<if]TOv\ievwv 7TLG'Tpocj)r]u 7T7roirj(rdai rrepl

7rf>i7rT(oo'is,

Kat

irap Kal

vfjuv

7rpa<yfJLaT(*iv,

dycnrrjTOi,

Ttjs

re

dWorpias
C
lapstts et

toIs ekXektoTs tov Oeov, juiapas Kal dvocriov ^evtjs

i

t)[uj>]

AS
;

Ka0'

7}ixQ>v

C.

7re/H7TTa><reis]

TrepiardcreLS

damna

which evidently represents irepnrTwveis (see I. p. 136). ade\(pol] A; om. C. See below 4, where S makes the same change. dyaTrrjToi S fipadiov] (3pa5eiov A. 3 7ra/>' vpuv irp<xyp.aTi>3v~\ A ; Trpay/jL&Twv Trap vpuv C
S,
1

and patron

(as I venture to think), Flavius Clemens, a kinsman of the emperor, fell a victim; see I. 33 sq. Thus the notice here accords with external testimony which places the Corinthian feuds to which this letter see refers in the reign of Domitian
;

will

repeated

and and reverses which have befallen us, we consider we have been somewhat slow to pay

mean Owing to
'

the sudden

calamities

attention to the questions of dispute

among you?

the introduction, I. p. 347. Volkmar (Theol. Jahrb. 1856, p. 286 sq, and

The reader must be cautioned against the rendering adopted in some translations, English and Latin those things which you
' ;

who assigns a much later date to this epistle, is obliged to refer the notice here to the sufferings of the Christians under Trajan; but
elsewhere),

enquired of
fuerant

us,'

which you consulted

'the points respecting us,' 'ea quae

there is no evidence that this persecution extended to Rome. Our epistle therefore was probably written to-

wards the close of Domitian's reign or on the accession of Nerva (about A.D. 95 or 96). Other notices of time
agree with this result; see above, I. p. 348 sq. successive, repeated] enaXkrjXovs] 2l comparatively late but common word, e.g. Philo in Flacc. 14 (11. p.
in the

This quaesita a vobis.' rendering involves a historical misstatement. The expression contains no allusion to any letter or other application from the Corinthians to the Romans. Clement does not write trap vfxwv, but nap' vpuv; and ra eVtfyTovpeva means simply 'the matters of dispute,' not 'desiderata,' as it is

body of the
'

letter

534 M.) ras

KaKcoaeis,

(rvv(-)(ils

Kal inaXXrjXovs

sometimes rendered, eVt^Vq/xa being 'a question.' It would appear that the Roman Christians had not been directly consulted by the Church of Corinth, but having heard of the
feuds by
aKorj)

Plut.

Pomp.
;

enaXX-qXois Kal 7roXep,ois

25 see

tcivbvvois

Lobeck

Paral.

p. 471.

It is

restored indeed

by Hermann
restoration

Ant. 57, but this very doubtful, and the word there must have the sense rein Soph.
is
'

common report ( 47 avrq wrote this letter unsolicited. 4. %vt]s] Doubtless the right reading; comp. Clem. Horn. vi. 14 cos dXrjBeias aXXorpiav ovaav Kal evr]V. No sense can be made of gevois. The
17

For enaXXrjXovs yevopevas ciprocal.' comp. Alciphr. Ep. i. 23 x i< v f vk*"7 Otherkol endXXrjXos (fie pofxevrj. wise we might read eVaXX^Xws, which
*>

$vr]s)

doubling of epithets (dXXorpias Kal is after Clement's manner,

especially in this opening

chapter

e.g.

piapds Kal dvoaiov,

irpoawira]
'

TrpoTverr)

Kal

occurs Epist.

Gall. % 14 in Euseb.

avdddt], iravdptTov Kal ftefiaiav, etc.

5.

H. E.
1.

v.

I.

Not simply
'

'persons'
47,

vofxiofxev]

The whole passage

but 'ringleaders'

comp.

and

I]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
t\v

(rracecos,

oAiya

7rpocrco7ra

7rp07reTtj

kcli

avdddt]

virap-^ovra
crefjivov

eis

toctovtov dirovoias epeKavaav, wctte to

Kal
irdcriv

teal

7repi(56riTOv

dvdpioTrois

d^iaydtls

7Tf]T0v bvojua vfJLcov fxeyaXcos

7rape7TLSrj^Lr](ra^
dub. S.
<pr}/xr)dT]uai]

/3\a(r(priiuLtidrjvai.

yap

7rpos v/uds ty\v iravdpeTOv Kal (iefiaiav

dyavrjToi]

AC; om.
C;

S.

A;

pXao-firjpeTvdcu
$\a.<pQr\va.i.

4 ^evrjs] CS; ijevoia A. ut laederetur or laedatur (fliDDi)

8 jSXao -

S,

which

perhaps represents

see the note on Ign. Magn. 6. authors of these feuds are again

The
men-

ovopa
lute

tioned as few in number,

rj

47 SY ev

hvo Tvpoaa>Tva aTaaid^eiv npos rovs

6.

For this absoftXao-cprjpe'iTai. use of to ovopa, which is not infrequent in earlier Christian writers, see the note on Ign. Ephes. 3, and

irp eo~(3vTepovs.

els too-ovtov k.t.A.]

'

have kindled
;

to

such a pitch of recklessness''

comp.

46

els

Editors

Toaavrrjv dnovoiav ipxofxeda. have taken offence at the

its

comp. Phil. ii. 10 (with my note). It might be thought that to ovopa vpatv here would mean 'the name of Christ which you bear'; but this would have been expressed otherwise, e.g. James ii. 7 ^Xaacprjpovaiv to koXov bvopa to eniKXrjOev e'ef) vpas, Herm. Sim. viii. 6 enaio-xwOevTes to

expression, but

awkwardness

is

no

sufficient reason for altering the text ; comp. 45 els tovovto e^rjpiaav

6vpov. Otherwise vno dirovo'ias might be read. In dnovoia shamelessuess rather than folly is the prominent
idea, so that the dnovevorjpevos
is described by Theophrastus (Char, xiii) as one wholly devoid of self-respect.

ovopa Kvpiov to eniKXrjdev err avTovs. It is hardly necessary to add that is fiXao-cpripe'iv frequently used of

calumniating or maligning human beings; e.g. Rom. xiv. 16 pr) /3Xao-(prjpe IcrOai vpwv to dyadov (comp. iii.
8).

to

aepvbv
Trjs

k.t.X.]
TtepifiorJTov

So

47

to
:

aepvov

<piXaheX<pias

comp. Ign. Eph. 8

fiorJTov Tols ala>o~iv.

eKKXr]<rias rijs hia-

The whole pastis yap k.t.X.] sage as far as enopeveo-Be is quoted by Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. 17 (p. 610) val
ev Tjj npos KopivBiovs eiriaToXfj o dnoo-ToXos KXrjprjs Kal avTos r]plv tvttov Tivd tov yvoicrTiKov vnoypacpcov Xeyei,
pr)v

8. ovopa vpa>v\ 'your reputation' or 'character' or worth? See the note

'

on

Ign.

Ephes.

to

TroXvaydnrjTov

ovopa o KeKTt]o-0e cpvaei. The addition of the pronoun seems to require this sense, and the epithets as well as the whole context, suggest it. On
the other
(p-qpelv

Tis yap k.t.X.

9.
irapenih-qpr)o-as~\

This 'bimaris
natural

hand the expression

where there

/3Xao-is

halting place on the journey between Rome and the East, as we see in the case

Corinthus'

was

to ovopa,

no

pronoun or adjective, means 'to speak evil of,' 'to blaspheme the Name,' i.e. of Christ or of
qualifying

somewhat H. E. iv.
Oral.

companions, and Hegesippus (Eus. Diogenes is repre22). sented as visiting it (Dion Chrys.
of S. Paul
his later of
viii. p.
1

and

God
rjpas

e. g. 2
pr)

Clem.
6

3 iva to ovopa hi

5 1 ed.

Emper) on
Trjs

TrXelT)

(3Xao-<pr)prJTai,
iii.

Clem. Alex.
hi

CTTOl dvdpOiTTOl Kel 0~VViaO~l. ..KOI OTl

Strom,

(p.

532)

ovs Kal to

noXis coa7rep ev Tpiohto

'iLXXahos

10
vjucov

THE EPISTLE OF
it'mttiv

S.

CLEMENT
Tr\v

[i

ovk

ehoKLfxaaev

re

caxppova

kcli

XpHTTio evaefieiav ovk edavfiaaev ; kcli to ovk eKrjpv^ev; /ULya\o7rp67T6 rfjs (piXo^evias v/utov fjdos
7rLeiKrj

ev

kcli

ty\v

TeXetav

kclI

dacpaXfj yvtotriv ovk

ttclvtcl

efj.ctKCLpio'ev

cL7rpoo-L07ro\YifA7rTU>s
/ulols

yap
Tl[XY\V

eTroieire, kcll to?? vo\xi- 5

tov Oeov
VfJLCOV

7ropeveo-6e 9

v7roTaa'cr6fxevoL toIs r\yovKadr]KOVO~CLV

610.

fJLVOLS
i

KCLL

Tt]V

CL7T0VejU0VT6^

vpQiv iriariv]

AC;
3 ovk]

k'kxtlv

vpwv Clem
oill.

2 eirieiKr) ev]

CS Clem;
5 airpoc-

ttlIK7]vv

A.

AC
;

S.

4 da<paXrj] a<7(pa\riv A.
(edd.).
;

UTroXrjfXTrTios]

A;

aTrpoaw7ro\r]TT0)S

C Clem

tiroie'ire] eTroieirai

A.

tois

A in lege (ND1D32) S iv rois vdfxots C ; ev rols approved by Wotton and others. The rendering of S shows nothing as regards the reading; for (1) the preposition would be required in any case; (2) the singular is explained by the accidental omission of ribiti;
vofj.ifj.ots]

ToiavofxoLois

vofii/xoLs

Clem, which

(3) v6fiLfxov is

elsewhere translated by
it

KD1D3

(vbfxos)

in this version (comp. 3, 40).

eKftro.

So

also

is

called the

ivepL-

naros or 'lounge' of Greece ; see [Dion Chrys.] xxxvii. p. 522 with the context,
cos

eva tcov 7v6XXg>v

els

Kai kclt

iviavTov
77

For the more special sense see the note on 48. For this ad5. a.7rpo(T(07roki]p,7rT(Ds] verb see 1 Pet. i. 17, Barnab. 4. For
the
forms,
-X^pnTcos,
-Xt/tttcos,

KaraipovroiV
6e<opbv
f)

Keyxpeasrj

epnopov

see

irpecrfievTrfv

biep^opevov.

Hence
on
or

there

mand for hospitality there

IO (piXo^eviav,

was an abundant desee below

;

Winer's Grammar p. 53(ed. Moulton). For an instance of the capricious orthography of both our MSS comp.

35 d<piXoeviav.
either in

12

o-vXXr)[p]yl/op.evovs,

(TvXXr][p](p1

Travaperov]

Not found
:

LXX

Bevras.
toTs vopipois] 3 ev rols

New

Testament, but a favourite

see
2, 45, 57,

'by the ordinances'

vopipois
tosv

word with Clement

so

irpocr-

He de60, with the note on 57. lights in such compounds, e.g. Trapp.eyeOi]S,
TTOTTTrjS.

raypariou avrov nopeveadai, 40 rots' vopipois tov deanoTov dicoXovdovvTes,

navdyios,

Tvap.irXr]6rjs i

navTe-

Hermas
vop.ip.ci

Vis.

i.

3 eav

T-qprjo-oacriv

ra

tov

Qeov.

2.

iirieuaft'forbeating?

This yield-

ing temper, this deference to the feelings of others, was the quality esFor pecially needed at such a time.
eirKiKeta

vopipois 7ropevo-8ai xviii. 3, xx. 23, and ev toIs vopipois

iropeveo-Oai Jer. xxvi (xxxiii). 4, Ezek. For the dative, dev. 6, 7, xx. 18.

The phrase toIs occurs LXX Lev.

comp.

13, 56, 58, 62,

It

see Philippians iv. 5. nently a characteristic

and was emiof Clement

noting the rule or standard, see Galatians

6.

v. 16, 25, vi. 16.

i.

toIs r\yovpevois]

e.

the officers

himself; see

I.

p. 97.

of the Church, as 21 tovs nporjyov-

For the to p.eyaXonpenes k.t.X.] reproof lurking under this allusion to their past hospitality, see the note
on
dcptXo^eviav 35.
yvGxriv]
4.

comp. Heb. xiii. 7 pvrj-qpcov povevere tu>v i]yovp.ev(ov vp.a>v oirives tov Qeov, and e'XdXrjo-av vplv tov Xoyov
pevovs
:

Here used

generally.

iii.

again 9

xiii.

17,

24

Hermas
rrjs

Vis.

ii.

2,

oi TrporjyovpevoL

eKK.Xr)o~ias,

I]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Trap
v/uLi/

I I

Toh
voeiv
10 Kai

TrpecrfiuTepois'

veois re /uerpia kcll (refjivd

yvvai^iv re ev djuco/uco teal (re/uivtj dyvfj cruveidr](TeL irdvTa eirLTeXeiv TrapryyyeWeTe,

67reTpe7rTe'

(TTepyoucras KadtjKOVTtos tovs dvdpas eavTtcv ev T6 tw Kavovi Trjs viroTayt]^ virap^ovcras Ta KaTa tov oIkov
(renvois OLKOVpyeTv eSi$dcrKT,
I

irdw
ev is

craxppovovaras.

have adopted

vofj.ifj.oLs

from Clem, but

note)

and was probably

his

own

insertion.
;

not wanted (see the explanatory 6 eiropevecrde] CS Clem; iropev-

eadai A.

7 vfxwv]

AS

om. C.
9
dfjLW(jt.ii)

KaOrjKovaav] nadiKovaav
Kai
crefxvfj

A.
dyvrj

8 vfuv\
dfXLbfup

AS;

rffiiv

C.

Kai dyvrj]

AC;

Kai

S (certainly omitting Kai aefxpr), but the transposition of dyvrj and d/jubfxcp may be due to the convenience of translation see above, 1. p. 137. 13 olKovpyeTv] A ; oUovpeiv (but apparently 7 has been erased) C curam-geretites
;
;

operuvi {studiose agentes in operibus) S.

See the lower note.

accordingly. For the change from the dative (ywaigiv) to the accusative
(o-Tepyova-as)

v. 12.

Similarly ot7rpoto-ra'/Ltei/oti5/Lta5 1/, 1 Thess. The reference therefore is not to civil officers, as some take it and the rrpeo-ftvTepois in the next clause
;

comp. Mark

vi.

39 eV-

refers to age, not to office, as the The 'presfollowing veois shows. ' byters or elders,' properly so called,
'

eraev avTois dvaK\i6rjvai irdvras, Acts XV. 22 e8oev rols a7roo-ro\oi? k.t.X.

are exhausted in rols rjyovp.evois, but these are not the only seniors to

K\e^apivovs avdpas i avrdtv 7vepy\rat, and see Jelf's Gram. 675, 676. ' e re ra Kavovi k.t.X. 1 i. e. not over-

reverence is due, and Clement accordingly extends the statement so as to comprise all older men, thus preparing the way for the mention of 'the young' also as a class. Similarly

whom

stepping the line, not transgressing the limits, of obedience '; e.g. 41 pr)
TrapeK(3aiv(ov

tov

(opio-fxivov

rfjs

Aet-

On the meTovpyias avrov Kavova. taphor of Kavcjv, 'a measuring line] see Galatians vi. 16, and the note on
7, below.
'

21, where, as
7rp(r{3vTepoi,
veoi,

here, 7rpor)yovp.vot, yvvcuKes, occur in

is

1 3.

olKovpytlv]
1

to

succession.

There

the

same

diffi-

in the house.
vail

The

classical

ply their work forms

culty about the use of npeo-fivrepoi in connexion with veeorepoi in 1 Pet. v.

1

sq, Polyc. Phil. 5, 6.

9.

ineTpinere]
Plat.
vi. 5. 11

e.g. in

ye enjoined] as Legg. p. 784 c, Xen.

(see Kuhner's note).

'

are oiKovpos, olKovpelv, and these preeven at the Christian era and much later e. g. Philo de Spec. Leg. 31 (II. p. 327) 6r)\eiais (e(papp.6et) olKovpla, de Execr. 4 (il. p. 431) yvval;

Anab.

Kas acoeppovas oiKovpovs Kai (pikdvdpovs,

yvvai^iv re k.t.A..] See Polyc. Phil. 4 eVetra Kai tcis yvvalKas k.t.A., where Polycarp follows Clement's language

and the illustrative passages in WetBut in Tit. ii. 5 stein on Tit. ii. 5.
o-ccxppovas,

here and in

21.

v7roTao~o~op.evas

dyvds, oiKovpyovs, dyadds, ro7s Idiots dvdpdaiv,

11. arepyovaas] It should probably be taken with the foregoing clause, and I have altered the punctuation

which passage Clement may have had in his mind, the great preponderance of the best authorities have

12
II.
vevofxevoiy
olKovpyovs,

THE EPISTLE OF
Flavres

S.

CLEMENT
fxri^ev

T6

T<x7reivo(ppoveiT6>

a'Aab-

vwoTaarcroiueuoi
;

/uaWov

rj

v7roTct(T(rovTs,

reading

the

not oiKovpovs and this ablest recent editors

Tregelles,

The ordinanjoiced in doing good. ces of God were graven on your

hearts.'
2.

(Tischendorf,

Westcott

and Hort; have adopted. In this passage of Clement also A has olKovpyovs, and so apparently it was
read originally in C, but the y has been erased. Bryennios says veu>l

v7roTa.o~o-6p.evo1 k. T.A.J
ii.

See Ephes.

v. 21, Phil.
1

3,

Rom.

xii. 10, 16,

and

Pet. v.

5 (v.l.).

to y.' Bnt judgphotograph, I should imagine that it was impossible to say who erased the letter whether the

repa x 6i P

d-jrp\ei^re

3. rjdiou k.t.X.] Doubtless a reference to our Lord's words recorded Acts xx. 35, pa.Ka.pi6v icrTLV paXXov

ing by

the

dtdovai

?}

Xapftdveiv

see below, 13,

where the context of the passage is It was no new commandechoed.

original
rector.

scribe
I

or

some

later

cor-

disposed to think that the original scribe wrote down oiKovp-

am

ment however, though instinct with Maxims similarly a new meaning. had been uttered by the expressed
two opposite schools of philosophy, starting from different principles and speaking with different motives. For the Epicureans see Plut. Mor. p.
778 C 'EniKovpos tov eu
-rdcrxeiv

an older MS which he had before him, and then after his wont (see above, I. p. 126 sq) corrected it into the more classical form. At
yovs, following
all

events there
scribes

is

a tendency in the

to ev

and correctors to return to the more classical form, as we see from the later corrections of AC
later
in Tit.
ii.

ttouIv ov povov koXXiov dXXa. kcu fjdiov -Ival (prjcri, a .d for the Stoics, Seneca

5.

The

Syriac here

is

Epist. lxxxi. 17 'Errat si quis beneficium accipit libentius quam reddit'

pmain [SlftO*?, the same rendering being given in the Peshito and Harclean in Tit. ii. 5. It seems to represent oiKovpyovs rather than oltcovpovs, the first element of the word (olkos) having been already exhausted in the translation of the preceding ra Kara top oIkov and therefore not
needing repetition. Perhaps however it may be intended to combine
the ideas of -ovpyelv

(both quoted by Wetstein on Acts

I.e.).

toIs e(po8ioLs k.t.X.]

sion which

God has
life.'
'

journey of
Epist.
lxvii.

i. e. the provisupplied for the Similarly Seneca

'

Quia quantulumplus

cumque haberem, tamen

mihi superesset
Epictet.
(f)66L0V

jam
viae,'
ti

viatici

quam
filOV,

Diss.

iii.

21.

9 exovras
p,6vov

TOIOVTOV

IS

TOV

Plljt.
fjv

same verb
II.

is

and -ovpelv. The more commonly a ren-

Mor.
dXXa
in

p.

160 B as

pr)

tov

Ka\ tov diroOvrjo-Keiv ttjv Tpo<prjv

;

dering of p,epipvav or empeXelaOai.

icpobiov ovo-av

'Submission and contentment

lives.

comp. Dionys. Corinth, Euseb. H. E. iv. 23 (KKXrjo-lais

It
is

were the rule of your

The
;

TroXXais raxs KaTa nao-av ttoXlv ecpodca

Txip-j-iv.

teaching of God was in your breasts the passion of Christ before your eyes. Peace and good-will reigned among Spiritual graces and incessant you. prayers distinguished you. You loved the brethren you bore no malice to you reany you loathed faction
;

the

same sentiment
8iaTpo(pds ko\
dpKo~dr)o-6p.e0a.

as

Tim.
idea

vi. 8, e'xovTes

aKerrdo-paTa

tovtols

The
seems

of

spiritual

sustenance

ecpodia For this

to be out of place here, though not unfrequentlyhas this sense.

and other reasons the words

n]
h'Aion

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
AiAont6c h AamBanontgc, tois e(po$iois
3 rod Qeov]

13

tov

Qeov

tov Xpio~Tov CS.

to7s e<p. tov Q. apK.

must be connected

On

the other hand Gaius (or rather

with the preceding clauses, so that the new idea is introduced by kol
7rpoaex.ovTs.

Hippolytus) early in the third century inthe Little Labyrmt/i(H. is. v. 28; see

The

Syriac version init

deed attaches
lates the

koi TrpoaexovTes to tne

Routh Rel. Sac?'. II. p. 129) mentions Clement with Justin, Miltiades, and
several others,' aTatian, besides mong those ev oh 8eo\oyelTat 6
Xpio-Tos.
'

preceding sentence, but

manipuif it

words following, as

had

read tovs t Xcryov$...eveaTepviap.evoi

(om, frc).
tov

Routh (p. 145) supposes Clement of Rome to be meant (as

The reading tov Xpiaaccepted by Bryennios and Hilgenfeld (ed. 2) on the authority
tov Qeov]
is

of C.

On

the other

hand Harnack

while Donaldson ; hesitates between the two readings. As regards external evidence, the balance is fairly even. If the view
retains tov Qeov
(1. pp. 124 sq, 139 142 sq) of the relative value of our authorities be correct, is entitled to as great weight as CS to-

maintained above
sq,

also does Bunsen, Hippol. I. p. 440), because the author of the Little Labyrinth refers distinctly to works written before the time of Victor who became bishop about A.D. 189 or 190, and indeed the whole argument turns on this point. To this it may be added that Hippolytus afterwards (p. 131) uses an expression re'

'

sembling the language of the Roman Clement here, 6 evcnrXayxvos Qeos

Kvpios ijpcov 'irjaovs Xpio-Tos ovk e(Sov\eTo ... a7ro\eo~6ai papTvpa tg>v lb Lav 77 a 6 do v, and that Clement of
Koi

gether.
trinal

Moreover the obvious docmotive, which in C has led to

another place
it

the deliberate substitution of Aoyoy

for irvevpa in

must deprive
it

of

much

9), value in
(ii.

Alexandria (who is the alternative) can only have died a few years (ten
or at most twenty) before the passage was written. On the other side it

the present case.

is

On

the other

hand

urged with probability that, as (Bibl. 126) complains of Clement's language in this epistle
Photius
apxLepea koi
Ir]o~ovv
7rpoo~Ta.TT]v

may be urged
names,
ovcov,

that the order of the

kol

'lavorivov

M/XrtaSou

/cat

TaTLCivoi) koi KXr/pevTos kcu eTepcov nXei-

on

tov Kvpiov

qpoiv

XpiaTov

e >vopa<ov ovbe

ment but
;

points to the Alexandrian Clethis is not conclusive, since

Tas OeoTTperrels teat vyJAi]XoTepas cicpfJKe nepl avTov epeovas, he cannot have had

in the very next sentence the

chrono-

logical order of Melito

is

tov Qeov in his text.

But, as the declaration of Christ's divinity lurks under the reference of the pronoun
avTov,
it might very easily have escaped the notice of Photius who in

inverted, to. MeXiTcovos kol tcov XolttoZv tis dypoel fii(3Xia ; The question therefore must

Irenaeus, yap ILlp-qvaiov re kol

and

remain undecided; though the reasons in favour of the Roman Clement

the course

of

this

single

embassy

seem

to preponderate.

As

it is

very

read as large a number of books as would have sufficed many a man not ill-informed for a life-time. Even
if

this

the inference were more certain, evidence would not go far, for Photius is a late writer.

improbable that so early a writer as Hippolytus should have recognised as genuine any other writings ascribed to Clement of Rome, his judgment must have been founded upon
this epistle.

H
The
far

THE EPISTLE OF
external evidence therefore
;

S.

CLEMENT

["

is

Xpio-Tov for rov Qeov.

The language

from conclusive and if any decision on the reading is possible, it must be founded upon internal eviBut here the considerations dence. which present themselves are numerous.
(i)

of Anastasius of Sinai (Hodeg. 12, x 3> P- 97 sq) shows that these passages of earlier writers (he mentions among others Ign. Rom. 6) were constantly alleged in favour of Mono-

As a question
;

of accidental

is

error in transcription, the probability evenly balanced for^u instead of

physite doctrine, and he himself has some trouble in explaining them away. Writing against these same
heretics Isidore of Pelusium (Ep. i. 124) says Qeov 7rd6os ov XeyeTai, Xpia-

Bv,

and Bv instead of
scribes.

xv, are equally

other hand, if we have a deliberate alteration, the chances that Xpia-rov would be substituted for Qeov are, I think, greater than the

common with On the (2)

tov yap to Trddos yeyove

k.t.A.

On

the

other hand,

might be said that the Monophysites themselves would be

it
;

under a temptation to alter x v i nt0 and accordingly Bryennios sup6v

poses that in this passage the reading of A is due to the Monophysites (or, as he adds, perhaps to the AlexanThis does not seem drian divines). very likely, (a) In the first place, it would be a roundabout and precarious way of getting a testimony in favour of their doctrine. If tov Xpicrtov (thus assumed to be the original
reading) had been in direct connexion with to. rraOrjpaTa, 3. change in this direction would not be improbable ; but it would never have occurred to any one to alter toIs ecpobtois tov
XpicrTov into toIs ecpodlois tov Qeov, because there happened to be the ex-

chances

of

the

converse

change.

Such language Qeov, and the

in the

as alpa Qeov,ira6r)p.aTa
like,

though common second and third centuries,

became highly distasteful in later ages and this from various motives. The great Athanasius himself pro;

tests against
ii.

such phrases,
758)
7T(os

c.

Apollin.

ovv yeypdcpare on Qeos 6 did aapKos iraBwv kcu dvaards ;...ovbapov 8e alpa Qeov St^a aap13, 14
(i.

p.

Kos napabebcoKao-iv ai ypacpal

rj

Qeov did

aapKos iraOovra Kaia.vao~Ta.vT a. And how liable to correction such expressions would be, we may infer from the long recension of the Ignatian Epistles, where the original language of the
writer
is deliberately altered by the interpolator, who appears to have lived in the latter half of the fourth
1 iv alpaTi Qeov, where XpicrTov is substituted for Qeov ; Rom. 6 tov irdBovs tov Qeov p,ov, where this

pression Ta naOrjpaTa avrov in the next sentence, so that avTov would naturally be referred to the genitive
It would have been much simpler to change avTov

after toIs eqbodiois.

century {Ephes.

into tov Qeov at once, (b) Secondly, the dates are not favourable to this

supposition.
is

interpolator
tov Qeov

softens

down

the lan-

The MS which has Qeov assigned by the most competent

guage by inserting Xpio-Tov before

p.ov,

while others substitute

authorities to the fifth century, and by some of them to the earlier half

TOV KvpLOV pOV Or TOV XpiO~TOv).

At

this time the heresy to which such expressions seemed to give countelater date,

of the century (see above, 1. p. 117); and, though not impossible, it is not probable that the Monophysite

nance was Apollinarianism. At a when the Monophysite controversy arose, there would be a still greater temptation on the part of an orthodox scribe to substitute tov

controversy would have influenced the transcription of the MS at this date. On the other hand Photius, our earliest authority for tov Xpio-Tov (supposing that his evidence be ac-

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

15

cepted), wrote four centuries later, when there had been ample time for such manipulation of the text. But,

It is more to the purpose to (4) urge that, though such language is not uncommon in other writers, it has

besides the doctrinal motive which might have suggested the change from Qeov to Xpiarov, there may also have been an exegetical reason. The

word efybhiov, viaticum, was used especially of the eucharistic elements (e.g. Lit. D. Marc. p. 29, Lit. D. Jacob, p.

75, Neale),

tural desire to fix this sense

and there would be a naon S.

no parallel in Clement that he elsewhere speaks of the blood of Christ ( 7, 21, 49) and describes itas precious to God His Father ( 7) and that throughout this epistle he applies the term Qebs to the Father as distinguished from Christ. This argument has considerable weight, but must
;

'

'

'

'

Clement
(3)

here.

The

probability that such lan-

guage as ra naOijfJLara tov Qeov should have been used by an early Christian writer can hardly be questioned. These early writers occasionally used
language
so

not be overstrained. The Catholic doctrine of the Person of Christ admits both ways of speaking. Writers like Tertullian, who use the most extravagant and unguarded language on the other side, are commonly and even in the same context found speaking of Christ as distinct from God and the exact proportions which the one mode of speaking will bear to the other in any individual writer must be a matter of evidence. It is
;

strong

in

expressing
;

their belief of our Lord's divinity, as almost to verge on patripassianism

SO Ign. Ephes. I dva^convprjo-avTes iv aliiaTi Qeov, Ign. Rom. 6 enLTpe-^-are elvai tov nddovs tov Qeov fioL p.ip.t]TT]v
p.ov,

Melito (Routh Ret. Sacr. I. p. 122) 6 Qebs TverrovQev vnb hei-ias IcrLevi 4 parj\iTi8os, Test, xii Pat?\
eVi
to)

TraBet

tov
;

ancient writing
sq),
'

v^riaTov (a very see Galatians p. 307

ireirov-

from the newly discovered endQebs k.t.X.) that he ing ( 58 Cfl y^p could have had no sympathy with Ebionite views of the Person of Christ. Moreover, in the passage
clear

Tatian ad Graec. 13 tov

Cam. Chr. 5 passiones Dei,' ad Uxor. ii. 3 sanguine Dei (and so elsewhere TerGod crucified, tullian speaks of God dead,' the flesh of God/ the murderers of God'; see de Cam. Chr. 5, adv. Marc. ii. 16, 27, v. 5), A?ic. Syr. Doc. p. 8 (ed. Cureton)
Sotos Qeov, Tertull. de
' ' '
3

especially quoted ( 7) one authority, which probably preserves the right reading, omits Qecp. And after all the
alternative remains which Abbot is disposed to favour (p. 343), that Cle-

'

'

<

ment wrote avTov negligently, not remembering that tov Qeov had immediately preceded and referring it in his own mind to Christ.
It remains to enquire whether (5) the connexion is more favourable to This will tov Qeov or tov XpLo-Tov. depend partly on the connexion of If the punctuation the sentences.

God was crucified for all And similar passages from

'

men,'

etc.

writers of

these and the succeeding generations

might be multiplied. See Abbot 1. c. p. 340 sq, Otto Corp. Apol. C/irist.
IX. p. 445.

The

nearest parallel in
is

the
ttjv
o~clto

New
bid
if

Testament

Acts xx. 28,

rjv

eKKhrjcr'iav

tov Qeov

7repie7roir};

given in my text be retained, tov Qeov is almost necessary for ra e(pn81a then refers to the ordinary means of subsistence. Hilgenfeld reads and
;

even

tov aLfxaTos tov IBiov but tov Qeov be the correct readit is),

punctuates to7s
dpK.ovp.evoi

eqboBtois tov

koX

%poo-ixovres,
'

Xpiarov under-

ing (as possibly

is

the form of ex-

standing by the term

tenance.'

pression these patristic references.

far

less

strong than in

This seems

spiritual susto give to

me

an awkward sense

(for the

mention

i6
dpKOVfJievoC

THE EPISTLE OF
teal

S.

CLEMENT
avTOu
^>
Ktl

[n
eiri-

7rpo(T6xovTes
rjre

roik Xoyovs

/zeAws

evecTTepVLG-fjievoL

Toh <T7rAayX^

Ta

iradrifJiaTa
pr\vr]

avrov

y\v

irpd

(iadeia Kal Xiirapd

Ovtws ei6<pda\pu)v vpwv. eSedoro irdciv Kal aKOpearros

irXripns

7r66os

ek dyadowoil'av, Kal
C;
ecrrepvicr/AevoL
. .

Trvevfiaros

dyiov
.erant S,
ribui.

2 iveaTepviafihot]

A.
.
.

4 \nrapa edtdoro] \eiirapae8e-

eT0

A.

5 xX?7pr/s

?kxv<tis

iylvero]

AC;

plenae effusiones

as

if irXypeis

here cannot be explained eKX^eis...iylvopTO, for the plural

itive

by

of 'contentment' is then somewhat out of place) and an unnatural punctuation (for Kal Trpoaixovres then be-

ret Tra.6rjp.aTa

sense to the preposition. avrov k.t.A.] Compare

iii.
I

Gal.

ols

kut

oCpdaXpovs

*lr)o-ovs

comes a clumsy
1.

addition).

XpiaTos

TrpoeypcKprj

eo-Tavpoapevos,

of

tovs \6yovs] For the accusative after Trpoo-x OVTs compare e. g. Exod.
xxxiv.
1 1

ivreKXofiai

7rpoax < navva ova eyco aoi, Is. i. 10 7rpoo-e'xere voix.

which Clement's expression is perhaps a reminiscence. In this passage it has been proposed to read pa6r)the confusion p.aTa for nadrjpaTa and
;

pov Qeov, Neh.

ras ivTokas
aov.
2.
(v. 1.)

34 ov npoo-eaxov

of padr]TT]s,
7,

crov Kal to. p,apTVpia

and

in Ign. Polyc. paBrjpara, TraBrjpaTa, in Ign.

TradrjTrjs,

evearepvia-peuoi] 'ye took

heart] i.e. accusative to iveo-repvio-pevoi as well SO 12 elade^aas to irpoaexovTes For evo-Tepviuevr) avTovs tKpvyjsev. compare Clem. Alex. Paed. i. 6
;

them to rovs \6yovs, which is the

Smyrn. 5, shows that the interchange would be easy. This emendation was diffioriginally adopted to meet the
culty of the expression the sufferings of God.' Among others it found an advocate in the late Ezra Abbot
'

(eaOai
(p.

{Bibliotheca Sacra, April 1876, p. 313

sq) in a learned
28.

123)

rbv

aaiTTjpa

evarepvicraadai,
aoilb.

Euseb. Mart. Pal. 8 pziCpva tov

paros tov \oytapov iveo-Tepviapevrj,
1 1

But

it

paper on Acts xx. has obtained some favour

vio-to,

pvrjpas avTcov (tcov ypa(pa>v) eveo-repib. Laud. Const. 5 5 tg>v ckcI

(patToov

akeKTOV ttoOov

eveo-Tepvio~p,evos,

even since the discovery of the alternareading tov XpiaTov. Yet (1) The on tov parallels quoted in the note Qeov prove that no alteration is needtive
to. iraBrjpaTa avTov would be a natural expression to a writer of this age; (2) The reading paBrjpara would destroy the propriety of the expressions in the parallel clauses as

Apost. Const, procem. evforepvio-pevoi tov (pofiov cwtov, ib. V. 14 evo-Tepvio-dpevos

clvtov.

ed, since

There seems
o-Tepviecr0ai,

to

be no
thereIf

such word as

and

fore hevTepvio-pivoi

must be

read.

eo-Tepviapevoi could stand, Cotelier's

explanation would probably be

'

cor-

rect,

Clementi

eo-Tepviapevoi

sunt,
lati

qui as

Latinis

pectorosi,

homines
Cor.
vi.

11), capacisque pectoris (2 the analogy of cmXayxviCcadai

;

read in the MS, iveo-Tepviapevoi referring to tovs Xoyovs and npo 6(p6a\p<ov the words in your to to. TraOrjpaTa, hearts,the sufferings before your eyes ; to. 7ra6r)paTa is a common (3) While
' 1

and later critics seem to suggests be wrong in making it equivalent to its transiveo-Tepvio-pevoi, which owes

New Testament, used especially to denote the being

expression in the
sufferings of Christ, the

word

paBrjpa

does not once occur either there or

"]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
fJiecTTOi

17

eK^vcris 67n TrdvTcts iyiveTO'

ev
ctyadrj
TrpodvfjLia /xer
v/ucou

Te

donas f3ov\rjs
e^ere/-

evcrefiovs
7rpos

7T67roidt]criti$

vclt

Tas xeTpas
clvtov
Y\V

tov TravroKpaTOpa Qeov,

eiTi

iKTvovT6$
[O

iAecos

yeveo-dai,

cucovres

r)ixdp-

T6T6.
6 daias]

CtytOV

VfJUV Y}fJiepaS
:

KCtl

VVKTOS V7T6p 7TaCT^5

7 TreTroidrjcrew] ireiroL^d^crecocr

AS

delas

A.
note.

e^ereivare]

C A;

see the lower note.

eeTeiVere
;

CS.

t\<fws]

'CXeiov

C: see the lower

anovres]

AC

endures S.

rifxaprere]

AC;

peccabatis (Tj/naprdveTe) S.

and in the in the Apostolic fathers only passage in the LXX where it is found (Jer. xiii. 21) there is a v.l.
;

of two authorities (including the best) and (2) the other inagainst one stances show that the tendency is to
;

padrjras

(for

pa8rjp.ara),

which

ap-

change oaios into Behs, and not conversely.

proaches more nearly to the original

Hebrew;

(4)

Though

ra padrjpara tov

Qeov might Stand, Still at SiSa^ai rov Qeov (or some similar expression)

would be more natural.

4 Mace. iii. 20 3. elprjvr) fiadela] {5a6e\av elpr)Vt)v b\a Trjv evvopiav rjpcov
elxov, Hegesipp.in Euseb. H. E. iii. 32 yevopevrjs elpijvrjs fiaBelas ev rrdar] Kic\r]crLq,

adverb yeveaBai] The recognised by Hesychius, but no instances are given in the lexicons. As it appears only to occur in the expression IXecos yiveaBai {Bull, de Corr. Hellen. XI. p. 453 (1887) prj T e
9.

IXecos

IXecos is

01 Beol IXecos avrco yevoiVTo, 2

Mace.

ii.

22, vii.

yj, x.

26),

it

is

probably a
later lan-

Athenag. Stippi.
Trj

f\

a-vp.Tra.o-a

grammatical mistake of the

olnovp-evr]
elprjvrjs

vpeTepa avveaei ftadeias dnoXavovaiv, Liturg. S. Basil.

guage, the true construction being forgotten and the word being erro-

p.

elpijvrjv,

165 (Neale) (3a8elav ko.1 dvacpaipeTOV Euseb. Vit. Const, ii. 61.
'

5.

dyaOonouav]

just
iv.

below and
19,

33,

beneficence*; again 34 comp. 1 Pet.

:

neously treated as an adverb (IXe'cos In this passage it instead of IXecos). may be due to the transcriber and
not to Clement himself. At all events our MS (A) in the three passages of 2 Maccabees has IXecos, where the

Test, xii Pair. Jos. 18.

The
in
15, 20,

allied
S.
iii.

words occur several times

I

Peter: dyadonoie7v
6,

Pet.

ii.

common text

has a proper grammati-

While

dyaBoTroios, I Pet. ii. 14. KaXoTToita regards the abstract

17

cal construction tXeco yevop.evov, tXeco

character of the action, dyadonoua looks to its results and more especially to its effect
6.

In yevecrBai, tXeco yevopevov. Vis. ii. 2, Sim. ix. 23, we have

text fails to

Herm.
the exis

pression tXecos yivecrOai, but the con-

on others.

show whether

IXecos

For the confusion of ocioc and eeioc comp. 14, 21, and see above 1. pp. 138, 140. For 60-i.as
ocrias]

treated as an adverb or an adjective. E. A. Sophocles Lex. s. v. gives an instance of the adverb IXecos from

see 45 ev oaia Kal dp.cop.co rrpodeaei, 56 Sia Trjs oaias TratSe/a? avTov ; for

6elas,

4 ra

fidOr) Trjs

Oeias yvcocrecos.

Moschion, and the inscription above quoted proves it to be a possible word.

10. dycov r)v k.t.X.] Comp. Col. ii. I. Hilgenfeld rjpepas re <a\ vvktos] calls attention to the fact that the

There might possibly be a question which of the two words should be read here but (1) we have a combination
:

CLEM.

II.

i8
ttJs

THE EPISTLE OF
dheXcpoTrjTOs,
eis

S.

CLEMENT
fierd Seof?

[n
kcli

to

(ruo^ea-dai

cruveihrjo'ecos

tov

dpidfjiov

tlov

skXektcop

clvtou'

eiXi-

Kpivefe

kcli

aKepaioi rjre
kcli

kcll

d\xvr\LTiKaKOi

ek dXXrjXovs*
eirl

7rdo"a crao-is

irdv (r^itrjULa fifieXvKTOv vjuIv

tcl

toTs
5

eirevdeLTe' 7rapa7rTWfjLctcriv toIs 7rXr](riov

I

vcTeprj/uLara

fiera

oVous]

C;
3

per''

eXiovs (eXcuow
anepeoi

A) AS.
apvqalKaKoi]
editors gave

i elXiKpiveis] eiXeiKpi-

veia

A.
read the

ct/c^pcuoi]

A.

apapvrjaiKaKOi A.

So

MS with Teschendorf, but previous

it avafjLi>r}aiKaKoi.

4 ftdeXvKrbv]

A;

add.

rjv

C,

and so probably S.

5 rots 7r\7;crto^]

A;

twi>

writer elsewhere has the

'

same order

day and night

'

thence

20, 24, and argues scriptorem non e Judaeis, qui

'

the expression pera deovs Heb. xii. 28 Xarpevoopev tvapeartos r<5 0e<5 pcra evXafieias koi 8eovs (the correct reading),

noctem anteponunt, sed

e gentilibus,

Romanisquidem,ortumesse.' This argument is more specious than sound.

an epistle which has largely influenced Clement's language elsewhere. For the use of aweldrjo-ts here comp.
34 avvaxdevres rfj crvveiSijaei. It denotes inward concentration and as

Thus

in the
'

always

Apocalypse the order is day and night,' iv. 8, vii. 15,

xii. 10, xiv. 11,

ways

xx. 10; in S. Paul alnight and day,' 1 Thess. ii. 9, iii. 10, 2 Thess. iii. 8, 1 Tim. v. 5, 2 Tim. i. 3 while by S. Luke either
' ;

sent.

Zahn
still

{Gott. Gel.

Anz. Nov.

8,

retains the reading per' eXeovs, explaining it of brotherly kindness

1876)

shown towards

offenders,

and pro-

order

is

used indifferently

Gospel
(ix.
1.

xviii. 7) (ii. 37, 24, xx. 31, xxvi. 7).

both the and the Acts

in

poses (rvvaBX^creoosfoY avveidrfcrecos. He might have quoted Aftost. Const, ii. 13

eiveira

p,era

eXeovs

kol olKTippov

kcli

dBeXcpoTijros]
17, v. 9.

word peculiar

to

7rpocrX-q^r((os oliceiov

Testament; 1 So Polyc. Phil. 10 fraternitas,' where the Greek is not extant Herm. Aland. 8. pera Beovs] I have ventured to
S.

Peter in the
ii.

New

VTVia\vovpvos avt(3 o-GiTrjplav for this sense. Lipsius

Pet.

{Jenaer Litcraturz. Jan.

accepts
9,

13,

1877)

p-era deovs,

but holds by his

conjecture avvde^ aea>$ {Academy, July

1870),

adopt this reading, as other recent editors have done, on the inferior authority of

unnecessary.
eXevcrecos.
2.

though it is now rendered D onaldson ( Theol. Rev.

Jan. 1877) suggests p.era reXeias avvIf

C (mcta Aeoyc

for

mT6-

Aeoyc), because it rescues the passage from a difficulty and so commends itself. By this combination piera deovs koi (Tvvet,8rj(rea)s the whole clause is transferred from God to the believer, and

(Tvvei8rjcr(os]

the

reading

eXeovs be retained, awetSijo-eoas must mean with the consent of God,' but
'

awe tdrjae coy becomes intelligible. With

the whole expression comp. Liturg. D. Jacob, p. 55 (Neale) S6s ifrui>, Kvpte, pera ttcivtos (jiofiov mat avveiBijo-ecos For the Kadapas irpoo-Koplo-ai k.t.X. idea of fear as an agent in the work of salvation see Phil. ii. 12; and for

hardly possible. I had accordingly hazarded the conjecture ev8oici](re(0s (eyAoKHceooc for cyNeiAhcccoc), which is less violent than
this
is

avvciLvecrecos, crvvel^eoos, (rvvdeTjaecos, and.

other emendations. This conjecture struck me before I was aware that

of which

Davis had suggested avvevdoKijcreas, word I cannot find any in-

n]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
d/uerajueXrjTOL fjTe errl iracrr]

19

avTcov ihia eKpivere*

dya-

6o7roua,

etoimoi

eic

han

eproN

at^Qon'

Trj

iravapeTco

kcll (reflacriuia)

TroXiTeia
tcc

KeKOcr/uLtJiuevoi

iravTa ev

tw

(f)o($u>

TrpocTTayfjiaTa Kal tcl ^ucaiwfJLaTa 10 tov Kupiov eni ta ttAath thc KApAiAc ymwn ererp^nTO.
irX-qaiov
aiTOLfxoi
I.

avTOv 67reT\elT'

C; vicinoruni
A.

S.

idia]

C;

idia

A;

idia S.
;

eroipoi]

8 <re(3aapiu] A, and so apparently S

(re(3aapi04TaTr)

(see

p. 126).

9 e7rere\en-e] e7rere\etrai A.

stance.

The

'of His

clause would then mean mercy and good pleasure':

povs
8.

elvai

comp. 2 Cor.
'

ix. 8,

and see

below

9 iKerai yevopevoi tov eXeovs The lexiKal rfjs xpr/o-TOTrjTos avrov.

comp.

34 with the note. the graces of your noXiTeia]

;

cons supply a few instances of the form evdoKtjo-is (e.g. Diod. xv. 6, Dion. Hal. iii. 13), which also occurs below In the N. T. the 40 (see the note).
allied

heavenly citizenship' see Phil. i. 27, Ephes. ii. 12, 19. For noXiTeia, noXiTeveo-dai, see 3, 6, 21, 44, 51, 54.
9.

avTov]
Trj

i.e.

from

iravapeTOd

tov Qeov, understood Kal cre^acrpico no-

of

word evboKia is generally God; Matt. xi. 26 (Luke x.

i.

said
21),

XiTeia;

COmp. 54 T V V dp,eTapeXt]TOV ivoXiTeiav tov Qeov.

to.

Eph.

5, 9,

Phil.

ii.

13.

If

we accept

deovs (see the last note),

is

however no

npoa-TaypaTa']

The two words

:

emendation

needed. tov dpidpbv k.t.A.] See the note on 59, where the same expression occurs. So too in our Burial Service,
shortly to accomplish the of Thine elect'
elXiKpivels Kal aKepaioi]
vels,
'

occur together frequently in the LXX see esp. Mai. iv. 4, and comp. 1 Sam. xxx. 25, Ezek. xi. 20, xviii. 9, xx. ri,
etc.
10.

enl

tci

wXaTr) k.t.X.]
vii. 3,

Taken from
iiriypa^ov be

number
elXiKpi-

the

LXX

of Prov.

enl to 7rXaTos Ttjs Kapbias crov,

where

For
;

see Philipftians i. 10
ii.

for aKepaioi,

Philippians
3.

5.

dp-vrjcriKaKoi]

So we have

dp,vq-

below, 62. Comp. Test, xii Pat)'. Zab. 8 dpvqcriKaKoi yiveaOe, Clem.
o-ikcik<os

nXaTos corresponds to the Hebrew ID? a tablet.' The phrase is repeated in the LXX with slight modifications in Prov. xxii. 20, and in some copies but there is also in Prov. iii. 3 nothing corresponding in the Hebrew
' ;

vii. 14 (p. 883) dpvrjcriKaKov elvai dibdaKei, Hermas Maud. ix. avTos dpvrjaiKaKos eVrt, and so Strom.
ii.

Alex. Strom,

of Prov.

xxii.

20.

Wotton's

state-

ment

that nXaTos occurs in this sense 'passim' in the LXX is erroneous.

this LXX reading the expression to nXaTos Trjs Kapbias is not uncommon in the Christian fathers (e.g.

18 (p. 398) 81 dpLvqaiKaKias.

5.

From

toU
tcov

nXtjo-Lov]
ttXtjo-'lov.

rot?

brachylogy for Jacobson quotes

epa tu>v
7rXrjcriov.
'

Eur. Hec. 996

6.

prjb'

Iren.

i.

praef. 3,

and other passages

to.

dp,eTap,iXr]Toi k.t.X.] i.e.

When

quoted by Wotton), and

nXaTrj

you had done good, you did not wish when there was an opporit undone
;

was doubtless written by Clement But it seems not improbable here.

that the expression arose from a very early corruption of the LXX text (a confusion of nXdros and nXaKos), since

tunity of doing good, you seized it.' The latter clause eroipoc k.t.X. is from

Titus

iii.

npbs nav epyov dyaBbv

eToi-

20
III.

THE EPISTLE OF
flacra

S.

CLEMENT
v/uuv,

[in

So^a

kcli

TrXaTvafio^ eiodt]
"E(J)AreN
kai
d

Kai
kai

eireTeXeadr]

to
kai

yeypa/uL/uevov
kai
K<Xl

enieN

ttAatyn9h
'G/C

enAXYN^H

AneAAKTiceN
[KCtl]

HrATTHMeNOC
KCLI

TOVTOV
kcli

(^fj\0S

(j)66vOS>

6piS

(TTCtO'lS,
5

oitoy/uios

ctKctTacrT acrid,
01

TroXejJLOS

Kai al^/uaXoxria.

ovtcvs 7rriypdricrav
eiri

atimoi eni Toyc eiMTiMoyc, ol aSo^oi

tous evho^ovs,
en)
1

Neoi

Toyc
dod-rj

aeppoves eirl tovs (ppovt/uiov^y 01 Sia tovto rrdppoo AnecTiN npecByTepoyc.

ol
3 direXdiCTiaei']
2pis]
kclI

ifiodr)]

A.
4

<rev

A.

A;

tyis
;

(om.

/cat)

CS, Deut. CS.

xxxii. 15;

aireyaXaKTi-

8 aVeoTtv]

(which probably represents direariv)

airtaTrj C,

which

is

nearer to the

A; lxx

est

S
Is.

of

7rAa is the natural equivalent of ni? and is frequently used elsewhere in

15? Ki aipa aTa(pv\rjs emeu (v. 1. eniov) oivov' Kai ecpayev 'laK<w/3 Kai evenXqcrBt]

the

LXX

to

translate

it.

S.
is

Paul's

Kai dneXaKTicrev 6 rjyaTrr)p,evoS) eXnravBrj,

e'TraxvvOr}, enXarvvBr).

metaphor in 2 Cor. iii. 3 from the original of Prov.

derived

It

diverges

Still

vii. 3.

more from the

Justin Dial. 20
(p.

original

Hebrew.

III. 'But, like Jeshurun of old, you waxed wanton with plenty. Hence strife and faction and open war.

237 b) quotes the

same passage, but his quotation has no special resemblances to that of

Clement.
4. r\Xos k.t.A.] The words occur in an ascending scale Jirst the inward
:

foolish,

the ignoble, the young, the have risen against the highlyPeace esteemed, the old, the wise.

Hence

and righteousness are banished. The law of God, the life after Christ, are You have fostered jeadisregarded.
lousy, whereby death entered into the world.'
'

sentiment of division
;

(r\\os developnext, the outward ing into cpBovos) demonstration of this (epis developing into ardcris) lastly, the direct
;

conflict

and

its

results (dLcoypos, aKa-

1.

nXarvapos]
in}
i.e.

eiilargemeiit,

room

TaaTacria, 7roXepos, alxpaXcoaia).

i)Xos Kai cpBovos]

to

move
;

freedom and plenty,

These words oc-

opposed
kt)

to SXi^ns, orej/o^copia, dvdyxxii.

cur together also below,

4,

20 npoecpdacrdv pe tfpepai OXiyjfecos p.ov Kai eyevero Kvptos enMrTrjpiypd pov Kai e^-qyayev p.e
els

as 2 Sam.

comp. Gal.

v. 20,

21,

Test, xii Patr.

cxvii.

ttXcitvct p.ov Kai etjelXero p.e, Ps. 5 eK BXiyj/eas eTveKaXecrdprjV tov

Sym. 4 aTTo navTos 77X01; Kai cpBovov. For the distinction between them see Trench N. T. Syn. ser. 1 xxvi, and Galatians 1. c. ZfjXos is rivalry, am*

Kvpiov Kai tTrrjKovcriv pov els irXaTvcrpov comp. Ps. xvii. 20, cxviii. 45,
:

bition,'

the

desire of

equalling or

Ecclus. xlvii. sition of ev

pelaBai,

12.

See also the oppo-

It does not neexcelling another. cessarily involve the wish to deprive

evpvx<*>p(0

and
v.
I

o-Tevox<*>-

him of

his advantages,
;

which
;

is

im-

Hermas Mand.

ev evpv-

plied in cpBovos

^copo) KaroiKovv ciyaKkid<jeTai.

Hence

the Latin use of dilatai'e, dilatatio.

2.

ecpayev k.t.X.]

A very free quotaxxxii. 14,

rished, it will r}Xos Aaveld cpBovov ecrxev, Plat. Menex. p. 242 A TTpatTov p,ev t}Xos dno
(rfkov

but, if unduly chelead to this 4 81a.

tion

from the lxx of Deut.

be

cpBovos, ysch.

Again. 939

Ill]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
kcli

21

h io

Aikaiocynh

eiptiwf,

ev

tw

diroXeiTreiv eKacrrov

tov

(pofiov
/mtlSe

tov Oeov Kal ev

vo/ulijulois

Ttj TTLG'Tei ctvTOu d/uift\vco7rijo-ai

ev Tois

twv irpoo-Tay (jlcltiov

clvtov wopev-

eo~6ai /urjSe 7ro\iTeve(r6ai kcltcc

dWa
avTOv

Kcco~tov fiaSi^eiv kcitcc

Ttjs

to KadrJKOV tw XpicrTcp, Tas eTTidvpuas Ttjs KapSlas

do~ef3rj

Trovrjpas, (^ijAov

ahiKOv Kal

dveiXrjcpo-

15 TOtS, 01
lix.

OV Kal 0ANATOC eiCHA6eN 6IC

TON KOCMON.
I.

14

dcpi<XT7]Kv,

given in the lower note; see above,

p.

Xeiirecv]

aToXenrl

A;
ttjs

d7roXi7re/>

C, and so probably S.
prints dXX', as

124 sq. 10

9
Triaret]

airottksti

A.
of C.
6
6

13 dXXd]

AC, but Bryennios

Kapdias]

if this
/cat]

CS

om. A.

15

AC;

were the reading om. S.

dcpdovrjros

Arist.

Rhet.

ii.

y ovk 4 v(p
l

eni^rfXos neXei,
3

rjXov dveiXrjCpoTGiV.
15.

wv

rjXovo~6ai

Kal OdvaTos

k.t.X.']

From Wisd.
v. 12.

ii.

(3ovXovTai Kal
5.

prj (pOovelcrOai.

24
'

(pdovo) 8e BiafioXov Odi'aros elarjXOev

aKarao-Tavia]
xii.

tumuW

',

COmp.

els

tov Koo-p.ov

comp. Rom.

The

Luke
o~iai,

xxi. C)7roXep.ovs Kal a/caracrrao-iay,

2 Cor.

20
iii.

epis,

rj\os...dKaTaaTci-

16 ottov yap (^Xoy Kal epcOeia, eKel aKaraaTacria k.t.X.

James

following passage of Theophilus connects the quotation from the Book of Wisdom with Clement's application

of
vas

it
.

ad Autol.
e<p'
(0

ii.

29

(p.

39) 6 2ara6avaTa>o-ai

6.

oi arifxoi k.t.X.]

Is.

iii.

7rpoo~-

ovk

ur'XVO'SV

Ko^rei to naidiov npos tov npecr^VTrjv, 6 aTip.os npos top evTip.ov.

8.

TToppa) aneo~Tiv k.t.X.]

Is. lix.

14

avTovs (pdoveo (pepopevos, r)viKa ecopa Toy "A/3eX evapeaTovvTa tqj 0e&>, evepkoXovyrjcras els tov dde\(pbv avTov tov
pevov

Ka\

rj

diKaioavvrj

paKpav

dcpeaTrjKev.

Kaiv

eTroLrjaev

dnoKTelvai

tov

'grown dimThe Atticists condemned sighted^. apfiXvuTveiv and preferred dp,(3XvcoTThorn. Mag. p. 39. The word Teiv and the form dp-fiXvoanelv are as old
10.
d/i/3XvQ)7TJ7o-at]
;

ddeXcpov avrov
dp)(r]

tov 'A/3eX, Kal ovtcos OavcLTOv eyeveTo els Tovde tov koo~'

p.ov K.T.X.

IV.

Said

not truly that death

came

into

the world

through jea-

as Hippocrates, Progn. 1. p. 38 (ed. Foes.). In the lxx it occurs 1 Kings

xiv. 4 (displaced
xii.

24 and

xii.

25 in B).

and found between But in most

is

lousy? It was jealousy which prompted the first murder and slew a brother by a brother's hand jealousy
;

places where
d/x/3Xva)TTeii>.

it

occurs there

v.

1.

Comp. a Gnostic

writer
fin.).

in Hippol. Re/, v. 16 (p. 133 12. to KadrJKov tw Xprrc5]

ad

The

ex-

pression has a close parallel in Phil. i. 27 anions tov evayyeXlov tov XptoroO
7r6XiTevecr0,

from which perhaps

it is

taken.

The emendations suggested

which drove Jacob into exile, which sold Joseph as a bondslave, which compelled Moses to flee before his fellow-countryman and before Pharaoh, which excluded Aaron and Miriam from the camp, which swallowed up Dathan and Abiram alive, which exposed David to the malice not only of foreigners but even of the
Israelite king.'

{XpicrTiava or ev XpicrTco for XpiaTco)

are therefore unnecessary.

14.
77X01/ k.t.X.]

The

Comp.

45 adiKov

into the world

idea of jealousy bringing death had a prominent place

22

THE EPISTLE OF
IV.

S.

CLEMENT
Kai

[IV

reypawTai yap

outcos*

ereNeTO M60' HM6-

pAC,

HNGrKGN KaIN AHO TOON KApTTOON THC |~HC OyCIAN TO) 06O), kai "ABeA HNerKeN kai aytoc And toon npooTOTOKooN twn npokai ene?AeN d Oeoc Batoon kai And toon ctgatoon aytoon.
kai

eni "ABeA

eni

to?c

Aoopoic

aytoy, eni
kai
kai

Ae

KaVn kai eni

Aian

ta?c
kai

GyciAic aytoy of

npocecyeN.

Aytth9h KaVn

CYNeneceN
i'na
ti

toj

npocobntp ay'toy.
kai

eineN d Oedc npdc

ti

KaVn,
i

nepiAYnoc e'reNOY;
2

i'na

cyNeneceN

to

ovtws]

Trpo(3dra)v~\

AS; om. C. AC; add. avrov

with the LXX; C.

ry 9e] AS; tu

Kvpiu)

C, with the LXX.

7r/30(TW7r<jj]

9 cap]

A;

civ

7 ry 4 e7re?5ej/] e7rt5e A. to Trpbawirov CS, in accordance with what follows. S has the same tippets avrov] A; auroO dpeis C.

S, with

LXX.

in the teaching of the Ophites as re' ported by Iren. i. 30. 9, Ita ut et dum

for the

form of the Hebrew

it

is

the

same here as
where
ivp6o~o>TTov,

fratrem

suum Abel
mortem

zelum

et

occideret, primus ostenderet': and Ire-

in the following verse, is translated o-weneo-ev to

nasus himself also speaks of the Cv^ os of Cain, iii. 23. 4, iv. 18. 3 (see the last passage especially). Mill supposes
that the idea

telligible is
9.

and the dative though inawkward. ovk lav 6p6a>s k.tX] The meanis

ing of the original

obscure, but the

was borrowed

from

Clement.

however

it

As regards the Ophites that is more probable

it

which Clement here The words follows must be wrong.

translation

LXX

they derived

from a current

inter-

pretation of the

name

Kaiv

comp.

42 tov /up npcorov nakeo-as Kaiv, b epp.rjveveTai ^Xoy, os Kai ^r]\a>aas dveTkev tov ddeXcpov avrov

Clem. Horn.

iii.

6p6vs daXys stand for nriD ? 3*B*n ('doest good, at the door'), which the translators appear to have underunless stood doest right to open indeed they read nn: for riDD, as
'
'

"Aj3e\.

In a previous passage

(iii.

25)
dp.-

seems more probable (for in the older characters the resemblance of J and
S is very close). At all events it would seem that they intended dUXys
to refer to apportioning the offerings
i. 12, where it represents and is used of dividing the victim) and they might have under-

this

(f)OTepLov ovop.a,
epp,Tjvias rfjv

pseudo-Clement calls Cain because dtx^l e'x l

TV S

eKdoxv^, ipp-rjveveraL yap

Kai ktiJo-is (il3p) *ai

C^os (^p)

K.T.X.

(comp. Lev.

The

interpretation kttjo-is is adopted by Philo de Cherub. 15 (1. p. 148), de Sacr.Ab. et Ca. 1 (1. p. 163), quod Det.

nm

pot. ins.
I.

10

(1.

p.
i.

197), etc.,

and by
iv.

Josephus Ant.

2. I.

Kai eyevero k.t.A.]

Gen.

8,

stood the offence of Cain to consist in reserving to himself the best and see Philo giving God the worst Quaest. in Gen. i. 62 64 (1. p. 43

the LXX.

quoted almost word for word from The divergences from the

sq,

Aucher), de Agric. 29
et Ca.
p. 171

(1.

p. 319),

and de Sacr. Ab.

(1.

13,

20

sq,

Hebrew
7.

text are very considerable.

irpoo-(67r<p]

cult to

case is diffiexcept as a very early transcriber's error in the LXX

tw

The

account

for,

176 sq), in illustration The Christian fathers of this sense. however frequently give it a directly
sq,

moral bearing, explaining

6p6a>s

IV]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
COY;
'
'

23

OyK AN 6p0OOC TTpOCNerKHC 6p0(JOC Ae MH n P 0C C6 H ATTOCTpOCJ)H AYTOY/ lOAieAHC, HMApTEC; HCYX AC0N kai cy Apseic aytoy. kai elneN KaVn npdc "ABeA ton AAeATTpdcGOTTON
CJ)ON

Ay'tOY'

AI6A0OOM6N

6IC

TO neAlON.

KAI
6TTI

eYeN6T0 N

TO)

efNAI AYTOYC 6N T(L TTeAlOJ

<J)6n

AN6CTH KaIN

"ABeA TON a'AgA-

aytoy

kai

AneKTeiNCN ayton.

15 Kai

(pdovos

d$eA<pOKTOviav
IctKcofi

'OpctTE, doeA<poi 9 tri\os $ia (jjAos KaTeipyacraro.

diro
7rpocru)7rov 'Hcrav

Trarrip

tj/utcov

d7reSpa

order as A, but this would be most natural in the Syriac. 12 diekdco/j.ev] add. igitur { 8rj) S. This addition is found in some mss of the LXX. ;

AC

xediov] iraidiov
ayaTrrjToL

A.
1.

13

Trediip]

7rcu5iw

A.

A;

jfiXov

S; see above, C.

15 KareipydaaTo]

AS;

14 dde\(poi] AC; KaTeipydaavTO C. f^os]

SieXrjs to refer

either to the obliquity of Cain's moral sense or to his unther, e.g. Iren.

fairness in his relations with his broiii.

23.

recte divisisset earn

'

4 'Quod non quae erga fraiv.

words are plainly wanted for the sense, and can only have been omitThe Masoretes ted accidentally. reckon this one of the twenty-eight passages where there is a lacuna in
the text
V. T.
I.
:

trem erat communionem,'

18.

see

Fabric.

Cod.

Aftocr.

Ouoniam cum

zelo et malitia

quae

erat adversus fratrem divisionem habebat in corde, etc.', Origen Sel. in

Gejl. (II. p. 30) ov bieikev opdats' rijs Betas vopodeaias KaTecppovrjaev k.t.X.
10.
rj<Tvxa(Tov]

Philo enlarges on the allegorical meaning of to ne8lov. 81a. tfXos] On the two declen15. sions of V)Xos see Winer ix. p. j8,
p.

104 sq.

sponds to the 'lying,' which the lxx have treated as an

imperative
19.

The word Hebrew f*2")

corre-

A. Buttmann p. 20. Clement (or his transcriber) uses the masculine and the neuter forms indifferently.
16.

6 7ra.Tr)p

r}p,<ov\

So 310

7rar?)p

'lie still';

Much

stress is

comp. Job xi. laid on rjavxao-ov

rjpwv 'Aftpadp,,

TraTpdaiv rjpwv,
ivaripes rjpcov

60 Kadcos e8axas toIs 62 oi npodedrjXcopevoi

by Philo de Sobr. 10 (1. p. 400), and by early Christian expositors, e.g.

Clem. Ho7)i.
12.
iii.

(where see the note).

25, Iren.
els

11.

cc.

these passages it has been inferred that the writer was a Jewish
Christian.

From

8U\6(ofjLei>
is

to

7re 8 iov~]

This

The
7, 9,

inference however

is

clause

wanting

in the

Hebrew and
and
Peshito

not valid
(Gal.
ix.
iii.

since Clement, like S. Paul

29,

Targum
versions,

of Onkelos, but found in the

LXX, the

Samaritan

8) or Justin

Rom.

iv.

11,

18,

{Dial. 134),

might

and the

later

Targums.
c

Origen's comment is interesting ; Sel. in Genes. (II. p. 39) iv tg> E(3pa'iK<x>

to \e%6ev vnb tov Ka'iv 7Tpos Tov"A^e\ ov yeypanTai koi oi ivep\ 'AkvXciv e8eiav
otl ev

refer to spiritual rather than actual parentage; comp. 1 Pet. iii. 6 2dppa...

So too Theophiqs iyevjjdrjTe Te<va. lus of Antioch (quoted by Jacobson),

though himself a Gentile, speaks of iii. 28, comp. iii. 24) and David (iii. 25) as our forefather.' To these references add ib.

rw

a.7roKpv(p(p (pao~\v oi
kclto.

E/3paioi
ttjv

Abraham {ad Autol.

tcelcrdai

tovto evravda

tcdv

'

eftbopLrfKovTa i<8ox/iv.

These or similar

24

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT
'

[IV

tov d$eX(pov auTOv.

(I7A0S 7roir]arev

loocrrjcp

^XP

@a~

vcltov ^Lco^dfjvaL Kcil /xe^jOt

hovXeias elaeXdeiv.

trjXos

diro 7rpoo~w7rov (papaco fiaaicpvyeiv rivdyKaaev Mcovo'rjv Xeios AlyvTTTOv ev tw aKOvcrai clvtov diro tov 6juo(buXov
Tic ce K&TecTHceN

Kpm-iN h Aikacthn ecb hmojn; mh angAe?N Me cy 0eAeic, on TpdnoN ANeiAec exOec ton Aitytttion;
'

Sid

(7/A.os

Aapcov Kal
(^rjXos

Mapia/ui

e^to

Trjs

Trapepi^oXr]^

t]vXiardria'av.

Aadav
to

Kal 'Afieipcov (^tovTas KaTt)-

yayev

eis

afiov,

Sia

CTTao~ido~ai

avTom npos tov

2 eloeX6e~iv~\ A; eXdetv C, and so probably S. 5 KpiTyv r) dLKaarrfv] A; 6 ^x^ J ] A; dpxovra Kal dcKaarrjp CS, with the LXX. See the lower note. om. A. 8 f]vXL<rdT)aav] %0es C. ^Aos] A; $rjXov C. 7 dia] CS
;

T)v\r)<jdr)<xaj>
5i<x

A.

f??Xos]

^\oj/ C.

Aaveid] dad

10 dia 17X09] A; S; diafyXocr A; dia rjXov C. AC. I have followed the best MSS of the N.T. for

iii.

20

01
d<p*

~E(3pcuoi }
oSv

ot

/cat

TvponaTopes
(3i(3Xovs

times, e.g. Exod.

xii. 7, 8,

iv. 10, xiv.

31,

Num.

tJ/xgoi',

Kai

ras

Upas
the

Josh.

viii.

31, 33

comp. below

e^opev
5.

k.t.X.

43> 5i> 53, Barnab. 14, Just. Mart.

x.t.X.]

tls
ii.

ae
14,

From

LXX

of

Dial. 56 (p. 274 d), Theoph.

iii.

ad Antol.
Qeov

which follows the Hebrew closely, inserting however x^s Clement has Kpirrjv for (or e^des). apXovTa Kai, perhaps from confusion with Luke xii. 14 KpiTrjv pepio-Trjv (the best reading, though A and some others have biKao~Tr}v pepio-Trjv). The
Exod.
rj

9,

18, etc.

'O 6epdna>v tov

was a recognised title of Moses, as o cpiXos tov Qeov was of Abraham.

10.

J7

There
thority

is,

Or perhaps AavetS] so far as I know,

for
Aa/31S,

AatuS.

no auexcept in com'

77

LXX
vii.

is

quoted more exactly

in

Acts

feld reads Aa/3i8.

27 and in Apost. Const, vi. 2. The life of Moses supplies Clement with a twofold illustration of his point for
;

Yet Hilgensays C Aa/3iS ubique,' and a similar statement is made by Gebhardt, being misled by
paratively recent MSS.

Funk

Bryennios.
in

The word

he incurred the envy not only of the king (dnb npoaunrov ^apaco), but also of his fellow-countrymen (ev rco dicovo-ai

C
11.

in all its three

is contracted occurrences in

Clement;
vno
1

18, 52, as well as here.

tcov dXXocpvXcov]

The

Phi-

avrbu

k.t.X.),

as

in the

parallel
re-

listines,

Sam.

xxi. 11, xxix.

case of David below.

7.

'Aapcjv k.t.X.]

The Mosaic

12. virb laovX] 1 Saul eyed (vnofiXen-opevos LXX, A)

4 sq. Sam. xviii. 9 'And

cord mentions only the exclusion of

David from

that day

and forward.'

Miriam from the camp, Num. xii. 14, In this instance and in the next 15. (Dathan and Abiram) the jealous persons are themselves the sufferers.
9.

V. 'Again, take examples from our own generation. Look at the

lives of the chief Apostles.

See how

Peter and Paul suffered from jeaex-

tov

pression

is

depdnovTa used of

k.t.X.]

The

lousy;
ings,

Moses

several

how through many wanderthrough diverse and incessant

v]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

25

10

QepaivovTa rov Qeov Mcovcrrjv. vov ecrxev ov jjlovov viro twu

V7ro

Sid ^V/Ao, Aauelh <p66-

d\\o(pv\wv,
ihiwydti.

dWa

kcci

CaouX
V.

[fiacriXecos

7o*j0a>)\]

'AW
eXdw^ev
Trjs

tva
iirl

twv dp^alwu
tjjucov

viroSeiyfJiaTcov iraucrw-

fixeda,

tovs eyyicrra yevo/uevovs ddXrjTas-

15 Xafitoixev

yeveds

rd yevvaia

v7ro$iy/ui.aTa.

SiKaioraroi /ueyicrTOi kcci tyjXov (pdouou (TTvXol eSicoxOria-au kcci ews davdrov ijdXticrav. Ad0u)fxev

Aia

Kai

oi

Trpo

6(p6a\fj.uv

rjfjicov

tovs dyadovs diroaToXovs*

A;

the orthography of the word. vwb]A; cbro C. airb rod 2aoi)\ C. fiaaiKews 'laparjX] AS ; om. C.

12 vwo 2aou\]

13 virodeiy/jid16 fieytarot]

twv] virodiyfiaruv A.
...<ttol

15 yevvaia] yevvea
/xeyiaroi

A.

CS

A.

The word

was

fill

(myself included) as insufficient for the lacuna of A, but the text of the other authorities removes

by Tischendorf and several editors the space, and some other word substituted to
rejected
all

doubt.

persecutions, they bore testimony to Christ; how at last they sealed their testimony with their blood, and de-

17.

o-tvXol]
ii.

tians

9,

See the note on Galawhere it is used of S. Peter

and other Apostles.

tion (ttvXoi
is

The accentuaand
it

parted to their rest and

glory.'
14.
1

to

their

there discussed, has the support of C here.

1.

eyyicrra] ''very near," as

com-

pared with
quoted.

examples already expression must be qualified and explained by the mention of 77 yevea. fjp.a>v just below. It has been shown that the close of Do-

the

The

18. So too Clem. Horn. dyadovs] 16 o o ayaOos Tlerpos rrpocnvrjbrjcras Editors ic.r.X., quoted by Harnack.

and

critics

have indulged
conjecture,

in

much

licence

mitian's reign is pointed out both by tradition and by internal evidence as the date of this epistle (1. p. 346 sq).

suggesting dyiovs, Trpcorovs, deiovs, etc., in place of dyadovs. This has led to the state-

of

ment made

in

Volkmar's edition of

The language
this result.

here coincides with could hardly be used to describe events which had happened within the last year or two, as
It

Credner's Gesch. des N. T. Kanon p. 51, that A reads d ovs (a supposed contraction for irpcorovs). Nothing

can be farther from the

truth.

The

must have been the case if the letter were written at the end of Nero's And on the other hand reign. yevea rjp.wv would be wholly out of place, if it dated from the time of
f\

word dyadovs is full in A, and it

distinctly legible in
is

other authorities.

may

confirmed by the Such an epithet be most naturally explained on

the supposition that Clement is speaking in affectionate remembrance of

Hadrian, some 50 years or more after the death of the two Apostles. See the note on Ign. ddXrjTas]
Polyc.
1.

those
ally.

whom

he had known personOtherwise the epithet seems

of place.

to be

somewhat out

26
rieTpov, 6s

THE EPISTLE OF
$lcc

S.

CLEMENT

[v

(^rj\ov

ahiicov

ov% eva ovSe Bvo

ctAAot

TrXeiovas v7rrjveyKev 7rovovs,

i

kcli

ovtco fULapTvprjcras eVo-

Herpou,
filled

os]
[6

C
2

...o<r

Petms

S.

was
seen.

up

flerpjos or [II^r/)]os.
vir-qveyKev] virrjveyKe

The

Before the discovery of C, the lacuna of A true reading could not have been foreS,

C; and so doubtless
read

which has 73D

tulit,

portavit (see

14).

As

regards A,

Young

vrrt/jLeivev',

but Mill and others

1. Uirpov k.t.X.] passage in Peter of Alexandria (de Poenit. 9, see

are mentioned in

where the two Apostles conjunction, was probably founded on Clement's acI.

p.

164),

But not only was this juxtaposition of the two Apostles appropriate as coming from the Roman Church ;
it

would also appeal powerfully to the Corinthians. The latter community,

its

count here, for it closely resembles his language. The same is also the case with a passage of Macarius

no

less

than the former, traced

spiritual pedigree to the

combined
;

quoted in the note on vnedeigev below. This juxta-

Magnes Apocr.

iv.

14,

position of S. Peter and S. Paul, where the Roman Church is con-

teaching of both Apostles and accordingly Dionysius (1. c), writing from Corinth to the Romans, dwells with emphasis on this bond of union between the two churches comp.
:

cerned,

The

occurs not unfrequently. language of Ignatius, Pom. 4,

to

Cor.
2.

i.

12,

iii.

22.
'

imply that they had both preached in Rome; and half a century later Dionysius of Corinth (Euseb. H. E. ii. 25) states explicitly that they went to Italy and suffered martyrdom there Kara rov avrov Kaipdv. This is affirmed also a generation later by Tertullian, who mentions the different

seems

'having borne his testimony? The word p.dprvs was very early applied especially, though not solely, to one who sealed his testimony with his blood. It is so applied in the Acts (xxii. 20) to S. Steixaprvprjo-as]

manners of

their deaths (Scorp. 15, de Praescr. 36) and soon after Gaius, himself a Roman Christian, describes
;

phen, and in the Revelation (ii. 13) to Antipas. Our Lord Himself is styled the faithful and true pdprvs (Rev. i. 5, iii. 14), and His paprvpia before Pontius Pilate is especially
less

the sites of their graves in the immediate neighbourhood of Rome

emphasized (1 Tim. vi. 13). Doubtthe Neronian persecution had done much to promote this sense,

(Euseb. H. E. ii. 25) see also Lactant. de Afort. Pers. 2, Euseb. Dem.
;

Ev.

iii.

3, p.

116.

The

existing

Acta

Petri et Pauli (Act. Apost. Apocr. p. 1, ed. Tischendorf) are occupied with the preaching and death of the two
Apostles at

aided perhaps by its frequent occurrence in the Revelation. After the middle of the second century at all events paprvs, paprvpelv, were used
absolutely
to

signify

martyrdom;

appears to have been the subject also of a very early work bearing the same name, on which see Hilgenfeld Nov. This Test. extr. Can. Pec. iv. p. 68. subject is further discussed in the excursus S. Peter in Rome appended to the first volume.
;

Rome and

this

Martyr. Polyc. Euseb. H. E. iv.

ib.
ii.

19
26,

Melito in Dionys. Corinth.

sq,
ib. ii.

25,

Hegesippus
ib.

23, iv. 22,

Epist. Gall.

v.

1,

2,

Cataphr.
1, iii. 3.

ib.

v.
iii.

16, 12.

Iren.
10,

Anon. adv. Haer. i. 28.

18. 5, etc.

3, 4,

iii.

even at this late date they continued to be used simultaneously of other testimony borne to the Gospel,
Still

v]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
ek tov
ScbeiXo/uievov tottov Ttjs c)o*/s.
Wotton accordingly

27
01a (^rjAov

pevdrj

professed to see the H, and

to

says 'proculdubio legendum est 'hodie nihil nisi yn restat'. On the other virT)veyKev\ According Jacobson hand Tischendorf sees part of an h. I could discern traces of a letter, but these

might belong equally well to an e or an

short of death: e.g.

h.

by Hegesippus, by Apollonius ib. v. 18 (several times), and in a document quoted by Serapion ib. v.
Euseb. H. E.
iii.

this

distinction
1 1

see Euseb. Mart.

20, 32,

Pal.

ivpo tov

pcov vTTopovfjs
Xijcras dycova.

papTvpiov did kovtt]tov Trjs opoXoyias diaOof papTvpeiv in

19.

A passage

Churches

in the Epistle of the of Gaul (a. D. 177) illustrates

Thus the mere use

this early

the usage, as yet not definitely fixed but tending to fixity, at this epoch ovx ana^ ovde d\s dXXd noXXaKis
:

age does not in itself necessarily imply the martyrdoms of the two Apostles but on the other hand we need not hesitate (with
;

fAapTvprfaavTes
.

Kai ck drjpicov avdis

Merivale, Hist, of the

Romans

vi. p.

dvaXrjepSevTes. .our' avTol

pdpTvpas eavrfp lv 7TTp-

TOVS a.VK7]pVTTOV OVT pr)V

7rov

282, note 2) to accept the passage of Clement as testimony to this fact.

ovopari npocrayopeveiv avTOVS' aXX' enroTe tis rjpcHv di eViOTOXrjs

T]

tovtco

tco

For (1) Clement evidently selects extreme cases of men who Zcos Qavdrov
rjdXijcrav;

did Xoyov

papTvpas avTovs
niKpcos'
tt)s

irpocr-

(2)

The emphatic

position
defi-

elnev,

e7re7rXrjacrov
ttjv

rfdecos

yap

of papTvprjcras points to the

nite

more

Trape^copovv

papTvpias npocrKal dXr]tg>v

'

rjyopiav tco XptoTO) tco ttio-tco

meaning; (3) The expression is the same as that in which Hegesippus describes the final testimony, the martyrdom, of James (Euseb. H. E. ii. 23 <ai ovtcos i papTvpr/aev) and of Symeon (Euseb. H. E. iii. 32 koX ovtco papTvpel); (4) Dionysius of Corinth couples the two Apostles together, as they are coupled here, saying ipapTvp-qcrav Kara tov ovtov naipov (Euseb. H. E. ii. 25), where martyr-

Bivco pdpTvpi...Ka\ iirepipvqcTKovTO

t^eXrjXvdoTcov

rjdij

inelvoi

r)dr)

papTvpcov Kal eXeyov pdpTvpes ovs ev Trj

rf^icocrev

opoXoyia XpicrTos
XrjCpdr/vaij tg>v did rfjs

dva-

emcrCppayicrdpevos avi6dov ttjv papTvpiav' 77/xets de o poXoyoi peTpioi Kal Tan eiThe distincvo'i (Euseb. H. E. v. 2). tion between pdpTvs and 6poXoyr)Trjs (more rarely opoXoyos), which the
humility of these sufferers suggested, became afterwards the settled usage
of the Church
at
;

dom

is

plainly

meant and where

pro-

bably he was writing with Clement's language in his mind. The early
patristic allusions to the

but that

it

was not so

martyrdoms

the close of the second century appears from the Alexandrian Cle-

of the two Apostles have been already quoted in the last note. It should

ment's comments on Heracleon's account of opoXoyia in Strom, iv. 9, comp. also Tertull. Prax. 1 p. 596 'de jactatione martyrii inrlatus ob solum et simplex et breve carceris taedium.' Even half a century later the two titles are not kept apart in
;

be added that
is

S.

Peter's

martyrdom

clearly implied in John xxi. 18, and that S. Paul's is the almost in-

evitable consequence of his position as described by himself in 2 Tim. iv.

6 sq.
3.

tov ocpeiXopevov tottov]

is

The

ex-

Cyprian's

language.

The Decian

pression

persecution however would seem to have been instrumental in fixing

copied by Polycarp {Phil. 9), where speaking of S. Paul and the other Apostles he says, els tov

28
Kctl
i

THE EPISTLE OF
epiv IladXos
ical

S.

CLEMENT

[v

i>7ro/uLOvrjs

fipafielov uTredei^ev, ewTaKis

fallacious.

Zpw] CS; def. A. Here again the calculation of the space has proved with xal Editors, before the discovery of CS, filled in the lacuna of

6 or Kal simply.
tavit)

^pa^ehv]

(3pa(3i.ov

A.

vvedei^ev] 2di%ei>
is

C;

tulit {por-

"O^D
^

S.

As

regards the reading of A, there

some doubt.

Young
.

printed

dwiax ep but Mill formerly and Jacobson recently read the MS y . . . N. Accordingly Wotton and most later editors have written vir<rx ev With respect to the
-

my own
I

membrana
(if

observation entirely agrees with Tischendorf 's, who says post /3paj3<.ov abscissa est neque litterae quae sequebatur vestigium superest'. Indeed
'

am

right) there

can hardly have been any such trace since the MS was bound,
edition, and it was accepted by Gebhardt (ed. 1); though in his later edition Gebhardt has adopted the simple verb edei^ev from C. If Mill and Jacobson are right, this cannot have been the reading of A, as the initial Y was once visible. My reasons for doubting whether this was possible, at

dqbeikopevov avrols totxov ela\ Trapa rdo SO ActS i. 25 TOV TOTTOV TOV KvplCO.

my

Uiov (comp. Ign. Magn. 5), Barnab. 19 rov <opio-[xevov tottov, and. below

44 tov idpvpevov avTots tottov. An elder in Irenaeus (probably Papias) discourses at length on the different

abodes prepared
36.
1

for the faithful acv.

cording to their deserving, Haer.

sq.
fipafielov] S.
ix.
1.

least in the later condition of the MS, are given in the upper note. On the

Paul's
iii.

own word,
See also

other

hand

virebeigev is

supported by
iv.

Cor.

24, Phil.

14.

a passage in the recently discovered

Mart. Polyc. 17 /3pa/3eio*/ dvavTtpprjtov direvrjveyfievov, Tatian ad Graec.

33 aKpaaias /3pa/3eioi/ dnrjveyKaTO and comp. Orac. Sib. ii. 45, 149. The word is adopted in a Latin dress,
:

work

of Macarius

Magnes Apocr.

14 (p. 181, Blondel), where speaking of S. Peter and S. Paul he says, eyveoo~av vTrodel^ai tovtols [i.e. roty
TTiaTvovo~i,v\ ttolois dywo-iv 6 ttjs
tt'lo--

brabium, and occurs in Tertullian, in the translation of Irenaeus, and in the Latin versions

bravium

or

T(os o-vyKeicpoTrjTai, o~Te(pavos.

In the context, which describes the labours

and martyrdoms of these same two

Apostles, the language of Macarius appears to give many echoes of this

of the Scriptures.
xmebei^f v] 'pointed out the way to, taught by his example'; comp. 6 vnodeiypo, KaXKiarov iyivovTo iv rjp.1v. The idea of vTredeitjev is carried out

passage in Clement

vnepeivav ei/Ve-

fiws diddo~KOVTs, t<ov ddiKovpevoov vntppa^oi, 7roXXa...r<a Koo~p(p prjvvo-avTcs,

by viroypappos below; for the two words occur naturally together, as in Lucian Rhet. Praec. 9 vnodeiKvvs to
Arjpoadevovs (.^^...Trap a Sfiy para napaTidets Tu>v \6yoiv ov padia piptia^ai...
Kal tov xpovov

tov fiiov to
.

TeXos dTr^vTrjaev, pe^pi

Oavdrov. .TrpoKivdwevaatcri, Ttjs evuXeias tov enaivov, oi yevvddai, ava ttjv oIkovpevrjv,
/3pa/3etoi/...KTQ)pei/oi,
. .

tvttoi
tcov

dv-

dpeias

ytvopevoi,

noXXd

kciXojv

naprroXw vnoypa^ei
VTrobeiKvveiv

ttjs

dytoviapdrcov, ttjs diSaxTJs kcu tov Kijpvy-

odoinopias

SO

eXnibas

paros, papTvpiov doav, 7TiKpais...j3aadvois,

and

vTToypdcpeiv ikiridas are converti-

vnopovfj ttoXXt}, yevvalws (pepeiv.

It

ble phrases, Polyb. ii. 70. 7, v. 36. 1. This conjecture vnedeigev, which I offered in place of the i/ire'tr^e? of

previous editors, occurred independently to Laurent, who had not seen

seems highly probable therefore that the use of vnobeiKvvvai in this somewhat strange connexion was derived by him from the same source. Comp. also Ep. Gall. % 23 in Euseb. H. E.

v]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
(j)0p6O"as 9

29
Ktjpv^
I

SeajULa

(pvyaSevdels,

Xidao'deis,

yevofar

so that Jacobson

was certainly mistaken and Mill perhaps so; but

have so

y. regarded other hand the 5 at the beginning of the next line is clearly legible even in the photograph, though it has not been discerned by previous editors. Tisch. says I
'

this statement, as to offer a conjecture

which respects the

On

the

paullo minus appareat, possit erasum credi'. The letter is certainly faint, but though I have inspected the MS more than once, I can see no traces of erasure. For other reasons which have led me to prefer viredei^ev to gSeitjev see the lower

quum

note.
V.
I

LS

TTjV

TOtV \oiTT(OV

VTV0TVTZ(O(TLV

flight

vnodeiicviHov

on

prjdev

(poftepbv

otvov

narpos dyanrj, p.T)8e dXyeivov onov Xpiatov 86-a. S. Paul himself says (Acts
xx. 35) V7redeia vp.lv on k.t.X. C is found in other cases to substitute the

simple verb, where

has the com-

from Damascus (Acts ix. 25, xi. 33), from Jerusalem (Acts ix. 30), from Antioch of Pisidia (xiii. 50), from Iconium (xiv. 6), from Thessalonica (xvii. 10), from Bercea (xvii. 14), and perhaps from Corinth (xx. 3). Some of these incidents would be
2 Cor.

pound

and would where the meaning of the compound was not obvious. The rendering of S, which
(see
1.

p.

127),

naturally

do

so

here,

described by cpvyabevdeis, but it is perhaps too strong a word to apply On (pvyabevetu, which though to all. found even in Attic writers was re-

by certamen, corresponds fairly with v-nivytv suggested by some editors but this was certainly not the reading of A. eirraKis] In 2 Cor. xi. 23 S. Paul speaks of himself as iv (pvkwcais irebut the imprisonment at pio-o-orepcos Philippi is the only one recorded in the Acts before the date of the Se; ;

also translates fipafielov

garded by purists as questionable, see Lobeck Phryn. p. 385. The reading paftbevdeis (comp. 2 Cor. xi. 25) which was proposed to fill the lacuna in A is objectionable, because the form pafiSlfciv alone is used in the

cond Epistle to the Corinthians. Clement therefore must have derived his more precise information from some other source. Zeller {Theol,
Jahrb. 1848,
ties at
p.

lxx and O. T. (and perhaps elsewhere, in this sense). Xidaadels] At Lystra (Acts xiv. 19). An attempt was made also to stone him at Iconium, but he escaped in time (xiv. 5). Hence he says (2 Cor.
xi.

25) anal; eXiddaBrjv.

iv. 9.

See Paley

530) suggests that the

Hor. Paul.
Krjpv]

writer of this letter

added the captivi-

S.
11.

Paul so styles himself

Epictetus too calls his
22. 69.

Cassarea and at

Rome

to the

Tim.

i.

five punishments which S. Paul mentions in 2 Cor. xi. 24. But the ncvrdkis

ideal philosopher Kjjpvg tS>v Oecov, Diss.

iii.

21. 13,

iii.

The

Stoics, like
Ktjpv-

there has no reference to imprisonments, which are mentioned se-

the Christians, were essentially Kes in their mode of action.

The

parately in the words already quoted. I should not have thought it neces-

picture of Diogenes at Corinth, given in Dion Chrysost. Oral, viii, ix, might

sary to call attention to this very obvious inadvertence, if the statement had not been copied with approval
or without disapproval other writers.
2.

stand mutatis 7nutandis for S. Paul. The word is accentuated <r\pv% (not Krjpv) in C in accordance with the
rule of the
ler's

by several

grammarians; see ChandGreek Accentuation p. 181, no.

cpvya8evBeis~\

We read of S. Paul's

669.

30
/uevos ev
tjJs

THE EPISTLE OF
re
Trj

S.

CLEMENT

[v

ctvctToArj
/c/\eos

kcli

ev Trj Svcrei,

to yevvaTov

7ri(TTa)s

avTOv

e\a/3ev,

hiKaioavvriv $i$aas

b\ov tov Koafiov

i

K.a.1

67rl

to

TjO/xot

t^s Svo-ews eXdcov

diKaioaijvrjv]

re]

AC

om.

S.

2 Trio-Tews] TriaTanaa

A.

5i/ccuo-

CS, connected by punctuation in both these authorities with PXafie. Bryennios had overlooked the reading of C in his edition, but corrects the omission
a-tfv^s
1.

to yevvaiov k.t.X.]

'

the noble refaith

'

8e avTrjs (rrjs olicovpevrjs) Ti6rjai irpos

Svcrei
(p.

nown which he had won by his

i.e.

his faith in his divine mission to

:

pev tcis 'MpaicXeiovs 106) pexP 1 T v aicpodi/

o-TrjXas,

ii.

rrjs 'lfirjp'ias

preach to the Gentiles

Gesch. des
3.

see Credner's
p. 52.

N. T.Kanon (i860)
Koo-fxov k.t.X.]

oXov tov

In the spu-

airep bvo-piKcoTepd cctti, iii. I (p. 1 37) TOVTO (TO UpoV aKpCOTr/piOv) eOTTl TO dvTLKCOTdTOV OV TTjS ^VpC07Tr]S pOVOV ahCka KCU
Trjs

rious letter of
fixed to

Peter o

Clement to James prethe Homilies it is said of S. Trjs dvaecos to aKoreivoreCOS

olicovpevrjs

TovTai yap vivo

andarjs crr]pe7ov' irepatcov dvelv rJ7reipa>v 17

pOV TOV KOCTflOV flepoS

iKavcoTepos
(pooricrai

TTdVTCOV
...

oiKovpevT) Tvpos 8vo~iv, toIs re Trjs Eupa>Trrjs aicpois Kal toIs TrpcoTois Trjs Aiftvrjs,
ill.

KeXevcrdeis

tov

5 (p- !6cj) eneidr)

KaTa tov nopOpbv

eaopevov ayaObv bXoo too Kocrpco prjvvcras (SaaiXea, pi\pis ivravda rfjs 'Pcoprjs
yevopevos...avTos tov vvv /3iov (Sialics to fjv peTijXXatjev ( 1, p. 6 Lagarde).

eyevovTo tov Kara tt)v KaX7rrjv, vopiaavTas Teppovas eivai Trjs oiKovpevr)s...Ta
ci<pa, ib. (p.
1

70) r)Tlv

iiri

tcov Kvpioos

Xeyopevaov

o-TrjXcov

tovs

Trjs olicovpevrjs

This passage is, I think, plainly founded on the true Clement's account of S. Paul here and thus it accords with the whole plan of this Judaic
;

opovs (these references are corrected

from Credner's Kanon p. 53), and see Strabo's whole account of the western boundaries of the world and
of this
Veil.

writer in trans/'erring the achieve-

coast
i.

of Spain.

Similarly

ments of S. Paul to S. Peter whom he makes the Apostle of the Gentiles

:

Paterc.

2 'In ultimo

Hispa-

see Galatians p. 315. to Teppa ttjs Bvcrecos]

west.'

the extreme

niae tractu, in extremo nostri orbis termino.' It is not improbable also that this western journey of S. Paul

In the Epistle to the Romans (xv. 24) S. Paul had stated his inFrom the tention of visiting Spain.

included a visit to Gaul (2 Tim. iv. 10; see Galatians p. 31). But for the
patriotic belief of some English writers (see Ussher Brit. Eccl. Ant. c.
1,

Clement here it appears that this intention was fulfilled. Two generations later (c. A.D. 180) an anonymous writer mentions his havSed et profecing gone thither; tionem Pauli ab urbe ad Spaniam proficiscentis/ Fragm. Murat. (pp. 19, 40, ed. Tregelles, Oxon. 1867; or Westcott Hist, of Canon p. 517, ed. For the expression to reppa ttjs 4).
language
of
'

have included Britain

stle's travels,

Stillingfleet Orig. Brit. in

c.

1),

who

there
;

is

the Aponeither evidence

nor probability comp. Haddan and Stubbs Cou?ic. and Eccles. Doc. I. This journey westward p. 22 sq. supposes that S. Paul was liberated
the Roman captivity related the Acts, as indeed (independently of the phenomena in the Pasafter

in

Svaecos pointing to the western extremity of Spain, the pillars of Hercules,

toral Epistles) his

own

expectations
ii.

comp. Strab.

ii.

(p.

67) nipaTa

expressed

elsewhere

(Phil.

24,

v]
kcli
5

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
fxapTV privets
67ri

twv

r\y ov juev cov ,

outcos d7rrf\Xayri
V7T0fJL0Vri<Z

TOV

KOCT/UOV KCtl 1$

TOV

CiyiOV T07TOV 67TOpev6ri 9

yevo/uevos juieyio'TOs vTroypafjLjjLos.

Didache
p.

py

3
viro (see

e7rt]
is

The word

is

distinctly legible in

AC, and

therefore
;

the conjecture

below) niundo S (see the note on ii.

inadmissible.
ewopetidrj]

5 rod koct/xov]

AC

ab hoc

19).

AC;

susceptus est

(eirripdr)?) S.

Philem. 22) would suggest.

Those

the passage simply interpreted.

4. eVi T(ov rjyovpevoov]
'

who maintain

that this

first

Roman

before rulers'

captivity ended in his martyrdom are obliged to explain to Teppa rfjs

dvaecos of

comp.

2)7

/StKnAe'cos

Tols yyovpevois r)pQ)v...TOV 1 kol tcov qyovpevcov, 5 1 '

Rome

itself.

But

it is

in-

credible that a writer living in the metropolis and centre of power and
civilization could

rjyovpevoi AlyvTrrov, ^ 55 ttoXXoi (3ao~iXels' kcl\ rjyovpevoi, 61 tois re ap\ov(TLV

<a\ -qyovpevois r\pdv
eiri rfjs yfjs.

The

speak of

it

as 'the

extreme west,' and this at a time when many eminent Latin authors and statesmen were or had been
natives of Spain,

names of Nero and Helius (Dion Cass, lxiii. 12), of Tigellinus and Sabinus (the
67), etc.,

praetorian

prefects

a.d.

and when the com-

have been suggested. In the absence of information it is waste of

time to speculate. Clement's language does not imply that the Apostle S paprvpia eVi t&v r\yovpkvatv took place in the extreme west (as Hilgenfeld argues), for there is nothing to show that eVi to Teppa k.t.X. and papTvprjaas enl twv rjyovpevcov are in-

mercial and passenger traffic with Gades was intimate and constant. (For this last point see Friedlander Sittengesch. Roms II. p. 43, with his On the other hand Phireferences.) lostratus says that, when Nero banished philosophers from Rome, Apollonius of Tyana rpenerai eVi ra io-irepia
tt)s yfjs

tended to be synchronous.
the clause koi eVi to Teppa
e\6a>v
Trjs

Indeed
dvaecos

(iv.

47),
is

which he
diately
Ketrai

visited

and the region described imme(v.

afterwards
Kara
to
tt)s

4)

to.

TdSeipa
repp,a

'Evpa>7rr)s

be explanatory of the preceding SiKaiocrvvrjv diddas o\ov top Koa-pov, and the passage should be

seems

to

(quoted

by Pearson Minor Theol.

Works 1. p. 362). This is the natural mode of speaking. It is instructive to note down various interpretations
rfjs 8vaea>s which have been proposed: (1) 'to his extreme limit towards the west (Baur, Schen-

punctuated accordingly. 6. vTroypappos] a copy, an example] as for instance a pencil drawing to be traced over in ink or an outline to be
'

of cVi to Teppa

filled in

and coloured. The word

oc-

'

curs again 16, 33; comp. 2 Mace, ii. 28, 29, 1 Pet. ii. 21, Polyc. Phil. 8,

kel); (2) 'to the sunset of his labours'

Clem. Horn.

iv.

16.

The

classical

(Reuss); (3) 'to the boundary between the east and west ' (Schrader, ' Hilgenfeld) ; (4) to the goal or centre
of the west' (Matthies) ; (5) 'before (yno for eVi) the supreme power of

word

is vnoypacprj.

For an explanaAristot. Gen.

01

tion of the

metaphor see
p.

An.

ii.

(I.

743) kol yap

ypacpels

v7roypd\j/avTs rats ypappals ovtcds eva~ The \e[(povai to7s xP<x>H- ao L TO C"> ov
-

the west' (Wieseler, Schaff). Such attempts are a strong testimony to the plain inference which follows from

sister art of sculpture supplies a similar metaphor in vttotvttooo-is, the first

rough model,

Tim.

i.

16, 2

Tim.

i.

13.

32

THE EPISTLE OF
VI.

S.

CLEMENT

[VI

Toutois to?9 dv^pacriv oo-icos 7ro\iTV(raiivoi$ &vvridpoi(r6ti 7roXv 7r\rj6o kA6ktu)v 9 OLTives 7ro\\a?9
aiiaais
leal

(iacrdvoiSy
;

($ia

(^ij\os

7ra66vT6s,

vTroheiyfjia

3 77X05]

fj\ou

X^Laai A.
dircae S.
I

am

C, and so again in the next line. 4 8i(ax0et<rat] 8iu5 AavatSes teal Aip/ccu] A ; SavatSes Kal 8etp Kal C ; danaides et not prepared to say now that the word is written A&H&iAec as I
in-

VI.

'

But besides these signal

distinguished stances, many less saints have fallen victims to jea-

which our three extant authorities were derived. But such testimony,

though very strong,

since

is

lousy and set us a like example of Even feeble women forbearance. have borne extreme tortures without

we

find this

common

not decisive, ancestor

at fault in other places; see above, If correct, it must refer to I. p. 145.

Jealousy has separated husbands and wives it has overthrown cities, and uprooted nations.'
flinching.
:

2.

ttoXv

77X77 0o s]

The

reference

those refinements of cruelty, patronized by Nero and Domitian but not confined to them, which combined theatrical representations with judicial

chiefly, though not solely, to the sufferers in the Neronian per-

must be

suffered in the character of

punishments, so that the offender some hero

secution, since they are represented as contemporaries of the two Apostles.

Thus

iv

f\\xiv

will

mean among
'

us

Roman

Christians,'

and the

al<iai

Kal ftdaavoi are the tortures by Tacitus Ann. xv. 44.

described

The Ro'

of ancient legend or history. For the insane passion of Nero, more especially, for these and similar scenic exhibitions, see Sueton. Nero 11, 12; and for illustrations comp. Friedlander Sittengeschichte Roms II. p.

man
tude)

historian's
'

ingens to Clement's 7roXv

is

multiexpression the exact counterpart

TrkrjSos.
i

by or amid Previous editors have substituted the accusative, 7roX\as ahias but, as the dative is frequently used to denote the means, and even the accessories, the circum-

noWaU

aUiais K.r.X.]
7

?nany sufferings.
;

234 sq. Thus one offender would represent Hercules burnt in the flames on (Eta (Tertull. Apol. 15 'qui vivus ardebat Herculem induerat ') another, Ixion tortured on the wheel (de Pudic. 22 puta in axe jam incendio adstructo '). read also of crimi;

'

We

nals who, having been exhibited in the character of Orpheus (Martial.

stances (see Madvig Gr. Synt. 39 sq), I have not felt justified in alterIn this case dia ing the reading.
Cfaos 7ra66vTes will be used absolutely, and TroXXms- aliciais k.t.X. will explain
5.

Sped. 21) or of Daedalus (id. 8) or of Atys (Tertull. Apol. 15), were finally
torn to pieces by wild beasts. The story of Dirce, tied by the hair and dragged along by the bull, would be

7j7ro6Viy/xtt

iyivovro.

ing
ties,

is

Aavatdes kol Atpjcai] This readsupported by all our authori-

with minor corruptions, and I have therefore replaced it in the text,

very appropriate for this treatment; but all attempts to make anything of the legend of the Danaids entirely fail. Arnold (Neronise/ie Christenverfolgung p. 38, 1888) cuts the knot by
suggesting that additions were

though not without misgiving. If it be not correct, the error must have existed in the archetypal MS from

made

to the original legend of the Danaids for the purposes of the amphitheatre;

VI]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
ev
tjjuTv.

33
SicoxdeTcrai

kclWkttov eyevovTO
5

Sid

(^rj\os

yuvalKes, "fAavai'Ses Kal AipKaif,

formerly read
it

aiKLorfJiaTa

Seivd

Kal

(h
I

and
first

blurred),
edition.

and

and n being frequently indistinguishable where the Ms is creased was certainly in error as regards the division of the lines in my

just as

in these scenic

exhibitions

1)

which

placed in the text in

my

Orpheus was torn to pieces by a bear But after all (Martial Sped. 21).
the difficulty still remains, that the mode of expression in Clement is
altogether

first

edition, yvvaLK.es, vedviftes, TraiBl'

on this however expresses himself doubtfully on the reading, quotes Heb. x. 32

ir6Kkr\v affkrjcnv v7rep.e1va.Te TradrjfiaToov,

awkward and unnatural hypothesis. Harnack, who

(tkcii, as highly probable and giving an excellent sense Women, tender maidens, even slave-girls comp. August. Serm. cxliii (v. p. 692 sq) Non solum viri sed etiam mulieres
;

'

'

et pueri et

puellae martyres vicerunt,'

'

Leo Serm. lxxiv (1. p. 294) Non solum viri sed etiam foeminae nee tan-

tovto pev 6veidi(T[xo7s re Kal BXl^ecriv

tum impubes

Bearpigopevoi,
fxevoi

is

but here 0earpi^6best explained by 1 Cor. iv.

9 Bearpov eyevrjQ-qpev tco Kocrpco k.t.A., where no literal scenic representation is intended. Laurent explains the

pueri sed etiam tencrae virgines usque ad effusionem sui sanguinis decertarunt quoted by Wordsworth (I.e.). To these illustra'

tions

add Minuc. Fel. 37 viros cum Mucio vel cum Aquilio aut Regulo
'

words by saying that the punishment of the Danaids and of Dirce in proverbium abiisse videtur.' But he can
'

comparo
trae

? pueri et mulierculae noscruces et tormenta, feras et

omnes suppliciorum

terriculas,

in-

only quote for the former

es

rbv ra>v

Aaval8a>v ttIOov vdpocpopelv Lucian Tim. 18, which is hardly to the point, as it

spirata patientia doloris inludunt.' For the meaning of naidLa-Kr] in Hellenistic

iv.

Greek see the notes Galatians

calls
it 'Uberrima conbut there is a free-

merely denotes labour spent in vain. Clement of Alexandria indeed [Strom. iv. 19, p. 618) mentions the daughters

22.

Tischendorf
jectural

Danaus with several other examwomanly bravery among the heathens, and in the earlier part of the same chapter he has quoted the passage of his Roman namesake ( 55) relating to Esther and Judith;
of
ples of

So dom which
corruption
is

it is,

justifies

itself;

and the

just such as

might have

but this does not meet the difficulty. It has been suggested again, that
these
of

Christian
:

may have been actual names women martyred at

occurred at an early date, when the epistle was written on papyrus. I have been informed by Mr Basil H. Cooper, through a common friend, that he proposed this very same emendation in the Monthly Christian Spectator, He assured January, 1853, p. 16. me that it had occurred to him inde-

Rome

but the names are perhaps improbable in themselves, and the plurals cannot well be explained.

Having regard
of this

to

the

difficulties

expression I am disposed still to favour the acute emendation of Wordsworth (on Theocritus xxvi.

pendently; and that, till quite recently, he believed the credit which had been assigned to another to be due to himself, and wrote to this effect to the Western Times as lately as 1 87 1, not knowing that Wordsworth's emendation

was published
3

CLEM.

II.

34

THE EPISTLE OF
sttl

S.

CLEMENT

[VI

dvocia Tradovcraiy
K.aTy\vTY[<TaV) kcu
aco/mciTi.

tov

Trjs rcio-Tews (3e/3aiov Spo/uov

eXafiov yepas yevvaiov al dcrdevels

tw
kcli

ZrjXos

dir^XXoTpLcoaev

yafj.Tas

dvDpwv

r\XXoicocrv pr]6ev v7ro tov iraTpo\ rjfjLcov 'ASa/u, Toyto NYN OCTOYN 6K TOON OCT600N MOY KAI CApI 6K THC CApKOC MOY- 5

to

t^rjXos

teal

epis

7ro\et?

fieyaXas KaTEGTpe^sev

kcci

e6vr)

fieyaXa e^epifyocrev,
5 6(ttwv] ocTaiwv

A
7

darQv C.
i^epi^ojaev]

fy>ts]

epeia

A.

KaT4cTpe\pev~\

AS

KareaKaxf/e C.

i^eppt^ooae C.

g virop.vr]<JKOvTes\

in

The fact of its having 1844. occurred independently to two minds is a strong testimony in its favour.
Bunsen (Hippolytus
I.

tovto vvv k.t.X.] From the LXX 4. of Gen. ii. 23, which corresponds with the Hebrew.
6.

p.

xviii,

ed.

(rfkos kcu epis]

The two words

2,

1854)

this
1

enthusiastically welcomes emendation as relieving him

occur together, Rom. xiii. 13, 2 Cor. xii. 20, Gal. v. 20 see above, 3.
:

from two monsters which disfigured a beautiful passage in the epistle of

the

Roman

Clement.'

in a review of

my

Lipsius also edition (Academy,

it;

peydXas K.T.A.] See Ecclus. xxviii. 14 7roXft$- oxvpas KaBelXe kcu oiKias peyicTTcivcov arecrrpf\^f. Jacobson refers to Jortin, who supposes
rroXeis

July 9, 1870) speaks favourably of

p.

that Clement

had

in his
'

mind Horace

and Donaldson {Apostolical Fathers

122,
ed.
2)

Carm.

i.

16.

17 sq,

Irae Thyesten

calls

it

admirable,

though elsewhere (Theol. Rev. January 1877, p. 45) he himself offers

another conjecture, yevvaiai re kol dovXai. Lagarde (Armen. Stud. p. 73)
conjectures
dvaXKidcs
ill.

exitio gravi stravere, et altis urbibus ultimae stetere causae cur perirent

funditus.'
7.

i^eplfacrev]

For the form see TisI.

chendorf Nov. Test.

A. Buttmann
editors

p. lvi (ed. 7),

kcu
p.

KopiKai

Gramm. p.

Haupt {Hermes

146,

1869)

needlessly
15,

alter

28 sq. Most the readueyaXo23 and ii.

suggests duvihes 8Uaiai, comparing Clem. Alex. Protr. 12 (p. 92) at tov

ing to e^ppi^uycrev.
prjpova
31.

Compare

(pvXXopoe'i

Qeov dvyarepes,
2.

al

duvddes al KaXai.
k.t.A.]

KciTrjpTrjcrav

The verb

Koravrav signifies to arrive at a destination, and the corresponding substantive KaTavrrjua is a destination, a goal,' Ps. xix. 6 comp. Schol.onArist.
:

'

For C see above, I. p. 127. ' While instructing you, we would remind ourselves also. We are all entered in the same lists we must all run on the straight path obeying the will of God and respectVII.
;

Ran. 1026 (993)

rca,

ekaiai a-TCxqdov lo~Tav'

Karavrr] ua tov Spouov. Thus 6 /3e'/3atoy dpouos the sure course,' i.e. the point in the stadium where
ovcrat

the victory is secured, is almost equivalent to ' the goal.' For KaTavrdv em

ing the blood of Christ. Examples of penitence in all ages are before our eyes. Noah preached repentance to his generation Jonah to the men of Nineveh. All whosoever listened
:

to

them were
9.

saved.'

comp.

Sam.

iii.

29, Polyb. x. yj. 3,

xiv. I. 9.

Hymn,

vTropvrjcrKOVTs\ Comp. Orph. lxxvii. 6 (p. 345, Herm.) cptXd-

vn]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
V
IT.

35

TavTa, dyawriToiy ov

jjlovov u/uias

vovdeTovv-

Ts e7TL(TTeWop.ev,
10 ev

dWa
ecrfdev

Kal eavTOvs ^virofJivriG'KOVTe^'

(TKajmiuaTL,

yap rw avTw
7riKiTai.

Kal

avTos

r\\xiv

dyoov

Aio

diro\eL7rwjJL6v tcc? Kevas Kal

\xa-

Taias (ppovTidas, Kal

Ttjs irapahocreoos tj/mtov
virofxifivri<TKoi>Tes
r)fx?v

eAdco/uiev

ewl tov evKXerj Kal

Kal
'IScoiuev
C.
C.

arejjivov

Kavova.

tl
Tjp.iv

KaXov Kal
dyuv]

C.

10 ev yap]
11 airo\eiwup.ev]

dub. S.

AS; Kal yap ev A; airoX'nrwpLev

notes.

A; dywv
A.

12 evKKerf] evK\airj

ypvivvos vTvopLvqa-Kovaa re iravra (a refer-

In the phrase v-nep

to.

eV/ca/x-

ence given by Hefele). So also fivtj0-Kop.m in Anacr. ap. Athen. xi. p.

463 (which editors perhaps unnecessarily alter
jxvqaKeTai

p.eva irr)bav;

p.

evfypoavvqs

413 Strom,

a\\eo~6ai (e.g. Plat. Crat. A, Lucian Gall. 6, Clem. Alex.

v.
e

13,

p.

696; see below on

is

Kavcov),

to

do more than
to.

into

pLTjo-erai

or

pLvijcrerai).

But as the

scribe of A blunders elsewhere in adding and omitting letters under similar

or expected,'

eo~Kap,p.eva is

required the trench

circumstances (see above, I. p. 120), we cannot feel sure about the readThe word occurs again 62, ing. where C reads vTrop,ip.vijo-KovTes, as it does here (see I. p. 126 sq). There is
the

cut at the end of the leap beyond the point which it is supposed the greatest athlete will reach (Pind. Nem. v.

36 p,aKpa
toc tis'

drj

avTodev dXp.a8'
1.

V7roarKa7r-

e'^o)

yovdrcov eXacppov

oppidv).
p.

Krause indeed (Hellen.

interprets
to.

eaKap.p.eva

393) of the line

same divergence of form

'

MSS
is

in the of the spurious Ignatius, Tars. 9.

aicapipLaTi]

IO.

lists'

The

o-<dp:p.a

the ground marked out by digging a trench or (as Krause supposes) by

contest
:

marking the leap of the preceding combatant, but this explanation does not account for the metaphorical use. 6 avTos rjpuv dya>v] See Phil. i. 30
tov avTov dycova e^ovTes olov
epiOL.

el'Sere

iv

lowering the level for the arena of a

see

Boeckh Corp.

Inscr.

2758, with the references in Hellen. 1. p. 105 sq, and for its meta-

no Krause

II.

Rom.
Heb.
ycova,
aycov.

aits'* j as enLKeiTai] Ign. 6 6 TOKeTOS piOl 7TLKlTaL COmp.

'.

'

aw

xii.

tov rrpoKelpLevov
ii.

r/puv

phorical use Polyb. xl. 5. 5 ovBe eVt rov o-Kap-pLaros (ov to 8r] Xeyop,evov, Epict. Diss. iv. 8. 26 eh too-ovto
o~Kap.p.a

Clem. Rom.

7 *"
l

x e P~*lJ/

7rpoeKaXelTO

irdvTa

ovtivclovv.

number of examples of this metaphor in Christian writers is given by Suicer s.v. This word and many others referring to the games, as
agonotheta, epistates, brabium, etc., are adopted by the Latins (see esp. the long metaphor in Tertull. ad

A large

empty and futhe former epithet pointing to the quality, the latter to the aim or efKevds Kal p-aTaias]
tile]

fect of the action.

not

uncommon
xii.
1,

e.g.

The combination is LXX Is. xxx. 7,

18;

Hos.
oph.
15,

Job
iii. 1 1

xx.

ad Aut.
p.

3, Plut.

comp. TheVit. Artax.

Mor.

17 A.

13. ttjs napadoo-ecos]

The lacuna was

Mart. 3), just as conversely military terms are naturalised from Latin into Greek see Ign. Polyc. 6 with the
;

was our variously filled so long as only authority, the best suggestions
being TeXeuoaevs and
ddXrjcrecos.

The

32

36

THE EPISTLE OF
eU to

S.

CLEMENT

[vn

TL Tep7rVOV KOL TL TTpOOrZeKTOV VW7TlOV TOV 1TOlt](raVTOS

rifjias.
ft)5

drevia-iafjiev
TLfJLLOV

al/ua

tov XpLCTOv
$1<X

kcll

yvtofixev

eCTTW

TW

OTL TTCLTpl CtVTOV,

iravTi

TY]V rj^6TpaV

o-coTtiplav
3

EKXvdev
avrov]

tw

/coV/xw

^erai/oias

X a 9 lv

tQ

iraTpl

presumably.
if 6 tl

An

(which might be

p)

tw irarpl avrov r Gey C ; TU)6ew[Kanra.Tp\iavTov A, stroke (probably l) and a portion of a preceding letter upright See the lower note. on] S translates as are visible.
S
;

id quod. the omission in S

\ peravoias x<fy>0

AC

peravotav S.

Bensly points out that

may be

easily explained
5 virrjveyKev}

Kni3*m, ^nii^D.

by the homceoteleuton in the Syriac, sustulit ITD S ; ewrjveyKe C. dtikI.

true reading could hardly have been anticipated ; but it adds to the close-

npoabeKTOV iv<onLOv\
I

So

diroheK-

tov evcomov,

Tim.

ii.

ness of the parallel in Polycarp Phil.

7 Bl6 aTToklTTOVTeS TT)V fxaTaiOTTJTCt TLOV ttoWcov km ras v^etiSoStSacrKaXias' eVi

tov apxV s
7no-Tpey}sa>fXv,

*?/*'

napadoSevra \6yov passage already

anobfKTov evcoiriov Qeov, of which Clement's language here seems to be a reminiscence comp. 1 Tim. v. 4, where naXbv nai is
:

3 tovto koKov KOL tov acoTrjpos r)ptov

quoted by the editors.

7rapab6crecos r)p<ov kcivovci

By

tov

rfjs

Clement ap-

interpolated in the common texts from the earlier passage. The simple Prov. 7rp6o~BeKTos appears in the LXX,
xi.

parently means 'the rule (i.e. measure of the leap or race) which we have received by tradition', referring to the examples of former athletes quoted in the context; comp. 19 eVi tov
e
dpj(jfjs

20, xvi.

15,

Wisd.

ix.

12 (comp.

Mart. Polyc.
evTTpoo-beKTos

14),
is

compound commoner in the

in Cle-

but the

N.

T.,

and occurs three times

40 twice).

ment
3.
i.

( 35,

ivapahebopevov
(to
is

rjp.lv

ttjs elprj-

Tipiov to) 7rarpl]

Tipico aip,aTi cos

Compare

Pet.

vr)s o-kotvov

which passage again

5
1

19

dpvov apcop.ov kol

after

Polycarp

indebted),

tyjs

napa-

do~7Tl\oV XpiO~TOV.
Trarpt]

Kakws kcu 8iko.l<os op.oClement's phrase is borrow(pcovLas. ed by his younger namesake, Strom.
debopevr/s r)piv
i. I

The lacuna
I

ra

Qeto

in

must,

think, be supplied

by

(p.

324)
ical

ivpo{5r)o-eTaL

r)plv

Kara tov
kcl-

evKketj

crepvov ttjs napaboaecos

vova.

alone for two reasons; (1) If Tvarpl were contracted TTpi, as is most usual in the MS, the letters would not be sufficient
kol ivarpX rather
7rarpi

than

This is probably a conKavova] tinuation of the metaphor in o-Kap,pa comp. Pollux iii. 151 t6 de p,eTpov
:

tov 7rr]8^paTos kclvcov, 6 de opos to ecrKappiva' 60ev eVi tcov tov opov vrrep7TT]8(ovtcov 01 7rapoipia6p.voi

find 6 Qeos the Apostolic writings followed by tov Kvplov, etc. (e.g. Rom. xv. 6, 2 Cor. i. 3, etc., to
fill

the space

(2)

We

kol naTrjp frequently in

Pet.

i.

Xeyovai nr)dav xrnep to. ecrKapp,iva. See 4 1 (with Thus kclvwv will be the the note). measure of the leap or the race as-

naTrjp is

3, Rev. i. 6), whereas 6 Qeos never so found. In fact with

any genitive following, the alternative seems to be 6 Qebs kol naTr/p or Qeos
TraTrjp.

signed to the athlete. tL koKov k.t.A.] From Ps. cxxxii. tl repnvuv K.T.\, Iftov drj tl koXov
rj

7rarj)p
1

On the other hand 6 Qeos occurs once only in the N. T. (Col. iii. 17, with a v.l.), and there it On the whole is used absolutely.

vn]
5

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
hieXdcofJLev

>

virriveyKev.
/uddco/uLep

eU
kcci

tc!

yeveas

7racra<s

kcci

kcltcl-

otl ev yevea

6 hecriroTris

yevea /ueTavoias tottov eScoKev toTs /3ov\ojuevoi<> e7rio'Tpa(prjvai eV avTov,

/uLerdvoiav,
kcci

Ncoe eicripv^ev
du/jLev els]
10/j.eveia

ol

v7raKOvcravTes eawdr]-

bUXdufxev (om.

els)

C
els

transeamus super S (which probably

tt&vtols

represents dieXdw/uLev

els).

In

Rom.

v.

12

dvdpuirovs 6 ddvaros dtrjXdeu

both Pesh. and Hard, have "2 12V not hv "QJJ as S has here.
els is

In

4 8ie\6eiv
/cat]

rendered by "7 *QJJ.

The verb

8ie\8eu>
;

is

frequent in the

LXX.

AC

om.

S.

76

decnrbT-qs]

AC

om. S.

however the correct reading is probably preserved in the Syriac, the different positions of ra 6ec3 in the two Greek MSS showing that it was a
later addition.
i

(Luke ii. 29, Acts iv. 24, Rev. vi. 10, and one or two doubtful passages), but occurring in this one epistle some
twenty times or more.
subjection to

The

idea of

rally taken, ported ; for

geneunsupXen. Hell. iv. 7. 2, Soph. El. 834, are not parallels. Perhaps 'won {rescued) for the whole world? This passage is dUXdoofxev k.t.X.]
5.

\mr)veyKev\

offered?

So

it is

but this sense

is

thus very prominent in Clement, while the idea of sonship, on which the Apostolic writers dwell so emphatically, is kept see Lipsius p. in the background
is
;

God

This fact is perhaps due in part 69. to the subject of the epistle, which
required Clement to emphasize the duty of submission; but it must be ascribed in some degree to the spirit of the writer himself.
8.

copied in Apost. Const, ii. 5 5 6 yap Qebs, Qebs u>v eXeovs, air apx*l s zKaar-qv
yeveav eVi fieravoiav KaXel did tu>v 81Kai(ov...Tovs 8e ev

rw

KaTaK.Xvo~p.(p

81a

tov

Ncoe,

tovs

ev

~2obopois
'

Sta

tov

Ncoe cicfjpvgev k.t.X.]

The Mo-

(piXotjevov AcoY (see below Ii) K.T.X. 6. yevea Kai yevea] each successive

saic

narrative

generation? in the LXX, Esth.

lxxxix.
1,

Hebraism preserved
ix.

Noah The nearest approach

says nothing about as a preacher of repentance.

to this

concep-

27, Ps. xlviii. 11,

:

xc.

1,

etc.

comp. Luke

i.

tion in the Canonical Scriptures is 2 Pet. ii. 5, where he is called diicaioavvrjs Krjpvg.

50 yeveas KM yeveds (vv. 11.). tottov] The same expression 8i86vai tottov ixeravoias occurs also in Wisd.
xii.

however

is

The preaching of Noah one of the more promi;

nent ideas in the Sibylline Oracles

10;

comp. Heb.

xii.

17 ixeravoias

tottov

ovx evpev, Tatian.

fxeravoias tottov,

ad

Graec.

see especially i. 128 sq. Ncoe Sepa? 8dpcrvvov ebv Xaolai re ttclo-i Kijpv^ov

ovk
ii.

e')(i

Apost. Const.

38 tottov fxeravolas (opiaev, V. 1 9 The Xafielv avTov tottov p.eTavoias. corresponding Latin poenitentiae
'

fierdvotav k.t.X. This passage, though forming part of a comparatively late poem, was doubtless founded on the
earliest (pre-Christian) Sibylline
(iii.

occurs in the celebrated letter of Pliny to Trajan Plin. et Traj.

locus'*

97828

of the

existing collection)

Epist. 96.
is
7.

The emendation
Very

tvttov

which is mutilated at the beginning and takes up the narrative of the

world's history at a later point than the deluge. Indeed this earliest Sibyl the book (if the closing passage of

not needed.
deo-TTOTTjs]

rarely applied

to the Father in the

New

Testament

38
(Tctv.

THE EPISTLE OF
'Icovas

S.

CLEMENT

[vn

Nivev'iTais
ettl

/meTavorjo'avTes

KaTa<TTpo<pr]v eicrjpv^ev, ol toIs djjiapTr]fj.aaiv avToov epiXacravTO

Se

tov Qeov iKSTevcravTes

Kal eXafiov ccoTripiav,

Kalirep

dWoTpiOL tov Qeov

VIII.
TrvevjJiaTOS
i

ovres.
rrjs

Ol XeiTOvpyoi
dyiov
;

%dptTOS tov

Qeov

Sia

7repi
S.

/ueTavolas i\a\r]crav,
3 iKereva-avres]

Kal ai/ros

ol be]

oide

A;

o'ide

A;

t/cereuoj/res

S.
still

5 Xeirovpyoi] Xirovpyoi

A.

8 p.era opKOv]

AC

C, and so apparently Bryennios reads p.ed' opuov

belongs to the same poem) conwith the deluge by claiming to be a daughter-in-law of Noah (iii. 826). From these Oracles it seems not improbable that
nects herself

~ TAeTavoeiTe, Ibov yap KaTaKXvcrp.os epx rat (p. 68, ed. Tisch.). passage

Clement, perhaps unconsciously, derived this conception of Noah. To this same source may probably be
traced the curious identification in Theophilus ad Autol. iii. 19 Nc5e KaTayyeXXcov toIs Tore dv6pa>noLS p,eXXeiv avKaTaK.Xvo~pi.6v eo~ea6ai -Tpoecp^Tevaev
toIs Xeycov'

by Georg. Syncell. (Chron. p. 47 ed. Dind.) from Enoch, but not found in the extant book, seems to have formed part of Noah's preaching of repentance
;

cited

see

Dillmann's

Henoch
9,
I.

pp. xxxviii, lxi. See also

below
'

with the note on

iraXiyyeveo-'ia.

comp. Jonah
o-Tpa<prjcreTai.
4.

Karaarpo(f}T]v] ''overthrow, ruin ; iii. 4 koX Nivevr/ /cara'

AevTe KaXel

vp:as 6

Qeos
e-

els \xeTavoiav' hio olKeitos

kXtjOt]
;

AevKaXicov

for Theophilus has elsewhere preserved a long fragment from the

lost

aliens frotn dXXoTpiot k.t.X.] God,' i.e. 'Gentiles': comp. Ephes. il. 12 ajrrjXXoT pica p,evoi Trjs 7roXirei,

as

Toil Io~parjX...Kal

dBeoi

ev tg> Koo-p.cp.

opening of the

(ad Autol, ii. passage incorporates ments of hexameters,

...Qeos els p.eTavoiav.

earliest Sibylline 36), and this very

Both dXXoTptoi and dXXocpvXoi are thus used, as opposed to the covenant-people.

several
e.g.

frag-

Aevre KaXel
also

VIII.

'God's ministers through

As Josephus

the Spirit preached repentance.

The

quotes the Sibyllines, he too in his account of Noah (Ant. 1. 3. 1 eueiBev

eTTi to KpelTTOv avTovs Trjv hicivoiav Kal Tas irpd^eis p:eTa(pepeiv, quoted by Hil-

genfeld here) may have been influenced by them. See on this subject For the MohammeI. p. 178 sq.

Almighty Himself invites all men to Again and again in the repent. Scriptures He bids us wash away our sins and be clean He proclaims repentance and promises forgiveness.'
;

5.

Ol XeiTovpyoi]

i.e.

dan legends of Noah, as a preacher of repentance, see Fabricius Cod. Pseud. To the passages Vet. Test. 1. p. 262.
there collected from apocryphal and other sources respecting Noah's preaching add this from the Apocalypse of Paul 50 (quoted also by Hilgenfeld) eyoo elpu No>e...Kai ovk
enavaapajv
toIs

though they are not so called LXX or New Testament.

8.

the prophets ; in the

Zco

yap

eya> k.t.X.]

Loosely quoted

00 eyw, rd8e Xeyei Kiipios, ov ftovXopai tov Qdvarov

from Ezek.

xxxiii.

11

tov dcrefiovs
diro
rrjs

(os d-roarpeyj/'ai

tov dae^rj
rjv

68oi>

avTov

Kal

avTov.

dnoo-Tpocpf) dnoaTpi-^raTe diro ttjs 68ov vp.u>v' Kal Iva ri d-rodv^aKere, oUos 'icr-

dvOpanroLs

Krjpvcrcreiv'

paijX

k.t.X.

VIIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

39

oe 6 (T7roTr]s tlov airavToav irepl fxeTavoias eXd\rj(rei/

fJL6Ta

bpKOV
<

Zoo

r^p eroo.

Aerei

Kypioc, oy

BoyAomai ton

10

0ANATON TOY AMApTCOAOY, OOC THN M6TANOIAN* TTpOCTTldeiS kcli <yvu)fJLr]v d ya6t]V MeTANOh'cATe, oTkoc 'I c pAhi A, atto thc
anomi'ac

ymoon"

elnoN to?c y'chc toy Aaoy moy' 'Ean cocin

7<zp]

which has no manuscript authority.

Trpo<JT7)de<.cr

AS
C.

om. C.
elirov]
;

9 irpoandds]

A.

11

vp<2v]

AS

rod \aov

/jlov

AC dum

diets tu

(uttuv) S.
IO.

"Edv]

AC

nav

[?]

or Kal idv S.
(2) The expression 717300-TiOels Kal yvaiprjv dyaOf^v seems to im-

to treat these

Meravo-qaare k.t.X.] It is usual words as a loose quoxviii,

afterwards.

tation

from Ezek.

30 sq ohos

'io-pa^X, Xeyci Kvptos, 7n.aTpd(pr]Te Kal dnoarpeyp'aTe etc naacov tcov ao~e(3eicov

ply that, even if not a continuation of the same passage, they were at all

vpcov...Kal

Iva

ri

airoOvrjaKere,

olkos

events taken from the same prophet as the words quoted just before. (3)

^Iapar]X

diori ov oVXco rov ddvarov tov

from the canonical Book of Ezekiel, the words

dnoOvijaKovros.
If

taken

are probably a confusion of this passage with the context of the other
(Ezek. xxxiii.
follows.
11),

This inference is borne out by the language used just below in introducing the passage from Isaiah, Kal iv hipep rona, implying that the previous words might be regarded as a single
quotation. (4) great portion of the quotation is found in two different passages of Clement of Alexandria,

preceding note.
y

as given in the See however what

n. Eav eoaiv k.t.X.] This passage is generally considered to be made up

of Ps.
ciii.

and

in

one of these the words

:

IO, II ov
rjp.1v

tfp&v enoirjarev

Kara ras dpaprias ovde Kara ras avo-

Quz's div. salv. 39 (p. 957) ov fiovXopai tov 6dvaTov tov apaprcoXov aXXci ttjv peTavoiav'
kciv
cocriv

are attributed to Ezekiel

plas rjpcov avTairebozKev fip.1v' ore Kara to \jy\ros tov ovpavov divo rrjs yijs i<paTaia>o~e Kvpios to eXeos civtov eVi rovs
(poftovpevovs avTov, and Jer. iii. 19, 22 Kal tlna, Ilarepa KaXecrere pe kcli cm

ai dpaprlai

vpcov

<os

(poiviKovv epiov,

as x L va XevKavco,
cos

kclv

peXavrepov tov o~kotovs,

eKVL\jsas (p.
7toitJo-(0,

epiov XevKov
i.

and Paedag.
did
'le^eKiijX'
ttjs

10
'Eav
Kal

151)

(p-qal

yap

ipov

ovk

aTToaTpaCp^aecrde

..

eVtorpatcl
i.

eTTio-TpaCpfJTe

c oXrjs

KapBias

(prjTe viol

itncrTpecpovTes Kal lao-opai

Is.

Lnr)T, Ilarcp,

avvr plppaTa vpcov, together with 18 Kal cai' eocriv at dpapTiai

dyiov.
(1)

Thus

aKovaopai vpwv cos Xaov it seems to follow either

k.t.X.

Such fusions are not uncommon in early Christian writers and occur many times in Clement himself. But
several
solution

onical

in the recension of the canEzekiel used by the two Clements the passage xxxiii. 1 1 was

That

objections
;

lie

against

this

account

is

here (1) No satisfactory thus rendered of the words

Tpai aaKKov k.t.X.

idv wenv nvppoTepai kokkov Kal peXavcofor the passage of

:

followed by a long interpolation containing substantially the words here or quoted by Clement of Rome (2) That he is here citing some apocryphal writing ascribed to Ezekiel, which was a patchwork of passages
;

Isaiah, from which they are supposed to be loosely quoted, is given as an

borrowed from the canonical prophets.

The

latter supposition is fa-

independent quotation

immediately

voured by the language of Josephus

4Q
Al

THE EPISTLE OF
AMApTIAI YMOON
ATTO

S.

CLEMENT
TOY OypANOY,

[vm

THC THC

600C

KM

6AN
eni-

nyppoTepAi kokkoy kai MeAANcoTepAi cTpA(f)HTe npdc Me el 6'Ahc thc KApAiAC kai
o>cin

cakkoy, kai

eirrHTe, TTatgp,

enAKOYCOMAi ymoon
Xeyei
o'vtcos'

ooc

Aaoy ahoy.

Kai

eV 6Tpcp

T07TO)
5

AoYCAcee kai kaGapoi reNecGe* AQ>eAec0e tac And toon yyX^n Y M(*> n att6nanti toon 6c|)6aAmoon noNHpi'AC moy' nAYCAcGe And toon noNHpiooN ymoon, maGgte kaAon
nOieiN,
dpcf)AN(|)

6KZHTHCAT6
KAI

KpiCIN,

pYCAC06
/

AAIKOYM6NON,
KAI
;
I

KpiNATG
N,

AlKAIOOCATG
;

X^P A
4 AaoO

KAI
1x7101;]

^ e YT

A 6 AG f X ^>M6

3 /capStas]
ov'tcjs]

ipvxv*

CS.

A;

ovt(x)s

\eyei

CS.

Acwcracrfle]

C Clem 152 Xovaaadcu A.

\awa71w A.
/cat]

5 \4yec

A; om. CS.
7
7ratfo'a<r0e]
;

yeveade] yeveaQai A.
iravvacrdai

a<peAe<70e] a<f>e\eadcu

A
9

dcpeXere C.
/cat

A.

pucrao-fle]
;

pvaacrdai A.

Si/ccuwcrare]

AC

St/catwo-are
/cat
.
.

(om.

/cat)

S.

xW A

X^"

dub. S.

/cat

dieXeyxO^ev]

eAex-

{Ant.
Kai
7Tfpt

x. 5. i),

ov fiovov ovtos ('lepefxias)

for Tertullian {de

Cam.

Ch?ist. 23

7rpoe#eo-7rto"e

ravra rols bxXois

'leeKir]\os
/3t/3A ta

aXka
kcitc-

7rpo(j)i]Tr}s

Trp&ros

rovrcov 8vo

ypatyas

comp. Clem. Alex. Strom, vii. 16, p. 890) and others quote as from Ezekiel words not found in the Canonical

\i7rev.

This statement however

may

book

see the passages collected in

be explained by a bipartite division of the canonical Ezekiel, such as some modern critics have made and as Josephus in his account of the
;

Fabric. Cod. Pseud. Vet. Test. p. 1 1 17. Hilgenfeld points out that one of
'

these,
rit

In quacunque hora ingemue-

Canon (c. Apion. i. 8) and elsewhere appears not to recognise this second Ezekiel, this solution is perhaps more Or again his text may be probable. corrupt, /3' (=bvo) having been merely
a repetition of the first letter of (3iSee also the remarks of Ewald /3Ata.
Gesch. des V. Isr. IV. p.
19.

peccator salvus erit', is closely allied to Clement's quotation here. This apocryphal or interpolated Ezekiel
tin

must have been known

also,
ois

to Jus-

Martyr
Kai

for

he

quotes

sentence, iv
Tovrois

av vp.as /caraAa/3o), iv

Kpivm {Dial. 47, p. 267),

Apocry-

which we know from other sources to have belonged to this false Ezekiel (see Fabric.
I.e. p.
1 1

phal writings of Ezekiel are mentioned in the Stichometry of Nice-

18)

though

phorus (see Westcott Canon p. 504), and from the connexion (Bapou'x,
'A/3/3a/coi;'p,,

Justin himself from lapse of memory ascribes it to our Lord, perhaps confusing it in his mind with Joh. v.
30.

'EeKirj\, Kai Acm^'A, yjsevS-

eniypacpa)

it

may be

conjectured that

cott Introd. to Gosp. p. 426.)

(On the other hand see WestSo too

they were interpolations of or additions to the genuine Ezekiel, like the Greek portions of Daniel. This hypothesis will explain the form of the
quotations here.

At all events it appears that some apocryphal writings attributed to

Ezekiel

existed,

apocryphal passages of other prophets, as Jeremiah (Justin. Dial. 72, p. 298) and Zephaniah (Clem. Alex. Strom, v. 11, p. 692), are quoted by the early fathers. The passage of Jeremiah quoted by Justin must have been an interpolation, such as I sup-

IX]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
kai

41
(boiNiKoyN,
ooc

10 Aerer

ean

cocin

ai

amapti'ai

ymwn

obc

vjona AeyKANoV eAN Ae (Lcin obc kokkinon, o>c epiON AeyKAI CAN OeAHTG KAI CICAKOyCHTe MOy, TA ArAeA THC KANG3.
rfic

c})Arec0-

can

Ae

mh

MAyAipA Ymac
15 tayta.

KATeAeTAi*

OeAHTe mhAg eicAKoycHTe Moy, to r^p ctoma Kypi'oy eAAAHCN

TrdvTCLS

ovv roik dycnrriTOvs avTOv fiovAo/mevos

ecTripi^ev

/uLeravoias

/uLeTaa^eTu,

tw

TravTOKpctTOpiKw

(iovXrj/uaTL avTOv. IX. Aid v7raKOV(T(jdfJL6v

dojfxev

ty\

fxeyaKoTTpeirei kcu ivdo^o)

alterutro (om. koX with Pesh)
utipios

/cat
I.

5iaAex0c3 uej>
/

loquamur cum

see above,

10 Xeyei] p. 143. LXX. 13 (pay cade] <pay eadai A. om. S with the Pesh.

add.

deXrjre] deXrjrcu

S CS, with Hebrew and A. 14 yap] AC

:

pose was the case with Clement's for he writes citation from Ezekiel
;

word from the LXX.

Essays in Biblical Greek

See Hatch
p.

177, for

avTTj

77

7repiK07rr)

rj

k toov

Xoycov tov
ev

'lepepiov
tlctiv

en

icrrXv

eyyeypappevrj
iv

the various readings in the MSS of It is the LXX and in the quotation.

dvTiypd(pois

tcdv

avvaycoyais

'lovdaioov, Tvpb

yap

oX'iyov

xpovov ravra

egenoyp-av

k.t.X.

On

the apocryphal

quotations in Clement see below

13, 17, 23, 29,
2.

twice quoted by Justin Martyr, Apol. 44 (p. 81), i. 61 (p. 94), and the first verse again in a third passage, Dial. 18 (p. 235); but his quotations do
i.

46 (notes).

peXavcoTepai]

The comparative

not agree verbatim one with another. Almost all the various readings of our
authorities here, <aBapo\ {kcu Kadapol),

peXavcoTepos occurs Strabo xvi.

(p. 772),

4 12 cannot verify Jacobson's further statement 'hanc formam habes saepius in LXX.' It is derived from the late form peXavos piXas, on which see Lobeck Paral. p. 139.
but
I

dcpiXeade

(arpe'Xere),

kcu

dcKcuooo-ciTe

(dLKaioSo~aT6),

X^P9-

(x*)P av)i

$*vTe

KCU

(devre),
etc.)

dieXey^dcopev

(StaXe^&opei/,

are found in the MSS of the

diKaioocraTe X7P*?]

LXX

or in Justin or in both.
9.

Another
is

late

form of the superlative

to

peXaivoraros.
ctcikkov]

the

widow] preserving

'give redress the same

opcpavop.

rjXios

eyevero

Comp. Rev. vi. 12 kcu 6 peXas cos o~d<Kos rpi-

construction as in

Kpivare

X lv s, Is. 1. 3 ivbvaoo tov ovpavbv a kotos kol as o-a.KK.ov drjaoa to 7Tpij36Xaiov avTov. It was a black haircloth.

The lxx however has the accusative Xnpw in tne second clause though
with a various reading xVP a
10. Xeyei] SC. 6 Kvptos,
-

which words

Thus
Xclkkov
is

Hilgenfeld's

emenda-

tion

superfluous, besides being out of place, for the comparison

is

occur in the LXX of Isaiah in accordance with the Hebrew.

16.
7raj/ro/cparopii<a)]

between garment and garment.

earliest instance of this

Apparently the word comp.

;

The
4.

o-kotovs of the existing text of Clem. Alex, may at once be rejected.

iv
erepco
tottco\
is

Is.

i.

60. IX.

20.

The

quotation

almost word for

Let us therefore obey His gracious summons. Let us contemplate the bright examples of obedi-

'

42

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT
tov eAeovs
kcli

[IX

fiovXriaei civtov, kcu LKeTai <yev6fj.evoi

t^s
eirl

XprjcrTOTrjTOs clvtov Trpocnrea'cofj.ev

kcli

67ricrTp6ylsto/uLev

TOlk

o'lKTipfJLOVS

CLVTOV,

CL7roAl7TOVTS Tt]V fJlCtTCtlOTTOvicLV

Tt\v re epiv kcli to eis Oclvcltov ayov (^ijAos. ctTei/iaM/uev tovs TeAelcos AeiTOupyrjo'avTas tt\ fjLeyaAo7rpe7rei So^rj eis

clvtov.
1

Aafiwjjiev 'Gvto%, bs ev v7raK0rj S'lKaios

evpedek

yevop-evoi]

AC

3 olKTipixovs] oiKTeip/jLovcr A. reXelovs S. ; 5 reXei'ws]

but S seems to read yivop.evoi. iXiovs] eXaiova- A. awoknrbvTes] AC ; but S apparently atr oXelirovTes.
XetTovpyrjaavTas] XtTOvpyrjaavTaa

AC

A.

7 ddva-

ence in past ages Enoch who was translated and saw not death Noah
:

and

just

60).

It is

above (comp. /xeyaXoTTpeVeta only found this once in

through
3.

whom

a remnant was saved

the N. T.
6. 'Evoox] Clement is here copying Heb. xi. 5 'Ei/co^ p-^reredr} tov p,r] Idclv Bavarov K.a\ ov\ rjvplo-KTO (comp. Gen. v. 24); though the words are

in the ark.'
ixaraioivovLav]

The word

occurs

in Classical writers, e.g. Plut. 119E, Lucian Dial. Mori. x. 8

Mor.
(1.
ii.

p.
7,

369)
12,

comp. Theoph. ad Autol.

1.

apparently remembering this passage has

iii.

Polycarp, Phil.

2,

displaced, as often happens when the memory is trusted. In the sequence of his first three instances also,

d.TTo\nr6vTs ttjv nevrjv

paraioXoyiav

Enoch, Noah, Abraham

he

follows

TWV TToWwV TrXcLVrjV. But thlS does not justify a change of reading here for p.a.Taio7roviav, which is the
KCU TT)V
;

the writer of that epistle. See also the language in Ecclus. xliv. 16, 17,
to

which Clement's expressions bear

of

reading of

all

the authorities here,

is

more appropriate, and a transcriber's error is more likely in the MSS of

Polycarp
late source)
:

some resemblance. dUaios] The book

quoted as
9.

Enoch

is

'Eva>x Si'kcuo? in Test, xii

18,

derived from one very than in all our copies of Clement nor is it impossible that Polycarp's memory deceived him. Maraiokoyla occurs I Tim. i. 6.
(all
4.

Pair. Levi 10, Juda

Thus

it

seems

to

Dan. 5, Benj. have been a re-

drevio-copev k.t.X.]

Clement of

Alexandria Strom, iv. 16 (p. 610), after giving an earlier passage from this epistle (see 1), adds eiV ipcpavearepov 'Areiwto/xei/
?)

cognised epithet of this patriarch, and perhaps formed part of the title of the apocryphal book bearing his name. It was probably the epithet applied to him also in the opening of the extant book, i. 2, in the original
;

see also

xii. 4,

xiv.

1,

xv.

1,

and

else-

k.t.X.

down

to 'Paa/3

where.
7.

but contents himself with a brief abridgement, and does not quote in full, so that he gives but
7r6pvr]

12),

avTov\

reflexive use of ovtov see A.

p.

98 sq.

Enoch himself. Forthis Buttmann Comp. also 12, 14, 30.

i.e.
'

little
5.

aid in determining the text.

tt)

lAcyaXoTTpeTrel ^6^77]

The same
Pet.
i.

a second birth, a roiewal] of the world after the

8. 7raXiyyVcriav] i.e.

expression

occurs in

17.

flood;
vii.

as

Orac. Sib.

i.

195 (comp.
alcov,

The word
in

p.ya\o7rp7rrjs
I,

is

frequent

Clement,

19, 45, 58, 61, 64,

devTepos eVcrerat words put into the mouth of

Il)

Kal

Noah

x]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
ov^
evpedrj

43
Ncoe ttlctto^

jueTeTedrj, Kcti

avTOv OavctTOS.

evpedeh Zia
EKrjpv^ev,

7-^75

XeiTOvpyias avTOv TraKiyyevecriav koct/uw

$1

Kcti

Siecrcocrev

avTOv 6 SecnroTtis

tcc eicreX-

10 Oovtcl ev dfJLOVoia

^wa

els rrjv KiftcoTOV. ttlctto's

X.
ros]

'Afipadfji, 6 <pi\os TTpoca'yopevdeU,

;

euiv

ddvaros C.

8 dta
deo-n-orrjs]

rrjs

Xeirovpyias]

AS

(but XiTovpyiaa

A)

rp

Xeirovpytg. C.

go

S translates the word here and

in other passages

dominus universi
himself.
(ii.

(/D"l N"lD).

n
ii.

tthttos] ttlgtio'

A.

See Philo

Vit.

Moys.

12

p. 144) TTakiyyeveaias iyivovro r)yt-

poves <a\ Bevripas ap^r/yirai 7re/Koou, where also it is used of the world

pronounced upon him for his faith. He was promised a race countless as the stars or the sand in multitude, and in his old age a son was granted
to him.'
11. o <plXos]

renovated after the flood. Somewhat similar is the use in Matt. xix. 28,

From

Is. xli.

8 'Abra:

where

it

describes the
earth.'

'new heaven
Stoics
also

ham my
comp.
2

friend'

(LXX
7,

ov r}ycmr)cra)

and new

The

Chron. xx.
of
the

and see the

Wiss.
Theol.

employed this term to designate the renewed universe after their great
periodic conflagrations Mund. incorr. 14 (11.
rjyovpevoi tov
xi.
I
;

passages

LXX quoted by

Roensch
ii.

Zeitschr. f.

see Philo de 501)

ol

XVI. p. 583 (1873).

p.

ras

23 Kai (piXos
17
(piXos

See also James Qeov ii<Xrj8r), and below

tov
Qeov.

cKTrvpaxreis Kai ras naXiyyevecrias elo~-

TrpocrrjyopevBr)

Kocrpov,

Afare. Anton.
For
Anyiii.

tt)v 7repiodiK.r]V

naXiyyevecrlav ra>v

In the short paraphrase of the Alexandrian Clement this chapter relating

oXcov

(with Gataker's note). Christian uses see Suicer s. v.

direct

reference

to

the

baptismal

Abraham is abridged thus, 'A/3paa/x os $ia Tvio~Tiv Kai (piXotjevlav (piXos Qeov 8e tov 'icracuc Trpoar/yopevdr) ; 7rarr)p
to

water (Xovrpov
5),
1

7raXiyyV0~ias, Tit.

and

as typified
iii.

Pet.

21),

by the flood (comp. seems out of place here

it has therefore been suggested to read 0y cbiAoc for o cbiAoc. But no alteration is needed. Abra-

but Trakiyyeveo-ia appears to allude indirectly to the renewal of the Corinthian Church by repentance. See
the next note.
10. iv opovoia] An indirect reference to the feuds at Corinth. Even the

ham

is

lutely, as

here called 'the friend' absoamong the Arabs at the

often styled Elsimply: see d'Herbelot s.v.
is
'

present day he

KhahT
Chicrch
xviii.

Abraham,
1.

and
p. 13.

Stanley's Jewish So too Clem. Horn.

'Ez/co^

dumb
Tutv

animals set an example of concord see below 20 ra iXa^iara

;

13 ovrcos 8vvaTat...ovde
inLo~Tao~6ai

evapeo~Trjo~as prj eldivai ovre Nc5e 6 81-

a>a>v

ras

crwfXevcrets
noiovvrai.

avra>v

iv

Kaios
cptXos

prj
prj

ovre

Aftpaap

opovoia Kai

elprjvr/

The word

avvtivai,

which has other

opovoia is of frequent occurrence in

Clement. X. 'Abraham by obedience left his home and kindred, that he might
inherit the promises of

resemblances with this passage of the Cletn. Recogn. i. genuine Clement 32 'Abraham pro amicitiis quibus
;

erat ei familiaritas

cum

Deo.'

It is

God.

Not

once or twice only was a blessing

an indication how familiar this title of Abraham had become in the Apo-

44
peurj

THE EPISTLE OF
ev

S.

CLEMENT
prj/uLaciv

[x

tw avTov
ovtos cV

vttvikoov

yeveadai toTs

tov

Qeov.
e/c

i^rjAdev e'/c tt/s yrjs avTov Kal Ttjs crvyyeveias avTov Kal e'/c tov o'lkov tov iraTpos
vTrctKorjs

avrov,
fUKpov Qeov.

ottcos yfjv oXiyrjv

Kal orvyyeveiav do-devrj Kal olkov

KaTaXnrcov
Aeyei

KXripovofjLYiaryi

ra?

67rayyeAias

tov

yap

avTto*

"AneAee ck thc thc coy kai ck

thc cyrreNeiAC coy kai Ik toy oi'koy toy nATpdc coy eic thn |"HN HN AN COI ACl'lOO, KAI TTOIHCOO C 6IC 60NOC M6TA KAI Y"

AOTHCCO C KAI Mer^AYNOO TO ONOMA COY, KAI 6CH efA0rHM6NOC"

KAI

eYAOTHCOO TOYC 6YA0T0YNTAC C6 KAI KATApACOMAI IO

N

TOYC KATApOOMCNOYC C 6, KAI 6 f A TH H C Kai TraXiv ev tw ^yAai thc thc.

airo Acot eiirev
i

TA

6N

COI

TTACAI Al

Sia^copicrdfjvaL toic

avTov
o^GaA-

avTw

Qeov
OTI
5

VWBAeyAc
e?,

moic coy, Ae atto toy Tonoy, of n?n cy

KAI

ANATOAAC

KAI

GaAaCCAN*
A.

npdc BoppAN kai AiBa TTACAN THN THN, HN CY OpAC,

A.
10
kclto.-

15

3 avyyeveias] avyyeviaa
pdaofiai]

e7ra77eXt'as] eirayyeXeiaorju]

A;

Karapdcraojuai. C.

15

AS
;

aiuvos C.

19 'E&yayev] A; i^yaye de add. rod ovpavov S. 24 yripa] yrjpet C see the note on 65. For a similar omission see Ign. Rom. 4. 6eu>] AS; om. C. -rrpos]
xxii. 2,

om. C. CS.

16 al<2vos\ A; tov 21 rods darepas] ;

AC

25

A;

els

super S (with the Hebr. and Pesh. of Gen.

stolic age, that Philo once inadver* tently quotes Gen. xviii. 17 Afipaap. tov (ptXov fxov for tov 7raid6s pov and

where the lxx has

k<\>

or

iirl).

of the Lord.'

Later Rabbinical

illus-

trations of this title will be

cially in

found in

argues from the expression, de Sobr. 11 (i. p. 401), though elsewhere he gives the same text correctly de Leg. All. iii. 8 (1. p. 93), Quaest. i?i Gen. iv. 21 (p. 261 Aucher). At a much earlier date one Molon (Joseph, c. Aft.ii. 14, 33) who wrote against the Jews and
is

Wetstein on James ii. 23, and espeBeer Leben Abraham's, notes

427, 431, 950.

Comp.

Tertull. adv.

Jud. 2 'unde Abraham amicus Dei deputatus ?' 6. "AneXde k.t.X.] From LXX Gen.
xii.
1 3 with slight but unimportant In omitting Kai devpo variations.

quoted by Alexander Polyhistor

19, p.

(Euseb. Praep. Ev. ix

(piXov,
if it

terpreted the name Abraham

420) inas narpos

with

Clement agrees and the Hebrew against the common text which inserts the words.
after tov naTpos aov

apparently reading Dn"Qtf as were Dm2N. And in the Book of

Jubilees c. 19 (Dillmann in Ewald's Jahrb. in. p. 15) it is said of this

patriarch that he was written down on the heavenly tablets as a friend

'

He also reads cvXoyrjdijo-ovTac with against the common text evevXoyrjdrjaovTai, but evXoyijptvos where A has See Hatch Biblical Greek evXoy7)Tos. p. 154 for the various readings in this
passage in the MSS of the lxx, in Acts

xi]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
AoaCOO

45
^COC

CCH

AYTHN

KAI

TO)

CTTCpMATI

COY

AlOoNOC

KAI

TTOIHC00 TO
TIC

CnepMA COY <i>C THN AMMON THC THC 61 AyNATAI elApiGMHCAl THN AMMON THC THC, KAI TO CTTCpMA COY
KCLl

6iApi9MH0HCTAI.

7TCC\lU

XeySf 'ElHTArCN
IC

06OC TON
KAI
'

20'ABpAAM

KAI

?TTN

AYTCO*

ANABAcyON
CI

TON OYP^NON

ApiGMHCON
oy'tcoc

TOYC
to

ACTCpAC,

AYNHCH ClApiOMHCAl
eniCTCYCCN
Aikaiocynhn.
ev

AYTOyX

Ictai

cnepMA

coy'

Ae 'ABpAAM

tco

Oeoo, kai eAoricGH aytoj eic

Alcx tticttiv kcu

01

(pi\oj~eviav e&66t]

avTco vios

ywpa, Kai

u7raKorjs

25 7rpo<rriveyKv clvtov
tbv

Qvlticlv tco

Qeto irpos ev tcov opecov

eSei^ev avTco,

XI.

Aid (piXopeviav Kai

evcrefieiav

Acer

ecrcoQr\

Coc^ofJLcov, Trjs Trepi-^cipov 7rdtrr]s

Kpideicrr]?

Sia irvpos Kai

deiov 7rpohr]\op 7roiricra<; 6 ^ecTTTOTt]^, on tovs eXiri^pv30 ras eir avTov ovk eyKaTaXei7rei, toi)s Se erepoKXiveTs
Spew] opcuwv A.
28 Kpideio-qs] A, as I read it. Tischendorf, with whom Wright agrees, reads it Kpidrjo-qa and appeals to the photograph. The photograph seems to me more like KpideLcrrja, and another inspection of the MS itself
I

confirms me.
6lov

can see no traces of the left-hand stroke of an h.

iroL-qaas]

29 deiov]

A.

AC
;

translates as

if eiroiTjaep.

30

eir

avrbv] A,

and so too apparently S

vii. 3,

els

avrbv C.
ev k.t.X.]

p. 436).

and in Philo Migr. Abrah. 1 Clement agrees with Philo

a-rreXde for e^e\6e.

(i.

25.

npos
'

Gen.
ei7ra).

xxii. 2 e$'

in

ev tcov opecov cov av croi

quoting
12.

iv

Ta
is

Sia^coptcr^^at]

The
xiii.

ex-

pression
fiera

taken from Gen.

rbv

14

to

Biaxcopiadrjvat

Acor

ok

XI. Lot's faith and good deeds saved him from the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah; while his own wife perished and remains a monu-

avrov.
13.

ment
'Ava^Xe-^as
xiii.

to all ages of the

punishment

Gen. word.
19.
5, 6,

14

k.t.X.]

From LXX

with which
28.

God visits

the disobedient

16,

almost word for

xv.

and wavering.'
Kpideio-qs 81a nvpbs]
1

Comp.

Is.

'E^yayei/]

From LXX Gen.

i.e.

lxvi.

6 ev
yrj.

tco

nvpl Kvpiov KpiBrjaerai

with unimportant variations.

his entertaining
;

nacra

77

The emendation KavOeLo-rjs

is

24. <j)i\oeviav]

for KpiOeiar)?

unnecessary as well

the angels comp. Heb. xiii. 2. Similarly of Lot just below, 11, and of

as weak.
29. lute ;
7rot?7o-as]

nominative absop.

Rahab, 12. The stress laid on this virtue seems to point to a failing in the Corinthian Church. See also the note on acpi\oeviav below, 35.

Winer xxviii. A. Buttmann p. 251 sq.

see
'

194,

erepoKkivels] swerving aside] especially in a bad sense ; Epictet.

30.

46

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

[XI

VTrapxovTas eh KoXaariv Kal

dovarjs
(rrjs

cuKKTfJiov TiQr\<riv*

crvve^eX-

yap

avTto

T775

yvvaiKOS, eTepoyvco/uovos virapyovarrj/uelov

Kal ovk ev o/uovoia, eU tovto

crTr\\r]v

eTedrj

tocTTe

yeveadai avTr\v

ahos ew?

ty\<z rffj.epas

TavTrjs,

ek
5

to yvcocTTOv
i

elvai iraaiv otl ol

;

dl\jyv^0L Kal ol ^lctcl^ovi

nSXaaiv]

AC

but S translates as

if Kpiaiv.

erepoypw/xovo^]

is

read eTepoyvoo/mocr by Teschendorf and Jacobson, erepoyvwfxov by Vansittart. The last letter appears to me like c with possibly y superposed. Wright is probably correct in his explanation that the y is seen through from eyp60H on the opposite side

om. C.
Diss.
iii.

of the page. The reading therefore is erepoyvio/uLoo-. 6 Kplfxa] Kpip.a C. arj/xelwaiu'] arjfxicjaiv A.
12.

3 tovto]

AS

(f)CKo^eviav\

7 eTepoickiv&s e^co rrpbs

eTepoicki-

rjhovrjv.

See below, 47 tovs

rjpeHv.

too Irenasus {Haer. iv. 31. 3) speaks of it as 'statua salis se?nper manens]

vels

VTrnp^ovras a(p

So

erepo-

which he makes a type of the Church.

Cyril of Jerusalem also, Catech. xix. 8 (p. 309), describes Lot's wife as eo-Trj\iTevp.evt)

Clem. Horn. Ep. ad Jac. 15, said of the ship of the Church heeling over, when not properly trimmed.
kXlvlo.
2.

6Y

alutvos.

The

Tpoyvcop.ovos]

The word has

(1)

bounds
II.

in

such

pillars

region aof salt (see

two senses, either

'dissentient,

otherwise-minded,' Cyril. Alex. inEs.

xlviii (II. p. 642), Hi (II. p.

Robinson's Biblical Researches, etc. Mediaeval and even p. 108 sq).

travellers

na>s irepoyvap-ovas Trap* eKeivovs

736) 6Xorp6or (2)

',

modern

have delighted to

'wavering, double-minded', Cyril. Alex. Cord. Cat.inPs. 1. p. 225 8i\j/vxov

re Kal eTepoyvapovos.

identify one or other of these with Lot's wife.

5.

ol 8l\J/vxol]

The word occurs

8,
iv.

only

As

it

seems

to

twice,

James

i.

8,

in the

New

be defined here by ovk iv 6p,ovoLq, the first meaning must be adopted

;

Testament.

Both the word and the

though Lot's wife was also eTepoyvap.a>v

in the other sense,

and as such

is

classed

among ol

ovtcs below. again an allusion to the feuds at Corinth see above 9.

;

dfyvxoi xal Sio-raIn ev 6p.ovoia there is

3.

els

tovto

k.t.A.]

Here

coore is

warning are very frequent in Clement's younger contemporary Hermas, Vis. ii. 2, iii. 2, 3, 4, 7, 10, 11, iv. 1, 2, Sim. viii. 7, etc., but especially Maud, ix, x. Comp. also Didache 4 ov 8l^vxV LS noTcpov eaTai ov, with the corresponding passage in Barnab. 19. See below 23 with
'
Tj

dependent not on
0-rjp.elov

els
els

tovto, but

on

iriB-q

',

and

tovto 'to this

end' stands independently, being afterwards explained by els to yvoi{ttov elvai k.t.X.
4. e(os rfjs
rjp..

the note (comp. Clejn. Rom. ii. 11). XII. 'Rahab also was saved by her faith and her hospitality. She

ravTrjs]

A pillar of salt

believed in the might of the Lord God, and she rescued the spies ; therefore she and her family were

is mentioned as standing in Wisdom x. 7, dmO-Tovcrrjs ^vxqs p,vr)p.elnv ecrTrjKvla o-Trfkrj

identified with Lot's wife

She was gifted too with a spared. prophetic spirit, for the scarlet thread typified the saving power of Christ's
blood.'
f

(iXdy,

and in Joseph. A?it. i. 1 1. 4 says that he himself had seen it.

who
So

8.

Paci]

This account

is

taken

XIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
-rrepi

47

T65

Trjs

tov Oeov

(Hvva/uLecos

eh

Kpijaa kcli

eh

crrj-

jjl6L(jO(tlv

Tracrais rals yeveais yivovTai.

XII.
TTOpVY]' 10

Aid

ttlctlv

kcli

(piAo^eviav
'

eo~codti

Pad/3

r\

K7TfJL(f)dVT(t)V

ydp

V7T0

IfJCOV

TOV TOV NaVVj

KaTacTKOirtov eh ty]v 'lepL^co, eyvto 6 (3ao~i\evs Ttjs yfjs otl r)Kaariv KCLTacrKOireva'ai tt\v ^copav clvtcov, kcli epeA, but
p. py'.

CS

repeat the preposition, see dia (pcXo^euiav.

i]

For

see Bryennios Didache

iropvrj]

77

i-mXeyo/xevr] iropvr)

CS

irefKpdeurwv] eKirecpdevruv

A.

tov tov]

9 Ktov (omitting the second tov) C.

?Trep,\pev

see the lower note.

10

tt]v]

A; om.

C.
p. py'
.

n
;

i%eirep.\J/ev]

A;

C; dub.

S.

For C see

Bryennios Didache

T,

from the book of Joshua but Clement gives it in his own words, even when recording the conversational The instance of Rahab was parts. doubtless suggested by Heb. xi. 31, James ii. 25 for both these epistles were known to S. Clement and are
;

dopted by several Jewish and some Christian interpreters see Gesenius Thes. s. v. H31T, P- 422. Others again have interpreted the word as meaning
;

'Gentile'.

The

earliest

Christian

fathers took a truer view, when they regarded this incident as an antici-

J^

quoted elsewhere.

His expression

(,-;8ta ttLcttiv teal

(piXo^eviav connects the two aspects, to which the two Apostolic writers severally direct atten-

pation of the announcement in Matt, xxi. 31; e.g. Justin Dial, in, Iren.
iv. 20. 12.

tion, the tt'kttis of the one, the epya

nopvrj is

In Heb. xi. 31 also 77 inikeyopivr) read for 77 iropvr) by N (first

of the other; comp. 31, 33, 34, 49 (notes). See also the note on the <fii\oev'ia
77

hand) and likewise by the Harclean Syriac, this part being preserved
only in the Cambridge MS (see above, I. p. 130 sq). Bensly also calls my attention to a passage in Ephraem

of

Abraham

10.
r)

izopvq]

For the insertion

eVi-

Xeyopevrj

The

see above, 1. pp. 125, 139. object of this interpolation is to suggest a figurative sense of the
;

Syrus Op. Graec.

Kai

1. p.

310

op,oL<os 8e

Paa/3

77

word
Horn.

comp.
iii.

Orig.
(11.

in Ies.

Nave

(piXo^evias
drjo-acn,
dprjvr].

eViAeyo/xei^ ivopvrj diet rrjs ov crvvcmcoXeTo to7s a7ret-

p.

403) 'Raab in-

8e^ap.evrj

tovs KaTaaicoirovs iv

terpretatur latitude Quae est ergo latitudo nisi ecclesia haec Christi,

quae ex peccatoribus velut ex meretricatione collecta est?... talis ergo et haec meretrix esse dicitur, quae exVl

Immediately before, this father has mentioned Abraham and Lot as examples of persons rewarded for their cpiXo^evia, so that he seems to have had the passage of S. Clement
9.

ploratores suscepit Iesu'; comp. ib. From a like motive 3 (P- 4 11 )'

in view.

tov tov Naur)] In the

LXX Num.

the

Targum

interprets the
,

word

in

xxxii. 12,
etc.,

Josh.
V.
I.

ii. I by Xn' pn3ia = 73-avSoKevTpta 'an innkeeper,' and so Joseph. Ant.

he

xxxii. 44, Josh. vi. 6, is called 'lrjo-ovs 6 tov Navrj,

Deut.

owes
etc.

2 v7rox&povaiv e'ls tl Karaywyiov... iv too rfjs Pa^a/3j/s Karaycoyioo,

c

This explanation has been a-

and the same expression is adopted here, though in the genitive it sounds somewhat awkwardly. it. civtcov] Not avToHv, as most edi-

48
7Tiu\j^V

THE EPISTLE OF
avhpas

S.

CLEMENT
avTOus,
'

[xn

tovs

crvX\r]fj.-^sOiJLvov<z
y\

o7rws

(TvWtifJLCpdevTes QavaTwQoocriv.
eicr^e^afjievf]

oxjv

(piKopevos

PaafS

avTOvs 6Kpv\jsP ek to vireptoov vtto ty\v eTnaradevTiav Se twv irapa tov (Sa(ri\ivoKa\a\ir\v\
Aeo)5 Kal
rftc
rj

AeyovTwv

TTpdc ce eicAAeoN
6

oi

katackottoi thc

hmoon"

eiATAre Ay~royc,

r^p BACiAeyc oy'tgoc KeAeyer

Se

<x7rKpi6r]'

EichAOon

men

oi

ANApec,

oyc

ZHTeiTe,

npdc

Me,

aAAa eyOeooc atthAGon

avTols

kai

nopeyoNTAi

th

dAor

VTro^eiKvvovcra

ivaWa^.

Kal enrev

irpos

tovs

i <rvX\r]tA\J/otJL{vovs] (rv\\r)\}/o[ievov<j A, though just below it has <jvXXr)/j.(p9evT<T. For the omission of /x compare etcrrecpdevTuv above. C has <rv\\i]\f/p[ifrovs, avXFor the orthography see i aTrpo<TwiroXi)nirTws. Xr](pdeuTs. 5 Xeyovrcov] AC
;

add.

Mi

S.

6 ovtojs]

raxr

A;

ovtcj C.

8 airTJXdov~\

A;

e^rjXOov

C.

For A, Tischendorf prints gk... as though the 2nd letter were 9 em\\d] CS. and the might as well be legible; but nothing more than ei can be discerned,
1

the upright stroke of

N as of

K.

10 eyti]
is its

AS;

ora.

C.

11

vfxQv]
l

A;

tors print
I.

it

comp.

9 and see the

21.
i.e.

more frequent sense

l

(2)

cross-

note on Philippians
\rniy\rovTCLi.

iii.

tovs avXXr]p^opevovs"\

ol crvX-

wise] or inversely' \ e.g. Aristot. Aiiim. Hist. iii. 4 (p. 515, Bekker)
eTepai ((pXelSes)...(pepovo-LV
els tci

For
i.

this construction see

evaXXd,
-q

-q

Winer
4.

xviii. p. 121,
7.
'

and the notes

on
see
1.

p,ev K tQ>v apio~Tepa>v els to. 8eta,

Galatians
the
flat
ii.

dpio-repa K tQ>v be^iav.

So too

\tvoKaka\L7}v~\ flax-stalks'' laid

Josh.
Teyovs

roof of the house to dry So Joseph. {Ant. v. 6.

it,

the attitude of Jacob crossing his hands, when he blesses the sons of

2)

Joseph,

is

described in Barnab.
to
eVoi'770-ev 'laK</3

13

explains

Xivov yap dynaXidas

iiri

tov

(professing

quote the words of

evaXXa.%

eyjsvxe-

The word inrepwov does

Genesis) koX
tcis

not occur in the original narrative, which describes the men's lurking place as on the house-top (eVi rot; But Clement would not bcoiiciTos).

xelpas'

k.t.X.

Again

in

mathe-

w ith Eastern customs and might easily substitute

necessarily be familiar
r

matical language speaking of proportion, evaXXd is permutando, i.e. the inversion of the antecedents and consequents, as defined by Euclid v.
def. 13 evaXXdtj Xoyos earl Xfj^ns tov qyovp,evov npos to rjyovfievov kol tov inocomp. Aristot. p,evov TTpos to inopevov
:

a wrong expression.

vnobdKvvovaa avTols] Clement 9. must have made a slip of memory, as he has done already in vnep&ov
;

Anal. Post.

i.

(1.

p. 74),

ii.

17 (p. 99),

for in the original narrative

Rahab

shows the opposite route not to the king's messengers but to the spies.
i

evaXXdg]

in the reverse' or 'oppo-

Eth. Nic. v. 6 (p. 1 131), who is rather The attempts to fond of the word. supply the lacuna in A were signal failures before the discovery of the second MS.
11.

site direction.'

The word
;

ivaXXai;

has

two meanings

(\Y alternately] which

does not occur

6 (p6j3os k.t.X.] The expression in the LXX here, but

kxxju

XIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Kypioc
O 6

49
Oedc
6an

10

avSpas' I~incockoyca pncockgo if(x> oti YM03N TTApAAlAOOCIN yMIN THN r*HN TAYTHN,
d

TAp Q>dBOC KAI

cbc

TpoMOc ymcon eneneceN to?c katoikoycin ayth'n. OYN reNHTAI AaB?N AYTHN f M AC, AIACOjCATG M6
oTKON
15

KAI

TON

TOY TTATPOC MOY1

KCtl

eiTTCtV aVTri'
I

"EcTAI OyTOOC COC

CAaAhCAC HMIN.
contat
kcli

(X>C

6AN

OYN

TNtpC

nAp ATI N OMEN YC HMAC,

thc
oiki'ac, a'ttoAoyntai.

CYNAieiC TTANTAC TOYC COYC YTTO TO TeTOC COY, KAI AIACOO0Hd'coi

r^p eAN efpeGoociN

e'loo

irpCHTedevTO avTrj Sovvai crrj/ueToj/, 07ro)9 Kpefjiao'tj e'/c tov olkou avTrjs kokkivov, irpohriXov 7rOLOVVTS oti Sta
om. CS.
posed in S.
Xrjaas]
0o/3os, Tpofxos]

C;

$o/3o<r, .../xocr

A.

The two words

eav]

are trans15 eAda? C.

crou]

12 avTTjv]

A;

\e\d\7]Kas C.

eav] A; aiC. AC; r^ 7171/ S. ws] AC; not translated in S.

A;

7rapa7ti'o^.ej'oi's]

AS

Toroeyoaaov A; to areyos (om. 0-01;) C; reads gov, not ou as sometimes stated.

(koX 6Vot) S.

(by the pointing); irapayevo/xevovs C. tecticm domtis tuae S.

16 to re7os See below.

et

A
qui

17

ocroi 7<xp]

AC;

omnes

illi

ea^]

A;

av C.

18
ix. 2,

/cpe//.aa"j7]

A;

eKKpe/xdarj

CS.

is

common
ii.

elsewhere;

e.g.

Gen.

word
the
18.

is

perhaps not intended to bear

here.
'

Deut.

25, xi. 25.

These passages

meaning

not only the combination of (pofios and rpojios, but the repetition of the article before the latter. Cotelier observes that Clement seems to have had in his copy of the lxx
illustrate

irpoo-i6evTo

k.t.A.]
'.

they

went

The word is on to give her a sign used in imitation of the LXX diction, where it very frequently renders ?pi
and thus reproduces the Hebraism 'to add to do,' as e.g. Luke xix. 11
Tvpoo-Qela-a etireu,

(Josh.

ii.

9) the

words

kcu KaTenTrjo--

aov navres
vfxcov,

ol ko.toikovvts ttjv yrjv d(p

Acts

xii.

3 npoaidero

which are wanting in all the best MSS, though supplied in the Complutensian edition and represented in the original Hebrew. The
existing text of the
TTeTTTOiKev

o-vWafielv KcuIleTpov, and so commonly In this sense both the in the lxx.

LXX has

only

eVi-

yap

6 (po(3os vficov icp

rjp,as.

Haractive and middle are used. nack strongly objects to the translation 'praeterea ei signum dederunt' and renders 'praeterea mandaverunt
ei ut signum daret,' appa rently taking npocTTLOeo-Oai 'to enjoin' or 'impose.'

The text of our aumakes it difficult to decide whether we should read o-reyos or
16.
reyos-]

thorities

This seems an impossible rendering,

ii.

reyos.

occurs in the lxx only once, Epist. Jer. 8; the latter not at all in the lxx, but in Aquila Num. xxv. 8. In these passages they are used for 'lupanar'; and

The former

in the narrative (Josh, the spies are represented as giving the sign of the scarlet thread to Rahab in the first instance. Dial. 19. 7rp6$r)\ov K.r.A.] So Justin
19)

and moreover

reyoy especially has

bad

sense
iii.

elsewhere
186,
II. v.

frequently this Orac. (e.g.

387).

Ill

(p.

Sibyll.

But the

cmapT[ov...To crvp.[3oXov tov Xpiarov edrjXov, 8l

338) TO 0-vp,(3o\oV TOV KOKKIVOV tov aip,aTOS

ov
ol

naXai

CLEM.

5o

THE EPISTLE OF
cli/ulcitos

S.

CLEMENT

[xn

tov Kvplov Xvrpcoo'is earTai iracriv toIs TTMTTeVOVCTlV KCLl e\7ri^OV(TLV 6777 TOV QeOV 'OpaT6,
.

tov

dya7rt]TOL,

ov

fiovov

7TLcrTis

dWd

7rpo(j)rjTeia

iv

Trj

yvvaiKi yeyovev.

XIII.
vol

TaweivocppovricrcoiULev ovv, dde\<poi, dirodefjie-

irdcav dXa^pveiav Kai

i

TV(pos

k<xi

d<ppoo~vvr]V

Kai

tov Kvplov]

2 Kai eXTrifrvcnv]

AC; rod x/h<7to0 AC; om. S.

twv

(see the

3 ov]

A; on
3.

passage of Justin in the lower note). ov CS. d\Xa] A; add. Kai

TropvoL Kai adiKoi ck rravrcov

o-(oovTcu k.t.X.,

eBvtov

perhaps

idea from this passage.

getting the Irenaeus (iv.

20. 12) copies Justin, 'Raab fornicaria conservata est cum universa

So Origen in 4 (11. p. 403) Sed et ista meretrix quae eos suscepit ex meretrice efficitur jam propheta etc'
dXXa
7rpo<pr)Teia]

Jes. Horn.

'

iii.

4.
'

yeyovev]
isfound]

The

perfect tense yeyo-

domo
See
iii.

sua, also
(II.

fide

signi

coccini
Jes.
(II.

etc'

vev,

Origen

In

Horn.
p.

p. 405),

vi4

411),
p.

the right ii. 14 r) 8e

ftacrei

must unquestionably be reading here comp. 1 Tim.

;

yvvr) e^aTraTrjOelaa ev Trapa-

In Matth. Comm. Ser. 125

919).

(ill.

From this time forward it becomes a common type with the

Barnabas ( 7) similarly explains the scarlet wool of the scapefathers.

yeyovev, where, as here, the tense denotes the permanence of the

record and the example.

Gal.
iii.

See also
enayye23 6 eK ttjs

18

r<5 de 'A/3paa/z di
iv.

Xlas Ke\dpicrTaL o Qeos,

TraidlcrKrjs

goat (see the note there).

also

Compare

Heb.

ix.

19,

which may have

suggested this application to Clement. The word 7rp6dr)Xos occurs twice besides in

KaTa crapKa yeyevvrjTai, where the explanation of the perfect is the same. So too frequently in the

Epistle to the Hebrews, e.g.

8edeKaT(OKev, xi. 28 7re7roiTjKev.

vii.

Clement 11

7rp68r)Xov noirjcras

XIII.
ble,

'Let us therefore be

hum-

6 deo-noTrjs

which we
Xov
ovv

(the same construction have in Heb. xii. 14 irpob-q-

on

on

i 'lovSa k.t.X.),

40
It

npodrjXcov

fjpAv ovTcav tovtcov.

may be

question in many passages whether the preposition denotes priority in time or distinctness. In Demosth. de Cor, 293 el p.ev yap r)v aoi 7rp68r)Xa
ra.
fxr)

and lay aside anger and pride. The Holy Spirit condemns all selfexaltation. Let us call to mind the words in which the Lord Jesus commends a gentle and forgiving spirit.

The promise
5.

of grace

is

held out to

patient forbearance.'
a.7To6ep,evoL

k.t.X.]

So
ttjs

57
tt)v

p,eWovra...TOT edei npoXeyeiv,

irporjSeis k.t.X.,
lb.
1

el

de
r)v

p,d6eTe

v7TOTaao-ecr9aL

anoOepLevoi

99

el

yap
Kai

dXd(ova Kai vneprjcpavov

vp.a>v

yXcocro-rjs
1

anacri
trdai

TrpodrjXa to. p.eXXovTa Ka\ Tvporjbeaav anavTes

yevrjcreo~v

avOdbeiav.

oyKOV cmo6ep.evoi
Pet.
6.
CijXos,
ii.

Comp. Heb. xii. irdvTa, James 1. 21,

npovXeyes. On the other hand irpob-qXos frequently signifies 'plain/ 'manifest,'

1.

Tvcpos]

'famous,' 'illustrious,' and it is explained by npocpavrjs in the Greek

nXovTos,

ix.

neuter form like eXeos, etc, for which see

78 and Jacobson's
4.

Winer
note on

p.

lexicographers.

r)Xos

above

For an

ex-

XIIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
kclI
TroiricrboiJLev

51

opycts,
TTvevfJia

to
c xY

yeypa/uLjULevov'

Xeyet yap to
eN tco

to ayiov Mh
icxYpdc eN th

kayxacGoo
I
'

o co(J>oc en th cochiA aytoy, 6 ttAoycioc

mhAg

aytoy MHAe

10 ttAoytgj aytoy,

&AA

h 6

kayx^mcnoc eN
KpiMA

Kypi'to k&yx&cQcx), t Y

6KZHTeiN AYTON KAI

fjLeixvf]fJievoL

TTOI?N

KAI AlKAIOCYNHN* JULCtAlG'Ta

tiov Xoycov

tov Kvpiov
C; dub.
S.

'Irjaov, ovs e\a\r]crev

See the lower note and comp.
Tijcpos]
1.

CS.
p. 126.

4 yeyovev] A; iyev/jdr] 6 aXafrovelav] C;

6]

aXa^oviav A.

A;

Tvcpov C.

10 <xXV ^

dAA' 6 C, and so perhaps S.

Tvcpos Jacobson here quotes Cone. Ephes. Can. 8 (Routh Script. Eccl. Opicsc. p. 395). As the v is long

ample of

recension of original text; or (2) the text of Jeremiah (or Samuel) was in circulation in the first century

in the older writers but short in the

which contained the exact words

Kavx<p-evos iv Kvpico Kavxacrdco.

more recent

(e.g.

Greg. Naz.

11.

pp.

The

490 v. 44, 880 v. 45, ed. Caillau), I have accentuated it according to this later usage; see L. Dindorf in Steph. Thes.
s.v.

former
thesis.

is

the

more probable hypo-

24 as

Iren. iv. 17. 3 quotes Jer. ix. it stands in our texts. In

and compare the analogy of

Galatians
1
ii.

crrv-

Xos, (ttvXos,
8.

9.

Mr) Kcivxao-dai K.r.A.]

is

sage

taken from
23, 24, or

This pasSam.ii. 10, or from

neither passage does the Hebrew aid in solving the difficulty. In 1 Sam. ii. 10 it is much shorter than and quite
different from the LXX. Lucifer pro Athan. ii. 2 (Hartel, p. 148) quotes it 'non glorietur sapiens in sua sapientia nee glorietur dives in divitiis suis, sed in hoc glorietur qui gloriatur,

from both combined. Jer. The editors have overlooked the first
ix.

of these passages, quoting only the second, though in several points Cle-

ment's language more closely resembles the

I

inquirere
gloriari,

me

et

scire in

Dominum

first.
ii.

The

latter
rj

part

in

Sam.

10 runs dAA'
6
/cai^co/xei'os

iv tovtco

Kavxao'Oco
yiV(D(TKlV

avvieiv

kcu

qui facio misericordiam et judicium et justitiam super terram.' As Cotelier

quia ego

sum Dominus

TOV KvplOV KCU TVOieiv Kplfxa

yr)s',

Kai hiKaioo-vvqv iv piaco Tr)s

while

the corresponding passage in Jeremiah diverges still more from Clement's quotation. On the other hand S. Paul quotes twice (1 Cor. i. 31
KaBcos yey pairrciL, 2 Cor. x. pevos iv Kvpico Kavx^o-dco.
1

remarks, he seems to have read e*^with Clement, for he has 'inquirere' three times in this context, but the coincidence may be acciOn the other hand Antioch. dental. Palaest. Horn, xliii (Bibl. Vet. Patr.
relv
p.

7) o Kai>xa>-

1097, Paris 1624) quotes directly

The resem;

blance of Clement's language to S. Paul may be explained in two ways either (1) S. Paul does not quote literally but gives the sense of one or other passage (1 Sam. ii. 10 or Jer.
ix.

from 1 Sam. ii. 10, and betrays no connexion with Clement's language. 12. pepvrjpivoi k.t.X.] Comp. Acts
XX. 35 p-vrjpioveveiv tcov Xoycov tov Kvpiov See above 2 'irjcrov, otl elrrev k.t.X.
rjbiov

XapfidvovTes k.t.X. (with the note),

reflects

23 sq) and Clement, writing afterwards, unconsciously combines and confuses S. Paul's quotation with the
;

where Clement's language

the context of this quotation.

42

52

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

[xiii

$iSd<TKcov eTTieiiceiav kcci /uaKpodv/uLiav

outws yap einev

od c

'EAgatg
OYT00
00C

Tna eA6H0HT6 AcbieTe ina a(J)0h ymin*

;

noie?Te,
*
'

TTOIH6HCeT<M YMIN'

00C

AlAOT, OYT00C AO0HC6TAI Y M N

GOC

KpiNGTe, ofTOOC KpiGHCecOe"

Op

XpHCT6YC6e

oy'tooc

XP h

"

CT6Y0HC6TAI YMIN'
tai

ymin.

Tavrrj

M6Tp(0 M6TpG?T N d^TO) MTpH0HCTrj ivToXrj koll toTs 7rapayye\fJ.acrLV

tovtois

<TTy]pi^(i)fjiev

eavrovs

eis

to

7ropevecrdai v7rriKOOvs

ovTas
i

Tofc
eirieiiceiap']

dyi07rpe7Te(TL
eirieiKiav

XoyoLs
C
; .
.

aurou, Ta7reivo(pporwa A.
3 oura>s] C,
2 'EXeare]

A.

iXeeXre

C.

depiere]

oKpere

ovtus] C.
;

and

in all the other

places in this sentence where it occurs ovtw. 4 KplveTs] KpiveraL A.

fx^Tp^...fxeTpr]dr](r6TaL vpuv] here,

so too A, except in the

first,

where
C.

it

has
5

xp^crretfecrfle] xp^crrei/ea'tfcu
Cos

A.

$
ev

avrC}]

S;

evavTr)

A;

ovrus

Clem; before om. Clem.

10 7rpau>]

AS

Kplvere k.t.\.,

7 (rTyjpi^ojfiev]

crTrjpifafiev

C.

7ropeye<x#cu] iropeieuQe
2.

C.

A;

irpaov C.

r& Xoym]

'EXeare
is

k.t.X.]

The same saying

vii.
I,

where

it is

quoted almost exactly as

which

recorded in Matt.

Luke vi. 36 38, to which should be added Matt. V. 7 pampioi ol iXerjpoves on avTol iXerjdrjcrovTai, vi. 1 4 iav yap vi. dcpfjre toIs dv6pco7rois k.t.X., Luke
31
Ka6a>s

2,

here, except that iv avrat

is omitted. betrays no misgiving that he is not quoting directly from the Gospel, when evidently he has taken the

He

words from his namesake the

Clement.

Roman
ii.

deXere

'iva

tvoluhtiv

k.t.X.

Comp.

Aftost. Const,

21,

(comp.

Mark

xi. 25).

quotations are often need not go beyond the Canonical Gospels for the source of this pas-

As Clement's very loose, we

Ps-Ign. Trail. 8. On the form cXedv (for iXeelv) see Winer xv p. 97 sq, A. Buttmann
p.

The resemblance to the original is much closer here, than it is for instance in his account of Rahab above, 12. The hypothesis theresage.
fore, that

50; comp. Clem. Horn, xviii. 6. Previous editors needlessly read e'Xe4.
cos

eire here.

xp^crretW^e]
S.

The
Luke

corre(vi.

sponding words in

36)

Clement derived the saying from oral tradition or from some

not needed. Polycarp indeed {Phil. 2) in much the same words quotes our Lord as saying
acptere

are yiveade olKTippoves. In Justin Dial. 96 and Aftol. i. 15 they are quoted
yivecrde 8e

lost Gospel, is

KM

deped^aerat vpuv, iXeelre Iva

it

xP r (TT01 Kai oiKTippoves, and Horn. iii. 57 yiveo~6e dyadol Kai olicrtppoves. The verb xP^o-reveo-Oai occurs 1 Cor. xiii. 4.
)

in Clem.

iXeqQrjTe,

but

can hardly be doubted

of introducing the

5.

op

perpa

k.t.X.]

Quoted

also in-

from

his

manner

quotation (pvrjpovevovTes cov eirrev 6 Kvpios diddo-Kwv), that he had this

directly Clem. Ho7n. xviii. 16 <S p-erpco See pTpT)<XaV, pLTprj6fj aVTols TOO t(JCO.

passage of Clement in his mind and does not quote independently. See also Clem. Alex. Strom, ii. 18
(p.

Mark iv. 24, besides the passages already quoted from the other Evangelists.
8.

dyionpe7reori]
1.

Compare

Polyc.
earli-

476) eXedre,

(pr](r\i>

6 Kvpios k.t.X.,

Phil.

This

is

apparently the

XI v]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
(prjcrlv

53
tin a

vovvres.
J

yap

6 ayios Aoyos*
ka)

'Etti

eniBAeyoo,

10 <\AA h en) ton

XIV.
koovs
kcli
tjjuias

np^yN hcyxion AiKaiov ovv Kctl bcriov, dvSpes d$e\<pol,

Oeco
r\

ka'i

TpeMONTA moy ta Aotia;

virr\-

fidWov yeveaOai tw
yap ov
ty\v

tois ev dXa^oveia

ctKa.TacTTao'La /uvcrepov
($Aaf3rjv
v7roi(roiJL6v

tyXovs dp^tjyoh e^ctKoAovTv^ovcrav, /udAAov $e

eTri&oojjLev
k'iv-

deiv.
15

Zvvov

imeyau, eav pi^OKivfivvcos

toov
dv6pu)7r(jov y

eav-

tovs toTs

de\r]fj.a(Tiv
iced

o\tlvs e^aKOVTLtjuxas
2,

(^ov&lv eis epiv

rovs \6yovs
21.

aTacreis eU
;

to d7raAAoTpiwcrai

(with lxx) dub. S. 12 rjfxas] AS; vp.ds C.

oaiov]

AC;

deiov S.

See also
#ec5

yevtcdai ry 6ey]
13 ^rjXovs]

A; t

yeveadcu

CS.

aXa^oveia] aXafrvia A.
epeis

A;

ftjXov

C.

17 %pw~\

S (where the plural depends merely on ribui, and would be suggested by ardthe plural of the following word); ctipe'crets C Nicon. See above, I. p. 125.

A;

ceis]

araaKT A.

els

to]

AC

rod Nicon.

passage in which the word occurs. Suicer gives it a place 'quia a lexicographis omissa,' but does not quote either of these passages in the Apoest
stolic fathers.
9. 'E7J-1 riva k.t.X.]

Second.

See the several references.

For the stress laid by Clement on the duty of vna<o-q,

vttijkoovs k.t.X.]

see 7,
13.

9, 10, 13, 14, 19, 58, 60, 63.

fAvaepov]

The form
;

p.vcrep6s

A quotation from

the

LXX of Is. lxvi. 2 with slight and unimportant variations. For a distinction between irpavs and rjo-vxios see Bengel on 1 Pet. iii. 4 (where both words occur). Comp. also Hatch Biblical Greek p. 73 sq.
XIV.

occurs again below 30 and in both places the editors have altered it to pvaapos. This is not necessary see Lobeck Pathol, p. 276. In Lev. xviii.
:

23

it

is

so written in

and simiis

larly in

Mark

i.

42 eKadeplaOr]
:

read

'We

ought to
If

rather than

man.

we

follow

obey God men,

we

shall

and
shall

peril;

plunge ourselves into strife if we follow God, we

MSS see Tischendorf on Acts x. 15 and proleg. p. 1 (ed. 7), Winer v. p. 56. See also the form pupav (for pnapav) in Boeckh C. I. G. no. 3588. So likewise the play on
in the best
lepevs, piepevs, in Apost. Coiist. ii. 28. (C writes pvaapav for pvaepav in 30, but not so here).

The be gentle and loving. Scriptures teach us, that the guileless and meek shall inherit the earth; but that the proud and insolent shall
be blotted
11.

apx^yois\
(TTacreois.

Comp.

'

5 1

^PXU 01

T ^l s

out.'

Ainaiov k.t.X.] This passage as

15.

pi.^roK.Lvbvvoii\
;

in a foolhardy
i.

far

as

koXws

'e'xovros

is

quoted

in

spirW

Appian

Civ.

103,

It

does

Nicon the Monk, in an extract given by Cotelier from the Paris MSS Reg.
2418, 2423, 2424. He strings together with this passage quotations from 15, 46, of this epistle, and 3 of the

not occur in the ment.

LXX

or

New

Testa-

16. it-a.K.ovTiov(TLv\ The word here appears to mean, launch out.' Generally, when it occurs metaphorically,
'

54

THE EPISTLE OF
kccXcos 6)Ovtos.

S.

CLEMENT
avTois
kclto,

[xiv

tov

-^priarTeva'ijofJLeQa

ty\v

evo"7r\ayxviav

Kal

y\vKVTr\Ta

tov Troir\GavTOs

r\\xa^,

yeypairTai yap" XpHCTOi ecoisiTAi oiKHTopec thc, akakoi Ae ynoAeic})9H'coNTAi en aythc* oi Ae ttapanomoyntC eloAeGpeyOHCONTAi att aythc kcci 7raA.fi/ Xeyei' E?Aon AceBfi

ynepYYOYM^NON
V

KA<|

enAipdiweNON wc tac KeApoyc toy

KA'l

AiBa-

NOY, KA
1

TTApfiAOON
A;
eavrote

lAOY OyK HN, KAI eleZHTHCA TON TdlTON

1 y\vK6T7]Ta] yXvKrjrrjTa C. CS. 4 oi de... om. S (by homoeoteleuton). ii^oXedpevdrjcrovTcu.] A; e^oXoSee the lower note. 5 Ei5(w] lSov A. dpevdrjaovTai. C. acrefirf\ there is the same v. 1. in the LXX. 6 eircupbfxevov'] a<re(3r)v A; tov dae^rj C

avroLs]

ci7r'

avrrjs]

AC;

atirepopevov

A.

7 tov tottov

. .

.evpov]

AC;

avTbv Kal

oi>x evpe&rj 6 t6ttos

avTod (with the LXX) S. C. 10 KoW-rjdQ/JLev]

Aoyouff or ykoio-cras

AC;

9 evKaTaketppa] evKaTaXL/ufxa dKoXovdtjacopev Nicon.

A; ey/caTaXXei^a
12 Ouros 6 Xaos]

would be under-

stood,
1.

if

not expressed.
'

to avTo, which occurs in the context of his next quotation.

4. ifjoXeOpevdrjcrovTai] On the varying forms oXeBpeveiv and SXoOpeveiv see Tischendorf Nov. Test. p. xlix. Our chief MS for the most part writes

them] the comp. 2 Thess. This iii. 1$ pr] >s e)^6pbv -qyeicrOe k.t.X. must be done 'in imitation of the comavTols]

towards
;

leaders of the schism

passion of the Creator Himself

ttjv

(kcito.

the
5.

ev(T7r\ayxvtav k.t.X.);

comp. Matt.

word with an e. EicW daeftfj k.t.X.]

v. 44.

Others substitute ai>To7s = dXXijbut this is not so good. MoreXois, over, as the contracted form avTov etc., for iavTov etc., seems never to occur in the New Testament, it is a question whether Clement would have used it see the note on avT&v 12.
:

of Ps. xxxvii. 36 38 with unimportant variations. The LXX has ko.1

irjTT]cra

LXX

From

the

avTov.

avTov Kal ov% evpeOrj 6 tottos In the Hebrew there is

to
6

nothing corresponding
avTov.

tottos

Without hinting that he is quoting from a previous writer, Cleof Alexandria, Strom,
iv.

tvanXayxyiav k.t.X.] The same combination occurs in Theoph. ad Autol. ii. 14 T*jv yXvKVTrjTa kcu ev2.

ment

(p.

577), strings together these same six quotations, beginning with Ps. xxxvii.

cnrXayxyiav Kal biKaiocrvvqv

k.t.X.

quoted
ii.

by Harnack.
3.

xPV"r0L

k-t-A..]

From

Prov.

21, 22.

The

first

part of the quota-

tion xp77o-Toi...eV avTrjs is found in with a very slight variation (and partially in

36 sq and ending with Ps. xii. 4 sq In comparing the two, we observe of the Alexandrian Clement, that (1) In his first passage he restores the text of the
(TTapprjo-iacropai iv avTai).
k.t.X.

S),but

B omits

the words ; the

second runs

in all the best

MSS of the
avTrjs-

LXX,

0SV1 [Se] ao-e(3a>v ck yfjs oXovvtcu, oi

LXX, and quotes Kal i^T-qa-a avTov (2) For the most part he follows Clement of Rome, e.g. in the remarkable omission noted below (on dXaXa
;

de Trapa.vop.oL ioiO~6r)crovTai

an

In

yetnj9ijTco

k.t.X.); (3)

He

inserts be-

quoting the latter part Clement seems to be confusing it with Ps. xxxvii. 39
oi Se 7rapa.vop.01 et-oXoOpevOrjo-ovTat, eVt

tween the quotations an explanatory

word or sentence
ends

of his

own

(4)

He

this string of quotations with the

xv]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
kai

55

aytoy
10

oyx eypoN.

^yAaccg

<>kakian kai Tag cyOythta, oti

6CTIN GNKATAAeiMMA ANGptOTTCp eipHNIKtp.

XV.
vy\v.

Toivvv KoWr\6oojjLev
/urj

Toh

/ulet

eixrefieias eipr]eipri-

vevovcriv, kcli

toIs

/xe0' v7roKpicrecos fiovXojjievois

Aeyei yap ttov Oytoc

Aaoc to?c xeiAeci'N Me tima,

KApAlA AYT03N TTOppGO ATT6CTIN An' 6M0Y- KCtl TTCtXlV CTOMATI AYTOON YAorOYCAN TH Ae KApAlA AYTOON KATHTcp KCLI TToKlV \eyl' 'HrATTHCAN AYTON TO) CTOMATI 15 pOQNTO.
H

Ae

and apparently S;

\abs odros C.

rots xAeo->]
;

AS;
Clem;

rtp arofiarL

C.

13 diretXTLv]

A
'

Clem;

a7re'xet

C Nicon
I.

dub. S.
ttj

14 euXoyovaav]
e]

A;

ev\6-

Teschendorf says of the reading of A Kar-qpovvro certum est,' but Wright reads it KaTrjpwvTo. I looked On such forms as kclttjpovvto see several times and could not feel certain.
(with lxx)
;

yovv C; ev\oyov(XL Clem. the LXX. KaTripQvTo]

See

p. 127.

AC
;

/cat rrj

S, with

KarapQivrai

Clem

Tischendorf Nov. Test. prol. p.

lvii (ed. 7).

very words of the

ra7Tivo(j)povovuT0Jv

Roman

Clement,

avrov, without
is

any from another. a remnant] i. e. 9. evKaTaktifxpLa] a family or a memorial of some

citing
l

yap... to noipviov indication that he

Both Evangelists Tip.a as here. have a7re^ei with the lxx, where Clement has aneo-Tiv. Clem. Alex,
p.e

form however to

follows our Clement, modifying the suit his context. In

iyKaTaXeippiaTa tcov daeficov e^oXodpevcrerat comp. Ps. xxxiv. 16 totj e^oXodpevaai K yrjs to
:

kind, as in ver. 39

to.

Clem. Bom. ii. 3 it is quoted exactly as here, except that 6 Xabs ovtos stands for ovtos 6 Xaos. Justin quotes the

[Mvrjfxoo-wov avTcov,

quoted by Clement

below, 22.

Let us then attach ourselves the guileless and peaceful; but avoid hypocrites who make a show
to

XV.

'

LXX, Dial. 78 (p. 305). For various readings in the MSS of the lxx and quotations from it see Hatch Biblical Greek p. 177 sq.
14.

Tea 0-Top.aTi k.t.X.]

4,

From lxx

Ps.

lxii.

with unimportant variafor

of peace.

Against such the denun-

tions.

ciations of Scripture are frequent

and

vXoyovo~av~\

evXoyovv.

See
refer-

severe; against the idle profession of God's service against the deceitful

Sturz Dial.

Mac.

p. 58,

and the

and proud
12.

lips.'

ences in Winer xiii. p. 89. In the lxx here SB have evXoyovo-av. Clem.
Alex, (edd.) quotes evXoyovo-i.
15.

Ovtos
is

6 Xabs]

From

Is. xxix. 13,

8,

which

quoted also Matt. xv.

6.

'Hyanrjo-av

k.t.X.]

From

Ps.

Mark
text.

vii.

Clement follows the

lxxviii. 36,
'

y]

Evangelists rather than the original For the opening words of the

'E7ria-Tco6r]o-av

almost word for word. is here a translation of

stedfast.'

IJDfcO,

were

Though

r\ya-

original, eyyiei p.01 6 Xabs ovtos iv r<a o~Top.a.TL avTov kol iv toIs \eiXeiTiv

7TT]o-av is

avTcop Tt/xwo-iV p.e, they give the sentence in a compressed form ovtos 6

Xabs

(0

Xabs ovtos Matt.)

rots' ^et'AecrtV

read by the principal MSS (SB) of the LXX, the original reading was probably 7771-0x770-01/, as this corresponds with the Hebrew. See also Hatch Biblical Greek p. 204 sq.

56

THE EPISTLE OF
oyK
ey0e?A
Ota
iugt'

S.

CLEMENT
erncTooGHCAN
x
6|

[xv

aytoon kai th rAooccH aytoon eyeycANTO ayton, H Ae KApAlA

aytoon
AiaGh'kh

aytoy,

oyAe

eN

th

aytoy.

tovto "AAaAa reNHGHToo ta

AlKAlOY

Ah ta
TTaKlV
5

AoAlA TA AAAOYNTA KATA TOY

ANOMIAN*
ta

KOLl

'EloAeGpeycAi

Kypioc

ttanta

ta

)(6iAh

AoAia,

rAooccAN

MeTAAopHATlONA, TOyC eiHONTAC, thn rAooccAN hmoon mgtaAyNO0M6N, TA )(6l'AH HMOON TTAp' HM?N 6CTIN* TIC HMOQN KypiOC
ecTiN
1
;

And thc TAAAincopi'AC

expeiaavTo]

toon

tttoo)(oon
3 5ia tovto]

ka'i

And
;

toy
om. A.

AS Clem

exj/e^au

C.
4
r<x

CS Clem

yevrjdrjTCo]

Clem;

yevrjdeiT)

C.

\a\ovvTa...Ta 56\ia] S;

om.

AC
ical

Clem by homoeoteleuton.
elirdvTas C.

5 yXwo-cav fxeyaXoprj/mova tovs elirbvTas]

AS;

y\&o~o~av /xeyaKoprj/uiova tovs elirovTas

Clem

yKGiaaa fxeyakop-qiiwv koA ttoKlv Tous

insertion

The

scribe thus patches

up by

and

alteration the text

which

the previous omission had dislocated, so that it may run grammatically and make 6 ixeyaXuvufiev] A; fieyaXvvov/xev C Clem; dub. S. sense; see 1. p. 143.
dia tovto]

3.

This should not be

XeiA?7

treated as part of the quotation, since it is not found in any of the passages
together.

Psalms which are here strung The Alexandrian Clement however (p. 578), quoting from his Roman namesake, may perhaps have
of the

ra 86\ia. Wotton and others detected the omission but made the insertion in the form ko\ 'e. K. it. r. x- r 86Xia ko.\. This does not explain the scribe's error. The <a\ before yXcocrcrav peyaXoprjpova, though

regarded it as such. "A\a\a K.r.A.] I venture to transcribe (within brackets) the note in my first edition; from which it will be seen

found in AB, is marked as to be erased in S and is omitted in many MSS in Holmes and Parsons and in
;

our Clement's text of the

LXX it must

have been wanting. The H ebre w omits

the conjunction in the corresponding The existing omission in the place.
text of the

how

far

the text,

had divined the reading of as since confirmed by the

Syriac version.

[The words SkdXa yevrjOrJTco Ta x e ^V Ta 86Xia are taken from the LXX, Ps. xxxi. 19. Those which follow are from
the

LXX

Ps.

xii.
to,

36

i^oXoBpevaai
[naY]

Roman Clement seems to be as old as the end of the second century, for his Alexandrian namesake (see the note on eldov dcrefirj k.t.A. above) gives the passage, dXaXa
yevqQrfTU) TvdvTa
to.

Kvpios navTa

x ei'A*7 ra boXia

X ^ r Ta ^Ata
l

Kal

yXcoaaav p.eyaXopr)pova tovs slnovTas k.t.X. Since in the quotation of Clement, as it stands in the MS, yXSo-aav
peyaXoprjixova

yXcoacrav peyaXoprjpova k.t.X., inserting

Ka\ before
it

yAaWai/, though quoting

as
it

in the

main

is

quoted here.

has no government, it seems clear that the transcriber's eye has passed from one to. x &V to. 86Xia to the other and omitted the introductory words of the second quotation.
I

Or we have the alternative of supposing

that a transcriber of the Alexandrian

Clement has independently made a

similar

omission to the transcriber

peyaXoprj6.]

of the

Roman. For the form

'

have therefore inserted the

p,ova see the

7.

note on e^epifaaev

words i^oXeBpevaai Kvpios navra ra

irap' ijfilv]

in our power, our

xvi]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
TTeNHTOON
H<\

57
Kef\

CTeNATMOY TWN
10

NYN
I

ANACTHCOMAI,

KypiOC"

9HC0MAI 6N COOTHpIO),

ppH C ACOMAI 6N AyTCp.

XVI.
OVK

Ta7reivo<ppovovvT(t)v
67TI

yap icTiv

XpiCTO^^
O"KrJ7TTp0V

7TaipOll6V(jOV

TO

TTOlfJLVLOV CtVTOV.

TO

[rrjs fieya\(x)crvvr\<f\
'Iricrovs,

tov Qeov, 6 Kvpios

\jj/uLtov~\

Xpio~Tos

ovk fj\6ev ev

KOfJLirw dXafyveias ov$e

V7reprj(f)a-

15 vias, KctiTrep
7 irap' t)/juv]

Svvct/uLevos,

dWa
CS.

Clem;

Trap' t)h&v

Taireivocppovwv , Kadcos to 8 dirb] A; om. CS Clem. 9 dva-

<TT7)(70[xaL\ ava<jTrj<jop,ev

A.

cioTTjpia or ev <TUT7)picp)

\wavvrjs]

AC;

S; om. om. S Hieron.

10 ev awTrjpiip] Clem; evvwT-qpia The MSS of the LXX vary.

i)[i(av]

fcOp"l122 (ev
13
rrjs jxeya-

A; om. C Hieron;

dub. S, for
'Irjaous]

pD is
Irjcrovs

used equally for 6 /ci/pios and 6 utipios i)/xwv. Xptcrros 14 dXa^oveias] a\aoviaa A. Xpicrros CS Hieron. AC [Hieron]; add. r)\dev S.

A;

15 Ta7reivo<ppovuv]

own.' It represents the Hebrew 13DX. The dative is correctly read also by Clem. Alex, and some MSS of the

our Lord. Fell refers to the application of the same text made by Justin Dial. 63 (pp. 286 sq) to show on kol
7Tpoo-Kvvr)Tos eari kcu Qebs kcu Xpiaros. Jerome in Isai, Hi. 13 (iv. p. 612)

LXX
9.

but

SAB

have nap'

rjpatv.

avao~Tr}o-opai\

The reading
:

of

avacrr-qaopev

has arisen from avaavacrrrja-ope

quotes this passage of Clement, 'Scep-

a-Trjaope,

whence

comp.

aix/JLahocHTia (alxpa\a)o~Lav) for atyjuaXcocria

trum Dei, Dominus Jesus Christus, non venit in jactantia superbiae, quum
possit omnia, sed in humilitate.' This application of our Lord's example

(al)(pa\(D0~iq) in

ii.

^ 6.

So too
for erwei-

41
10.

crvveidrja-LU (crvveidrjo-l)

8r](ri= avveiftijo-ei.
dr/cropac
k.t.X.]

'/ WzY/

^ /#<:<?

bears a resemblance to Phil. and may be an echo of it.

13.

ii.

sq
is

ibffi zVz safety,

I will deal

boldly by

peyaX(oavvrjs]

The word

him? The Hebrew of the

is

last clause

wholly different from the LXX.

doubtful here, but occurs several times in Clement elsewhere, 20,

2 7> 36, 58, 61, 64, 65 in its favour.
14.
;

XVI.

'

Christ

is

the friend of the

and

this fact is

lowly; He Himself is our great pattern of humility. This is the leading feature in the portrait which the evangelic prophet has drawn of the lamb This too is led to the slaughter.

iv Kopnco k.t.X.]
iv.

Macar. Magn.

Apocr.
rrjs

2 (p. 159) ttoXvs yap ovtos aXa^oveias 6 Kopnos.

k.t.X.]

dkaoveias
a>v

The adjectives dXaiii.

declared by the lips of the Psalmist. If then He our Lord was so lowly, what ought we His servants to be ?'
12.
1

occur together, 2. The one refers to the expression, the other to

and
i.

Rom.

vneptjcpavos 30, 2 Tim.

ovk enaipopevcov

K.r.X.]

Comp.

the thought; see the distinction in

Pet. v. 3,

Acts xx.

29.

The word
expression
8,
77

Trench N. T.Syti.
15.

xxix. 1st ser.

TToipviov

occurs again 44, 54, 57.

Ka'iivep h)vvapevos\

This passage

to o-KTJnTpov k.t.X.]
is

The

where

apparently suggested by Heb. i. Ps. xlv. 6 pafidos v6vtt)tos

implies the pre-existence of Christ ; comp. Phil. ii. 6 sq os iv p-opcpr} Qeov

vnapxcov
I.

k.t.X.

see the introduction

pafidos rrjs (3acn\eias crov is applied to

p.

398

sq.

58
irvevfjia

THE EPISTLE OF
to
ayiov
irepi

S.

CLEMENT
(prjaiu

[xvi

avTOv

e\a\y](rev'
;

yap'
Kypioy

Kypie, tic eni'cTeyceN th akoh hmoon

kai

d BpAXi'^N

tin
o)C

AneKAAfcbGH
pi'zA

ANHrreiA^MeN Inanti'on aytoy,

kai

ooc ttaiAi'on,
hold,'

en

fH

AiyoacH*

oyk ecTiN efAoc aytco, oyAe

oyK
ei)(eN

kai

eJAoMGN ayton,

eiAoc

oyAe kaAAoc, aAAa

to e?Aoc aytoy atimon, eKAeTrroN nApA to eiAoc toon ANGpoonCON*

ANOpOOTTOC 6N TTAH|~H
oti

CON

maAaki'an,
KAI

AnecTpAnTAi

to

nONCO KAI lAobc CbepeiN npdcoonoN aytoy, htimacGh

Ka'|
4> e

OyK eAOTICGH.

OyTOC TAC AMApTIAC HMOON

p6

KAI TT6pl

HMOON OAyNATAI, KAI HM6?C eAopCAMGGA AYTON 6?NAI 6N TTONCp IO

3 dv7]yyei\a/xev] avrjyyikafxev A.
avrtp]
iraidiov]

AS

irediov

C.

4 eldos

(with Lxx); avrtp eldos

C; and

so S, but the order cannot

be pressed in

this case.

error

for

K'lBIt^,

e/cAet7roj']

5 /cdAXos] AC; db^av S, but Xn^lK' is probably a copyist's the former word having occurred in the previous sentence. skXlttov A. to eldos tiov avOpunruv] AC; iravTas avdp&irovs S.

Messianic appli2. Kvpie K.r.A.] cation is made of this 53rd chapter of Isaiah by S. Matthew viii. 17 (ver.
4),

The lxx

itself differs

considerably

by
S.

S.

Mark
xxii.

xv.

28

(ver.
12),

12),

by
S.

Luke
i.

37 (ver.

by

29 (ver. 4, 7), xii. 38 (ver. 1), by Philip Acts viii. 32 sq (ver. 7, 8), by S. Paul Rom. x. 16 (ver. 1), and by S. Peter 1 Pet. ii. 23 sq (ver. 5,

John

from the Hebrew in many points. See also Hatch Biblical Greek p. 178 sq, p. 201 sq, on the form of the early quotations from this passage of the lxx.
3.

dvr]yyeika\iev k.t.A.]

The LXX

reading here is devoid of sense and must be corrupt, though the MSS and
fxev.

9).

Barnabas also ( 5) applies ver. Lord; and Justin both in the Apology and in the Dialogue
5, 7,

to our

early quotations all present dvrjyyelXaAs this word corresponds to the

interprets this chapter so frequently

Hebrew ?V^ (Aq. Theod. dva^T/o-erai, Symm. dvej3r)), Is. Voss proposed
dvereiXdfiev (see Grabe Diss, de Variis Vitiis p. 38) ; but even this

see esp. Apol.

1.

50,

51 (p. 85 sq),

230 sq), in both which passages it is quoted in full. For Jewish Messianic interpretations of this chapter see Hengstenberg Chris tol.
Dial. 13
(p.
11.

LXX

p. 310 sq (Eng. trans.), Schottgen Hor. Hebr. II. p. 138 sq, and espe-

is not enough, and we should require dvereikev. The following meaning however seems generally to have been attached to the the preachers anwords; 'We

alteration

cially Driver and Neubauer The fifty third Chapter of Isaiah according to

the

Jewish

Interpreters,

Oxf.

and

before the Lord ; as a child is He, as a root etc' (see Eusebius and Jerome on the pas-

nounced

Him

Lond. 1877, with Pusey's preface. Clement's quotation for the most
part follows the

LXX tolerably closely.

but Justin Dial. 42 (p. 261) sage) strangely explains ws ivaibiov of the child-like submission of the Church
;

The more
from

important divergences the lxx are noticed below.

to Christ.

The

interpretation of Oriviii.

gen ad Rom.

(iv.

p.

627)

xvi]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
nAH|"H
KAI

59

KAI N

KAKOOCei.

TAC AMApTIAC HMOON KA*I nAiAeiA eipHNHC hmoon en' ayton* too mooAootti aytoy hmgic
ia9hmn.
ttantc
ooc
;

AYTOC Ae eTpAYMATl'cOH AlA MGMAAAKICTAI AlA TAC ANOMIAC HMOON.

15

npdBATA enAANH9HMN ANOpoanoc th OACO AYTOY 6TTAANh'6H* KAI KVpiOC HApeAOOKGN ayton Y^ep
KAI AYTOC AlA TO K6KAKOOC0AI OyK AMApTIOON HMOON. TO CTOMA* OOC TTpdBATON eni CCfJATHN h'xQH, KAI OOC ANOlVei

TOON

AMNOC eNANTl'oN TOY KGl'pANTOC AChOONOC, OjTOOC OYK ANOlVei N TH TATTeiNOOCei H KpiCIC AYTOY Hp0H' TO CTOMA AYTOYSee the lower note for the lxx reading. CS. See the lower note. 13
12 apLaprias, dvo/xlas]
iroudeid] 7rcu5ia

A;

transposed
15 virep rQiv

in

A.
it

a/napTLcov]

AC;

reus afxapriacs

S with the LXX.

A.

See the lower note.

19 ev

rrj rcnreipwcrei]

AC;

add. ejus S, where the punctuation attaches

to the previous

sentence.

Kplais] KpL<xeiG

is not quite clear. The fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries gene-

U 'D WiriDB3, 'as hiding the face from him* or 'fromus? The lxx seem
have adopted the latter sense, though they have omitted 130D 'His face is turned away] i. e. as one ashamed or loathed comp. Lev. xiii.
to
;

rally interpret cos pLfa ev yfj bi^rcocrr] as referring to the miraculous con-

ception.
naid.
p.

In

the

order

ev.

avr.

cos

Clement agrees with

(p. 85,

SA

Justin

230

260

sq, evcoiviov avrov);

45

and so the old Latin, e.g. Tertull. adv. Marc. iii. 17 (and elsewhere) 'annuntiavimus coram ipso velut puerulus
etc.':

12. dpapTias, dvofilas]

So B, Justin p.

but B has cos 7rai8. order of the Hebrew.

6.

ev.

avr.,

the

230; but SA, Barnab. 5, Justin p. 85, transpose the words, reading dvofiias in the first clause and dp.aprias in the second.
14.

irapa to eid.

r.

dv6p.]

The LXX

av0pco7ros] 'each

man]

distribu-

S, Clem. Alex. p. 440, napa ndvras (S corr. from rrav) tovs vlovs rcov avOpooncov
;

Hebraism not uncommon in the LXX; and the use is somewhat

tive; a

Marc.
Marc.

B, Justin p. 230, Tertull. adv. iii. 7, adv. Jud. 14, napd tovs
;

similar in

John

ii.

25,

Cor.

xi. 28.

vlovs rcov av6poo7ra>v

iii.

A, Tertull. adv.

17, Trapa izdvras avdpooirovs',

dpapncov] The LXX has rals dp,apTiais, and so Justin pp. 86, 230, Clem. Alex. p. 138; but Tertull. adv.
15. VTvepToov

Justin p. 85, Clem. Alex. p. 252, napa tovs dvOpconovS'

Prax. 30 pro
19. zv
rfj

'

delictis nostris.'

TcnreivcSaei. k.t.A.]

LXX. The words must have crept in from below, ev tvovoo teal ev nXrjyfj, either by a lapse of memory on Clement's part or by an error in his copy of the LXX
7.

Kai tvovgo]

Wanting

in the

sage Acts
77

is

also quoted

This pasfrom the LXX in

viii.

33

ev

rfj

TaireLvcoaei [avrov]

where the first avrov should be omitted with the best

Kpiais avrov
rfpOrj,

or in the transcription of Clement's

MSS, so that S. Luke's quotation accords exactly with the LXX. For the

own
8.

text.
direo-TpaTVTaC\

probable meaning of the

lxx

here
I.e.
;

The

original

is

see the commentators on Acts

6o

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT
OTI Al'pCTAI

[xvi

THN r6NAN AYTOY

H ZCOH

TIC AlHTHCeTAl;

ATTO

THC THC

AYTOY" And TOON ANOMIOON TOY AAOY MOY HKI 6IC 9ANAKAI

TTONHpOYC ANTI THC TA(})HC AYTOY KAI Tofc ttAoyci'oyc anti toy Oanatoy aytoy' oti anomi'an oyk kai enoiHceN, oyAc GYpeGh AoAoc cn tco ctomati aytoy.
TON.
AGOCGO TOYC

KypiOC BofACTAI KABApiCAl AYTON THC

AMApTIAC, H

nAHTHC

CAN

A(2>T6 TTpi

yYX

H<

YM^N

BofAeTAi AcbeAeiN

OyCTAI CTTCpMA MAKpdBlON. KAI K^piOC And toy ttonoy thc YYX fl c a ttoy, AciIai
CYN6C6I, AlKAIWCAl AlKAION
GY AOY"

AYTO) 0O3C KAI TTAACAI TH

A6YONTA TTOAAO?C* KAI TAC AMApTIAC AYTCON AYTOC ANOICCI.

i

AlA 10

tt]v

yepeav]

AC;

/cat

ttjv

yeve&u S.

rjKei]

AC;

-rjx^V
;

S.

See the

lower note.

7 oxperai] e^erat

A.

rrjs

tpvxv*]

AC

airb rrjs \pvxvs S.

The

]1D

which represents
patristic
I.

airb before rod irbvov is

pointed as

if =[iy,

12 reus]

and

for

interpretations
p.

of

yevea,

Suicer

744

s.

v.

The

in Tertullian or Origen. ovde evpedr) dbXos] 5.

Hebrew

is different.

2. ^f/cei] rjxOr] lxx and Tertull. adv. Jud. 10; but r]KL is read by Justin pp. 86, 230, though elsewhere he has VXfy P- 2 ^ 1 ( MSS VX^V v )t comp. p.

So A in the LXX, but SB (corrected however in S by later hands) have simply ovde
boXov,
closely.

following the In 1 Pet.

os

Hebrew more
ii.

22

are the
ovde

words

afxapTtav ovk enotrjaev

317 on

curb

r<ov

avopiwv tov

Xaov

dx@weraL els Oavarov. As ff)^6r\ may easily have been introduced from ver. 7, rjKei was perhaps the orig-

evpedrjdoXos evTcoaTopaTL avTov, though this is not given as a direct quotation

and may have been intended merely

as

a paraphrase, like

much

of the

and so it inal reading of the LXX stands in some MSS in Holmes and
;

context.

But

it

is

quoted by Justin

Parsons.
3.

also ko\ ovx evpedr/ doXos p. 230, and ovde evpedr) dbXos p. 86, though in a

kcu deco-co K.r.A.]

The LXX clearly

the

means

that

the

wicked and

third passage he has ovde doXovp. 330. And so likewise Tertull. adv. Jud.

wealthy should die in requital for as Justin Dial. 32 (p. His death
;

10 'nee dolus in ore ejus inventus

est,'

Origen
C,

I.

p. 91 c,

avTov tovs 7tXovaiovs BavaTco6rjaeo-6aL. Thus the reference to the crucifixion of the thieves and the entombment in Joseph's
249) avri tov
6a.va.T0v

287
191

and Hippol.

II. pp. 250 D, in Psalm. 7 (p.

grave, which the original has suggested to later Christian writers, is

The passage of S. Lagarde). Peter might have influenced the form of quotation and even the reading of the MSS in some cases but the pas:

rendered impossible in the LXX. This

application however is not made in the Gospels, where only ver. 12 ev
Toly dvopois eXoyiaOr) is

doXos appears are so numerous, that we must suppose it to have been so read in some
evpedr]

sages where ovde

quoted

in this

connexion, nor (I believe) in any father of the second century nor even

copies of the LXX at least as early as the first century. This reading is found in several MSS in Holmes and

Parsons.

xvi]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

6l

TOYTO AYTOC KAHpONOMHCGI TTOAAOYC KAI TOON ICXYP^N M6pi6l ckyAa* anG' 03N TTApeAoGH eic Ganaton h YYX^ ^ytoy kai toTc ANOMOIC eAop'cBH' KAI AYTOC AMApTl'AC TTOAAOON ANHNerKGN KAI
AlA TAC
J

5 'Eroc>

AMApTIAC AYT03N TTApeAoGH. Kctl TTClKlV GCI/T09 <pr\(TlV Ae eiMi ckooAh! kai oyk ANGpoonoc, ongiAoc ANGpoonooN

g5oyG6Nhma Aaoy- nANTec 01 GeoopoYNTec Me eleMYKTi-ipican Me, cAaAhcan n xeiAeciN, cki'nhcan K(J)aAhn "HAniceN
kai
;

ern
e

Kypion, pycacGoo ayton, ccocatoo ayton, oti GeAei ayton.

OpctT, avSpes dya7rr]TOL, tU 6 VTroypa/ujULO^ 6 SeSo/ue20 vos rifjiiv el yap 6 Kvptos ovtcos era7reivo(ppovr](rev , tl
A;
17
ev rots C,
kKivr\Gav~\

eKeivqoav

and so probably A.

S,

which has 2 not

18
6'rt]

7.
ei

15 5e]
S.

AS; om.

C.

AC;

6.

t9}s ir\r)yrjs\
;

So SB
has

Justin pp. 86,

230

but

A (LXX)

quently.
Trjv

Tertullian
'

however reads

a7r6 rrjs 7rXr]yfjs.

y^vxv v

eximere a morte

animam

For K.a.Ba.pi&iv or KaBalpeiit twos comp. Herod, i. 44. So the intransitive

verb KaBapeveiv (Plato Epist. viii. p. 356 e) and the adjective KaBapos (Herod, ii. 38) may take a genitive.
Score]

So

tin pp. 86,

Scotch).

LXX (SAB) and 230 (MSS, but many

also

Jusedd.
this
dis-

adv. Jtid. 10. likdcrai (sc. avTov) stands in the present text of the LXX (SAB), and in Justin pp. 86, 230, nor is there any indication of a different reading but, as JDE?' stands in the corresponding place in the Hebrew, the original reading of the LXX was
ejus,'
:
1

Eusebius comments on

probably

TrXrjcrai,

as

Grabe suggested
39).

as the

LXX

reading,
it

and Jerome
so.
'

tinctly states
it

to

be

interpreted, offering' (or, translated into

'

was

Accordingly If ye make an
its

(Diss.de Vit. pare the vv.

Var.LXX,p.
11.

Comin

pdcraei

and

prjcrcrei

Mark

ix. 18.

Chris-

12. toIs avofiois] iv rots dvofxois

LXX

tian equivalent,
trite

If

ye be truly conpardon').
V.

and pray

for

With

dovvai nepl

com p. Heb.

3 Trepi eav-

(SAB). Justin pp. 86, 231, (though in the immediate neighbourhood of the first passage he has fiera tcov dv6p.cov,
p.

The tov 7rpoo~(pepeiv 7rep\ du-apTicov. meaning of the original is doubtful, but Score seems to be a rendering of
D vJ*f) taken as a second person, thou shalt give? The reading Scotch, ''give himself] which some editors here would adopt, is quite late and can
'

85);

perd.

dv6p,cov,

Luke

xxii.

37,

(fMark
14.

xv. 28 f).

avTos] Christ Himself, in

whose

person

the

Psalmist

is

speaking.

tcu

22, where avTos 7rpocrKaXelhas a similar reference. The words are an exact quotation from

Comp.

hardly stand.
7.

the
K.r.A.]

LXX
to

Ps. xxii. 6

8.

The

applica-

Kvpios /3ovXerat

The LXX

tion

our
6

Lord

is

favoured by

departs very widely from the Hebrew, but its meaning is fairly clear. For afaXelv cliro, '/<? diminish from] comp.

Matt, xxvii. 43.

19.

vnoypaiipos]

5.

See the note

above on

Rev.

xxii. 19,

Exod.

v. 11,

and so

fre-

62
7roif](T03fjiev

THE EPISTLE OF
rifxel^

S.

CLEMENT
Trjs

[xvi

ol
;

vtto

tov Qj<yov

^dpiTO^ ccvtov

Si

avrov eAdovTes

XVII.

Mi/uiriTai yevodfjieda KaKeivcov, o\tlv69 ev Sepkcci

ixaciv aiyelois

/uLrjAwTcus

7repLe7rdrr](Tav

Krjpvcrorov-

Tes Tt]V eXevcnv tov

'GAicraie 6tl $e Kai
'

XpicrTov*

Aeyojjiev Se

'HAiav

kcci 5

le^EKirjA,

tovs 7rpo<priTas' 7rpo\ tovifxapTvpridrj

2 ekdovres]

tois
1

kcli

tovs
A;

}XfJLapTVpr]fJivovs.
iroi-qao^ev

imeydAcos

7roiriawfjt,ej>]

C; dub. S.

direXdovTes C.
/cat]

6 'EXwreu*]
S.
irpos toOtols]

A;

'EXt<r(rcu

C.

fri 5e]

S; eXdovroa A; AS; om. C.

AC; om.

AC;

add. 5e S.

7 ep.apTvprjdri\

AS;
it

add. 5 C.
renders

9 drevifav] A; dreviaas C; dreviaco S, apparently, for

videbo gloi'iam Dei.

et dicit cogita,7is humiliter,

raTeivocppovuv] C;

rov vyhv ttjs x^P lT0S l A verbal 1. paradox, explained by the 'easy yoke' of Matt. xi. 29, 30. The following 81 avrov is 'through His humiliation and condescension.' XVII. 'We should also copy the humility of the prophets who went about in sheepskins and goatskins ; of Abraham the friend of God, who

garment of

hair' (where the lxx omits the negative and destroys the
;

sense, Kai evdvaovrai btppiv rpiyivr]v) see also Bleek Hebr. I.e., Stanley's

word

Sinai and Palestine p. 305. The pr\koiTr) is used in the LXX to

nviX, pahidamentnni^
e.g.

translate

'a

mantle'
1

of Elijah and Elisha,

Kings

confessed that he was mere dust and of Job the blameless, who ashes condemned himself and all men as impure in the sight of God ; of Moses the trusty servant, who declared his nothingness before the Lord.'
;

14.
it

Though not a

xix. 13, 19, 2 Kings ii. 8, 13, strict equivalent,

was doubtless adopted as describing the recognised dress of the prophet. Ezekiel is fitly classed with the older prophets, as representing a stern and
His dress is nowhere ascetic type. mentioned in the O. T., but might be taken for granted as the ordinary
garb of his office. Clem. Alex, after fXT]\corais adds Kai rpi^av Kaprfkeicov he adds 7r\iyp.a<Tiv, as after 'ie^eKt^X Kai "liodwqv, the former interpolation
preparing the way for the
'EXio-me] best MSS of the
6.

of this chapter and part of the next are quoted by Clem. Alex.
Stro?n. iv. 16 (p. 610) in continuation of 9 sq (see the note there) but he cites so freely, abridging and enlarging
:

The whole

at pleasure,

and interspersing his own commentary (e.g. rrjv ov^ vttotvlttperpionaOcov), that

latter.

rovcrav vopxo alvtrropcvos dfxapTiav yvcocrriKoJs

he cannot

frequent form in the lxx (with a single or

generally be taken as an authority on the text, and (except in special cases) I have not thought it worth

a double

o-),

e.g. 2

Kings

ii.

sq.

The

editors have quite needlessly changed it into 'EXiaaalov, which is the form
in

while to record his variations.

3.

Clem. Alex.
rovs

iv bepixaaiv k.t.X.]
'

From Heb. xi.

For the prophets' dress comp. Zech. xiii. 4 The prophets shall be ashamed... neither shall they wear a
y].

Epiphanius has 7rpo<prjTas] been thought to refer to this passage in Haer. XXX. 15, avros (K\rjp:r]s) iyKcaKai Aa/3id Kai 2a/i^coi/ Kai fxta^ei. 'HXiW

XVIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
tov Qeov,
K<xi

63
Xeyei
'Erca

'Aflpaa/ui kclI (f>i\os 7rpocrf]yopv6r]

ctTei/L^cou

ek
kai

Tt]v

So^av tov Qeov,

6tl $e kcu

Ta7ret,vo(ppov(jov
Trepl '/a5/3

10 Ae eiMi rn

cttoAoc.

outws yeeavTOV
oya'

ypctTTTar
ceBhic,

'I00B

Ae hn Ai'kaioc kai AMeMTTToc, aAhGinoc, eeo-

dnexoMeNoc And ttantoc kakoy*

OyAeic
11
de]

d\K

ccvtos
pyttoy,
Kai]

KarriyopeT \eycov y
raireivocppcovuv

KA0Apdc And

an

A.

S with LXX.

aX-qdivbs] aX-qdeivoa

CS Clem; om, A. A; clXtjOlvos /cat Clem

LXX)
S.

AC

[Clem]; om.
12
/ca/coO]

611.

AC
av]

Clem;
C;

irovqpov irpayparos (with

KaTrjy

A;
oi)5' el

Clem;

contra seipsum dicens loquitur (as if def. A. See the lower note.
;

13 Karrjyopei \tywv] C; ovS' Kar'qyopQv Xeyei) S.

rravras tovs 7rpo(prjTas k.t.X.

but the
spurious

the

lxx Gen.
i.

xviii. 27.

reference

must be

to

the

1 1.

'lco/3 r)v k.t.X.]

A loose quotation
SB have
dXrjOi-

Epistles on Virginity, where Samson, as well as the others, is mentioned by-

from Job

1,

where

name
7.

(see above, I. p. 409). tovs pepaprvprjpevovs]

to,

vbs apepnros dUaios Beoaefirjs, and apepnros dtKaios aXijOeivos deoaefirjs.

'

witness
or

approved] whether by
;

bome God

by men

see below, 17, 18, 19,

vi. 3,

13. Karrjyopei Xeycov] I prefer this to KarrjyopSv Aeyet or Karrjyopcov elnev. Wotton is certainly wrong in saying

38, 44, 47,

Acts

Heb.

xi. 2, 4, 5,

39, 3 Joh. 12, etc. Here the testimony of God's voice in Scripture seems to

There no trace of the word and cannot have been any. He must have made
is

that he could read elnev in A.

be intended, as appears from examples following.

8.

the

some confusion with the

which
is

elnev below,

blurred.
k.t.X.]

(ptXos
ii.

7rpoo~r)yopev6r)\

Comp.

Ovdels
ovff av\

loose
5.

quotation

James
9.

23,

and

see above, 10 with

from the LXX Job

xiv. 4,

the note.
ttjv

All the best

MSS of the

dogav]

i.e.

the outward

ma;

nifestation, the visible light and glory which betokened His presence as e.g. Exod. xvi. 7, 10, xxiv. 16, 17,
xxxiii.
1

LXX agree in reading iav kcu, which many editors have preferred here.

On the other hand Clem. Alex. Stro?n.

iv.

19, 22, xl. 28, 29,

Luke

ii.

9,

611) has ovd el, and as in the rest of this quotation he follows
16
(p.

Cor. xv. 40 sq, 2 Cor. iii. 7 sq, etc. favourite word rcnreivocppoveov]

his

namesake pretty

closely,

where he

with Clement
like

see 2, 13 (twice), 16 (three times), 19, 30, 38, 48. In

;

manner

Tajreivocppocrvvq

and

ra-

Origen, frequently quotes the text, generally has ovd' av (e.g. 11. p. 829) or

departs from the LXX, he done so in this instance.

may have

who
ov&

7reivcoo-is

occur several times. The scribe of A reads Taneivocppcov a>v here, as he reads Taneivocppov ov 19. In both cases his reading must be corThis verb occurs only once rected. in the LXX (Ps. cxxxi. 2), and not once in the New Testament. 'Eyw be k.t.X.] Quoted exactly from

but someIn Apost. Const, ii. 18 it is quoted as here. The passage is one of very few outside of the pentateuch quoted by Philo, de Mut. Norn. 6 (1. p. 585),
el

(in. pp. 160, 685),

times omits the negative.

who reads

tls yap...Ka\ av...

64
miac
oi'kco

THE EPISTLE OF
HMepAC
aytoy
h
h

S.

CLEMENT
ttictoc 4n

[xvn
oAcp to>

zo)h aytoy.

Mcovcrrjs

6K.\r}6r} y kcli

$ia Ttjs VTrrjpecrias clvtov eicpivev

KC(l

6 Geos AiyviTTOv Sta toov \xa(TTiyudv

tcov
clutwv.

TCOU aiKKT[xa/uLeyctAtos

dXKa

KctKeivos

So^acrdeis
e7rl

ovk
~

ejueya\opt]jUiovr]0'i/ 9

ct\X

el7reu 9

Trjs

(Scltov

xp flluia

TKTfJLOV

avTco

SiSo/ulsvov,
(with

Tic 6iMi
2);

erob,

on Me neMneic;
AC;
Kpivei (appa-

i avTov pri]
rently) S.
(or tov) plctTov

AS
;

Heb.
{S&tov

iii.

om. C.
(3o.tov

gicpivev]

5 eirl ttjs (3d.Tov] e

A;

eirl

tov

rrjs

j3&Tov

C
9

enl

rrjs

e/e

ttjs

Clem.

See the lower note.

iinop.ei>]

i.

tthttos k.t.A.]
xii.

He

is

so called
2.

Horn. xvi.

14,
iirl

Apost. Const,
tov fiaTov

v.

20).
xii.

Num.
avrov
fXOV. 2.

7;

comp. Heb.

iii.

The

So we have

Mark

is

tov Oeov, for the

LXX has
xiii.

vnrjpecrias]

Comp. Wisd.

11, xv. 7.

26 (though with an ill-supported v.l.), but in\ ttjs ficiTov Luke xx. yj. In Justin Dial. 60 (p. 283) we meet with ano ttjs /3arof 6 /3aYos, 6 jSaros, o /Saroy,
,

eKpivev k.t.A.]
6eio~r)s

Compare 11 npibia nvpos. Moses was the

fulfilling

k ttjs (Bcltov, in the same chapter. See on this double gender of the word

instrument in

the prophecy

Fritzsche on
6.

Mark

1.

c.
iii.

uttered before, Gen. xv. 14 (comp. Acts vii. 7) to be eOvos co eav bovXevo~coo~i

Tls elpu eyco]

be k.t.X.]
teal

From Exod.

11

ns

elpu eyco, otl nopevaopiai k.t.X.

eyco

Kpivco eyco.
cp.yakopr]p.6vT]o-v]

7.

From Exod.

iv.

5-

See the note

IO lo~xv6(pcovos
elpu.
8.

(3pabvy\cocro-os eyco

on

etjepl^cocrev, 6.

eVl ttjs ftaTov]

cannot have so

'Eyco be
is

elpu aTpus k.t.A.]

This

read the words as they stand in C, unless this line was very much longer than the preceding or following one.

quotation

not found in the Old

Testament or in any apocryphal book extant whole or in part. The nearest

parallel
corj vp.cov

Moreover

ctti

tov

ttjs (3o.tov

xPVfJiclTi0

~~

is
;

James

iv.

14,

no la yap
77

17

p,ov avTcp bibop,evov is in itself

a very

aTpus [yap] ecrre

k.t.X.

nphs oXlalso

unlikely expression. read en\ ttjs j3citov or en\ tov fiaTov, this being a common mode of referring to the incident Luke xx.

awkward and
Probably

yov

(paivopLevrj
xiii.

Compare

37 (comp. Mark xii. 26), Justin Dial. 128 (p. 357), Cle?n. Horn. xvi. 14,

'As smoke from the chimney' (or 'the window'), where the LXX seems to have translated originally aTpus ano atcplbcov (see Sim3

Hosea

Apost.

Co?ist. v. 20.

The reading
to

of
in-

C must be

attributed

the

son's Hosea p. 44), corrupted into ano baKpvcov in B and corrected into i< Kanvoboxrjs from Theodotion in A
;

decision of a scribe hesitating between the masculine and feminine

and
a
the

I Ps. cxix. 8^ bottle in the smoke/

'

am become

like

where again

the word being sometimes masculine, 6 (Bcitos (e.g. Exod. iii.

genders
2, 3, 4,

LXX

ndxvrj.

mistranslates coael do-Kos ev In none of these passages

Apost. Const, vii. 33), sometimes feminine (Dcut. xxxiii. 16, Acts vii. 35, Justin Dial. 127, 128, Clem.

however are the words very close, nor are they spoken by Moses. Perhaps therefore this should be reckon-

XVIIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Ae
eiMi

65
Kat
ttoKlv

erob

icxNo'cfrooNoc

kai

BpAAyrAcoccoc.
KyOp^c.
eirl

\eyei, 'Er<o Ae eiMi atmic atto

XVIIL
10

77

Se

eiTrwfjLev

tw

/uLe/uaprvpr] /mevco

AavelS
ay'ton.

; 7rpo 6v enrev 6 eos, EypoN anApa kata thn kapAi'an Moy, AaygiA ton Toy leccAi, eN eAeei aiooni'co e^picA

dWa

koll

avTOs \eyei 7rpos tov Qeov

C;
eXcuei

'

Eaghcon
10 6 0e6s]

A; eiTTOLixev C. AS; om. C.

10, 11 Aaveid] dad

11 eXeei]

AC. A;

iXaiq>

See above, 4. S Clem (edd.).

See below.

ed among S. Clement's quotations from apocryphal books, on which

Photius (Bibl. 126
rrjs

to be the

prjrd

riva

<os

dnb

Betas ypoxprjs ^evl^ovra Trapeurdyei)

:

remarks
(notes).

see also

8, 13,

23, 30,

46

Hilgenfeld supposes that the words were taken from the Assumption of Moses. This is not impossible but the independent reason which he
;

He is declared God's own heart. Yet he speaks of himself as overwhelmed with sin, as steeped in impurity, and prays that he may be cleansed by God's Spirit'.
example of humility.

man

after

10.
i.

7rp6sbi>]

7,

and

see
21

Comp. Rom. x. 21, Heb. Winer xlix. p. 424.

Evpov
lxxxix.
p.ov,

k.t.X.]

A combination
dyico p.ov
xiii.

of Ps.

gives for the belief

that

Clement

zvpov

AauetS tov dovXov

was acquainted with that apocryphal work is unsatisfactory see the note on the phoenix below, 25. I have
;

pointed out elsewhere ( 23) another apocryphal work, from which they

e^piaa avTov, 14 avdpomov Kara with Acts rrjv Kapbiav avrov, or rather xiii. 22 evpov Aavelft tov tov 'leaaai,
e'Aat'a)

iv
I

with

Sam.

iivbpa Kara ttjv Kapb'iav

p.ov

(itself

might well have been taken. The metaphor is common with the Stoics see Seneca Troad. 392 sq Ut calidis fumus ab ignibus Vanescit...Sic
:

'

loose quotation from 1 Sam. xiii. 14). In the first passage eXaia> the reading of SA is doubtless correct, the cor-

spiritus effluit', M. Anton, x. 31 Kanvbv Kai to p.t]dev, xii. 33 veKpa. kcu kcmvos; so also Empedo-

hie

quo regimur

responding H ebrew being \GW; though read by B. But Clement appears to have read ikeei as our Greek
eXeei is

MSS

testify.

cles (in Plut. Op.

Mor.
31)

p.

360

c,

quoted

quoting Ps.

cxli.

Similarly in 56, when 5, he reads eXaioo-

by Gataker on

x.

had

said, <okv-

p.opoi Kcunvoio biK-qv dpOevres dtri-KTav.

(i.e. eXeos) dp,apT(dXcov for eXaiov dp,aptcdXwv. the interchange of ai

On

Kvdpas] Another form of ^rpas-, just as kl0o>v and x LT ^ v are inter-

and

e in this

On

the

other

word see above, 1. p. 121. hand Clem. Alex.

changed.

The proper

Ionic genitive

would be KvBprjs, which is used by Herodes in Stob. Floril. lxxviii. 6 (quoted in Hase and Dindorfs Steph.
Thes.). Clem. Alex. Paed. ii. 1 (p. 165) has KvdptdioLs and for instances of
;

Strom, iv. 17 (p. 611), quoting this passage of his namesake, restores
the correct

word eXala
as

(if

his editors

can be trusted),

naturally, if ing in the Psalms.

12.

he would do accustomed to this read-

Kvdplvos (for xvTplvos) see Lobeck Pathol, p. 209. In the text of Clem. Alex, here \vTpas is read. XVI 1 1. 'Again take David as an

'EXirjo-ov k.t.X.]

The

51st

Psalm

quoted from the LXX almost word for word. The variations are very slight

and unimportant.
5

CLEM.

II.

66
Me, 6

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT
eni

[xvm

Oedc, kata to mcta eAedc coy, kai

kata to ttAhGoc

toon oiKTipMOON coy elAAeiyoN to ano'mhma Moy.

nAeiON

nAyNON Me ATTO THC ANOMIAC MOY, KA*I ATTO THC AMApTIAC Moy KA0ApiCON M' OTI THN ANOMIAN MOY kr<X> pNOOCKOO, KAI H coi monco HMApamapti'a Moy eNoaniON Moy ctin Aia ttantoc.
ton, kai to

noNHpoN eNoaniON coy enoiHCA* onooc an Aikaio>COy,

KAI

0HC N TOIC AOTOIC

NIKHCHC N

TO)

KpiNeC0AI

CC.

lAoy r^p eN anomi'aic cynAh'mc{)9hn, kai cn amapti'aic KicCHCCN M H MHTHp MOy. lAOY T^p AAhi0eiAN HTAnHCAC TA

AAHAA
I

KAI

TA KpfcblA THC
A.

COC^IAC

COy eAHACOCAC MOI.

A.
e7ri

f>AN- IO

\eos] eXcuocr

i oiKTip/xwu] oiKTetp/xup

ir\elov k.t.K.]

omits the rest of the quotation from this point to

2.

itjovdevwaei. (inclusive) at

the end

eVt 7r\eIoi/ k.t.A.]

i.e.

'wash

me
is

again and again'.

'multiply (and)
6.

The Hebrew
me'.

wash

onus

k.t.X.]
iii.

also
6ai,

Rom.
is

4.

This verse is quoted The middle KpLvto-to

prosy or some other taint was purged according to the law see Lev. xiv. 4 sq, Num. xix. 6, 18, and Perowne On the Psalms, ad loc.
;

12.
eiv

ciKovTieis]

Ho have a cause adjudged,

see Sturz de Dial.

For the word aKourtMac. p. 144.

to translate

plead] a suit.
e.g.
Is.

The
i.

said of one of the parties to 'pleading' of God is a

18, v. 3.

It

was perhaps invented

16.

theHiphilofJW.
evdes]

common image in the Old Testament;

In this passage however the natural rendering of the Hebrew would be Kpiveiv, not Kpivea6ai.

A common
e.g.

form of the
xvii. 6,

neuter in the lxx,

xxi. 25, 2

Judges

Sam.

xix. 6, 18,

etc.

The

masculine
xcii. 14. 19.

evdrjs also

occurs, e.g. Ps.

The future vacrjo-eis is improbable (see Winer xli. p. 304),

7.

viKrjo-ys]

ryefxoviKO)]

The word occurs

especially with a preceding diKaia>6fjs ; and the MS is of no authority where

frequently in the Greek philosophers. The Stoics more especially affected the term, to ijyepiovLKov, or ijyepoviKov

it

a question between h and ei. The lxx text (SB) has vixrio-ys. 8. eKLcro-rjaev] conceived\ not found elsewhere in the LXX. The sense and construction which the word has here seem to be unique. Elsewhere it denotes the fastidious appetite of women at such a time and takes a genitive of the object desired comp.
is
''

without the article, using it to signify the principle of life, the centre of being, the seat of the personality, the element which determines the
character, etc. (see Menage on Diog. Laert. vii. 86 159; Schweighauser on Epictet. Diss. i. 20. 11 with the
Cic. de Nat. Deor. Considering the world to be an animated being, they discussed what and where was its The Stoic definition of rjj (jLoviicov.

index;
ii.

Mayor on

11

29).

Arist.
9.

Pax 497.
to.

adrjXa k.t.A.]

The LXX

trans-

lators

have missed the sense of the

wo-co'7r&)]

original here.
11.

qyeixovLKov

in

the

human

being,

as
in

As one

defiled

by

le-

given

by

Chrysippus,

appears

xvin]
TieTc

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Me yccobnco,
kai

67
Me, kai

KA8Apic6HCOMAr nAyNeic

ynep

XIOna AeyKAN6hC0MAr AKoyTielc Me ataAAiacin kai eychpocyNHN" ATAAAlACONTAI OCTA T6TAnIN0C)MeNA. AHOCTpevpON TO

15

npdcconoN coy And toon amaptioon moy, MIAC MOY e2AAiyON. KApAlAN KA0ApAN
Oedc,
kai

kai

ttacac tac ano-

KTICON

6N

6M0I,

nNeyMA eyOec erKAiNicoN eN to?c erKAToic Moy. mh Anopi'vpHc Me And Toy npocdcuroy coy, kai to ttnyma to
ATION
AlACIN

COY MH ANTANieAHC

a'tt'

MOy.

ATTOAOC MOI

THN

A|-<*A-

TOY

COJTHpiOy
I.

COY,

KAI

TTN6YMATI
A.

HfeMONIKO)
7
vucrjcrrjs]

CTHviKT)crei<T

of the chapter; see

p. 128.

irXeTov] irXiov

A.
irXvvteicr

10 aov]

A.
I.e.

(with lxx); om. S (with Hebr.), 16 iy/carois] evKarota A.

ttjs

11 TrXvvels]

Diog.

Laert.
to

to

KvpiaTaTov

'spontaneous',
giving'.

and
it

so

'liberal

in

"^vxfjs iv

al cpavTaataL ku\ al oppal yivovrat Kai o6ev 6 Xoyos d^a7re/x7rerat.

M. Antoninus
being
(ii.

divides

the

human
o-aptcia,

gets a secondary meaning 'a prince' or 'a noble', 'generosity' or 'liberality' being con-

Hence

2) into

three parts,

TrvevpaTiov,

sponds to where (iii. 16) aapa,

id. v.
1 1.

qyepoviKov, which correhis triple division elsetyvxq, v vs

',

nected with persons of this high rank. In this meaning, which is extremely

common,
to

the

lxx

translators

seem

comp.

In Epictetus the use of the very frequent. A full definition of it is given in Sext. Empir. ix. 102 (p. 414 Bekker) naaai al eVi to.

word

is

peprj rov oXov e^anoaTeXXopevaL dvvdp,ts cos ano rivos rnjyrjs tov yyepovtkov e^anoaTeXXovTai, with the context.
It
is

have taken it here; and the ideas which heathen philosophy associated with the word rjyepoviKos suggested it as an equivalent. Thus nvevpa rjyca spirit which Plovikov would mean is a principle or source of life.' The
'

Hebrew phrase
to

itself

however seems
'an

signify

nothing more than

identified

by various writers

with the Xoyos or with the vovs or with the irvevpa or with the ^rvxf],

according to their various philosophical systems. In Latin it becomes principatus in Cicero {de Nat. Deor.
'principatum id dico quod Graeci vocant') and principale in Seneca {Ep. 92 1, 113 23, and elsewhere). So Tertullian de Resurr.
I.e.

open, hearty, free spirit.' But, inasmuch as the Holy Spirit is the fountain-head of all spiritual life, the expressions nvevpa
fjyepoviKov,

'spiritus

principalis',

came soon

to

fjyep.oviK.6v

be used by Christian writers of the Holy Spirit and the passage in the Psalms was so explained, as e.g. by
;

Cam.

15

'principalitassensuumquod
appellatur,' de Anim. 15 in anima gradus vitalis

r\ytp.oviKov

'summus
quod
principale.'

1. vii. 1 {Op. 593 De la Rue) 'principalem spiritum propterea arbitror nominatum, ut ostenderetur esse quidem

Origen Comm. ad Rom.

-

IV

P-

multos
et

spiritus,

sedinhis principatum
appellatur,

fjytpoviKov

appellant,

id

est

dominationem hunc Spiritum sancet

tum, qui
I'HJ, here transtenere'.
signifies

principalis

The Hebrew word

lated
rjyepoviKov,

'prompt',

connexion indeed might appear to them to be suggested

This

52

68
picoN
Me.

THE EPISTLE OF
AiAaIoo
ce.

S.

CLEMENT
oAoyc
coy,
kai

[xviii

anomoyc tac

AceBe?c

enicTpevpoYciN eni

THC COOTHplAC MOY-

6 Oedc pycAi Me el aimatoon, 6 Oedc, ArAAAlACeTAI H rAOOCCA MOY THN AlKAIO-

CYNHN

Kyp 16, moy ANArreAei thn

COY-

TO

CTOMA MOY
coy'

ANOl'leiC,

KAI

TA

)(eiAH
5

aTngcin

oti

ei

hGcAhcac Oycian,
6YCIA
TO)

eAOOKA AN' OAOKAYTOOMATA

of<

CYAOKHCeiC.
CYN

06O)
T-

HNEYMA CYNT6TpiMM6NON' KApAlAN TAneiNCOMeNHN d Oedc oyk elOYGeNcocei.

TCTp IMM6 N H N

KAI

XIX.

ToOV TOffOVTCOV OVV KCU TOLOVTCOV

OVTWS

fX-

jULctpTvprmievcov
Ttjs

to Tct7reivo(ppovovv
ov
jjlovov
r\jJLas

kcci
kcci

to

i)7roSees

cia 10

viraKoris
4 sq to

dWa

tccs

irpo

r)}xwv

<TT6/j.a...Ta

x e ^vl A; the words

are transposed in S with the

LXX and

Hebrew. om. C; kcu

ovtus] A; 9 Toaovrup, toiovtwv] A; transposed in CS. 10 Taireivo(ppovovv~\ Tairetvocppovov A; Taireivbcppov C. oiirws S.

rds irpo
tj/jluv

Yei>eds)

d\\d] CS; aAXa<r A. 12 re] C.

7eyeds]

AS;

AC; om.
itself,

S.

13 clvtov]

tovs vpb ijfiuv (omitting AC; rod 6eou S.

by the words of the Psalm

since to nvevpia to ayiov in the preceding verse.
crov

and
2.

o~TY)picrov
alp,a.Ta)v]

here.

occurs So in the

The plural denotes especially 'bloodshed', as in Plat. Legg.

ix. p.

Fragm. Murato?'.

p.

18 (Tregelles),

872

E,

and the instances

col-

where speaking of the four Gospels

this very early writer says that they are in perfect accord with one another

lected in Blomfield's Gloss, to ^Esch. Choeph. 60 see also Test, xii Pair.
:

Sym. 4

els

atfiara
v.

napo^i/vei,

Anon,
^a/pet o

'cum uno ac
clarata sint in
torische
TTvevfxa

principali

Spiritu de-

in Hippol.

Haer.

16

aip.ao~i

omnibus omnia'; on which passage see Hesse Das Mura-

roOSe tov Kocrp-ov Seo-TroTrjs, Tatian. ad Graec. 8. The same is the force also

Fragment
riyepLoviKov

Thus p. 109 sq. furnishes an ad-

of the
alp-ara

Hebrew

plural DVD1, of which here and elsewhere is a ren-

ditional instance of the alliance of the phraseology of Greek philosophy with scriptural ideas, which is a common phenomenon in early Chris-

dering: comp. Exod.- xxii. 1, where, as here, 'bloodshed' is equivalent to

'blood-guiltiness'.

tian literature.
oTT?pio-oi/]

So SB read
others
see

in the

LXX,

but

A and

o-Ttjpitjov.

On
;

these double forms

Ansf. Gr. Spr. 92 (1. p. on the use of ar^pio-ov, etc., in the

Buttmann and 372)

XIX. 'These bright examples of humility we have before our eyes. But let us look to the fountain-head of all truth let us contemplate the mind of the universal Father and
;

Creator, as manifested in His works,

and see how patience and order and

beneficence prevail throughout creation'.
9.

The

Testament, Winer xv. p. 101. A in Clement is inconsistent for he has iar-qpi^v 8, but io-Trjpio-ev 33, o-Tr)pig<opLV 13,
scribe of
;

New

Ta>v ToaovTcov k.t.X.]

An

imita-

tion of

Heb.

xii. 1.

xix]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
eiroirio'ev,

69
tcl

yeveas fieXrlovs

tovs re KaTaSe^a/uLevous

\oyia avTOV
(jL6<yd\(jov

ev (pofia) Kal dXrjdeia.

lloWcov ovv Kal

15

fi.oofj.ev

Kal ev^o^oov /uereiXticpoTe^ 7rpdecov, eiravahpdeV* tov e dp%i}s 7rapa^eSo/uevov rifjuv Trjs eip/ivrjs

(TK07rov y Kal aTevicrcojuev

crv(j.7ravTOs koo~/uiov, kcu

eh tov iraTepa
tclTs
7779

kclI ktlctty\v

tov

fjLeya\o7rpe7reo-i Kal virepeip/jvris

(iaWovo-ais avTov Scopeals

KoWridco/ULev'
20 juev toTs
fiovAti/ua'
l^cojuev

evepyeorlats

Te

bfJLfJLao-iv

avTov KctTa Sidvoiav Kal e/x/3Ae\/^Trjs yfrv^fjs eh to \xaKp6Qv\jLOv avTov

dopytjTOs virdpyei irpos 7rdo~av

vorjo-to/uev 7T<jos

Tt]V KTICTIV
14 wpa^euv]

avTov.
;

TTpa^aiav

A; add.

toijtuv, ddeXcpoi ayair-qrol S.

5,
et

17 Koa/ixov]

AC;

hujus mundi S; see above, dcofiev] AC; consideremus (vorjaw/iev)

and below, adhaereamus

1.

ii.

19.
is

19 koXXtj-

S, but this

probably one

of the periphrases which abound in S (see

10.

p. 136).

rcnreivocfrpovovv]

See the note on

connexion with deopai indigeo,

dnoSeTJs, evderjs, KaraSer/y, rather

like

raneivocjypovcov

above, 17; and comp.

i

than

38 below.

with deos timor, like

12. KaTa^e^a/jLevovs]

dderjs, irepLder^s.

to vnodees] submissiveness\ i subordinatio?i\ This seems to be the

Davies proposes

meaning of the word, which

is

very

rare in the positive, though common in the comparative vnobteo-Tepos see

;

The emendation would have been more probable if the preposition had been different, diadegoKaTcidegopevovs.
fjievovs

and not

KaTadc^ofxivovs.

Epiphan. Haer.
Kal
JXaTTco/jLevov,

lxxvii. 14 to i>7ro8ees

14.
i.e.

fxeTeiXrjCpoTes] ''participated

in\

a passage pointed out to me by Bensly. Accordingly in the Syriac it is rendered diminutio

et

profited

by as examples.

The

demissio.

Laurent

mesius
vertit
;

male

says 'Colosubstantivo siibjectio

h.
1.

achievements of the saints of old are the heritage of the later Church. 15. tlprjvrjs o-kottov] ''the mark) the

goa^ ofpeace\

collaudatur enim

volun-

sanctorum hominum egestas', comparing Luke x. 4, and Harnack But accepts this rendering egestas
taria
'
'.

God Himself is the great exemplar of peaceful working, and so the final goal of all imitation. 21. dopyrjTos] cahn \ Ign. Philad. 1, Polyc. Phil. 12 (note). Aristotle
i

this sense is not well suited to the

context, besides being unsupported ; nor indeed is it easy to see how

could have this meaning, which belongs rather to evderjs. It might possibly mean 'fearfulness', a sense assigned to it by Photius, Suidas, and Hesychius, who explain it v7r6(poS3os. But usage suggests its
inroberis

attaches a bad sense to the word, as implying a want of sensibility, Eth. Nic. ii. 7. Others however distinguished dopyrjaia from dvatadrjo-ia (see Aul. Gell. i. 27) and with the Stoics
;

it

was naturally a favourite word,

e.g.

Epict. Diss. iii. 20. 9 to dveicTiKov, to dopyrjTov, to npqov, iii. 18. 6 evcrTadcos,
aldrjuovos, dopyrJToos,

M. Anton.

1.

7o

THE EPISTLE OF
XX.
01
ovpavol
ty\

S.

CLEMENT

[xx

StOLKrja'eL

ev

elprjvri

viroTacrcrovTai avTw'

avTOv aaXevofdevoi re Kai vv^ tov tijuiepa

dXXr)Xois

TeTay/ueuov

V7T ccutov Spo/uov Ziavvovaiv, fJL^ev

riXios

efJLTro^i^ovra.

re Kai

Kara

Ty\v

(HiaTayrjv
m

a"eXf]vr] dorTepcov re XP 0L avTOv ev ojjlovolcl $ix a Traarris

avrots 7rapeK/3d(recos e^eXlo crovo~iv tous e7riTeTay/uLevovs

opiarfJiovs.
i

yfj

toTs Kvocpopovcra kcltcc to OeX^/ua avTOv

diKcuwaei
;

cHoi/oycrei]

AC;

darepiav re XP L ]
/3dcrea;s]
.

AC

S apparently. but S translates as if

irapafiaaews C.

4 re

/ecu]

AS;

Kai (om. re)

ape/c/Sacrewcr

A;

6 irapeKcttrrepe's In S it is rendered in omni egressu cursus

re Kai xopoi.

to KaXorjdes Kai aopyrjrov.

does not occur Testament.

in the

The word LXX or New

of avTov.

New

But such passages in the Testament as Matt. xxiv. 29,

XX.

'All

creation

peace and harmony. succeed each other. The heavenly bodies roll in their proper orbits. The earth brings forth in due season. The ocean keeps within its appointed bounds. The seasons, the
winds, the fountains, accomplish their work peacefully and minister to our wants. Even the dumb animals observe the same law. Thus God has by this universal reign of order manifested

moves on in Night and day

Heb. xii. 26, 27, are not sufficient to justify the alteration ; for some ex-

Not pression of motion is wanted. 1 regulated change fixity, rest,' but is the idea of this and the following
'
'

sentences.

For

this

reason

have

retained aaXevopevoi. In the passage of Chrysostom quoted by Young in

defence

of his
(V. p.

Cxlviii. 2

reading, in Psalm. 491) ovhev (rvvexvOr)

eW/cAv-

tcov ovtcov' ov dokaTTCL tt)v yfjv

crev,

ovx tfXios rode to opcopevov KareKavaev, ovk ovpavbs 7rapeaaXev0r) k.t.X.,

this father

His beneficence
to

to

all,

but

especially
1.

us

who have sought

If the

would seem purposely to have chosen the compound napaaa-

His mercy through Christ Jesus'.

reading be correct, this word must refer to the
o-aXcvofxevoi]

Xeveadai to denote disorderly motion. The same idea as here is expressed in

i. 6 ao-Tpcov %opeiav ev rco kvkXco tov ovpavov ois r) ytvopevr/v

Theoph. ad Autol.

motion of the heavenly bodies, apparently uneven but yet recurrent and orderly; and this reference seems to be justified by egeXiao-ovaLv below. SaAeiW&u is indeed frequently used in the Old Testament to express terror and confusion, in speaking of
the earth, the hills, etc. but never of the heavens. So too in the Sibylline On the Oracles, iii. 675, 714, 751.
;

7roXv7roLK.iXos o~o(pia tov

Qeov naaiv

181a

OVOpLClTa KKXrjKV, COITip. lb. U. \^.

iv opovola] Naturally a frequent 5. phrase in Clement; 9, 11, 34, 49, 50, comp. 21, 30, 60, 61, 63, where

likewise the
6.

word

opovoia occurs.

napeKfido-eas]

The

other reading

napajSao-ecos destroys the sense.

For

the

whole
vii.

other hand
o-a.Xev6p.evoL
;

Young would read

correction,

p,r)

Const,

passage comp. Apost. 34 (pcoaTr]pes...a.7rapdj3aTOV

doXixbv Kai

and Davies, improving

aco^ovTes

tov

kot

ovdev

upon

suggests ov craXevopevoi, repeating the last letters

this

TrapdXXdaaovTes tt}s afjs 7rpocrTayr)s. In the immediate neighbourhood is the

xx]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
re
kcci

71
drjpcriv

idiots KaipoTs Tt\v 7rav7r\r]6ri dvdpu)7rois

kcu
fJLt]

iracriv toTs ovctlv err

a\)TY\v (^toois

dvctTeWei
tl

Tpo(pr]v,

10

Si^ocrTaTOVG'a vcov vtt avrov.

juri^e

dWotovcd

tvov

SeSoyiuaTLG'iuekcli

d/3v(T(r(vv

re dve^L^vLaaTa

vepri-

pu>v dvK$itjyr]Ta Kpi/uara toIs ccvtoTs crvveyeTai TrpocrTay/uLacrLV.

to kvtos

Trjs direipov
TrapeKfidcreios,

daXa&O'ris kcltcc ty\v

and where probably the reading

ipsorum, which probably represents

was

3lcl

for Si'xaavrrjs

8 iravTr\7)drf\
ilia S.

A;

irafXTrXrid-q

ctt''

avrrju]

A;

e7r'

C; in

same quotation from Job xxxviii.

here in Clement.
if-ikio-aovo-iv]

1 1

as

We may
out the case we

would suggest

either adopt this, or (as I in preference) strike

Comp.

Plut.

Mor.

word

altogether.
fall

In either

p.

368

rocravrais fjpepcus top avrrjs

may

back upon the con-

kvkKov igeXlacrei (of the moon), Heliod. ySth. V. I4ot Se Trepl tov vop,ia kvkXovs
dyepcoxovs e^eXlrTovres (both passages given in Hase and Dindorf's Steph.
Thes.).

jecture of Lipsius (p. 155, note) that KpifxaTa was written down by some

thoughtless scribe from

dve^epevurjTa
" ^ix VLao TOL aL
to,

Thus the word continues the

of

Rom. xi. 33 KplpaTa avrov kcu av^ ot avTov (he gives the

metaphor xPh tangled mazes of the dance, as

Eur. Troad.
3.

describing the
e.g.

The

6pio~uo\ therefore

are their defined orbits.

9.

eV

avrrjv]

For the accusative

e.g.

so used see

Winer xlix. p. 426. dvareWei] Here transitive, as

iii.

ix. 33, which is repeated by Jacobson, and still further corrupted ix. 23 by Hilgenfeld). Indeed the same word seems still to be running in the head of the scribe of A when below he writes Kpvp,ara for Kvp.aTa. The

reference

veprepa are the 'subterranean regions

'

Gen.

18,

Is.

xlv. 8,

Matt.

v.

45

comp.
Strom,
rpo(pas

Epiphanes
iii.

in

Clem.
77X10?

Alex.
<oivas

2,

p.

512,

regarded physically. KpLfiaTa is the reading of all our authorities. It must have been read moreover by
the writer of the later books of the
vii. 35 dvegattention has been called also to the connexion of

Yet

dvareWei (MSS dvareXkeiv), which closely resembles our Clement's language here.
a>oi$
airao-Lv

Apostolic Constitutions,
iXviao-Tos Kpifxao-iu.

My

10.

rcov

dedoyparicrpevcov
p,rj

Comp.
12.
i.e.

27 ovdev

k.t. X.] trapeKOrj rcov de-

words
13.

in Ps. xxxvi (xxxv).

5 to. KpipLard

8oyp,a.Tio-p,eva>v vii

avrov.

crov [a$<xei] a(3vo~oros

Kpi/xara] 'statutes,

ordinances]
are
16

noWr/. to Kvro^y the hollow, the basin]

lxiv.

the

laws
eVt

by which they
e.g.

as Ps.
is

governed, as
earrjarau

2 Chron. xxx.
crrdo-LV

Tfjs daXdo-crrjs.

7 6 avvTapdo-crcov to kvtos In Dan. iv. 8 to kvtos

rrjv
('

avroiv

Kara

to Kptfia

avTcov

pointed

'),

as they were ap2 Chron. iv. 7 ras Xvx^ias

opposed to to v\f^os. Comp. also Theoph. ad Autol. i. 7 6 avvrapdaacov to kvtos ttjs daXdaarjs, and Apost.
Const,
viii.

Kara to Kpip.a avrav (comp. ver. 20).

12 6 o~vo~Trjo-dfievos a-

very awkward, and several emendations have been suggested, of which Kklp.aTa is the best.

But

KpLpaTo. is

(3vo~crov

kcu

ueya kvtos

avTrj

7re-

pi6eis...irr)ya'LS devdoLS uedvo~as... ViaVT(OV KVk\01S... V(f)a>V OfJL^pOTOKCOV

72

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

[xx

eic tac cyNAroorAc ov irapSrjjuuovpyiav clutov cvcrTadeu

eK/3alvei

tcl

TrepiTedeifjieva

avTrj

icXeldpa,
eiirev

dWa

Kctdcos

^leTapev
i

auTtj,

ovtcos
A.

7roiei.

yap'
oirrw

"Eooc

obAe

dijfiiovpytav] b-qpiovpyeiav
avi>TpiPrj<reT(u]

3 oi/rws]
crvvTpifiriaovTai

A;

4 /ctfwara]

Kpvpara A.
diadpopals
<aa>v
els

A;

C.

5 d*^/). a7rfy.]

A;

direp.

Kapncov

yovas <a\

(jra.6p.ov dicmveovroov k.t.X., in which

crvaraa-iv,

the resemblances
dental.
I.

dvepcov passage cannot be acci-

in our MSS, but

though cmkpavTos is read here not only by Clem. Alex. p. 693 and Dionys. Alex, in Euseb. H. E. vii. 21, or their transcribers, and may possibly be correct. Yet as I could
not find any better instances of this use than Eur. Med. 212, /Esch. Prom. 159 (where Blomf. suggests dnipaTos), and in both passages the meaning

els
i.

Gen.
kixtu)

9 KCU

ras (rvvaycoyas] From LXX crvvq-^drj to vdcop to V7TO-

tov

ovpavov

els

tcis

avvaycoyas
It

avTcov,

wanting in the Hebrew.

refers to the great bodies of water,

the Mediterranean, the Caspian, the

Red

Sea,

etc.
k. t. X.]

may be questioned, I have preferred reading direparos as quoted by Origen Select, in Ezech. viii. 3.
The proper meaning
'

TrapeK$aivei xxxviii. IO, II

From
de
avrf]

Job
opia

of aTtepavros,
it is

edeprjv

boundless,' appears from Clem. Horn.

TrepiOels KkelOpa kcu

nvXa?,

elrra 8e civtt}

xvi. 17, xvii. 9, 10,

where

found in

Me'xpt tovtov eXevcrrj kcu 01;^ vne p(3r)0~r], aXX' ev aeavrrj avvTpifirjo-eTai crov to.

close alliance with direipos. See also Clem. Alex. Fragm. p. 1020. On the

KvpaTa comp. also Ps.

:

civ. 9, Jer. v. 22.

other

hand

for dneparos
iv.

comp.

e.g.

This passage is directly quoted by Clem. Alex. Strom. v. 12 (p. 693), by Origen de Prific. ii. 6 (1. p. 82, 83), Select. i?i Ezech.
4.

wKeavos

k.t.X.]

13 (p. iyg)pel T<ii Oepei kcu Tea fteipcovi ttoXvs kol cmepahere are divided The lines in tos.

Macar. Mzgn.Apocr.

<\nepAN|T0C
assist

and

this division

would

(in. p. 422), Efihes. ii. 2 (vn. p.

viii.

by Jerome ad It must 571). also have suggested the words of Irenaeus Haer. ii. 28. 2 'Quid autem
3
et recessu,

the

insertion

of the n.

An

earlier scribe

would write Anep^Toc

1596 ed. Migne)

for Anep&iTOC.

Psal. 138

(p.

possumus exponere de oceani accessu

Kal coKeavbs

See Didymus Expos. el yap airepavros, aXX ovv Kai ol

deanorov
rrpos

quum

constet esse certain

peT

avTov Koapoi toxs tov

causam

quidve de his quae ultra

diaTayais buBvvovrai

navTayap Ta

sunt enuntiare, qualia sint?' On the other hand the expression 6 noXvs

eum

avTovyeyevrjpeva OTVoi\oTroia?\ ttot eo~TLV Tayals ttjs eavrov irpovoias dioiKovpeva

lOvverai.

kcu cnrepavTos dvOpcoirots coKeavbs

by Dionys. Alex,
vii.

21 may be through Clement or Photius see below, p.

'

used Euseb. H. E. derived indirectly

in

Origen.
86.

On

This language may possibly have been derived from Origen, and not directly from Clement. Anyhow the recognition of both the various
readings, Tayals, diaTayais, of notice.
ol is

worthy

impassable] as the context shows, and as it is rendered in the translation of Origen de Princ. ii. 3 (' intransmeabilis The com'). mon form in this sense is direparos
5.

c\neparos\

per ovtov Koapoi

k.t.X.]

Clement

may possibly be referring to some known but hardly accessible land,

lying without the pillars of Hercules

xx]
HfeiC,
5

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
KAI

73
(kCIVOS

TA KYMATA COY 6N

COI

YN Tp BhCGTAI.
I

dvdptoTTOis direpaTOS Kal ol /uet ccvtov koct/uol t?5 aurals

Tayciis tou ie&TTOTOV hievdvvovrai.

avdp. C.
aireparos] Orig See the lower note.
;

Kaipoi eaptvol Kal

;

intransmeabilis S

diripavros

AC

Didym.

6 raycus]

AC;

Staraycus Origen.

Clem, Dionys, See below.

and
IV.

in foreign seas
'

as Ceylon (Plin.

H. vi. 22 Taprobanen alteram orbem terrarum esse diu existimatum est,Antichthonumappellatione'),

or Britain (Joseph. B. J. ii. 16. 4 vnep axeavov erepav e^rjrrjcrav oiKovpivrjv kcli

amined in the 1st volume of A. von Humboldt's Exam. Crit.de la Geogr. du Nouveau Continent see also other works mentioned in Prescott's Ferdi:

nand and

Isabella
is

II.

p.

102.

This
(

p^XP L r ^ v avMTToprjTcov irporcpov Bperravwv birjveyKav to. o-rrXa). But more

interpretation the fact that

quite consistent with

33)

Clement below

speaks of the ocean as to nepiexov

Tr)v yr)v vdcop.

known land

probably he contemplated some unin the far west beyond

the ocean, like the fabled Atlantis of Plato or the real America of modern

At all events this passage was seemingly so taken by Irenasus and

tinctly explained thus

From Aristotle onwards discovery. {de Caelo ii. 14, p. 298, Meteor, ii. 5, p. 362), and even earlier, theories had
from time to time been broached, which contemplated the possibility
of reaching the Indies by crossing the western ocean, or maintained the existence of islands or continents towards the setting sun. The Cartha-

Clement of Alexandria, and it is disby Origen (Sel.

viii.

in Ezech.

3 sq, de Pri?tc. ii. 6) at great length. All these fathers acquiesce in the exist-

who

discusses

it

ence of these
later date

'

other worlds.'
this opinion

At a

however

came

ginians had even brought back a report of such a desert island in the
Atlantic,
[Aristot.]

be regarded with suspicion by Christian theologians. Tertullian, de Pall. 2, Hermog. 25, was the first to condemn it. The idea of the
to

which they had Mirab. Ausc. 84

844,

visited,
p. 836,

Antipodes Div. Inst.

is
iii.

scouted by Lactantius 24, with other fathers

136

p.

Diod.

v.

19,
I.

20; see
p.

of the fourth century and later (comp. August, de Civ. Ueixvi. 9) and in the
;

Humboldt Exam.

Crit.

In the generations before and the time of Clement such speculations

130. after

reign of Justinian (V.a.d. 535) the speculations of Cosmas Indicopleustes

Coll. Nov. Pair. II. p. 113 sq), who describes the earth as a plain surface and a parallelogram

(Montfaucon

were not uncommon.

'

the
ii.

prophecy in Venient annis saecula seris Quibus oceanus vincula rerum Laxet
375

Of these Seneca's Medea

in

form (see Humboldt

I.e.

I.

p. 41

et

ingens pateat tellus

etc.,'

is

the

stereotyped for many centuries the belief of Christian writers on this

sq),

most famous, because so much stress was laid on it by Columbus and his
fellow discoverers
:

subject.

It

was made a special charge

but

the

state-

ments in Strabo i. 4 (p. 65), Plut. Mor. p. 941, are much more remarkable.

against Virgilius, the Irish geometrician, bishop of Salzburg (f a.d. see Stokes Ireland and the 784)
;

Celtic Chtirch p.
'

224
52
-

sq.

opinions of ancient writers on this subject are collected and ex-

The

6.

Tayais]

directions] as
i.

Hermes

in Stob. Eel.

iTronrr^p to'lvvv

74
Bepivoi
Kctl

THE EPISTLE OF
jUL6T07ra)pivoi
kclI

S.

CLEMENT

[xx

^ei/uepLVOi ev elptjvri /uera-

7rapaStS6a(TLj/

dWqXois.

dve/ucov

CTadjULOi

kcltcc

tov

XeiTOvpyiav ccvtcov dirpocrKOTroos eirireXovariv devaoi re 7rr)yal Trpos diroXavcriv icai vyeiav tovs Trpos r}/uuovp<yr}6e'i(rca Si^a eAAei^ews irapeyovTai
lSlov Kaipov ty\v
failS dv6p(J07TOLS /ULCt^OVS.
TCL

T6 iXa^LCTTa TWV
Kai
eipr\vr\

^OOCOV

ras

crvveXevcreis
Tclvtcc

clvtwv

ev

ojuovolol

ttoiovvtcli,

TrdvTa 6 fxeyas hriiuiovpyos Kai SecnroTris toov dirdvTcov ev elpr]vrj Kai o/uovoia 7rpo(reTa^ev eivai, evepye1

/jLeTOTTupiPoi] ixedoirwpivoi

A.

/xerairapadidoaaiv] A,

and so app. S

fieraif

didoaatv C.
it

dvefxwv]

A;

add. re CS.
3 ttjv]

S translates ventique locorum as

had read

dvefxoi re arad/Awv.

AS

Kai ttjv

\eiTovpylav~\

Xeirovpyeiav A.
S.

4 divaot]

A;

devvaoi C.
5 7rpos

dirokavcriv]
7rpos fatjv

AC;

add. re

vyeiav]
ecrrai

A;

vyieiav C.

f0777s] A;

C.

S translates

Tciyfjs

rwv o\cov o^vbepKrjs Bebs

illustration of Clement's

meaning

is v.

'ASpao-reta,

with other passages quoted

the noble passage in

Lucretius

by Hase
Set.

in Steph. Thes. s. v. Origen in Ezech. 1. c, and apparently alsodePrinc. I.e. (for the Latin is dis-

737
3.

sq.

dTTpoaKonois]
rrjv

So

8ie7reiv

vno

crov

again 61 dedopevrjv avTols

positionibns\

has

diaTayals,
;

which

rjyepoviav aTvpoaKoTrais.

For the

cor-

but he would editors adopt naturally substitute a common for

some

an unusual word, and his quotation throughout is somewhat loose.

'

dirpoo-KOTTos, responding adjective which seems to have been a specially Pauline word (Acts xxiv. 16,

as well as

Cor.
I.e.

x.

32, Phil.

i.

10)

1.

neTcnrapabLdoacriv]
7 ;

give

way

i?i

see Philippians
4.

succession

again a rare word, of

vyeiav]
:

A common

which a few instances are collected in Hase and Dindorf's Steph. Thes. From Job 2. dvepcov crraOpioX]
xxviii.

writers

see

form Lobeck Paral.

in late
p.

28

(with the references), Phryn. p. 493, It is so written in Pathol, p. 234.

25 enoirjaev Se
fxirpa,

dvijx<x>v
it

tjTaOpbv

Kai
'

vftaTCDv

where

means

several inscriptions, and so in Orph. Hymn, lxxxiv. 8

scanned
(p.

350,
7777-10-

weight/

as

the

original

Clement

however

may

shows. have mis;

Herm.)
Xeipov

c\(3ov

eTTnrveiov<ra

Kai

vyeiav

(unnecessarily altered

for he understood the meaning seems to use the word in a different

' sense, the fixed order'' or as the context stations
7

'

the fixed
requires.

by Porson, Eur. Orest. 229, into 7771-10X^tp' vyieiav), and elsewhere. Editors therefore should not have substituted
vyieiav.
5.

Compare
0)779

rapela 50.
fxaovs]

The common Greek

this sense is o-Taaeis, 75. 8 Kara rivas dvepiov araaeis, ix. 5. eVix^ptoi tcis roiv dvepcov (Trace is

expression in e.g. Polyb. i.

23

KaXXto-ra yivwaKovcri

see
48. 2.

Schweig-

hauser on Polyb.

i.

good

The metaphor was perhaps suggested by Jer. xviii. 14 (LXX) pr) eKkei\j/ovaiv otto nerpas paaroi, which however departs from the existing reading of the Heon tnc s e f brew. For ?rpos CV S
rovs npbs
'
)

xxi]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
tjjUlds

75

IO TCOV TCt 7TCtVTa y V7r6peK7rpKT(TC0S $

TOfS

7T|0OO"7re-

OLKTip/uoh avTOv hia tov Kvpiov y\\au>v (peuyoTas '\y\(TOV XpKTTOv, to r\ So^a kcli r\ juieyaAcoaruvri ek tovs
toTs
alcovas tcov aicovcov.
d/uLrjv.

iS

ctl

'Opare, dycurriToi, /urj al evepyecrica avrov 7ro\\ai yevcovTcu ek Kpl/ua iraariv ij/uuv, edv iutj d^icos
KCtl

XXL

CLVTOV 7TO\lTv6fJLVOl TCt KCtXtZ

Vap6CTTa eVCOTTLOV

CtV-

tov

7roLcd/ui6u

fjied'

dfJLOvoias.
[xa^ovs altogether.
tt

Aeyei yap

ttov
AC;

IT n

gym a

ea quae

ad vitam, omitting
S.

if <rv\\7]\J/eLs)

10

fiots] OLKTeip/AOLcr

A.
eis

7 aweXevaeis] poa it e <p evy or as] AS ; irpocrcpevyovTas C. 12 teal i] p.ey a\o)cr vvrf] AC; om. S.

auxilia (as

n
15

olnrip-

els Kpi/na
;

ird<TLU 7]puv]

A;

Kpl/xara avv nqplv

I.

C (eiCKpiM&T&CyN
16 avrov
pri.]

for

GICKpiM&TT&CIN)
S.

in judicium nobis S; see

c

p.

143.

AC; om.

life] xxvii.

conducive

to life]

comp. Acts

our curse unless

strive to please our most secret

we seek peace and

Him.

34 Trpbs rijs vperepas crcoTTjplas, Cle?n. Horn. viii. 14 irphs Koapov kcu

He

sees

all

thoughts.

Let us

Tepyjfecds,

and see Winer

is

xlvii. p. 391.

This sense of npos in classical Greek.

7.
'

more common
Jer. viii. 7

men

therefore offend foolish and arrogant rather than God. Let us honour
;

heaven knoweth his appointed times and the turtle and the crane and the swallow ob;

The

avveXtvo-eis] stork in the

Comp.

Christ let us respect our rulers, and revere old age let us instruct our
;

serve the time of their

coming

',

etc.

wives in purity and gentleness, and our children in humility and the fear of God. His breath is in us, and His pleasure can withdraw it in a mo-

Or

it

may

refer to their pairing at

ment
15.

5
.

the proper season of the year.

Comp.

dittos

TvokiTev6pevoi\

The

ex-

Ptolem. Geogr.
Thes.).
8.

i.

9 (quoted in Steph.

pression occurs in Phil. i. 27. Clement's language here is echoed by

drjpiovpyos]

Only once

in the

Polycarp Phil.
16.

5.

New
lxx

Testament, Heb. xi. 10: again only in 2 Mace. iv.

in the
1

evapeara evecmov] Heb.

Ps. cxiv. 9.

xiii.

21

(and

comp.
17.

there not of the Creator). On the Christian use of this Platonic phrase
see Jahn's Methodius
10.
7rpocr4>vyeii>]
II.

Xeyei yap K.r.A.]

iv.

Clem. Alex.

Strom,

pp.

1,

39, 91.

mainder

17 (p. 611 sq) cites the reof this section and the whole

Altogether a late
:

and somewhat rare word see

xxix. 3 (Sym.).
It

Sam.

of the next, continuously after 17, 18 (see the note 17). For the most part he

the

lxx
77

or

New

does not occur in Testament.

rj

12.

dotja kcu

/xey.]

So again

64.

quotes in the same loose way, abridging and interpolating as before but here and there, as in the long passage
;

In the doxology Jude 25 also the two words occur together; comp. Ecclus.
xliv. 2.

rcis

yvvalKas

ijpu>v ...dveXel

keeps

fairly close to the

XXI.

His blessings

will turn to

original and may thority for the readings.

avrrjv, he words of his be used as an au-

76
Kypi'oy
7T(jos

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT
'

[xxi

Iccofxev Ayxnoc epeyiMooN ta tami?a thc r^cTpoc. iyyvs icrTiv, Kal otl ovSev XeKrjdeu avrov toov

evvoioov r\[xwv ovSe tcov SiaXoyLcr/uicou

kcliov
fJLctTOs

wv

iroiov\xe.Qa,

01-

ovv ecriv

]iy\

\nroTaKT6iv

v\

[xas

diro

tov

6e\t]5

avrov'

juaWov

dv6pu)7roi$ a<ppO(ri Kal dvorirois

teal

67raipofJLvois

Kal eyKav^cofdevoL^ ev
rj

\6yov avTudv

irpocrKO^fitiixev

tcg

dXa^oveia tov tov Kvpiov Qew.

iSodr],
Clem.

'Irjaovv [XpurTOp], ov
i
~\

to

al/ua

vwep

rifjujov

ivTpa2
i<rTiv~\

AC;
fxevoi.

X6x vos C Clem 6n; Xvxvov A. add. nobis S. otl] AC; om.
A.

rafxiela]
(?)

AC;

Ta.fj.ela

retv C.

4 XnroTtiKTeiv] A ; XenroTaK8e S. 6 iyKavxvu&ois] ejKavxu5 p.aXXov] AC; add. 10 ijfMuv] 8 XpHTTov] A; om. CS. dXa^oveia] aXa^ovca A.
S.
veovs] vcuova

A; om. CS.

A.

11 iraideiav] iraidiav

A.

tov

(po(Bov]

xx. 27,

Uvevpa Kvpiov k.t.X.] From Prov. which runs in the LXX <pa>s
nvor) av6 peon gov os epevva iipavva)

2.

eyyvs

eo-Tiv]

As below
18, cxix.

27

comp. Ps. xxxiv.

18, Ign.

151, cxlv.

Kvpiov
Tupelo,

Ephes. 15 ra
io~Tiv
3.

KpvTTTa. r)p.oov ey-

adds rj (japieia) Koikias. Xi>x vos after avOpwirav, but this must
originally have been a gloss suggesting an alternative reading for (poos, as

yvs avTw
Vis.
ii.

(with the note), Herm. There is no allusion here

to the nearness of the advent, as in Phil. iv. 5 (see the note there).

Xvxvos

is
;

Theod.

actually read by Aq. Sym. see a similar instance of cor-

ovhev XeXrjdev k.t.X.]

is

This passage copied by Polycarp Phil. 4 <a\

avTov
ovbev
ovTe
Xoyio~poov

rection in this

MS noted above on
vi.

17.

XeXrjdev

Comp.

also Prov.

23 Xvxvos evToXr)

vopov kol (pas. from which passage

''inward questionings] see the note on Phil,

ovTe evvomv.
$iaXoyio~p,oi,
ii.

On

perhaps Xvxvos came to be interpolated here. Hilgenfeld prints Xeyei yap

ttov TTvevpa

14.
4.

XiTTOTaKTelv]

So

avTOfjioXelv

be-

Kvpiov Avxvos epevvcov k.t.X. and finds fault with Clem. Alex, for making the words nvevpa Kvpiov part
of the quotation (Xeyei yap nov
r)

Ignatius has the same metaphor but uses the Latin word, Polyc. 6 pijTis vpoov 8eaepTcop evpeOfj
low, 28.
:

ypa<firj

see the note there.

ILvevpa Kvpiov k.t.X.)

but they seem to be wanted to complete the sentence. Our Clement in fact quotes loosely, transposing words so as to give a somewhat different sense. See below, Is. lx. 17 quoted in 42. For the exact words Xe'yet yap nov see 1 5, 26, and
;

On

the authority of our older

MS

for other instances of Xe'yet (or $770-1)

have preferred the form XnroTaKrelv. There is poetical authority for the see simple vowel in Xltvoto^lov Meineke Fragm. Com. II. p. 12 14, in. p. 71, with the notes. So too in analogous words, wherever they occur in verse, the form in 1 is found e.g.
;
:

with no nominative expressed, 8, 10, 16, 29, 30, 46. On the spelling of
Tapiela (ra/^eta)
scriber)
is

Xnravyrjs,

Xnrovavs,
differed

XnrovavTrjs,

Xi-

ttottvoos, Xnroo-apKrjs, XtTTo^i^eljA

The
;

Clement
:

(or his tran-

grammarians

on

this point

capricious

see 50 (note).

see Chceroboscus in Cramer's

A need.

xxi]
Trcofjiev

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
tovs
Trporjyov/uLevovs
tJ/ulcov
rifJLtov

77
tovs

ai&<jdu)fJL6V)

10

rrpecfivTepovs
ty\v irai^eiav

Tijuricrcojuei',

tovs veovs

TraL^evcriajjiev

iwi

to

tov <po/3ov tov Qeov, ras yvvcuKas y\\x(jov dyadov ^LOpdcocrcojULeda' to dpia<yd7rr]TOv Trjs
ev^ei^da-diocau , to aKepaiov Ttjs irpavTr\TOs

dyvetas

rjdos

avTcov /3ov\t]iua dTro^ei^aTwcav , to eirieiKes Trjs y\co&15 o"f]s avTiov ia Trjs criyrjs (pavepov 7roir]G'aTcocrav' ty\v
dyaTrr\v clutgov,
AC; om.
ayvelas.
S.
/ur)

Kara
AC

Trpoa-KXicets,

dWa
14

Trdaiv toIs
rjdos ttjs

13 ayvelas] ayviaa A.
evdei^dadojcrav]

Clem 612 has

the order

Clem.

Bryennios wrongly gives the reading of

p.
p/c5').

Clem

as ivdei^drwaav {adloc.

and comp.

fiov\y}iia~\

AC; &WQV1

(nal fiovkriixa) S.

15 criyrjs]

CS Clem;

(pwvrjcr

A.

16 irpoaKKicreis]

AS

TrpoaKkrjaeis C.

This same itacism occurs several times in C, 47, 50.

11.

Graec. Bibl.
6
ttjs ei

Oxon.

p.

239 \eyei
81a.

cers of the
toIs

Church

I.

see the note on

'Qpos or 1 Txavra Tvapa to Xeinco

riyovpivoLs

The

following

vea>s,

Bicpdoyyov ypcKperai, olov XenroAei7roraia, XenroTci^iov, XenroQ,piyevrjs 81a

tovs 7rpecr(3vT6povs must therefore refer to age, not to office.

10.

aTpcvreiov' o 8e
ypdcpecrdai.

tov
to

Xeyei

There seems
ei.

be no

lycarp Phil. 4
Prov. xvi.

tovs veovs k.t.A.] Copied by Poto. TeKva naideveiv ttjv

poetical

and therefore indisputable

naibelav tov (poftov tov Qeov.

Comp.
Kvpiov

authority for the

5-

(xv.

33)

<p6(Sos

apa

Ka\ dvorjT.] acppoves kcu dvorjToi

a(pp.

LXX
elcri,

Jer. x. 8

7rait)eia,

found, in

some
MSS.

copies, but not in the principal The former word points to

and Ecclus. i. 27 where the same words are repeated. 15. o-iyrjs] They must be eloquent
their silence, for ywaigi Koapov
r]

by

defective reason, the latter to defective perception.

6.
iv.

criyr) cpepei.

This meaning

is

so obvi-

Comp.
iv

39.

iyKavxcopivoLs k.t.A.] See

James

16

Kavxaade

Tais

aXa^oveiais

ously required, that I had restored 0-4777? in my first edition on the authority of the Alexandrian Clement

vpcov.

alone in place of the senseless

of A.
fers to
TY]V

cpcovfjs

tov Kvpiov k.t.A.] Clem. Alex, (p. 611 sq), as commonly punctuated, quotes the passage tov Kvpiov 'Irjcrovv
7.

It is

now confirmed by

our

two new
1

authorities.

Hilgenfeld re1 Tim. ii. 11. So tOO PolyC.

Cor. xiv. 34 sq,

K.T.A.]

Xeyco...ov to aipa virep i)pa>v rjyiacrOr]'

dyClTTTJU

p,a>v,

evTpancopev ovv tovs nporjyovp-evovs 17kcu aldecrdcopev tovs 7rpecr[3vTepovs '

Tiprjcreopev

irdcrrj

Phil. 4 ay air (ocr as TvdvTas e tcrov iv The numerous close iyKpareia.

naideiav tov Qeov.

tovs veovs, 7raidevcrcop.ev tt)v different punctua-

tion, kcu al8ecr0a>pev' tovs 7rpeo~(3vTepovs TiprjcrcopeV tovs veovs 7raidevo-a>pev k.t.A.,

this chapter in Polycarp show plainly that he had our epistle before him.
16.
V.

coincidences with

Kara. npocrKkicreis]
p-rjbev

From

Tim.

would bring the quotation somewhat

nearer to the original.
9-

21

7roicov

KaTa

TrpocrKkicriv.

The word
i.e.

7rp6aKkia-is

occurs again

tovs 7Tpo-qyovpivovs\

the

offi-

47, 5o-

7&
(pofiov/uievois

THE EPISTLE OF
tov Qeov d<no>?

S.

CLEMENT
TrapeyeTwvav

[xxi

icrrjv

tcl

tekvcl

^/ulcov ty]S

juadeToocrav,

tl

ev Xpio-Tvo Traiheias fjieraXafjifiaveTCoa'av' irapa Qew \o~yyei) tl

Ta7reivo<ppocrvvri

dydirr] dyvt]

wapa tw
ev

Qeco SvvaTai,

7T(x)<;

6 <po/3os avTOv

KaXos

k<xi

jueyas Kai ciaftov TravTas tous ev

avTw
yap

6ctlws
ecrTLV
eo~Tiv,

d.vao~Tp6<pofjLevov<;

Kadapa
ov

hiavola' epevvrjTt]^
y\

evvoLcov Kal evdv/mricrecov'

ttvoy\

avTOv

ev

r\fjuv

Kal otclv de\f] dveXel avTrjv.

XXII.
tls"

TavTa

Se ttclvtcl /3e/3a*Oi

y\

ev

XpLCTw

ttigt-

Kal

yap avTOS

$ia

tov

TrvevfJLaTOS

tov dyiov ovtu)s

c|)6Bon

io

irpocTKaXeTTaL
AiAaIoo

tjjuias*

AeyTe tekna, AKoycATe moy,

tic

zooh'n, ymac. ANepoonoc Kypioy ArAnooN HMepAC iAgin aYaOac; ttaycon thn rAcoccAN coy And kakoy, kai x e| A H T T m h AaAhcai AoAont gkkAinon And
2
tj/jlwv']

gctin

OeAooN

S Clem

v/xQv

AC.
A.

p.eTa\ap.j3av^T(i}aav]

AC

ixeraKa^iTwaav
avrov]

Clem.

3 laxvec] ta-^ut

4 tu]

tov Kvpiov Clem.

5 nal adofav]

AC

et

om. liber ans

;

C
et

Clem.
salvans S
;

ACS

crdb^uv

(om.

/cat)

Clem.

ociojs]

AC;

deius S.

KapUq Clem.

i<TTiv~]

AC

See above, om. Clem.

2, 14.
7

diavoia']
;

AC;

iudv/mrjaeuv]

evdv/xrjaaicov

8 dVeXet] A; dvcupei CS. evOvfjLruuL&TOJv Clem. 9 8e] AC; om. S. 10 ourws] AC; but Bryennios reads otfraj without indicating that he is departing 12 rts eariv avdpuiros] C omits from here to pvcrerai. aiiTov 6 from his MS.

A;

Kvpios,

and begins again

eira 7roXXat at p-daTiyes tov d/xapTcoXov k.t.X.

(1.

21).

i.

60-tcos]

This word
for
it

is

best taken

ful

with

7rape^6ro)crai/,

would be an

utter

and God-loving, but threatening destruction to the sinful and

TaOra Se navra
for
it is

unmeaning addition
vols tov Qeov.
6.

to rols <pofiovp.4-

disobedient'.
9.

k.t.X.] i.e.

Faith
re-

epewrjTrjs k.t.X.] As Heb. iv. 12 Kal ivvoiwv napKpiriKos vdvp.rjoreu>v

8ias.
7.

in Christ secures all these

suits
;

good

He Himself who

thus

ov...avTov]

Hebraism,

for

which see Winer

8.

xxii. p. 161.

the rare future eX<5 of atpeco see Winer xv. p. 94 with his references: comp. Exod. xv. 9,
dveXel]

On

appeals to us, not indeed in the flesh, but through the Spirit, where David says 'Come etc' For avTos irpoo-KaXetTat see above, 16 avTos cprjo-iv, with the note.
Aeire k.t.X.] From LXxPs.xxxiv. The sq almost word for word. differences are unimportant, 18. to p,vr)p.oo~vvov\ See the note on
11.
1 1

2 Thess.

ii.

6.

XXII. 'All these things are assured by faith in Christ. He himself speaks to us by the lips of David, promising all blessings to the peace-

cvicaTakeipLp,a.

above
In

14.

eKeKpa^v]

the existing text of

XXIIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
KAI
TTOIHCOIM

79
KAI

15

KAKOY
ayth'n.

A^GOIST

ZHTHCON

GipHNHN
eni

AlOOiON

o^GaAmoi Kypi'oY en)

AYT03N-

AiKAi'oyc, kai

oota aytoy

Aehcin

npdcoonoN

Ae

Kypi'oy

ttoioyntac

npdc kaka

Toy eloAeepeycAi ek thc to mnhmocynon aytoon.

6

eKeKpAleN
6K
ttacoc>n

AlKAIOC

KAI

KypiOC
6K
TTACOJN

eiCHKOyceN

AYTOy
ttoAAai

KAI
ai

20 toon eAiyecoN

aytoy epycATO ayton.

pyCTAI

GAi'yeic

Toy

AlKAlOY
TToAAai
eni

KAI
ai

AyTON

MACTirec

Toy

AMApTooAoy, Toyc

Ae

KypiOC* eAni'zoNTAC

LTa'

KypioN

eAeoc KyKAoocei.

XXIII.
25 7rarr]p
t]7TLio

'O

oiKTipiuLcov

Kara iravTa Kal euepyeTLKOS

tovs
(pofiov/uievovs

e^a cnrXayyya
t
kcci

6tti

aurov,

Trpocrrivws rots

%apiTas avTOv
Siavoia.
rjfjicov

(xttoSlSoT toTs
/urj

7rpo(repxo[iei'Ois
fxevy fjLf]he
14

avTto a7r\rj
r\

$10
eirl

S^tn^wvirepfiaX-

Iv^aWeadoo

^p-v^r)

rah

/cat]

Clem

LXX

(v. 1.).

X &v] (with lxx); om. S. 16 6<pda\/j.ol] of Clem (with

A; add. aov S Clem with the lxx and Hebr) on ocpdaX/xol

;

S (with BS of LXX).
See below.
6\l\peLs...b Kvpt.os]

irpos]

A;

els

Clem with
A.

the lxx.

18 eKenpa^ev k.t.X.]
iroXXal al

20

dXixpecou] dXixpaiuv

avrov] om. Clem.

21 elra]

iterum S, frequently a translation of /cat irdXcv, which possibly we should read here; but see below, 23, 22 at] ACS; fiev yap Clem. rod a/xapraAoO] AC ; tuiv fiera ravra. Clem ; rbv oe iXiriiovTa CS with the LXX afxapTwXwv Clem LXX. tovs 5e eXTrifovras]

S; om.

A;

def. C.

et

and Hebr.

23 \eos]
is

C Clem;

e\aioa

A.

24

olKripfjuav] oiKTeip/iwp

A.

Clem. Alex, this

Kvpios
ruption.

read

etceKpatjev de 6

stituted for top i\niovTa.

teal elo-r]itovo~e,

obviously a cor-

XXIIL
that
fear

'God
Him.

is

merciful to

all

20. 7roXXat at dXiyj/eis K.r.X.] This is from Ps. xxxiv (xxxiii). 20, the verse but one following the preceding quotation. The LXX however has the plural roav BiKaicov, avrovs, and SO it is The quoted in 4 Mace, xviii. 15. Hebrew has the singular, and so the Peshito. The words have obviously been omitted in A owing to the recurrence of LToXXat al, and should be

Let us not spurn His gracious gifts. Far be from us

the threats which the Scriptures hurl against the double-minded, the impatient, the sceptical. The Lord will
certainly come,
28.

and come

quickly'.

'indulge in caprices and humours'. The word is generally passive, to be formed as an image', 'to appear', and with a
iVSaXXeV^o)]
'

dative 'to resemble';

see

Ruhnken
it

restored accordingly.
LToXXat al [xdo-riyes k.t.X.] An exact quotation from Ps. xxxii. 10 (lxx), except that tovs iXni^ovras is sub-

Timaeus

s.v.

Here however

is

middle signifying 'to form images, to conjure up spectres', and so 'to indulge in idle fancies', like the later

8o
\ovo-ais
rifjiuiv
t]

THE EPISTLE OF
kcli

S.

CLEMENT

[xxiii

ivSo^ois Scopeals ccvtov.

iroppco yevecrdco dd)

Al'vpYXOI,

TaAai'ttoopoi' gicin oi ypacbrj avTrj, 07rov Aeyei' 01 AlCTAZONTGC THN YYX HN 01 A6T0NT6C, TaYTA HKOY"
'

CAM6N
I

KAI

em

TOON

TTATepOON

HMOON, KAI

lAOY

TeTHpAKAMeN
2 avrtj] 5 crvv^e^rjKev]

iroppoj yeveadoo]

AS

woppu ye yevecrdw C.

AS

ai/TOv C.

3 ttjv ^/vxnv'\

A;

rrj \}/vxy

See below, 33. dub. S.

;

use of cpavTa^eadai. The lexicons do not recognize this use, but see Dion Chrys. Orat. xii. 53 (p. 209 m) irpoTepov pev yap are ovdev
aXXrjv

rived directly or solely from the First Moreover it is there conEpistle.

tinued, ovtcos Ka\ 6 Xaos pov aKaTao~Tao~ias Ka\ 6Xi\fseis eo~x V eneiTa anoXr]?

aacpes

etSores

aXXos av7rXaTTopev Idiav, nav to OvrjTov Kara ttjv eavTOv bvvap.iv Kai
(pvcriv

yjreTai to.

dyadd. As this passage does not occur in the Old Testament, it

lost

IvdaXXopevoi

ko\

oveipcoTTOVTes,
vii.

must have been taken from some

Sext.

Emp.
ovk.

adv. Math.

((pavTacriat) ttoKlv
elcriv,

avro 8e
xi.

249 eWi ano vndpxovTOS pev to vndpxov IvddX122

o

apocryphal writing. Some writers indeed have supposed that Clement here, as he certainly does elsewhere
(e.g. 18, 26, 29,

XovTai

k.t.X.,

tov ttXovtov

32, 35, 39, 46,

50,

peytaTov dyaObv IvdaXXopevos, Clem. Alex. Protr. 10 (p. 81) xP V(T0V V

\160v
rj rj

52,

53,
is

and

k.t.X.),

just below toxv rjijei fusing several passages of

devdpov
rj

rj

irpaf-iv

rj

irdOos

the

Canonical Scriptures, such

i.

as
26,

voaov

cpofiov lv$dXXeo~6ai cos 6eov,

viii.

James

8,

2 Pet.

iii.

4,

Mark

iv.

Method. Symp.

2 ert ivdijpovo-ai

toIs aoopaaiv IvBaXXovrai Ta Qela. (The last two passages I owe to Jahn's

Matt. xxiv. 32 sq (Mark xiii. 28 sq, Luke xxi. 29 sq); but the resemblances though striking are not sufficient, and this explanation does not account for the facts already men-

Method.
'ivbdkpa

11. p. 51 collected before I

the others

saw

his note.)

had So

most frequently suggests the idea of an unreal, spectral, appearance, as Wisd. xvii. 3 IvbdXpaaiv i<~

Tapacro-opevoi, Clem. Horn. iv. 4 <i> ai/ TacrpaTa re yap Kai IvdaXpara iv pecry SV rj pipas Tin dyopa (paivecrdai noicov

tioned. The description 6 irpoqirjTiKos Xoyos and the form of the quotation 6 Xaos p.ov k.t.X., as given in the 2nd Epistle, show that it must have been

Tvdaav iKTrkrjTTei

Tr)v

ttoXlv,

Athenag.
Iv-

Sllppl. 27 al ovv akoyot avrai Ka\

8aXpaTco8eis ttjs ^vxfjs Kivrjaeis elbcoXopavels diroTiKTOvcn cpavTaaias, where

taken from some spurious prophetic book formed on the model of the Canonical prophecies. I would conjecture that it was Eldad and Modad, which was certainly known in the early Roman Church; see Herm. Vis.
ii.

he

is

speaking of false objects of worTaXaiTToopoi k.t.X.] The same pasis quoted also in the 2nd Epistle

3 iyyvs Kvpios roi? emo-Tpecpopevois, yiypaTVTai iv rco 'EASaS

TrpocprjTevcracrLv
/cat

ship.
2.

cos

McoSaS
too

to"ls

iv

rfj

iprjpco

sage ascribed to Clement (11), being there introduced by the words Xiyei yap ko.1
the quotation there is essentially the same, yet the variations which it presents
6 7rpo<pr)Tiic6s Xoyos.

a passage alleged by Hermas for the same purpose as our quotaXaa>,

Though

show

that

it

cannot have been de-

one who is sceptical about the approaching afflictions of On this apocryphal the last times. book see Fabricius Cod. Pseud. V.T. It may have been forged by 1. p. 801.
tion, to refute

XXIIl]
5 kai

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

8l

oyAeN hmIn toytoon cynBBhkn. CO ANIOHTOI, cymBaAT 6AYTOYC 2yAco- AaBT AMneAoN' npcoTON M6N c^YAAopoeT, ?TA BAACTOC riNTAI, ?TA cJWAAON, TA AN0OC, KAI M6TA
I

ayta omcJ)a2, e'ta ctac{)yah nApecTHKYT^.

A;
<rvn(3{(3T]Kei>

'OjOaTe, otl ev
C.
7 /cat

C.
if

irpCorov pev <pv\\opoeT\

/cat

AS; om.

pera

ravra] translated in S as

eZra, the

being omitted.
will

some Christian to sustain the courage of the brethren under persecution by the promise of the Lord's advent and, if so, the resemblances to the
;

be remembered that

this apo-

New Testament writings in this quotation are explained. Hilgenfeld suggests the Assumption of Moses (see the notes 17, 25) as the source of
this

cryphal prophecy is supposed to be delivered to the Israelites in the At all events we cannot wilderness. arbitrarily change eVi into ano with

Young and most subsequent

editors

quotation, but does not assign

for this

(Jacobson and Hilgenfeld are exceptions), for hit is read in both our MSS, both here and in ii. 11.
6.

any reason

view except his

ac-

Xdj3ere

apneXov

k.t.X. ^

The
iv.

own theory

that

Clement was

words strongly resemble Mark

26

quainted with that work.

ol 8iyj/vxoi k.t.X.]

Comp. James
ev

i.

dvr)p

dlyj/vxos

aKardcTTaTos

ndaais

sq (comp. Matt. xxiv. 32 sq, Mark xiii. See also 28 sq, Luke xxi. 29 sq). Epict. Diss. iii. 24. 86 cos o-vkov, <os
ara<fivXr], rrj
iii.

rats odols avrov.

Hermas

see the note

For the on

parallels in
11.

The

24. 91 to (pvXXoppoelv

conjecture in the last note is confirmed by the fact that Hermas gives

yiveo~6ai
rfjs

reraypivy a>pa rov erovs, /cat to laxdba dvrl avKov /cat da-Ta(pl8as e<

o-TacpvXrjs k.t.X. ,

M. Anton,

xi.

35

repeated warnings against Sn^u^ta and even speaks thereupon in the context of the passage referring to

op(pa, o-TacpvXij, crracpis, ndvra pera/3oXat ovk els to prj bv dXX' els to vvv
prj ov.

'Eldad and Modad.' For close semblances to this quotation see

Hi.

reVis.

(pvXXopoel]
8.

For the

orthography
6.

see the note on i^eplfacrev

TTapea-TrjKvIa]
'rifie';

bid tovs di^/vxovs tovs diaXoyi{opevovs ev toLs Kapblais avTcZv el apa

41

ovk earat, Mand. ix. 01 yap dtard^ovres els rbv Qebv ovroi elo-iv
ecrrai

ravra

r)

rj yap <pi6r) napeo-TrjKvla. phrastus Caus. Plant, vi. 7.

Exod. ix. So Theo5 7rapiora-

pevos

ol dlyj/vxoi k.t.X.
3.

and
2 Pet.
iii.

eio-Tapevos, of wine ripening going off (see Schneider's note).

/cat

ol

Xeyovres k.t.X.]
r)

Ka\ Xeyovres ILov eariv

irapova-ias avrov;
eKOiprjdrjo-av,
d(f)

f]s

enayyeXia rijs yap ol narepes

Similarly napaylveaBai is used, e.g. Herod, i. 193 wapayiverai 6 o~Itos.

The words
(da-TacpLs),

op(pa, ara(pvXr],

crTaCpls

ndvra ovtcos 8iapevei an

in
the time of. use the first

dpx^js KTLo~e<os. Ka\ eVi] 'also 4.

denote the sour, ripe, and see the dried grape respectively passages in the previous note, and add
;

Either

the

speakers

AnthoL
'Opart

in. p.

3, iv. p.

131 (ed. Jacobs).

person

r]Kovcrapev as identifying

them-

k.t.X.]

This

sentence

is

the Israelite people of past generations, or (as seems more

selves with

probable) eVt rcoi/ narepav must mean 'when our fathers were still alive', It i.e. 'in our childhood and youth.'

generally treated by the editors as part of the quotation, but I think this wrong for two reasons; (1) In the

2nd

is cited,

Epistle, where also the passage after aTaqpvXr) n-ape 0-7-/7 /cuta fol-

CLEM.

II.

82
KctiptZ
oltt

THE EPISTLE OF
oXiyco eU Treireipov
kcli

S.

CLEMENT
to

[xxiii

KaTavra

6 KctpTros tov v\ov.

/3of-

dXrjdeias tcl%v

e^aicpvrjs TeXeiiodricreTai
kcii

Xrj/uia

avTOv,

crvveinfJiapTVpovG'^

Ttjs

ypaiprjs

otl
eic
5

taxy "lei kai oy xpoNiei, kai |2ai'(J)nhc Hlei 6 Kfpioc TON NAON AYTOY, KAI 6 ApOC ON fweiC TTpOCAOKAT.

XXIV.
67riSeiKVVTai
ea'ea'daL,
rj$

KaTavor'}<ra)/uiev, dya7rr]Toi, 7ro)s 6 Sea"7roTrj^

Si^yeKws
ty\v

tjjuFi/

7771/

fxeXXovorav

dvaaTaciv

dirap-^v 7roir]craTO tov Kvpiov 'Irjcovv

iScojULev,

XpLCTTOV K veKpcov dvacTTrjcras.

dyct7rr}TOi, ty\v
kcli

Kara
i
'

Kaipov

yivo\xevr\v
A.
7

dvacrTao~iv,
1 i^aLcpvrjs] e^e^vrja

tjjuLepa

vv
i$-ai<pi>r)s]

io

iriTreipov] ireiripov
'

A.

ecu% 1

A.

eTTL^elKwrai 5it)Vku)s
nobis perpetuo S.

rjfjuv]

A
10

(but eTndLKWTcu); 8it)Vk)S

i]fuv eirideiKwai
jjdr)

C; monstrat
9 Xptcrr^f]
S.

8 tt)v dirapxw]
/caret

AC

add.

S.

AS; om.
yLvofxevTjv]

C.

Kaipov]

Kara/ecu...

A;

in

omni tempore

AC;

add.

ijfjuv

S.
vvktSs,

11 Koifiarai...

i)/j.pa]

AC

S renders as

if it

had read
o^Vo)?

KOLixarai

[rts]

aviararaL

rj/xipas.

lows immediately the sentence

feat

the words opart k.t.X. not only not being quoted but being hardly compatible with the form
o Xaos ^iou k.t.X.
;

42 KaTaaTtjaco tovs enio-Konovs cites Is. lx. 17). This portion of Malachi's prophecy is
(e.g.

k.t.X.,

where he

quoted

of the context as there given

is

(2) opart

much less frequently in early Christian writers than we should have

an expression by which Clement himself elsewhere, after adducing a quotation or an example, enforces its
lesson; as
1.

expected.
first

On

the other

hand the

part of the same verse l8ov dnoOTeXXoo tov dyyeXov p,ov is quoted
i.

4, 12, 16, 41, 50.

els Treneipov] 'to

maturity'.
els is

The

construction KaravTav
in the

common

LXX and
raxv

N.T.; see also above

k.t.X.]

5.
4.

Matth. xi. 10, Mark 2, Luke vii. 27, and not seldom by the early fathers, by whom, following the evangelists, it is explained of John the Baptist. XXIV. 'All the works of the
Creator bear witness to the resurThe day arises from the grave of the night. The young and fruitful plant springs up from the
rection.

fjei

combinax. 37),

tion of

Is. xiii.

32 raxv epx^rai Kai ov

ii.

xpoviel (comp.

Hab.
1

3,

Heb.

and Mai.

iii.

kcu

ei-ai<pvr)s tjei

els

tov vaov avTov KvpLOs ov vpels ^relre koX 6 ayyeXos Trjs biaBrjKrjs ov vp.els
BekeTe.

decayed

seed'.

The

substitution of 6 dyios
is

for 6 ayyeXos k.t.X.

intentional, but

may have been much more pro-

The eloquent passage in Tertullian de Resicrr. Cam. 12, 13, where the same analogies are adduced, is probably founded on this passage of Clement (see above, I. p. 160). Compare also Theoph. ad Aut. i. 13, Tertull. Afiol. 34, Minuc. Fel. 48,
especially the passage of Theophilus,

bably an inadvertence of Clement, who quotes from memory largely but

loosely

and

is

terpretation

influenced by the inwhich he has in view

xxv]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
y\\mv

83
w/, dvivTaTai

dvdcTTaa-LV
n^xepa'
Y)

ZnAovviv*
aTreicriv,

KOL/udrai

r\

vv% eirepx^Tai, Ad(3to/uLv 6 (T7rOpOS 7T(jO KCLl TIVCL TpOTTOV yivETCtl ; KCtpTTOUS* elfiAGeN 6 crm'pooN Kal efiaAev ek Trju yfjv eKacrov tcou
rifiepa

TOVS

15 (TTrepiAaTwv,

driva Trecrovra
eiT
e'/c

eis ty\v yijv

r\

^rjpd Kal yvjuud

tt/s

OLaAverai.
irpovoias

tyjs

SiaXucretos
dvl(TTr}(Tiv

jueyaAeioTris
e'/c

tov $(T7roTOv
'

avrd, Kal

rod eVos

irAeiova

av^ei Kal eKCpepei Kapirov.

Ictofjieu

XXV.
20

to

irapd^o^ov

pevov ev

Toh dvaToAiKoh

yivotokois, tovtcttiu to?9 wepl

arj/ueTop,

to

avhraraL iifUpa] avlaraTcn i] rjfitpa C; avKXTarair]... A. After the H Tisch. thinks he sees part of a second h and would therefore read 77 rjfj.e'pa. Having more than once inspected this MS, I could only discern a stroke which might as well belong to a m as to an h ; and the parallelism of the clauses suggests the omission of the
article.

15 frpa

/cat

yvixva]

AC

frpto S.

which has many points

with Clement.
8.
ttjv

in

common
xv.

quoted by Wetstein on 1 Cor. 1. c, and Methodius in Epiphan. Haer.

lxiv.

dnapxrjv]
eytfyepTcu
;

Cor.

20

44

(p.

570) Ka.Tdp.a9e yap

to.

o-nep-

Xpicrros
is

tQ>v K(Koipvqp.V(i>v

ve<pa>v anap^r) comp. ver. 23. It

ex

p,ara

ncos

yvp.vd Kal aaapKa /3dXXerat

i

els ttjv yfjv k.t.X.

evident from what follows that

this 15th
(

16. bia\veTaL\

rot\

Comp. Theoph.
dnodvrjaKei

Clement has mind.

IO.

chapter in his
at
its
I

ad Aut.
Kal \i>Tai.

i.

13

npatTov

Kara

<aipov]

season '.

In

my first edition
'

proper adopted

from
24.

This analogy is derived Cor. xv. 36; comp. John xii.

as in Ephes.

the reading Kara Kaipovs, 'at each recurring season ; as in the parallel

18. avgei] Intransitive,

ii.

21, Col.

ii.

19.

It is

treated how-

passage Theoph. ad Aut. i. 13 koto. Kaipovs 7rpo(pepovo~iv tovs Kapnovs, but in deference to the recently discovered
Kara
12.
^(OpLV
14.
is

ever as a transitive in the Syriac, avgei and eKqbepei have the same subject as dvLo-Trjcriv.

where

authorities,

now adopt
yj

ttaipov.

XXV. 'The phcenix is a still more marvellous symbol of the resurrection.

Aao>/ze*/]

So again

^a-

TO

(TCO/ia f}p.toV.

he

dies.

i^rfKBev k.t.X.]

The

After living five hundred years From his corpse the young

expression
iv. 3,

bird arises.

When
This

he

is

fledged and

borrowed from the Gospel narra;

tive

Matt.

xiii. 3,

Mark

Luke

strong, he carries his father's bones and lays them on the altar of the sun
at Heliopolis.
is

xiii. 5.

done

in

broad
:

15.

from
It

yvpiva\ See 1 Cor. xv. 36 sq, which this epithet is derived.

tion

denotes the absence of germinasee the rabbinical passages

:

and daylight before the eyes of all the priests, keeping count of the time, find that just five hundred
years have gone by'.

62

84
Tf]V

THE EPISTLE OF
lav. 'Apa/31

S.

CLEMENT
l

[xxv
'V

opveov
I

yap

ecrTiv
A.

Trpocrovo/ULa^eTai

6pveov] opvaiov

I.

tion

opveov K.r.X.] The earliest menof the phoenix is in Hesiod

not unfrequent.

Claudian devotes a
it.

whole poem

to

Another ascribed

(Fragm. 50 ed. Gaisf), who however speaks merely of its longevity. It is from Herodotus (ii. 73) that we first
hear the marvellous story of the burial of the parent bird by the offspring, as it was told him by the Egyptian priests, but he adds cautiously e/xol
jxev

to Lactantius {Corp. Poet. Lat. p. 1416 ed. Weber) also takes this same subject.

The

in

classical

references to the phoenix and other writers are

ov

mora

Xeyovres.

It

is

men-

collected by Henri chsen de Phoenicis fabula Havn. 1825. The main features of the account seem to have been very generally

tioned again by Antiphanes (Athen. xiv. p. 655 B) *v 'HXlov fiev (pacri yiyFrom the veadau noXei (poiviKas.

believed by the Romans.

(iii.

Thus Mela

8),

who seems

to

have flourished

in the reign of Claudius, repeats the

Greeks the story passed to the Romans. In B.C. 97 a learned senator Manilius (Plin. N. H. x. 2) discoursed at length on the phoenix, stating that the year in which he wrote was the
215th since
its last

marvellous story without any expression of misgiving. Pliny indeed declines to

pronounce whether

it
5

is

true or not ('haud scio an fabulose ); but Tacitus says no doubt is enter-

was the
subject.

first

Roman who

appearance. He took up the

close of the reign of 36 according to Pliny (following Cornelius Valerianus) and Dion Cassius (lviii. 27), but A.D. 34 as Tacitus reports the date the marvellous bird was said to have

Tiberius

A.D.

At the

tained of the existence of such a bird, though the account is in some points uncertain or exaggerated. Again
./Elian (Hist. An. vi. 58), who lived in Hadrian's reign, alleges the phoenix

as an instance of the superiority of brute instinct over human reason, when a bird can thus reckon the time

reappeared in Egypt. The truth of the statement however was questioned by some, as less than 250
years had elapsed since the reign of the third Ptolemy when it was seen

and discover the place without any guidance and somewhere about the same time or later Celsus (Origen c.
;

But the (Tac. Ann. vi. 28). report called forth many learned disquisitions from savants in Egypt both native and Greek. few years
last

Cels. iv. 98, I. p. 576), arguing against the Christians, brings it forward to show the greater piety of the lower

animals
Still

as

compared

with

man.

later (a.d. 47) the bird was actually exhibited in Rome ('in comitio propositus, quod actis testatum est,' are

Philostratus (Vit. ApolL iii. 49) mentions the account without recording any protest. I do not lay
later

any

stress

on such passing allusions

as Seneca's (Ep. Mor. 42 'Ille alter

Pliny's words) and may have been seen by Clement, but no one doubted that this was an imposture. The story of the phoenix of course has a place in Ovid's Metamorphoses (xv.

fortassetamquam phoenix semel anno quingentesimo nascitur'), or on descriptions in romance writers like Achilles Tatius (iii. 25), because no

392 Una est quae reparet seque ipsa reseminet ales' etc.), and allusions to it in Latin poets are naturally

argument can be founded on them. It thus appears that Clement is not more credulous than the most learned and intelligent heathen wri-

xxv]
ters of the

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
preceding and following
Rec.
is
I.

8*

p. 99),

the 'profectio phoenicis'

Indeed he may have generations. thought that he had higher sanction

than the testimony of profane authors. Tertullian (de Resurr. Cam. 10) took Ps. xcii. 12 diKdLos as (poivi^ dvOijcrei
to refer to this prodigy of nature,

mentioned in connexion with the exodus, and it seems probable that the writer borrowed the incident from Ezekiel's poem and used it in a simi-

and

Clement may possibly have done the Even Job xxix. 18 is translated by several recent critics, 'With my nest shall I die and like the
same.
phcenix lengthen

The appearance of the way. phcenix would serve a double purpose; (1) It would mark the epoch; (2) It would betoken the homage paid
lar

by heathen religion to the true God and to the chosen people for Alex:

my
53

days' (comp.
rjv
/xt)

Lucian Hermot.
err]

(poivacos

following some rabbinical authorities but even if

fiiaxTj]),

therein

andrian Jews sought to give expression to this last idea in diverse ways, through Sibylline oracles, Orphic

be the correct rendering, the LXX version, through which alone it would be known to Clement, gives a different
this

sense to the words,

(xei

77

rJAtKi'a

pov

yrjpd-

(ocnrep

crreXe^o?

(polvi<os,

irokvv

poems, and the like and the attendance of the sacred phcenix on the departing host would not be the least eloquent form of symbolizing this homage in the case of Egypt. But this Ezekiel, though he coloured the
;

Xpdvov

fiia>cra>.

The passage

of Job

xxix. 18, in relation to the phcenix, is the subject of a paper by Merx in

his Archiv. f. Wiss. Forsch. d. Alt. Test. II. p. 104 sq (1871).

At all events, even before the Christian era the story had been adopted by Jewish writers. In a poem on the

incident and applied it to his own purpose, appears not to have invented it. According to Egyptian chronology the departure of the Israelites was coincident or nearly coincident with an appearance of a phcenix (i. e. with the beginning of a phcenix-

Exodus written by one Ezekiel, probably an Alexandrian Jew in the 2nd or 3rd century B.C. (see Ewald Gesch.
IV. p. 297), the phcenix, the sacred bird of Egypt, is represented as appearing to the Israelite host (see the

Tacitus {Ann. vi. 28) says period). that a phcenix had appeared in the
If this were the reign of Amasis. earlier Amosis of the 17th or 18th dynasty and not the later Amosis of

the

26th dynasty
ii.

Herod,

passage quoted by Alexander Polyhistor in Euseb. Praep. Evang. ix.

29, p. 446).

Though

the

name
;

is

not

mentioned, there can be no doubt that the phcenix is intended for the description accords with those of Herodotus, Manilius (in Pliny), and Mela, and was doubtless taken from some Egyptian painting such as Herodotus saw and such as may be seen on the monuments to the present day (see Wilkinson's Anc. Egypt. 2nd ser. I. p. 304, Rawlinson's Herod. II. In the Assumption of Moses p. 122). too, if the reading be correct (see Hilgenfeld Nov. Test, extra Can.

were consicide; dered by some authorities (whether rightly or wrongly, it is unnecessary here to enquire) to have left Egypt
in the reign of this sovereign;
e.g.

(the 172), the time for the Israelites

Amasis of
would coin-

by Ptolemy the

priest

of

Mendes

(Apion in Tatian ad Graec. 38 and Clem. Alex. Strom, i. 21, p. ^y8) and by Julius Africanus (Routh's Ret. Sacr.

For rabbinical references the phcenix, which seem to be numerous, see Buxtorf Lex. Rab. s. v. ?in, Lewysohn Zoologie des Talmuds
II.

p. 256).

to

p.
II.

352 sq
p.

comp. Henrichsen

1.

c.

19.

The
too

reference in a later
Sid.
viii.

Sibylline

(Orac.

139

86

THE EPISTLE OF
was
from

S.

CLEMENT
noWcov marcou
it
(

[xxv
re nai cnvLcmcv.
Vit.

otclv (polviKos itrekdtj Trevraxpovoio)

atyiKTai

probably derived Jewish poem.

an

earlier

On the other hand Euseb.

iv.

Const.

72) gives

merely as a report,

is

the mere fact that the phoenix mentioned in the Assnmptio7i of Moses affords no presumption (as Hilgenfeld supposes) that Clement was acquainted with that work; for the story was well known to Jewish In the manner and purpose writers. of its mention (as I interpret it) the Assumption presents no coincidence

Thus

Greg. Naz. {Orat. xxxi. 10, 1. p. 562 d) says cautiously el ra> mo-ros 6 \6yos, and Augustine de Anim. iv.

33 (20) (x. p. 404.) uses similar language, 'Si tamen ut creditur'; while Photius {Bibl. 126) places side by side the resurrection of the phoenix and the existence of lands beyond the Atlantic ( 20) as statements in

with

Clement's

Epistle.

The

pas-

Clement
taken.
tic

sage in the Assumption of Moses is discussed by Ronsch in HilgenWissensch. Theol. feld's Zeitschr. Ronsch takes xvil. p. 553 sq, 1874.

to which exception may be Other less important patrisreferences will be found in Suicer's
s.v. (f>olvi.

Thes.
It

is
its

now known

that the story

the reading profectio Phoenices, and explains it of the 'migration from

Phoenicia',
i.e.

owes
my.
is

origin to the symbolic

and

pictorial representations of astrono-

Canaan, into Egypt

under Jacob.
fynicis to
it

And

others also take

mean

Phoenicia, explaining

The appearance of the phoenix the recurrence of some prominent astronomical phenomenon which
marked the
close of a period. Even Manilius (Plin. N. H. x. 2) had half seen the truth; for he stated 'cum

however

in different

ways.

See

Hilgenfeld's note to Mos. Assumpt. In this way the phoenix enp. 130.
tirely

Of subsequent Tertullian, as we

disappears from the passage. Christian fathers,

saw, accepted the

hujus anni

alitis
fieri

vita

magni conversionem

iterumque significationes tempestatum et siderum easdem reverti'.

story without misgiving. As Theophilus of Antioch {ad Aut. i. 13) fol-

For

the

speculations

of

lows Clement's analogies for the

re-

Egyptologers and others phoenix period see Larcher

on

the

Mem.
1.

de

surrection up to a certain point, but omits all mention of the phoenix,

I

VAcad. des Inscriptions

sq
p.
(

etc.

p.

166

81

),

Lepsius Chronol.

d.

infer that his

knowledge of Egypii.

180 sq,
iv.
p.

Uhlemann Handb.

Aegypt. d. Ae-

tian antiquities (see

6,

iii.

20 sq)

gypt. Alterthumsk.
sq,

saved him from the

error.

For the
fact to

same

reason, as

we may
{c.

conjecture,

Origen also considers the

very questionable
p.

be
I.

III. p. 39 sq, 79 226 sq, Poole Horae Aegyptiacae p. 39 sq, Ideler Handb. der Chron. I. p. 183 sq, Creuzer Symb. u.

Cels. iv. 98,

576).

But

for the

most part
xviii. 8),
I.

it

Mythol. II. p. 163 sq, Brugsch Aegyptische Studien in Zeitschr. d. Deutsch.

was believed by Christian

S. Cyril of

writers.

Morgenl. Gesellsch. x.

p.

250 sq (1856),

Jerusalem {Cat.

Geogt'aph. Inschrift. der Altaegypt.

Ambrose
172),

(see the quotations,

167,

Denkmaler
f.

I.

p.

258 (1857), Wiedein Zeitschr.

Rufinus {Symb. Apost. 1 1, p. j^), and others, argue from the story of the phoenix without a shadow of misIn Apost. Const, v. 7 it is giving. urged against the heathen, as a fact which they themselves attest and
;

mann Die Phoenix- Sage

Aegyptische Sp7'ache etc. XVI. p. 89 sq (1878), Lauth Die Phoefiix-Periode 1880 (a separate issue of a paper in Abhandl. d. Bayer. Akad. der Wiss.).

The
mass

Epiphanius {Ancor. 84) says ds

aKorjv

actual bird, around which this of symbolism and of fiction has

xxv]
(boTvi^'

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
tovto
fJLOvoyeves virap-^ov
I

87
TrevTciKocria*

^fj

btt]

/xovoyeves] fiovoyevr/a

A.

gathered, bears the name be?mu in the Egyptian language and appears to be the ardea cinerea (or purpurea),

found on coins and medals of the

Roman
Piper
p.

emperors (for instances see 449) to denote immortality

a bird of passage
I.e. p.

see

Wiedemann

104.

Thus the phoenix was a symbol from the very beginning. Horapollo
says that in the hieroglyphics this bird represented a soul, or an inundation, or a stranger paying a visit after long absence, or a restoration
after

or renovation, with the legend Saec. AVR., or AETERNITAS, or &I60N. It is significant that this use begins in the

time of Hadrian, the great patron

and imitator of Egyptian

I.

art.

of its kind, u?iique\ This epithet is applied to the phcenix also in Origen, Cyril, and
fiovoyeves]

'alone

a long period

{aizoKarao-rao-iv
i.

TTokvxpoviov), Hierogl.

The way was

34, 35, ii. 57. thus prepared for the

Apost. Const, v. 7, and doubtless assisted the symbolism mentioned in

the last note.

The statement about

(petal

This Apoapplication of Clement. stolic father however confines the

the phcenix in Apost. Const.

yap

symbolism man. But

versified

to

the

resurrection

of

opveov tl novoyeves vtrap)(eiv k.t.A. is evidently founded on this passage of

later patristic writers di-

Clement;

comp.

e.g.

el

tolwv...8l

the application and took the phcenix also as a type of the Person of our Lord. The marvellous
birth

aXoyov opveov deiKwrai 77 dvacrraens Clement's language in k.t.X. with So also in Latin it is 'unica', 26.

and the unique existence of

this bird, as represented in the myth, were admirably adapted to such a

symbolism and accordingly it is so taken in Epiphan. (I.e.), Rufinus (I.e.), and others; see especially an un:

'semper unica', Mela iii. 9, Ovid Am. 6. 54, Lactant. Phoen. 31, Claudian Thus Milton Laud. Siil. ii. 417. Sa?nson Agonistes 1699 speaks of
ii.

'that

self-begotten

bird... That

no

known but apparently very

author in Spicil. Solesm.
III.

ancient
p. 345.

second knows nor third,' and again Paradise Lostv. 272 'A phcenix gaz'd

by

all,

as that sole bird,

When

to

of these writers press the parallel so far as to state that the phcenix The fact arises after three days. that a reputed appearance of the

Some

enshrine his reliques in the Sun's Bright temple to ^Egyptian Thebes he flies'. Why does Milton despatch his bird to Thebes rather than Heliopolis
err}
?

phcenix was nearly coincident with the year of the Passion and Resurrection (see above, p. 84) may have At a later assisted this application. date the Monophysites alleged the phcenix as an argument in favour of
their

TrevraKocria]

The

longevity of
stated.

the

phcenix

is
it

Hesiod gives
generations of

(9x4x3x9 =
;

differently

men

N. H.

x. 2)

509 years

) 972 Manilius (Plin. Solinus {Polyh.

peculiar doctrines (see Piper Mythol. u. Symbol, der ChristL Kunst.

I.

36) 540 years ; authorities mentioned in Tacitus 146 1 years, which is the

1, p.

454).

For the representations

of

the

phcenix in early Christian art see Piper I.e. p. 456 sq. Before it appears as a Christian symbol, it is

length of the Sothic period Martial 7), Claudian, Lactantius, and (v. others, 1000 years; Chaeremon (in
;

Tzetzes

C/iil.

v.

6.

395) 7006 years.

But, says Tacitus,

'maxime vulgatum

88

THE EPISTLE OF
ij$r)

S.

CLEMENT
tov dirodavelv
Kai
(TfjLvpvris

[xxv
clvto,

yevo/uevov re
cty]kov

7rpos
e/c

diroXvcriv

eavTto

iroiei

Xifidvov

Kai

tcov

Xolttlcv

dpcofULctTcov,
kcli

eU

ov

7rXr]poo6evTOs
o-rjTro/uievris
e/c

tov
ty\<z

-^povov

eicrepxerai
arKLoXriP

reXevra.
o?

Se

crapKos
5

tls

yevvctTcti,

rf/s

iKfidhos tov T6T6-

XevTri kotos tyoov dvaTpecpo/mevos 7TT6po(pveT' eKeivov G"r}KOU vaios yevojuevos alpei tov

eiTa yevbirov
to,

6o~Ta tov
Siavvei

TrpoyeyovoTOs
Ttjs
'

eo~Tiv,

ano

'ApafiiKrjs

Kai tclvtcx (iacTTai^tov X^9 a ^ W9 T^ 9 AlyvwTOV

*

eU

ty]v

Xeyo/uLvr]v

HXiov7roXiv

kcli

ij/uiepas,

(SXeirov- 10

tiov wdvTcov, 7ri7rra? eirl

1

tov tov
AC
;

yiXlov fito/uiov TiQr\ariv

sitae S.

re]

5e

CS.
S.

3 tov xpovov]
5e]

add. vitae

4 reXevra]

AC

add. in

Mo

AS

re C.
illic.

5 yevvarai]
5s]

eyyevdrai CS,
rere7 o-r]Kbv

the latter translating nascitur in ea

\evTr)KOTOS~\ reXevTrjKOTOo-

AC
see

otrrts
I.

(apparently) S.
126.

A;

TeXevTrjaavTos

C;

p.

eKeivov]

AC;

S adds

nmn

]D

= KVK\6dev

avrov).

8 petard fav] ^acTa^ov

quingentorum spatium'; and this is adopted by almost all the Christian fathers together with most heathen
writers;
I.

found in the smouldering ashes e.g. Artemid. Oneirocr. iv. 47 avrbs eavra
;

of the latter see a

p. 180.
'

list

in

Lepsius Chron.
7

ck Kao~ias re Kai apvpvrjs Trvpav aivoOvrjCTKeL' Kavdeicrrjs 8e rfjs 7rvpas pera. xpovov e\ rfjs o~7ro8ov crKwXrjKa
Troirjo-afievos

tov aTvoBavelv avro] SO that it should die, explaining the preceding

yevofxevov npbs dnoXvo-cv 'at the eve of
y

yevvao-Qai Xeyovaiv k.t.X.

tial v. 7).

(comp. Marobserve the different stages in the growth of

It is interesting to

its

dissolution';

comp.
to

eocrre

itrCkaOicrOaL

rjp.as.

46 e px6[xeSa This con-

struction

seems

me

preferable to

the story, as follows; (1) The lon(2) The engevity alone (Hesiod) tombment and burial of the parent
;

connecting avro with what follows,

as in the Syriac version for in this case I should expect that avro eavra
;

by the offspring (Herodotus)

(3)

The

miraculous birth of the offspring from the remains of the parent (Manilius)
;

would stand

in juxtaposition, as e.g.
i.

(4)

The

three days' interval

Rom.
5.

viii.

23, 2 Cor.
is

9.

between the death of the parent and

o-kc6\t] tis

yevvarai] This

mode

resuscitation of the offspring (Epi-

not mentioned by Herodotus (ii. 73) but it formed part of the story as related by Manilius to the Romans and is frequently mentioned by subsequent writers. To this account is sometimes added the incident that the parent bird lights its own pyre and that the worm is
of reproduction
;

phanius).
6.

yewaios] ''strong, lusty J as e.g.

vii.

p. 228 R laxvpol en It correra acopara. sponds to Ovid's 'Quum dedit huic aetas vires'.

Dion Chrys.

vioi Kai yevvaloi

9.

dtavvei]

''makes its

way\
e.g.

fre-

quently used absolutely,

Polyb.

xxvi]
clvtcl,
kcli

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
ovtws eU tovttlo'w dcpop/ua.
tcls
01

89
ovv lepeis
kcll

67ri(rK7rTOVTai

dvaypacpas twv y^povwv

evpicr-

KOVG"lV CLVTOV 7T6UTaKO(TLO(TTOV 6TOVS TreTrXtipwfjLevov e\t]15

\v6evai.

XXVI.
el

Meya

kcli

dav/uao'TOV ovv

vo/ULL^o/uev

elvai,

Sri/uiovpyds

twv dwavTwv dvaGTaviv

$1

iroLr\creTai

twv
20 Xelov

6criws

avTw SovXevaravTwv
kcli

ev 7T7roi6ri(ri 7ri<TTews
r\\xiv

dyadrjs,

ottov

opveov

he'iKvvcriv

to /ueya-

Ttjs

ewayyeXias
M
KAI

elANACTHCeiC
KAI
A.
12

avTOv ; XeyeL yap irov Kai elOMO AO TH C OM Al COT KAI 6KOIMH0HN

6M0Y
S.
G?.

YHNOOCA,
9

6lHrep0HN, OTI CY M6T

C;
diavevet.

KCLL

WCXXlV
A;

duxvijet,]

A; migrat volans

n
;

tt&vtojv]

awavrwv C.
tepets]

e7rt7rras]

AS; om.

C, doubtless owing to the following hrl.

C.

add. ol tt)s MytiirTov S. 14 ireirXrjpoju^vov] AS irXrjpovufrov ueyaXelov] ueyaXiov A. 19 opviov 5eiKVvaii>] opvcuov 8lkvv<tlv A. 22 i^rjy^pdrjv] A; /cat e^-qyipd^v CS. 20 e7ra77e\ias] eirayyeXeLaa A.

AC;

iii.

56.

(cwrd),

iv.

70. 5 (),

ii.

54.

same combination
17-

of

epithets

see

occurs above, 20. The reading of A, diavevei, is out of place, for it could only mean 'turns aside', i.e. for the purpose of avoiding. Several instances of the confusion of hiavvuv and biavevetv by transcribers
(7rpoy).

The word

536 dr]p.iovpybs /c.r.X.]

20.

On

this Platonic
II.

See above phrase compp. 39, 91. in the coni

:

pare Jahn Methodius

18.

iv TVnot.6rj(Ti k.t.X.]

are given

by Jahn Methodius
'

11.

p.

fidence which comp. Ephes.

ttjs

co?nes of honest faith' iii. 12 iv 7T7roi6i]o-i did

no.
13.

nicrreas

avTov,

and below
10,

35

ras dvay pachas] 'the public re;

cords''

AlyvffTiwv di
ixui/

comp. Tatian ad Graec. 38 elcriv at eV dicpiftes XP~ For the Egyptian dvaypacpai.
i.

iv 7T7roidr](Tei. The ris dyaOr) occurs Tit. ii.

TricrTis

phrase nla-

where
'fi-

however
delity.'
19.

tt'lcttls

seems

to

mean

dvaypacpal see also Diod. Sic.

xvi.

44, 69,

to ueyaXelov] 'the greatness*

32, 49.
i.

Joseph, c. Ap. i. 6 sq. The recently discovered register of the epiphanies of the bulls Apis is a par51,
allel instance of such chronological records; see Bunsen's Egypt I. p. 62

comp.

Luke

49

(v.l.),

occurs Acts ii. 11, and several times in

It

the lxx.

from Ps.
p,cu

20. Xiyei yap nov] Taken apparently xxviii. 7 kcu dveOciXev rj crdp

(2nd

ed.).

p.ov kcu K deXrjuaros

XXVI. 'Is it then strange that God should raise the faithful, when He has given this marvellous sign? To such a resurrection we have the
testimony of the Scriptures'.
16.

avTco

(comp. Ps.
5
C

uov i^opoXoyrjcrolxxxvii. 11).

21.

iKoi.urj9r)v k.t.X.]

A confusion of
kcu virvcacra,

Ps.

iii.

iKOLurjOrjv

i%T)yip6r\v otl

Meya

kcu

davp-avrbv]

For the

Kvpios dvTiXrj^/crai uov, and Ps. xxiii. 4 ov (poj3rjdi]o-ouai kcikci otl crv utT iuov et.

90

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

fxxvi

Xeyer Kai anacthcgic thn capka moy taythn thn ANANTAHCACAN TAYTA TTANTA.
/co/3

>

XXVII.
at yjyv^ai
StKatct)

TavTt]

ovv

Trj

iXiridi

irpoo'heZeo'dcoo'av

r\fj.tov

tw

7tl(Ttw ev Tafc eirayyeXiais Kai Tip

ev to?s KpifJiaaiv.

napayyetXas
\lsevcrao~6at,
i\\xiv>

/urj

yjsevfiecrdai 5

7roXXco nxaXXov avTOS ov yj^evo'eTat*

ovhev

yap dhvvadva^coirvpr}-

tov irapd
craTto

tco

Qeio,
it'ictis

el

/urj

to

ovv n

avTOv ev

Kai

voY]trco\iev

oti

iravTa iyyus oijtw ecTTiv,

ev Xoycp Trjs /ueyaXcocrvvrj^

10

avTOv crvvea'TrjcaTO Ta iravTa, Kai ev Xoycp CvvaTat

avTa KaTacTTpeyjsat.
ANTICTHC6TAI
i

Tic epei

ay'tot

ti

enoiHCAc; h tic

TO)

KpATCI

THC ICXYOC AYTOY;

i

OTe BeXet Kai

C
;

adpKa] aapnav A.

avavTX-^vaaav]

avrkfjcracrav

toleravit

(avcLTXrjcraaav}) S.

3 irpo<xbeM<idw<xav]
t<

A; om. C; dub. S. 7 t] A; om. C;

10
to.

dimly]

A;

see above, 21.

;

4 ev] Trpoadex&duaav C. oiKa'up (om. ry) C, and so apparently S. to] A, and so apparently S; om. C.
;

AS

iravra]

A, and so probably S
C. 16

iravra C.
wotrjaetv A.

13

Troirjaei]

AS

Troirjacu

C.

15 01] accidentally omits

peojfAa k.t.X.]

A; om.

iroirjffiv]

x L P& v ] ACS; Bryennios

x eL P^v recording the reading of C (p. 51). 17 rb areruns to GTepkwp.a' Kai aKovovrai al <f>uval iravTwv (IXeTrofie'vwv Kai The omissions here are not aKovo/xe'vuv' (po^TjOQ/xev k.t.X., omitting many words.

I.

'Iw/3 Aeyet]

From LXX Job

xix.

XXVII.
fast to

'Let us therefore cling

26 dvacrTTJaei 8e pov to acopa to avavtXovv TavTa as read in A, but KB have dpao-rrjaai to Sippa piov to dvavrXovv (or
avrXovv) ravra. The Hebrew original For the conis different from either.

is able to perform. To His power no bounds are set. To His eye and His mind all things are open. The

He He

God. cannot lie.

He

has promised, and Whatsoever He wills,

fusion of dvaTXr)o~ai and dvavrXijo-ai in this passage of Job and in Prov.

ix.

heavens declare His glorious works'. t( 7rioTa) k.t.X.] Comp. Heb. x. 4.

23 niCTTos yap
xi.

12 see Schleusner Lex. Vet. Test.

eirayyeCkapevos,

and

s.v. dvavTXeco,

Field Orig. Hexapl.

II.

II.

p.

It may be a question what 36. reading the Syriac translator had here, but the same word ?2D is used elsewhere (e.g. Eus. H. E. viii. 14) to render dvarXavTes; see Payne Smith

6. ovbev yap dbvvaTOv k.t.X.] Compare Heb. vi. 18 iv oh ddvvaTov yj/evaaaOai [tov] Qeov, with Matt. xix. 26

(Mark
7.

x.

27)

see also Tit.

i.

2.

dvafaTrvprjo-ciTco] Intransitive;
1.

Thes. Syr.

s.

v.

the note on Ign. Efthes.

text

The

see con-

Harnack

refers to the discussion

of this passage of Quellen z. Gesch.

p. 158.

Clement
d.

in Caspari
III.

seems to suggest that 77 ttio-tls avTov should be rendered 'His faithfulness', as in

Tan/symbols

Rom.

iii.

3; see Gala-

tians

p. 155.

xxvm]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
7roirj(ri

91
7rap6\6rj
evtoTriov
el

ok

OeAei

Trdvra,
vtt

kcli

ovhev

fit]

twv

Sedoy/uaTicr/ueucoi/
15 eicriv,
kclI

avTOv.

iravTa

avTOv
Oi oy-

ovSev

\e\rjdev ty\v (SovXriv clvtov,

pANOi

AmroyNTAi

AoIan

OeoY,

ttoihcin

Ae

x l

P^

aytoy

ANArr^AAei to CTepeoaMA" h HMepA th HMepA epeyreTAi pHMA,

kai

uyl nykti ANArreAAei tn^cin* kai oyk eiciN Aoroi oyAe

oyX
1

AaAiai', (Ln

akoyontai
fldurcou

ai

(Jxjona'i

aytgon.
kcli

20

XXVIII.

ovv
kccl

(SXeirofJievcov

dKOVOfie-

vtov, (po^t]6cofjiev

avTOv
iva

aTToXeLTrcofJiev <pav\u)v

epycov

fjiiapds

67ri6uiuiias,

tco

i\eei

avrov
7rou

CKeiracrditifJLev

a7r6

tcov

fieXKovrcdv

KpLfJidrcov.

yap

tis
I.

r\\x(av

p. 128). altogether explained by the practice of abridging quotations (see In the previous 18 dvayyAXet] A; avayyeXe? S (with Hebr. and LXX A); def. C. line S has the present (dyayyeXXet). 18, 19 \6yoi, XaXiai] S transposes these

words, as in the LXX.

19 ai cpuval]

The

text of

is

perhaps corrupt here.

As

it

stands, the translator

it is

would appear

to

have had tcus

(puvcus &s?p2, instead of

N?p, unless
12 (tuapas]

a very loose paraphrase.

a-repiio/xa k.t.X.).

20 odv]

re (JVD)

om.

(see the note

on rb
;

21 airoXelirwfxev]

A;

aTroXlirwp.ev C.

Td)i>

C (see Bryennios Did. p. py'). 23 tQv /xeXXdvrod p.4XXovros Kpl/xaros (Tfljn &0"H) S. The variation cannot be explained by ribui here, and must have been deliberate see also 21.
/3Xa/3epas
;

AS

Kpi/A&Tuv]

AC

9. eyyus avrco] So Ign. Efthes. 15 ovdev \av6avi tov Kvpiov, dXXd kq.1 to.

that The heavens etc?

The

el is

no

KpvrrTa

rjtioiv

iyyvs avrco eariv, which

is

perhaps a reminiscence of this passage: compare 21 above.

iv
(ov

So treated part of the quotation. the passage presents no difficulty; and the corrections proposed (e.g.
the omission of
ft,

or the reading kcu

Xoyw

k.t.X.]
r<5

See Heb.
prjpaTi
ix.

i.

3 (pip-

ra navTa

rfjs
1.

8vvdp,<os

avrov: comp. Wisd.

See the

Perhaps ovpavoi) are unnecessary. also the koI before ovk elo~\v should be excluded from the quotation in the
oi

introduction, I. p. 398, on the relation of Clement to the Logos doctrine.

11. Tts epe I
xii.

at
t<3

k.t.X.]

From Wisd.
rj

same way. The quotation is then word for word (except the interchange of Xoyot and XaXiai) from the LXX
Ps. xix.
19.
I

12 tls yap epel Tt tnoirjcras

Kpiparl
o~ov;

tis

3.

dvTKTTrjo-eTai

comp.
on

av...avTwv\ See above the note

Wisd. xi. 22 KpdreL (Spaxiovos o~ov ris avTia-T^aerai ; The expression to Kpdtos ttjs Icrxvos avrov occurs in Ephes.
i.

20.

XXVIII.
sees

'Therefore,
all

since

He

19, vi.

10.

The

icpaTos is

the iVyvs

things, let us forsake our vile deeds and take refuge in

and hears

exerted on
13.

some

object.

ovdev
v. 18.
rt

prj TrapiXOrj k.t.X.]

Comp.
'seeing

Matt.
15.

Of

ovpavoi

k.t.X.]

His mercy. We cannot escape His powerful arm; neither in the height of heaven nor in the abyss of ocean nor in the farthest parts of the earth'.

92

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

[xxvin

hvvaTai (pvyeiv cltto rfjs KpaTaias %eLpos avrov ; 7ro?os Se koct/ulos SePeTai Tiva tcov avTO/uoXovvrcop air avTOv ;
\eyL yap irov to ypacpelov fToy Achhiloo kai noy Kpygan anaBw eic ton oypABh'comai And toy npocconoy coy non, cy e? eKer ean AneASoo eic ta ccxata thc thc, eKei h
AellA

COy CAN KATACTpCOCOO

GIC

TAC AByCCOyC, 6K? TO nNeyMA

CS.
e/<et
rj

5 el e/ce?]
7 odv]

(with

LXX ABS);

eKei el

5ei<x crou]

AS

<ri>

e/cet el

C.

AC;

om. S.

aTroopdfffl]

A;

dirobpaaiQ (or a7ro5pa,cret)

S;

tls diroSpd-

2.

auro/ioXoi;vrG)i/]

See above,

Xi-

with the Prophets

see

Fiirst

Der

noraKTelv 21,

and the note on

6.
'

fiecre'p-

Kanon

rwp Ign. Polyc.

3.

to ypa<peioi/]

///

writing.''

S.

Clement here seems

to

adopt the

threefold division of the

Old Testa-

Testaments p. 10 scb P 55 sc Elsewhere he uses ypacpela more widely, Haer. xxvi. 12 (p. 94) aXXa p.vpla nap* avrols neTrkacrp.eva ypacpela comp. Deut. x. 4 (Aq.).
l;

des Allen

ment books which appears in Ecclus. in Philo (prol.), in S. Luke (xxiv. 44),
(de Vit. cont. 3,
II.

John Damascene likewise

Orthod.
iv.

(de Fid.

17,

1.

p.

284), following

p.

475), in Jose-

Epiphanius, describes the historical

to 2 Chronicles, as ra Ka\ovp.eva ypacpela napd ricri fie dyioypacpa. In the Classical language
(as also
'

phus

(c.

Aft.

i.

8),
is

and generally.

The
fiifiXia

books from Joshua

third division

called ra aXXa

and ra Xowra rav /3i/3XiW in Ecclus., x/mXpol in S. Luke, vfivoi in Philo and
Josephus.
translated
Its

LXX Job

xix.

24,

Hex.

Jer.

more general name

in

xvii. 1) ypacpelov is

not 'a writing' but

Hebrew was

D'QinD, 'the writings',

:

a pen.'

by ypacpela, sometimes by dyioypacpa comp. Epi(i.

sometimes

Uov acp^o)]
tion

very loose quota7

from Ps. cxxxix.

10,

where

phan. Haer. xxix. 7

p. 122)

ov yap

aTrrjyopevTai nap' avrols vop.o6ecria nal ra napa 'lovdaiois 7rpo(firJTai <a\ ypadpela

the slight variations of the principal MSS of the LXX do not affect the wide

Ka\ovp,eva, and again nap' avrois yap nas 6 vop.os ical oi 7rpo(p7jrai, Kal ra

ypacpela

Xeyopem
162)

k.t.X.,

Mens,

et

Pond.

(II.

p.
Ticri

ra K.a\ovp.eva ypacpela

divergences in Clement's quotation. Compare also the parallel passage in Amos ix. 2, 3, to which Clement's quotation presents some faint resemIt is important to observe blances.
that in using KaracrTpcocra),
'

Tvapd

the

In fie ayioypa(pa Xeyop.eua. of these passages however Epiphanius includes the historical
first

make my

couch,' Clement conforms to the original niT^X, where the LXX has xaTaficZ.

books among the ypacpela, and in the second he confines the term to them, placing the Psalms, Job, Proverbs, etc., in a separate section which he This does not calls ol o-tixip^s.
truly represent the Jewish tradition, in which 1, 2 Chronicles alone be-

This

is

the

more remarkable,

shows no knowledge of the Hebrew, and in the Psalms

as he elsewhere

generally quotes pretty accurately from the lxx. Whence then did he
get this that he

longed to the D'Oinn, while the historical books generally were ranged

word? We may conjecture was acquainted with one of the versions afterwards included by
Origen in his Hexapla.

The

5th

xxix]
coy.

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
ttoI

93

ovv Tt5 dire\Qr]

;

rj

irov diroopacr] diro

tov

tcl

TravTct efJLTrepie-fcovTOs

XXIX.
io xijs,

npoo-eAdcojuiev
kcli

ovv clvtco

ev

octlot^tl

\]sv-

dyvds

d/midvTOVs xelpas aipovTes irpos

eTrieiKrj
kcci

clvtov-,

dyonrwvTes tov
09

K\oyrjs

/uepos

evcnrXay^vov Trarepa ^/ucov Ovtco yap yeeiro'increv eavTw.

6

ypCLTTTai* "Otg AieMepizeN

crei

y^ictoc gOnh,
S.
r/yuas

cbc

AiecneipeN

C.

ret]

A
A.

om. C, and so probably

12 /m^pos]

g o$v]

AC

om.

S.

11

iTrteucT)~\ eirieixriv

A;

add.

CS.

01/Vw] ovtws C.

version

(e

in Origen) has crrpaija) or

len,

ad loc), and as this seems to have been the one found in an old cask either
Karaorpcoo-co (see Field's Hexaftl.

de Antid. ii. 7 (xiv. p. 145, ed. Kiihn) dAA' ocrias p.v x&pas is rjipa
1

Xafxirpbv delpas

on

at Jericho or Nicopolis (Euseb. 16, Epiphan. Mens, et Pond. 18, p. 174 ; see Hody de Bibl. Text. Orig.
vi.

HE.

(quoted by Wetstein The expression describes the attitude of the ancients (as of Orientals at the present day) when engaged in prayer, with ex-

Tim.

ii.

8).

etc. p. 587 sq), it may very well have been an ancient Jewish tradition prior Clem. Alex. to the age of Clement. Strom, iv. 22 (p. 625) quotes the passage nearly in the form which it has here (though substituting the lxx
Karafioi)

tended arms and uplifted palms. ( 12. eKkoyfjs p,epos k.t.A.] has made us His special portion] or rather ''has set aftart for Himself a special ftortion\
is

for KciTaorpcoo-a)),
it

and doubt-

In either case the eKkoyfjs p.epos the Christian people, the spiritual Israel, who under the new covenant

less derived

through the medium of the Roman Clement, so that he is not an independent authority. The verb d<pi]Keiv is not dcprj^a)] found in the LXX or N.T., and is

have taken the place of the chosen people under the old as 1 Pet. ii. 9
;

voxels be yevos ckXcktop, ftacriXeiov lepd-

revp-a, edvos dyiov,

k.t.A.

Xaos

els 7rpi7rolr)criv

See the notes on uapoiKovaa

riy uio-fxivois ( i).

word comp. Plato Resft. vii. p. 530 E, Antiphon in Bekker Anecd. p. 470 s.v. dcprjKovros. XXIX. Therefore let us approach Him in prayer with pure hearts and
altogether a rare
;
'

and

Thus

p,epos i<-

Xoyfjs here is

Xeypivoi vivo tov 50 (comp. 64).

fiipos iiikoyrjs
'

coextensive with ol inXetov Qeov did 'ir/crod Xpicr-

The words

are not to be translated

undefiled hands.
cial portion

We

are God's spe'.

and inheritance, of which the Scriptures speak once and again See on the liturgical character of
this

a portion of his elect' but 'a portion by election,' eKXoyfjs being a genitive of the same kind as in Acts
set apart
ix.

15 crKfvos inXoyrjs, Iren.

i.

6.

4 cmep-

portion
sq.

of

Clement's
the

Epistle
1.

p,ara eKXnyrjs.

The expression therefore

which
p.

follows,

introduction,

386

IO. dyvds k.t.A.] I Tim. ii. 8 eiraipovras oaiovs x e ^P as Athenag. Supftl. see 1 3 eiraipcofxep ocriovs xelpas avrco
i
;

also Heliodorus the tragedian in

Ga-

has no bearing on the question whether Clement was a Jewish or Gentile Christian. See the note on Xaos below. 13. "Ore dienepi&v k.t.A.] From the LXX Deut. xxxii. 8, 9, almost word for word.

94
YIOYC 'AAAM,
0eoy.

THE EPISTLE OF
IcTHCGN
OpiA

S.

CLEMENT
KATA Api0MON

[xxix

60NOON

ArreAooN

ereNHOH Mepic Kypi'oy Aaoc AyToy 'IakooB, cxoi'nicma Kcti ev KAHpoNOMiAc AyToy 'IcpAi-iA. eTepco T07T(o Xeyei' 'lAoy Kypioc AamBangi eAyTO) I0noc gk Mecoy e0NooN, cocnep
I

apidfibv] apidov

A.

iyevqdri]

AC

Kal

iyevTfjdr]

S with LXX.

I. Kara dpiBfibv k.tX] The idea conveyed by the LXX which Clement

and the
gear

The ends
;

error can be easily explained. of the lines have got out of

quotes

is that,

while the Gentile nato

7K"I^, which in the present text

tions were

committed

His

inferior

ministers, of Israel

God
:

retained the people

under His

own

special

guardianship comp. Dan. x. 13 sq, xii. I, but esp. Ecclus. xvii. 17 emoro)
edvet

occupies the end of ver. 8, has been displaced from its proper position at the end of ver. 9, and thrust out the original word DTDNn, which has thus

Karearrjaev

rjyovp.evou
'

Kal

pepls

Kvpiov 'io-parJX eariv, and Jubilees 15 (Ewald Jahrb. III. p. 10) Many are the nations and numerous the people, and all are His, and over all hath

The 'sons of God' are mentioned Job i. 6, ii. 1, xxxviii. 7, and in all places are translated (as it
disappeared.
appears,
p. 215.

correctly)

Qeov] in the

lxx

by ayyeXoi [rov see Gesen. Thes.

He

spirits as lords... but Israel did set no one to be

set

over
Lord,

He

neither angel nor

is

spirit,

but

He alone

their ruler

etc.',

See also Clem. Horn,

with the context. xviii. 4, Clem.

This conjecture is confirmed Samar. Pent, reads 'Israel' at the end of both verses, thus presenting an intermediate reading between the lxx and the present

by the

fact that the

Hebrew
131 (p.

text.

Justin Martyr Dial.

Recogn. ii. 42 (references which I should have overlooked but for HilClem. genfeld Apost. Vat. p. 65). Alex. Strom, vii. 2 (p. 832) uses the text to support his favourite idea that heathen philosophy is the handmaid
of revelation
Tois
;

360 b) refers to the difference

between the Hebrew and lxx texts; see also Origen hi Num. Horn, xxviii. 4 (11. p. 385), In Ezech. Horn, xiii
(in. p. 401). The reading of the Hebrew text is naturally adopted in

ovtos eariv 6 8i8oi>s

(ptkoaocpiav dia

ical

Clem.

Horn,

xviii.

4,

as

it

is

by

"E A X^ cri

Trjv

rac

v-

7ro8eaT6pa>v dyye\(ov' elal yap crvvdiavevep.r]fievoi npoara^ei Bela re kcll ap^aLa

Justin's Jewish opponents. The writer lived late enough to have got it from On one of the Judaizing versions.

ayyeXoi Kara eBvrj, aAX' 77 p.ep\s Kvpiov rj On the other bo^a Tav 7rio~Tv6vTQ)v. hand the present text of the Hebrew runs He set the boundaries of the na'

the other hand the lxx is quoted by Philo de Post. Ca. 25 (i. p. 241), de Plant. 14 (1. p. 338). have here the com2. Aaor]

We

tions according to the number of the sons of Israel (bttW "02 nSDD ?) ; for
1

mon

antithesis of Aaos- 'the chosen

Jehovah is His people, Jacob is the rod of His So too the Peshito and inheritance'. Targum of Onkelos. But it is difficult to get

(or 'while', "O) the portion of

and eOvrj 'the Gentiles'; as Luke ii. 32, Acts iv. 27, xxvi. e.g. By 17, 23, Rom. xv. 10, 11, etc. becoming the Xabs however the Ispeople',
raelites

do not cease

to
xi.

be called an
50),

any good sense out of this reading, and the parallelism of the verses is thus shattered. I can hardly doubt therefore that the LXX is right,

Wvos

(see esp. Joh.

but are

rather Wvos dyiov (as Exod. xix. 6, I Pet. ii. 9) or edvos k fieaov edvwv
(as below)
:

so Justin Dial. 24

(p.

242)

xxx]
5

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

95
aACO, KAI le-

AAMBANei ANGpCOTTOC THN ATTApXHN AYTOY THC AeyceTAi K toy IOnoyc eKeiNoy a|~ia ahoon.

XXX.
0,71a ovv fieph

'Ayiov ovv
oy AfiOYN
dyia ovv
(the
fxiprj

fjipU virap-fcovres

7roiri(ra)/uiv tcl

7 'Ayiov ovv]

OY above
C.

the line being written

p.

prima tnanu) A;

See

I.

143.

Iva yevrjrai edvos diKaiov,

(ra>v tvia-Tiv

\abs (pvXao--

xxvi. 2). All such titles, referring primarily to the Israel after the flesh, are transferred by-

(from

Is.

14 ftovvai ras dirap^as Kvpiov Kai ra dyia tcov ay lav, Ezek. xlviii. 12 earai avrols rj airapxf) debopivrj eK tcov airap"X&V rfjs yrjs, ayiov dyioiv anb rcov opicov k.tX. with the context ; but in all these

Clement, following the Apostolic writers, to

the Israel after the spirit; see

above the notes on

64

els

and comp. below Xabv nepiovaiov, and especially

1
,

fruits' is different.

I call atJustin Dial. 119 (p. 347). tention to this, because Hilgenfeld (Zeitschr. f. Wissensch. Theol. 1858,

passages the reference of the 'firstAs Clement's quotations elsewhere are so free (e.g. 18, 26, 32, 35, 39, etc.), he may only

and here) distinguishes the \a6s of the first passage and the i'dvos
p.

585,

to the Jewish
respectively.

of the second, as though they referred and Gentile Christians

have combined these passages and but applied them from memory the alternative remains that he is quoting from some apocryphal writing, such as the spurious or interpolated Ezekiel quoted above (see the
;

Of such a

distinction
;

the context gives no indication and the interpretation moreover supposes

that Clement departs from the obvious meaning of the passages incorporated in the second quotation,

notes 8, 13, 17, 23, 46). The dyia dyieov are the specially consecrated things, the offerings or first-fruits, as
in the passages just

quoted
xlii.

see also

Lev.

xxi. 22,
is

Ezek.

13.

The

ex-

pression

where the original reference of e'Ovos is plainly to the Israelites. See the note on iKkoyrjs p,ipos above. a-xoivia-fia] 'a portion measured out by a line' (see the note on Kavcov, 7), a common word in the lxx
exactly representing the Hebrew b^n. 'idov Kvpios k.t.A.] combina4. tion of several passages Deut. iv. 34

applied here either to the people of God themselves, or to their spiritual oblations (see below, 40,
44)-

XXX.
the
selves
defile
;

Holy One,
;

Therefore, as the portion of let us be holy ourlet us lay aside all sins which let us shun pride and ensue

'

el

irreipaa-ev

eavrco edvos e<

/x<u k.t.X.,

Qebs elaeXOcov Xaftelv peaov edvovs iv 7reipacrxiv. 2 Kai

o~ov
o~e

let us be on our guard against ; slander and backbiting ; let us seek not our own praise, but the praise of

peace

Deut.

i^eXi^aro

Kvpios 6 Geo?
k.t.X.

yevicrBai

ae \abv

avrco 7repiovo~iov cnrb ndvTcov rcov idvatv

(comp.

vii. 6).

Self-will is accursed in His but His blessing rests on the gentle and lowly-minded'. 7. 'Ayi'ou ovv pepls] i.e. 'As the special portion of a Holy God'

God.

sight

coairep

Xapftdvei

k.t.X.]

The

pas-

comp.
aavra
ndarj

Pet.

sages most nearly resembling this are, Num. xviii. 27 Xoyio-Qrjo-eTai vp.lv ra cKpaipepara vp.cov cos eriroe cnro aXco Kai dcpaipepa dnb Xrjvov, 2 Chron. xxxi.

vpcis

15 sq Kara top KaXeayiov ko\ avrol ayioi iv

i.

dvao~rpo(pfi
xi.

yevf]6r\re,
"

diori

ye-

ypanrai (Lev.
iya> ayios-

On

44) Ay 101 eaeaOe on the liturgical charac-

96

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

[xxx
/uiapds re

tov dyiaa/uov wavTa, (pevyovres KaraAaAids,

Kai

dvayvovs cru/unrAoKas, fiedas

Oedc

re

Kai

vecoTepicr/Liovs

Kai fiSeAvKTas imBu/uias, fjivo'epdv fjioi^eiavy /3SeAvKTriv

V7reprj(paviav.
tai, vols
r^p,
(prjo-iv,

fnepHcpANOic ANTiTACceKoAArjdco/ULev

TAneiNoic Ae

Ai'acocin

x^P ,n

ovv

e/cet- 5

oh

r\

x a P Lg

a7ro

T v Qtov
Kai

SeSoTcu.

ev^vawfjieda
cltto

Tt]v

dfiovoiaV) Tct7reivo<ppovovpTes, eyKparevofJLevoi,

yjsidvpicriuLOv

iravTOS

KctTaAaAias
Kai
/urj

iroppw
Aoyois.
'

eavTOVS
Aeyei eyAAAoc io
oAi-

7roiovvTes,

epyois SiKaiov/uevoi
ttoAAa AerouN
kai

yap*
roBioc*
2

'0

ta

ANTAKofceTAi

oTeTAi eiNAi Ai'kaioc;

eyAorHMeNOC Tnnhtoc tyn<mk6c

riNoy.

mh noAyc cn phmacin
C
;

7raivos
;

tJ/ulwv

dvdyvovs]

ayvova A.

avfiirXoKas]

AC

the

word however by

contentiones {jurgia),
re]

and connecting
^SeXvKrrjv]

Kal <rvp.TrXoKas S, rendering fiiapds re Kal dvdyvovs

with KaraXaXias.

AS; om.
6

C.

3 p-vcrepdv]

C) re CS.

iioixdav] fxoix^tv A.

A; fxvaepdv (fivaapdv A; Kal fideXvKTTjv CS.

4 Qebs] 6 dirb]

AC. Bryennios AS; om. C.

10

reads

Qebs,

as

if

it

8 KaTaXaXids...eavTovs]

had some manuscript authority. AC; S translates as if KaraXa9 Kal]

it

Xias...eavTQv, connecting dirb iravrbs \j/idvpia/xov with eyKparevofxevoi.

AS

om. C.

rj]

77

el

77

(apparently) S, for

translates

Me

qui

ter of the

language here used, see

ii. I

curs in the
3.

lxx

or

New
this

above,

1.

p. 387.

fxvo-tpav]

For

Testament. form see the

Prov.
iii.

1. (pevy. KaraX.] I Pet. voi...ndcras /caraXaXtay.

cmo6\is-

note on 14. Qebs yap 4.

v. 5,

k.t.X.]

From
k.t.X.

dvdyvovs] Something be said for Xdyvovs which

2.

may
I
;

still

34 Kvpios vneprjcpdvois

In

Pet.

read in

James

iv. 6, it is

quoted

Qebs

my first edition after Colomies

Athenag. Suppl.
veglas,

comp.

Kal Xdyvois, 21 Xayveias

19 rot? aKoXdo-Tois nXeorj (iias rj

vneprjcpdvois k.t.X. simply K1H 'he'.

8.
yj/i6.

The Hebrew has

See below,
i.

Kal KaTaX.]

35.

C/em. Recogn. ix. 17 (the Greek is preserved in Caesarius) pedvaovs, Xdyvovs, 8aip,ova>vTas, Acta Petri in
Isid. Pelus.

The words occur together also 2 Cor. xii. 20 30 yjnOvpio-Tds, comp. Rom.
;

KaTaXdXovs.
9.

Ep.

ii.

Nov.
6

Test. extr.

99 (see Hilgenfeld's Can. Rec. IV. p. 70)

e\(opr]ae tov ov8e 6 Xdyvos

epyois diKaiovptvoi]

See the note

at the

beginning of

33,

and the

in-

yap

(piXoxpijfiaros ovk

rfjs

dKTrjpLoavvrjs

\6yov

troduction, 1. pp. 96, 397. 10. 'OTcnroXXd k.t.X.] From the LXX
of
It

tov

irep\ o-oi(ppo(TvvT]s k.t.X.,

ii.

Paed.

10
see

(p.

222

225).
Xdyvos,

Clem. Alex.

Job

xi. 2, 3,

almost word for word.

The comthe
Attic

mon form was

Xdyvrjs;

diverges widely from the Hebrew, and the sentiment evXoy-qpevos k.t.X.

Lobeck Phryn. p. 184. Neither word (avayvos or Xdyvos) oc-

has no connexion with the context. It may be conjectured that the words

xxxi]
eoTTta
fJLKrei

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
ev

97

Qeco

kcli

fir)

ep avTtov, avTeiraiveTOvs

yap
rifjaov
rj/uuov

Qeos.

15 StSocrdco

r] /uapTVpia Trjs dyadrjs 7rpaetos i/V aWcov, Kadtos iSodrj tois iraTpdcriv

toTs

diKaiois.

dpdcros

Keel

avdddeia

kcli

ToAfJLa
kcli

toTs

KaTripafjievois
<ppoa"vvr]
Kctl

vwo tov

Oeov'

eTrieuceia

Taireivo-

7rpauTrjs irapa to?? Y)vAoyY\\ievoi<z

vwo tov

Oeov.
20

XXXI.
iStojuev

KoXKYidctifJiev

ovv

ty]

evAoyia

clvtov,

Kctl

Tives al

6S01

Trjs

aw' dpxijs yevo\ieva.

r)fjLtov

evAoyias. dvaTvAi^to/uLev Ta tivos X a P lv ^^oyrjdrj 6 waTrjp

'Aflpaajui
;

ov-^l $LKaioo~vvt]v teal dXrjdetav $ia wl(r-

Tetvs wouicras
multum
t>os]

7o"a/c /ueTa wewoidtjo'ecos

etc.

yivccaKtov
1 1

to

dicit et

audit in hac (hoc) quod qui bene loquitur,

evXoyrj/ne-

12

14
17 18
for

A; om. C; S substitutes yevv-qros, thus repeating the same word, *lv* &Ov\ 7]fiu>v] AS; v/j-Qv C. 13 Oew] A; ry dea? C. 7<VJ AC; om. S. ayadrjs] AS; om. C. ijfxQv] A; vp.oov CS. 15 edodrj'] ederfdrj A. virb tov GeoO] AS; om. C. See I. p. 125. i-mei/ceia] eirieaaa A. S transposes raireLvocppoo-ivrj and irpav'TTjs, probably TrpavTTjs] A; wpaorrjs C. convenience of translation; see I. p. 137. 23 81a 7rto-rews] AS; om. C.
18.

yevvrjTos yvvaiKos 6\iyo(3ios crept in from xiv. I ftpoTos yap yevvrjTos yvvai-

irpavrqs]

This word

is

distin-

k6s 6\iy6(3ws, which may have stood next to this passage in a parallel column, and the ev\oyr)p.evos will have

guished from Taneivocppoavvrj, Trench N. T. Syn. 1st ser. xliv, and from
7riLKeia ib. xliii.

XXXI.

'

come from
11.

the

first

word of the next

His blessing

Let us therefore cling to let us study the re:

verse, *]H2 misread "]ro.

yevvrjrbs]
7.
c

See the note on Ign.

Ephes.
12.

cords of the past, and see how it was won by our fathers, by Abraham and Isaac and Jacob'.
21.
'

eTraivos k.t.A.]

See Rom.

ii.

dvaTvki^aip.v\

7tnroll\

and so

29 ov 6 eivaivos ovk e avOpconcov aXX K tov Qeov, 2 Cor. x. 18 ov yap 6 iavTov arvviCTTawv K.r.A. ; comp. I Cor.
iv. 5.

'pore over'';

comp. Lucian Nigr. 7

tovs Xoyovs ovs totc r)Kovo~a avpayelpcov KOI avaTv\LTT(ov. 22. 6 iraTrjp -qp-av]

See the note on

k.t.X.]

avTwv] So read for avT&v. On the forms avTov, avrw, etc., as inadmissible here, see 9, 12, 14, 32
13.

4.
23.

ovxi

iKaioo~vvqv

Com-

(notes).

avT7raiveT0vs]

No other instance

of
2.

the word
15.

given in the lexicons. vn aXkcov] See Prov. xxvii.

is

bining the statement of S. Paul (Rom. iv. 1 sq, Gal. iii. 6 sq) with that of S. James (ii. 21 sq). See the note at the beginning of 33, and the introduction,
1.

p. 96.

CLEM.

II.

98
/uleWov

THE EPISTLE OF
fjSeft)?

S.

CLEMENT
'laKtofi
di

[xxxi

TrpoariyeTO dvcria.

/ueTa Tairei-

d$eX<pov Kai Kai edovXevcrev, kcli eSodrj clvtw 7ropev6r] 7rpos Aa/3dv
vo<ppoo"vvr)s k^eyuspncrev Ttjs
yfjs clvtov

to

$to$6Kd(TKri7rTpov

tov

'

IcrparjX.
5

XXXII.
vorjcrri,

'Edv tis kol& eV eKa&rov eiXiKpivws KaraeTriyvuxreTai /ueyaXeTa twv vtt avrov SeSo/mevcov

Scopecov.

ep avrov yap
AC;
is

iepeTs

Kai

Xevlrai

iravres

ol

Xeirovpyovvres rco
i
3,

dvo'iao'rrjpicp
5

rod Qeov*
A;
6 av

i avrov
C
;

rjdiios]

Kal TjSews S.

'Ew]

conj.; def.

quae

si (as if

eav) S,

which
7

A.
lepeis
1.

perhaps correct. See the lower note. avrov] S; avrwu bwpeiZv] dtopaiwv A.
ol]

eiXiKpivus] iXiKpiv...

AC.

lepeis]

A;

ol

C.

AC; om.
is

(apparently) S.

8 XeiTovpyovvres] Xirovpy...
5 tci

rjdews k.t.X.]

There

nothing in

Patr. Nepht.
'icrpa^A.
'

8co8eKa o~Krj7TTpa tov

the original narrative which suggests that Isaac was a willing sacrifice ;

Gen. xxii. 7, 8. According phus however, Ant. i. 14. 4, on hearing his father's purpose he heyeTai 7rpbs rjbovrjv rovs Xoyovs and copfxrjcrev ore tov (Beopiov kcli ttjv crcpayrjv. See also
to Jose-

Beer's

Lebe?i

Abraham^
p.

p.

65

sq

with the notes

rabbinical

709

sq,

where ample
are
collected

XXXII. If any one will consider, he may see what blessings God showWhat great hoers on the faithful. nours did He confer on this patriarch From him was derived the Jacob priestly tribe of Levi from him came the great High-priest, the Lord Jesus from him are descended kings and
!

authorities

for this addition to the narrative.

The

And by the rulers through Judah. other tribes also he was the father of
countless multitudes.
will,
It

idea

is brought out strongly by Melito (Routh's Pel. Sacr. 1. p. 123) 6 Se

was God's

not their

own

righteous doing,

'icraafc

<jiya ne7rebr]p,evos <os

Kpios, ovk

dvoiycov
'

(pavfj

aropa ovde (pOeyyopevos to yap tjlcpos ov cpoj3r]6e\s ovde

to

to rrvp 7TTor]6e\s ovde to nadelv Xv7rr]0e\s e(3ao~Tacrev tov tvttov tov Kvplov
k.t.X.,

whereby they were glorified. And by His will also, not by our own piety or wisdom, are we and all men justified through faith by His

Almighty
ever'.
5.

will to

whom

be glory for

where

there
Is.
liii.

is

an obvious

reference to
yoiievos (pavij.

7 in ovde <p6ey-

'EaVJ Previous editors read el;

Philo de Abr. 32 (II. p. 26) is seemingly ignorant of this turn given to the incident.
4.

but,

though

el

with

the

conjunciii.

tive is possible (see Philiftpians 11), it is rare and ought not to

be

Equivalent to to 8a>8eKa(pvXov, which occurs below for o-KfjnTpov 55 and Acts xxvi. 7 (D2^), 'a branch or rod', is a synonym for 'a tribe'; e.g. 1 Kings xi.
;

to 8a>8eKdo-Kr)nTpov]

introduced unnecessarily.
'

elXiKpivas] It seems to

distinctly

',

severally*.

be a military metaphor

from
6.

e'lXr)

turma
i.

'

see

the

note,

Philiftftians
vtt
is

10.

31, 32 Kai

Soocro)

aoi 8eKa aKrJTTTpa Kal

avrco,
;

8vo
-

aKtJ7TTpa

eo~Tai

and again
Test, xii

ver 35) 36 (see 32)

comp.

avrov] i.e. tov Qeov. There awkwardness in the sudden transition to e| avrov, which must re-

little

XXXIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
'Iticrovs
KCtl

99

Kvpios

to

kcltcx

(rdpKcc
KCITCC

IO KCtl

Ctp^OVTeS

^yOV/UL6J/OL 9

i clvtov fiacriXefc TOV 'lovSdV TCI $6

\0l7TCt
cJs

CtUTOV OVK V JULKpCt $6^tJ VTrctpyOVCTlV , "Ectai to cnepMA coy 7rayyei\ajJLvov tov Qeov otl
(TKY\TTTpa
oi

ooc
Kcti

ACTepec toy oypanoy.

Si

riavTes
t]

ovv eDopdcrdriarav
rj

6fJL6ya\vvdri(rav ov

clvtwv

tlov epytov avToov

15 Trjs

$LKai07rpayias
10 /card]
5e]

fjs

KciTeipydaavTO ,
/card S, this

ccWct

Sid

tov
AS

rea A.
iryov/xevoi.

AC

oi

A;

re CS.

11 avrou]

being a repetition of the AS om. C.

;

last syllable of

56^]

raei C.

12 tov Qeov]

A;

deov C.

14 clvtwv] avT<2v C.

fer to

dcopecov

in

Jacob ; but twv vn avrov ded. can only be said of God (as 19, 23, 35), nor can tV avrov
l

which Clement quotes so repeatedly, and from which his ideas of Christ's high-priesthood are taken, would dis-

per eum', as in the Latin version of Young. Lipsius {de Cle?n. Rom. Ep. p. 55) explains 'De beneficiis a Jacobo in nobis collocatis' and Harnack adds 'haec dona sunt sacerdotes, ipse Dominus se-

be translated

him otherwise (vii. 14). double descent (from both Judah and Levi) is maintained in the Test. xii Pair, (see Galatiajis p. 308), but
tinctly teach

this

cycle

writing travels in a different of ideas. And even in this

cundum carnem,
7.

reges.'

e avTov]

i.e.

from Jacob.
it

The

Judaic work the Virgin herself is represented as belonging to Judah.

In Iren. Fragm. 17 (p. 856, Stieren) likewise a double descent is ascribed
to our

following clauses render

necessary

to read avTov for avrSv, which might otherwise stand. For the whole pas-

Lord
KaTa

ex be

tov Aev\ Kai tov

kol

sage comp. Rom.

rpeia
kol
if-

ix.

4,

wv...-q

Xa-

'lovda to

aapica. cos (3ao~Lkevs

teal

ai eVayyeAiat, cov oi iraTepes

kclto.

lepevs eyevurjdrj.

On

the descent from

wv XpiaTos to
6

aapKa.

Levi see Sinker Test, of Twelve Pair.

9.

Kvpios 'irjaovs]

He

is

men-

p.

105 sq.
10.
kcito.

tioned in connexion with the Levitical tribe, as being the great Highpriest, a favourite title in Clement
:

tov 'lovdav] ''after

Judah]
and

i.e.

as

descended

from him

see the note 36. Comp. Ign.Pkilad. 9 KaXol kcu oi iepels, Kpelaaov 8e 6 apXtepevs.

thereby inheriting the attribute of This idea of royalty, Gen. xlix. 10.
the royalty of the patriarch Judah

With Levi He
;

is

connected

runs through the Test, xii Patr.,

Jud.
iracri.
I

e.g.
p.01

as a priest from scended as a king.

is

Judah

He

is

de-

6 TvaTTqp p,ov
'earj

'laKtt>/3

rjv^aro

Hence His name

Xeycov, BacriXevs

Ka.Tevodovp.evos ev

placed between the two, as the

link of transition
other.

from the one to the But there is no ground for

12. "Eo-tcu k.t.X.] xxii. 17, xxvi. 4.

Comp. Gen.

xv. 5,

assuming that by this collocation Clement implies our Lord to have descended from Levi, as Hilgenfeld (Apost. Vat. p. 103, and here p. 98, ed. 2) thinks. The Epistle to the Hebrews,

not an exact quotation from any of these passages, but most closely resembles the first.
It is 14.
81

avTcov]

Not

clvtcov.

See

above the notes on

15.

9, 12, 14, 30.

rfjs diKaioirpayias k.t.X.]

Comp.

72

IOO

THE EPISTLE OF
kcli
r\fJL6is

S.

CLEMENT

[xxxn

deAtj/maTOS avrov.

ovv, did deXripaTOS

avrov

ev Xpicrrcp Irjcrov KArjdevres, ov Si

iavrccv liKaiovfxeda
fj

ovde hid rrjs rj/uerepas orocplas epycov

cov

rj

trvvecretos

evtrefieias

i)

KareipyacrdfULeda
r]S

ev 6<ti6t\)ti

Kaphas,

dWa
7TCLV- 5

Sid Tt}s 7Tl(TT6C0S 9 $1

TfdvraS TOl)s dlT altOVOS 6

to

TOKpdrcop Qeos

idiKctlcoG-ev
d\ir\v.

ecrrco

r]

So^a eU rovs

aitovas rcov aitovtov.

XXXIII.
a7ro
i

Ti ovv

7roiri<ra)iULev,

d$e\<poi; dpynaco^ev

rijs
avrov]

dyado7rouas
AC;
tov deov S.

kcli
ical

eyKara\eL7rco^.ev rt]v
Tenets...

dya-

homoeoteleuton.
tovs]

3 iifieripas] rjfxepaa

tov A.

AS; om. C, by diravras C. ; v&vras] See also 6 rovs alwvas t&v a'ubvwv] AS ; al&vas C.
tfeXi^aros avrov]
5

A.

below, 45. This variation

8 T odv
is

ironfia-wfiev,

ddeXcpoi]

AS
1,

rl odv ipov/xev, dyairrjToi

C
4.

obviously suggested

by Rom.
9
/cat]

vi.
if

where the argument

C.

is
1,

the

same;

see

I.

p. 125.

For
S.

d8eX(f>oL

translated as

dyain)ToL see above,

apyna^fxev]

A;

dpyqaofxep C.

AS; om.

A;
Tit.

KaToXiirofxev

C; dub.

10 edcrai 6 de<nr6rr}s]

A;

iyKaraXelTUfiev] 6 8<tt6tt)s edaai C.

iii.

oavvrj

ovk e epycov tcov ev SucaiKara enonjcrafxev 77/xeis aXXa

i.e.

to avrov eXeos k.t.X.

2.

6Y eavrcov]

r]p,d>v
i.

avTcov,
9,
iii.

as

e.g.

Rom.

viii.

23, 2 Cor.

1, 5,

seen before that the righteous have ever been adorned with good works, so now we see that even the Creator thus arrayed Himself. Having such an example, let us do good with all

and commonly.
3.

aocpias

rj

crvveo-ecos]
1

The words

occur together
xxix. 14), Col.
<tvvtoI,
i.

Cor. 9
;

Is. i. 19 (from so too aocpol kcu

our might'. In 31 we have seen Clement combining the teaching of S. Paul and
S.

James

25 (Luke x. 21). They are explained in Arist. Eth. Nic. vi. 7, 10. The first is a creative,
xi.

Matt.

avvrjv kcu aXr/deiav

in the expression ovxl Siicaio8t,a niareoos iroirjo-as;

the second a discerning faculty. 6. r] 86a] See the notes on Galatians

i.

So here, after declaring emphatically that men are not justified by their own works but by faith ( 32 ov oV
avTcov
T)

tcov

epycov avTcov k.t.X.,

and

5.

again ov

bia... epycov cov KaTeipyao-d/ieda

XXXIII.

'What then?

If

we

are

ev 6o~iott]ti Kapdias
k.t.X.),

we leave off justified by faith, shall doing good ? God forbid. We must needs work. The Almighty Himself works. rejoices in His own beneficent
the earth, the ocean, the land living things that move on the and in the sea, are His creation.

aXXa 81a rfjs mo-Teas he hastens to balance this statement by urging the importance
of good works.

The same anxiety

reveals itself elsewhere.

The heaven,

Thus, where he deals with the examples adduced in the Apostolic writings, he is careful to

show

Lastly and
after

His created and blessed.

He made man own image. All these He

chiefly

nor works alone were present

of

that neither faith alone 10

:

Abraham

dia

tt'lo-tlv

kol (piXo^eviav

As we have

12 e86dr) avTco vlbs k.t.X.,

of

Rahab

XXXIIl]
\otty\v',

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
fjLf]dafjLO}^

IOI
y

tovto

eaarai

Seo"7roT^s

<p

y\]jZv

ye

yevrjdrjvai,
dvfj.ias
ttclv

dWa

cnrevcrco/uiev

jul6t<x

eKTeveias

kcii

7rpo-

epyov

dyadov
too

eTTLreXeTv.

clvtos
67rl

yap 6
avTOv

hrifjiiovpyos

Kal Se&TTOTrjs tcov diravTiav

rofc epyois

avTOv dyaWiaTcu.
15

yap
Kai

Tra/ujueyedecrTaTcp
ty\

KpaTEL ovpavous
(rvvearei

icrTrjpicrev,

aKara\ri7rTa) avrou

^teKoo'fJi^a'ev

aurovs'

yr\v

re

Sie^copLcrev
rjhpaa'ev
iirl

aVo
top

tov
ye

Trepie^ovTOS

avrr\v

vharos Kal

Above, 23, we have the same phenoyev-qdrivat] A; yeprjOijvai (om. ye) CS. menon, though there the relations of A and C are reversed, A omitting and C reIt is wanted here for the sense. n eKreveias] e/crevta... A. taining 76.
14 dyaWLcirai] A; dydWerai ixeyeardr^ Leont Damasc.
rrj]

C C
;

Leont Damasc.
15 iarripicrev]

irafxp.eyedeaTdTui\

AC

irafx,-

AC;
16

earrjpt^ey

Leont Damasc.

Leont Damasc;
piuev

ei>

rrj

dub. S.

yi)j>

re &ext6pi(rej>]

C;

yr\v
17-

re

dpaaev]

AC

A; yrju Damasc

de 5iext6/H<rei>
;

Leont

yrjv de exupt-aev

Damasc.

17

edpacrev Leont.

8lo. tt'lcttlv kcli

See (pi\oeviav i(Tw6rj. Westcott Canon p. 23. Nor is it only where doctrine is directly concerned that Clement places the teaching of the Apostles of the Circumcision and the Uncircumcision in
kcl-

eauca 6 SeaTTOTrjs k.t.A.] True dictum that everything is did 6e\rjfiaTos avrov and nothing 81 eavtwv, he ascribes the prevention of this consequence solely to God's pro10.

to his

hibition.

On
7.
'

6 deo-noTtis see

the note

juxtaposition, as e.g. 49 aydnrj

\v7TTi 7rXfj6os

above,
ecp' rjp.lv,

dfxapricov, ayarrrj rravra

i7i

For the preposition in our case] comp. John xii.

Cor.
ix.

avextrai

This

(see the note there). studied effort to keep the balance

k.t.X.

16,

Acts

v. 35, xxi. 24, 2

14.

produces a certain incongruous effect in the rapid transition from the one
aspect of the antithesis to the other; but it is important when viewed in connexion with Clement's position as
ruler of a

avros yap k.t.X.] This passage as far as av^dvecrOe kcu TrXrjBvveade is

12.

quoted (with some omissions and variations)

by John of Damascus Sacr.

310).

Parall.

(11. p.

13. drjpiovpybs k.t.X.]

So Clem.Hom.

community

in

which the

xvii. 8 iravToiv Srjpiovpybv Kal decmoTrjv.

two sections of the Church, Jewish and Gentile, had been in direct anstill regarded each other with suspicion. On this position of Clement, as a reconciler, see Galatians p. 323, and the introduction here, I. p. 96. A part of this chapter is quoted by Leontius and

15.

io-rrjp tcrev]

See the note on

(TTTjpKTOV l8.

tagonism and probably

John Res Sacr.

8.

(see above, I. p. 188) with considerable variations.

ii

This has been 17. Trepiexovros] thought to imply an acceptance of the theory of the coKeavos norapbs supposed to encircle the earth comp. e.g. Herod, ii. 21 to ' wKeavbv yfjv nepl Tvaaav peeiv, M. Ann. Seneca Suas. i. 1 de Oceano dubitant utrumne
;
'

Ti

ovv

7roiri<T<ofjL6v]

Evidently

modelled on Rom.

vi.

sq.

vinculum circumfluat.' Clement does not use the word (Dneavos, and as it is not unterras

velut

But, as

102
do~(paXfi

THE EPISTLE OF
tov
iSiov

S.

CLEMENT
dejueXiov
(HictTa^ei
tcl

[xxxiii

fiovXtijULctTOs

te

ev

auTrj

<<joa

(poiTtovTct

Trj

iavTOv
ev

eKeXevcev

eivac

daXacrcrav Kal tcl

Trj

avTrj
9

^wa
etti

Trpo^rifjuovpyr]-

(ras eveitXeio-ev

iavTOv Swa/mei

iraci

to i^o5

ywTctTOV Koi
iepals Kal

TrafjLfjLe<ydes kcltcc

SiavoLav, avftpioirov rats

dfjoofjiois

-^epalv eirXacrev Trjs iavTOv eIkovos

yapa.KTr\pa.

o'vtlos

yap

<pr]criv

6 0eos*

TToihccom6n

an-

QpoanoN kat' eiKONA kai ka6' omoi'gocin HMeTepAN. kai enoiHC6N 6 06OC TON ANOpCOTTON, ApCN KAI GAAy InOIHCGN Ayi

fiovk-qiAaTos]

AC;
;

6e\r}[iaros

Leont Damasc.

ra re ev

ai>Tr]...dvi>dpei]

om. Leont Damasc. aaa A irpodrj/XL

ira<n...(Lvdp(jnrov]

i iavrov]

AS

eavruv C.

Trpoeroipdaas
iirl

CS.

3 Trpodrjpiovpyrjcras] ewl 4 ev^KXeiaev] evtickiGev A.

AC;

tqxjtols

avdpwirov Leont Damasc S. the other authorities see the last note.

rbv e^oxwraro?' (i^oTarou Leont) Kal irappeyedrj For 5 irappeyedes] A; irappeyede'GTaTov C.

lepcus]

AC

icn'cus

avrov Leont

natural to speak of the water

ling' the

'

gird-

land independently of this

is

theory, the inference See the note on 20.

3.

questionable.

the lips of Clement, and such a strong expression as irappeyeOes kcltcl didvoiav jars with his language elsewhere

about
before
tcl

Tvpobrjixiovpyrjcras] i.e.
yrj

36.

human intellect, The nappLeyedes

seems
to

e.g. 13, 32,

Kara

biavoiav

iv

Trj

a>a

cpoircovra,

which have

therefore

have the same

been already mentioned out of their

proper place.
i

4.

eWfcAeio-ei/]

inclosed
:

within

their proper
tcl

bounds'

see above 20
this

to

TrepiKeipeva avrrj KkeWpa. eox(0TdTov k.t.A.] Is

an

accusative

after

enXaaev,

avOpairov

bearing as Trj a/caraAr/Vro) clvtov avveorei above. John of Damascus indeed takes the sentence otherwise, but he omits kcltcl bidvotav. 5. nappiyeOes] The word does not occur either in the lxx or in the G.T., but is found in Symmachus Ps.
lxvii
(lxviii).

Or is it a being in apposition? nominative absolute, referring to the whole sentence which follows, avdpconov. .xapaKTrjpa
.

31

crvvodcp
11.

nappeyedoip
p. 204).

(Field's Orig.
6.

Hexapl.

dpcopois]

'faultless'.

See the
quo-

On the construction
i

note on
7.

p(i>poo~KOTrr)6ev, 41.

to

adopted depends the sense assigned Kara biavoiav which will mean
respectively either (1) in intellectual

noirjo-(op,v k.t.A.]

A broken
i.

tation from the

LXX Gen.

26, 27,

clauses being left out.

8.

capacity', referring to man; or (2) 'as an exercise of His creative intelli-

etKova, opoionxLv]

These words
Syn.
1st
ser.

are distinguished in reference to this

text

gence*) referring to God. The former appears to be generally adopted ; but

by Trench N.

T.

xv

the latter seems to

me preferable
Hamlet's
'

for

a sentiment like noble in reason

faculty
!'

How
in

how

infinite

Dorner {Person Christi I. p. 100, Engl, trans.) considers it probable that under the expression clkcov Qeov,
'

is

somewhat out of place on

whose x a P aKTr)p a man bears, we are

xxxiv]
10 toy'c.

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Tclvtcl ovv TravTO.

103

TeXeuvcras
kai

eirriveo'ev

avTa

Kai.

r]v\oyt](T6P Kai
jjiv

elirev

AylANecGe

nAHGyNecGe.

G'ldo-

otl ev epyois ayadoTs ttclvtes eKOcr/uDjdricrav 01 SiKaioi* Kai auTos ovv 6 Kvpios epyois eavTOv KOO~jur]cras
e-fcoVTes

e^a/)^.

ovv tovtov tov

6e\tifj.aTi

v7roypafjLfjLov
e' bAtjs

clokvws
tj/uicov

15 TTpoceXdcofjiev

tw

avTOv,

Icr^vos

ipyacrw/ueOa epyov

hiKcuocrvvt]<z.

XXXIV.
Damasc.
10
eirrjvecreu]

'O ay ad 6s epyaT)]? fxeTa

8 eUbva]

7rapprio-ias \a/uit

Damasc adds
Leont
;

Tj/JLertpav

AC;

eiraiveaev

iiroliqcrev

and omits Damasc.

Wdofxev]

after dfioicoatv.

II Av^dveade]

av^aueadai A.

ir\r)dvvecFde] irXrjdvvecrOcu

A.

Young
A.

(marg.);

tdtofxev

ACS.

12 otl]
iKoifXTjdrjaav S.

CS

add rb A.
13 odv]
I.

tpyois] eyyoccr

eKoa/xrjOrjaav]

AC;
A;
to

A;

CS.

gpyois]

A; add
/ecu

ayadois CS.
iax^os]

See above,
ttjs

30,

and comp.

pp. 126, 141.

15 e]

A;

CS.

iax^os C.

understand the Son'.

is

Though

the

text in Genesis

so interpreted

by

credited by the fact that the scribe's attention was flagging here, for he
writes eyyois for epyois

later fathers (e.g.

Clement of Alexandria and Origen), I see no indication in the context that this idea was present to the mind of the Roman See the remarks on the Clement.
1.

and

(as

we

On have seen) idcop-ev for eio/xei>. these grounds I proposed the omission in my first edition, and it has since been confirmed by our new
authorities.
14.
v7roypap,p,ov]

logos-doctrine above,
11.

p. 398.

lxx

Av^aveade Gen. i. 28.

k.t.X.]

From

the

See the note on

5to re15.

E'l'8o[j.v]

The sense seems

7rpoo-e\6(opev]

The verb

irpoo--

quire this substitution for tdcopev ; see the introduction 1. p. 120 for similar
errors of transcription.
fore,'

epxeo-dai

occurs

several

times

of

'We saw

be-

approaching God in the Epistle to the Hebrews, and in the imperative

npocrepx<op.Ba iv. 16, x. 22.

Clement, 'that all the righteous were adorned with good works ( 32), and now I have shown
says
that the
6

more

especially twice,

See also above

avT(o
k.t.X.
;

29

Trpoo~i\6oAp,ev ovv

comp.
re-

Kvpios

Lord God Himself etc' By is meant 6 $r)p.tovpybs ko.1

tSv
anavToov,

23, 63.

XXXIV.
ceives his

'

The good workman

:

deo-norr}?

appears from ovv and from ix^Pl taken in connexion with what has gone before
12.

as

(compare ayaXXtarat above).

but the boldly slothful dares not face his employer. The Lord will come quickly with His reward in His hand. He will

wages

on

k.t.X.]

If the

reading ro be
cog:

retained,

we must understand a

nate accusative such as Koapr^fxa Soph. El. 1075 tov del 7raTp6s
cttovov)

e.g.
(sc.
is

come attended by myriads of angels, hymning His praises. Let us therefore with one voice and one soul cry to Him, that we may be partakers of
all

beikaia arevaxovaa.
;

This

possible

but the reading of

is dis-

His glorious promises, which surpass that man can conceive'.

io4
fldvei

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

[xxxiv

top dpTOv rov epyov avrov, 6 vwdpos kcu

irap-

eifjievos

ovk avrotyQaXfjiei tw epyoirapeKTrj avrov. oeov ovv e&Tiv TTpodvjJLOvs TJ/mcis eivai eis dyado7rouav* e

avTOV yap

irdvTa' 7rpo\eyei yap y\\uv 'Iaoy 6 Kypioc, kai 6 micGoc aytoy npd npocoanoy aytoy, attoAoyfl NAI 6KACT0O KATA TO epTON AYTOYpOTp67T6Tai OVV Y\\Xa<Z
ecrriv to.
J

7ricrTevovTas e oArjs Ttjs Kapdlas err avTco fit] dpyovs eivai eirl irav epyov dyadov' to Kav/uf]Se irapeifjievovs
\r]ixa
i

Y\\u>v
6 vioOpbs]

Kal

r\

Trapp^cia ecTw ev avTW'

3 i]pas]

viroTave avrov]

AC

6 de vu>9pb<; S.
if it

AC

vpds S.

AC.

S translates as

referred to irpoOvpovs v/xas k.t.X.

5 6 Ktfpios]
7 irKxreiovras]

Kvpios (om. 6) C.

6 npoTptrreTai] -wporpeicere A.
acorrjp

A; CS

Both these i. 6 vcoBpbs k.t.X.] words occur in the epistle to the Hebrews, and nowhere else in the N.T. For vcodpbs see Heb. v. 11, vi. 12; The comfor irapeipevos, ib. xii. 12.
bination appears in Ecclus.
vcodpbs
kcu
iv.

napayiverai SA) e^coi/ rov eavrov piadov, Ka\ ro epyov avrov (om. avrov A) npb npoo-coirov avrov but the
:

ending comes from Prov.

ci7ro8i8(ocriv eKacrrco

xxiv. 12 os

29

rrapeipevos

ev

rois

epyois

Kara ra epya avrov, unless (as seems more probable from the connexion) it is taken from Rev.
xxii. 12 18011

avrov,
2.
xii.

which passage perhaps Clein his

epxopai

rafti)

Ka\ 6 picr66s

ment had
14,

mind.

pov per

ep.ov drroSovvai eKacrrco cos

ro

avTocpOaXpel] 'faces', as

Wisd.

Acts

The word
bius.

xxvii. 15, Barnab. 5. occurs frequently in Polyavrcorvelv

epyov ecrrai avrov. Clem. Alex. Strom. iv. 22 (p. 625) has the same quotation, but is copying the Roman

Comp.
i.

Theoph. ad

Clement.
7.
iir

Auto I.
vi.
2.

avropparelv Aftost. Const. For avrocpdaXpelv itself see

5,

avrco]

i.e.

rco p.icrd(o,

'

with

our reward in view\

of e

The

position

25 (ed. Hammond). his employer'. I have ipyoTvapeKrrj] not found any other instance of
Lit.
p.
'

D. Jacob,

this

word, which
(Exod.
i.

is

equivalent
7, v. 6, etc.).

to

oXrjs rrjs KapBias is opposed to such corrections as eV avrb rb or eVi nor rb for the MS reading eV avrco does any alteration seem needed.
;

epyo$6rr)s.
epyodicoKrrjs
3.
rjpcov.

Compare
iii.

also epyo\aj3os,

e avrov]
'iSou
is

e.

rov epyoivapeKrov

napeipivovs k.t.A.] Comp. 21 els irav epyov dyadbv rjToipacrpLevov, ib. iii. I7 Tit. iii. 1, and The prjre after prj in see above, 2.
8.
p,r)8e

Tim.

ii.

4.

Kvpios

k.t.X.]

The beIs.
xl.

ginning

a confusion of

10

p. 513,

l8ov Kvpios (o debs vpwv S) Kvpios (om. Kvpios sec. A) pera. io~x v s epx^rai kcu 6 ftpaxiaiv add. avrov A) pera. Kvp'ias ibov 6 piaBbs avrov per avrov Kai ro
'

315) as to call forth the suggestion in my first edition that it should probably be read /x^Se
p.

was so suspicious A. Buttmann

(see

Winer

lv.

see the vv.

'27.

Eph. iv. Our new authorities have con11.

in

Luke

vii.

33,

epyov evavriov avrov,

Idov 6
crcorrjp
croi

and

Is.

lxii.

II

irapayeyovev

(aoi 6

firmed the justice of this suspicion. 12. Mvpiai k.t.X.] Dan. vii. 10 (Theo-

xxxiv]
10 crcojueda

TO THE CORINTHIANS. tw
OeXrjjuaTL

*05

avTOV'

KctTavoricrcojuiev
7T(jos

to

ttolv

7rArj6os

twv dyyeXwu avTOV,

aytoj,

tcq

deXti/ULctTi
r\

avTOV
MypiAi

XeiTovpyov&iv TrapecrTcoTe^* Xeyei yap

MypiAAec n^peiCTHKeiCAN
TOYN AYTO)'
Kai
ka'i

ypa(prj'

yjAiai

yjAiAAec eAeiToyp-

K6KpArON'
kti'cic

A[-|OC,

ApOC, ApOC

KypiOC CA-

15 BaooO, hAh'phc ttaca h

thc AoIhc aytoyty\

Kai

^/xels

ovv, ev Ofjiovoia eVf

to avTo avva-^devTe^

o~vveiSrjcrei,

ws e^ eVos

ctto/ulcltos (ioricrcofxev 7rpos clvtov KTviios

rifjias

ek

to

/uLeTO%ovs
See
1.

yeveadai tcov fjieyaXoov Kai evho^cov

8 /?5] C, and so probably S; pr/re A.
12 Xei-

om. A.
both
this

p. 124.

Tovpyovacv] Xirovpyovaiv

A.
16 ry

13 eXeirovpyovv]

Xirovpyovv A.
15
/cricrts]

S translates
;

word and

irapeKXT-qKavav as presents.
crvveidrjcrei]

AS

777

with

LXX and Hebr.

AC

in

una

conscientia S.

dot.) yiKiai yikidhes eXeirovpyovv avrco (edepdnevov avrov LXX) kol pvptai pv-

sis for

such conjectures.
(Liturg.
d.

Probst more
drei
ersten
ex'

especially

piddes 7rapL(TTT]KLO-av avrcp, the clauses

Jahrh. 41 sq) emphasizes

nexion. pressly point to
sanctus',
it

this con-

being transposed by Clement. The order of the clauses in the Hebrew is the same as in the Greek versions. Yet Iren. Haer. ii. 7, 4, Euseb. Praep.

The phenomena which

are
(1)

the

ter

and more
Is. vi.

especially the

connexion of
10
;

3 with

Dan.

vii.

Ev.
viii

vii.
i?i

15 (p. 326), Greg.

Nyss.Hom.
Hier.

(2)

The
4,

expressions
Ign.
7, 8),

im

to avro
13,

Eccles.

(1.

p. 463), Cyril.

crwaxOevres (comp.

Ephes.

Catech. xv.

24

(p.

237),

and

others,

Philad.
I.

give the quotation with the inverted clauses as here but, as it is quoted
;

Smyrn. paros (comp. Rom.

p.

e evbs <tt6-

xv. 6), cktcvcos (see

385),

etc.;

(3)

The quotation
this
1.

with every shade of variation in different fathers and even these same fathers in some cases give the right order elsewhere, no stress can be
laid
to

6(p0a\p6s k.t.X. subject see the

For more on
introduction,

p.

386

sq. 16. ttj o-weiSijo-ei] H11 heart, in con1

on this coincidence which seems be purely accidental.

Kai eneKpayov]
Is. vi. 3.

sciousness'

comp. Eccles.
aov

x.

20 Kai ye

ev a-weidr/crei
i.e.

14,

A loose quotation
'EiceKpayov is

(3ao-tXea prj KaTapdar],

from LXX
imperfect

an

of a new verb Ke<pdyco formed from Kenpaya see Buttmann

;

'in your secret heart'. The presence of their hearts, and not of their bodies only, is required. The commentators however either translate

Ausf. Griech. Sprachl.

111

(11.

p.

as though it were ev dyaOfj o-vveidrjcrei, or give rfj aweidijo'ec the unsupported

last is

The con15. Kai impels ovv k.t.A.] nexion of this passage with the liturgical

services

had struck

careful

observers, even before the discovery of the liturgical ending of the epistle
( 60, 61)

sense 'harmony, unanimity'. This apparently the sense assigned to it by the Syriac translator ; see the upper note. Others have proposed to read arwdrjo-et. or o-vvadia.

had furnished a

solid ba-

io6
eTrayyeXiiiov

THE EPISTLE OF
avTOv.
Aeyei

S.

CLEMENT

[xxxiv

yap'

'O^OaAmoc oyk e?AeN

Ka'| OYC OYK HK0YC6N, Ka) eni KApAl'AN AN0poonoY oyk ancBh, OCA HTOIMAC6N TOIC YTTOMeNOYCIN AYTON.
i

'O00aA/xds]

A;

a 6(p6a\p.bs

CS

(with

Cor.

ii.

9).

3 oaa

rjToifxaaev]

A;

add. Kvpios CS.

rots vwofxevovcnv]

A;

rots dyairQaiv

AC; om. S. CS (see

S. Je-

the lower note).

O(f)6a\[xbs k.t.A.] This quotation occurs also in S. Paul 1 Cor. ii. 9 (where it is introduced by Ka6a>s yea 6(f)daXpbs ovk ypcnvrai), in the form
1.
y

The

passage,

if

we may trust

rome, occurred as given by S. Paul, both in the Ascension of Isaiah and in the Aftocalypse of Elias (Hieron.
in
IX.
Is. lxiv. 4, IV. p.

etdeu kcu ovs ovk rjKovo-ev kol eVi Kctpdiav dvOpocnrov ovk aveftr) ocra r)Toipao-ev o It is cited Qebs to7s dyanaaiv avrov.

p.

3).

And

761 Pro I. in Gen. Origen, in Matth.

;

xxvii.

again in

ii.

11

(comp.

14),

Mart.
;

9 (ill. p. 916), says that S. Paul ' quotes from the latter, In nullo re-

Polyc. 2, Clem. Eft. ad Virg. i. 9 see also Lagarde's Gesamm. Abhandl. p.

142.
It
is

gulari libro
nisi
(el
prj,

hoc positum invenitur,

Isaiah

lxiv.

apparently taken from 4, which runs in the

alcovos
77/u.cof

'but only') in Secretis Eliae prophetae'. This assertion is

LXX
crov

cltvo

rod

ovde oi 6(pda\po\
kcil

ovk -qKovaapev eidov 6e6v irk-qv

ra epya
'

o~ov

7rot7/o"is

rots

but more nearly in From eternity they the Hebrew, have not heard, they have not hearkened, neither hath eye seen a god [or 'O God'] save thee (who) worketh
viropivovo-Lv eXeou,

repeated also by later writers (see Fabricius Cod. Ps. V. T. I. p. 1073) doubtless from Origen, but combated by Jerome (11. cc. and Eft is t. lvii. 9, I. p. 314), who refers the quotation to Is. lxiv. 4. If it could be shown that
these apocryphal books were prior to S. Paul, this solution would be the

'(what) He shall do'] to him that awaiteth Him' (see Delitzsch

[or

most probable but they would appear to have been produced by some Christian sectarians of the second
;

ad

loc); combined with Is. lxv. 16, 17 ovk avafirjo-ercu avrcov eVi rrjv Kap8lav...ov pr) e7r\6r) avrcov eVt rrjv KapClement mixes up S. Paul's 8iav.
free translation

century, for Jerome terms them 'Iberae naeniae' and connects them with

the Basilideans and other Gnostics

who abounded
also
c.

in

Spain

(11.

cc.

see

or paraphrase from
latter

Vigil. IL p. 393,

and comp.

the

Hebrew

(the

words

00-a

rjroipao-ev k.t.\.

being apparently the Apostle's own explanatory addition) with the passage as it stands in the LXX just as above, 13, in quoting Jer. ix. 23, 24 (or 1 Sam. ii. 10) he condenses it after S. Paul. For a similar instance see above 34 Ibov 6 Kvptos
;

Fabricius p. 1093 sq). If so they incorporated the quotation of S. Paul in their forgeries. For a similar instance of incorporation see the

notes on

Galatians

vi.

15.

At

all

events both these works appear from the extant remains to have been Christian. For the Aftocalyftse of

k.t.X.

The

passages, which Hilgen-

feld suggests as the sources of the

quotation (4 Esdr. x. 35 sq, 55 sq), diverge more from the language of S. Paul and Clement, than these

words of

Isaiah.

Elias see Epiphan. Haer. xlii (p. 372), who says that the quotation in Eph. v. 14 (which is obviously Christian) was found there and for the Ascension of Isaiah, this same father Haer. lxvii. 3 (p. 712), where he quotes a
;

xxxv]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
'W?
jjuxKapLa kclI Oav/uacrTa tcl
^corj

107

XXXV.
5

Swpa TOV

Qeov, dyaTTtiToi.

ev ddavcuria, Xafjarporr]^ ev Si-

passage referring to the Trinity. Indeed there is every reason to believe

that the

modern

work known

to

Epiphanius

critics have made of this reference to Hegesippus in Stephanus Gobarus, see Galatians p. 320.

and

several other fathers under this

is

For the connexion of this quotation

oCpdaXfios ovk eldev k.t.X. with the earlier liturgies, see the introduction,
I.

the same with the Ascension a?id Vision of Isaiah published first

name,

by Laurence in an yEthiopic Version and subsequently by Gieseler in a Latin. The two versions represent different recensions and the passage
;
'

p.

389

sq.

Fabricius
allel
los.

(p. 1073) quotes a parfrom Empedocles {Fragm. PhiI. p. 2, ed. Mullach) ovr eVidepKra

Eye hath not

Latin
(xi.

seen, etc' appears in 34)

ra8 avftpaaiv ovr eVaKoucrra, ovtc

TrepikrjTrTa.
3.

voa>

the

but not in the

^Ethiopic (see Jolowicz Himmelfahrt tc. Vision des Propheten Iesaia p. 90, Leipzig 1854). The Latin recension
therefore of Jerome

imop.ivovo-iv\

It

is

clear

that

Clement wrote vrropevovaiv from the words which follow at the beginning of
the next chapter rlva ovv apa eoriv ra
Toip.a6p,va rots vTTop.evovo'Lv; where he picks up the expression according to his wont see the note on 46
;

must have been

;

in the

hands

though this very quotation

show clearly that the ^Ethiopic more nearly represents the original form of the work (see Liicke
seems
to

rcov k\Kto>v fxov 8iao-rpiif/ai.

On

the

Offenbarung d. Johannes p. 179 sq). Both recensions alike are distinctly

Christian.

other
for

hand

S,

having broken
it

the

connexion by substituting

ayaTvwo-Lv

inropivovcnv, re-establishes

by
this

events a favourite text with certain early Gnostic sects, who introduced it into their formula
It

was

at

all

the expedient of adding ko\ ayaTva>vT<6v

to

vnopevovTcov

in

35.

On

reading (vTropivovaiv) see also

390, note.

I.

p.

of initiation and applied it to their esoteric teaching ; see Hippol. Haer.

v. 24, 26, 27, vi. 24.

XXXV.

'

Great and marvellous

!

This perverted
(as

use of the text was condemned by

their

are God's gifts even in the present How then can we conceive the glory

contemporary Hegesippus

reported by Stephanus Gobarus in Photius Bib/. 232), as contradicting our Lord's own words na.Ka.pioi 01 In other words 6tj)$dkfwt vp<ov k.t.X.

vants ? reward.

that hereafter awaits His patient serLet us strive to attain this

And

to this

end

let
:

us do
let

he complained that they would restrict to the initiated few the knowledge which Christ declared to be laid open to all. But Stephanus Gobarus himself, writing some centuries
later

and vainglory let us lay aside all selfish and unbrotherly Remember how in the Psalms sins.
strife
;

what shun

is

well-pleasing to

Him

us

God denounces

those

who hearken

and knowing the text only as it occurs in S. Paul, is not unnaturally at a loss to know what Hegesippus

not to His warning voice, who persist in wronging their neighbours, countHe tells us ing on His forbearance. that the sacrifice of praise is the path
-

of salvation'.
5.

means by this condemnation

\iyei k.t.X. ).

(ovk o tl Ka\ nadcov pdrrju p.ev elprjo-dai ravra

old'

XapivpoTrjs]

''cheerfulness,

alaPlut.

crity,
Vit.

On

the use which

some

strenuousness\ as e.g. Cim. 17, Polyb. xxxii. 23.

(see

io8
Kaiocrvvrj,

THE EPISTLE OF
dKrjdeia ev
dyictcrfJLUi*
rjjuitov.

S.

CLEMENT
tt'kttis

[xxxv

7rctpprj(rict,

ev 7r67roidri(rei,

iyKpctTeia ev
Tr\v Sidvoictv
juevct

kcu TctvTct vireTrnrTev Travrct viro

TLva ovv dpa early tcl eTOL^a^o;

toTs

vTro\xevov(Tiv

Srj/uLiovpyos

kcu 7rarr]p tcov

kcci 5

altovuov

6 7rctvctyios clvtos yivoocrKei ttjv wocroTriTct

v/mels

ty\v

KctWovrjv avTwv.
dpid/ULa)

ovv

dytovia'cciuiedct evpe6rjvcu

ev

tw

tcov virofJievovTOiv clvtov,

07rcos

/uLeTctAct-

j3cojUiev

twv

eTrriyyeXfJievaiv Scopecov.
ectv

wcos Se earou tovt)

TO y dya7Tf]TOL\
7TLG'Tecos

i(TTripiy juevri
ectv

rj

Sictvoia ^/ucwv
Tct

diet

7rpos

tov Qeov

iK^Too/mev

evapecTct
dvrjKOVTct
Travra.

10

Kai evirpocrheKTct avTto'

i eyKpareia] eyKparia
Triirrovra S,
-rrarrjp

ectv e7rtTe\ecro)iuev t<x

viriiriirTev Trdvra]

A.

viroTr'nrrei

U7ro-

some

letters

tlov alihvwv 6

having dropped out, Y"n"OTTlTTTe[iTT<\]NT<\. iravdyios] AS; rQv alwviov Kai irarrjp iravdyios C.
/cat

/cat

7 vir -

fxevovruv]

AC;

add.

dya-rruvTuv S.

For the reason of

this addition see the note

on

34 ocpdaXfibs k.t.X.

avrov]

A; om. CS.

8 rQv eirriyyeXfJLevwv dcope&v]

TioveirrjyyeX/xevuvdojpaicov

A;

rCov dcope&v rCov eTrrjyyeX/xivcov C,

and so probably

S.

o dyawrjToi']

AC; om.
/cat

S.
5ta)

i)] T)t)

A;
;

i)

(om.

rf)

C.

did Triarews]
eK<7)Tu>fxev]

Young; per
C.
Kai einrpbo~-

fidem S; iriarews (om.

ret

A; marus
avTLpi]

C.

10

A;

eK^rjT^acofxev

evdpecrra

einrpoadeKra

AS

ra dyadd
less

/cat

evdpeara

ai/r<

Schweigh. Lex. s.v. \apurp6s). Compare the similar word (paidpoTtjs. The position of Xap-trpor-qs here seems to
require this sense, for all the words in the parallel clauses far}, dXrjOeia, to the moral tt'kjtis, eyKpareia, refer

indeed the occurrences in4 Mace,

are earlier.
dia 7ricrTec0s]

vii. 4, xiv. 7,

9.

The reading
is

of the

unquestionably see I. p. 143. The omission of right dia in A may perhaps be explained by
;

Syriac

version

consciousness,

not to any external

nenoidqaei]

the neighbourhood of didvoia.

Hil-

advantages.
1.

tt'kttis

ev

See the

note above, 26. 2. /cat ravra k.t.X.]

genfeld and Gebhardt read ttkttcos. Lipsius (p. 15) defends Trio-Teas, translating cogitationes JideV, but this
'

'These,' Clement argues, 'are already within our cognisance. What then are the joys in store for those who remain stedfast to the

would require
11.

al didvoiai tt)s Trio-Teats.

evTrpoadeKTa]

See the notes on

7, 4o.
13. iracrav abiKiav k.t.X.] The whole passage which follows is a reminiscence of Rom. i. 29 sq noielv to. fxr)

end?' Comp. 1 J oh. iii. 2 vvv reKva Qeov eo~p.ev /cat ovtt<o e(pavepwdr) ri eaop.eda.

Kadr)KovTa...Trao~ri adiKia.

Trovrjpia irXeo-

navdyios] Apparently the first instance of the word, which afterwards

5.

veiq...epibos doXov KaKorjdeias, yjsidvpicrtcis

KaTaXakovs

6eocrTvyels...v7reprj(f)d-

prominent place in language of Greek Christendom

takes

the
;

un-

a\a6vas ...eTriyvovTes oti oi Ta ToiavTa Trpdao-ovTes d$-ioi Bavarov elaiv,

vovs

xxxv]
Trj dfjLWfJLw

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
fiovXrjffei

109

avTOv

kcli

dKoXovdrjcoojuev rrj

6Sw

t^5 dXr]6eias, diroppi^savTes

kcci dvofJLLaVy

d<p'

iavTwv Traaav ddiKLav

kcci

re irXeove^iav , epeis, KcxKorjdeias

hoXovs,
virepr]-

15 ylsidupi(riuLOvs

re

kcli

KaraXaXids, Beocrrvyiau,
KevoSo^iav T
kcci

(paviav re Kai dXatyveiav, peviav.

d(piXo-

Tavra yap

ol

Trpdarorovres arvyrjTOi

virdpyovariv ov jjlovov Se ol tt pacer ovtes ol ffvvevSoKOvvres clvtoTs. Xeyei yap r\ ypacptj' Toj Ae 20 AMApTCoAco efneN 6 Oedc* "Ina ti cy Aihth ta Aikaicomata
moy, kai anaAamBangic thn AiaGhkhn

tw Oew aura, dXXa kcci

moy eni ctomatoc coy;

Adroyc Moy
i.

cy Ae Imi'chcac haiAgian, kai e'leBAAAec Toyc

5eKra C.
14
avofjLiav]

eic

A;

irov-qplav

CS

(comp.

Rom.

29).

TrXeove&av]

AS; om.
A.
v.l. in

C.

15 /caraXctXids] /caraXiXiacr A.

vireprjcpaviav re]

AC;
This

/cat

virepiqcpavLav S.

16 d\aoveiav] aXafovia A.

dcpiXo^eulav}
e/cSiTryf?
;

CS
S.

(piKo^eviau
is

18 fidvov] /xov A.

20
21 eVt]

dnjyrj]

A;

C; dub.

the

lxx

crov] fjiov

A.

<ua CS with the LXX. Hebr. ?V) So the MS seems clearly to read (as even the photograph shows),
also.

(as the

though Tisch. gives

1.

it <xov.

22

<xv

5e k.t.X.]

omits

all to 6 pvo/mevos (p.

n,

After the omission comes Kai ev ry rkei dvaia alveaeus k.t.X. iratdiav A. ee/3aXXes] e^a/foXXea" A; ee/3aXes S; def. C. iraideiav]
1)

inclusive.

OV

[X.OVOV aVTCL TTOIOVCTLV {V.

I.

7TOtOVVTs)
I.

liness of their contributions towards

aAAa

Kai crvvevSoKovaiv (v.

o~vvev8o-

the needs of poor Christians abroad,

Kovvres)

rois

Trpdcrcrovcnv.

On

the

though they

may have

failed in this

reading noiovvTes, crvvevdoKovvres, supported by Clement's language here,

see Tischendorf 's note.
16.

respect also (see the note 38). The duty of entertaining the brethren

from

plest

emendation of the reading of A on firj ar^eXeiVco 38), and it is now confirmed by our new
(see the note
authorities.
Sibyll. viii.

dcpiko^eviav]

This was the sim-

foreign churches was a recognized obligation among the early In former times the Christians. Corinthians had obtained a good report for the practice of this virtue
(^
I

The word
304

occurs Orac.

to fieya\o7rpe7rs

rijs

(piXofjevias

ttjs d(pLkoevir)S ravrrjv

vficov tfSos),

but

now

TLO-ovo-i

rrpdne^av.

Other

proposed

Hence

the

stress

was changed. laid on the hosall

(

readings were
(piKoveiKiav.

(pi\orip:Lav, (piXoSot-iav,

suggestion of Lipsius (p. 115), that the Corinthians had failed in the duty of providing
for

The

pitality of ( 11), of

Abraham Rahab (

10),

of Lot
for
this

12);

virtue cannot

have been singled out

in all three cases without

some

special

others,

appears to

be correct.

reference.
19.

But the word seems

to their

to point rather churlishness in not entertaining foreign Christians at Corinth, than (as he maintains) to the niggard-

the

Tw e LXX Ps.

dfiaprcoXS k.t.X.]

1.

16

23, with slight va-

From

riations, of

which the more important

are noted below.

no
ta
dni'coo.

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

[xxxv

moi'xoon

ei eGecopeic KAenTHN, cysieTpexec aytco, kai mgta thn Mepi'AA coy eTiOeic* to ctoma coy enAeoNAceN

KAKIAN, KAI H rAOOCCA COY TT6p I6TT Ae KN AoAlOTHTA'

KA6HM6NOC

kata Toy AAeAchoy coy katgAaAcic,

kai

kata toy yioy thc

ka'i

MHTpdc coy
yrreAABec,

en'G.eic

ckanAaAon* tayta enomcAc

oti

cciVhca* 5
ce
ka'i

anomg,
C

ecoMAi

coi

6'moioc

eAe'r^oo

TTApACTHCOO

KATA npOCCOTTON

COy.

CyN6T

AH
(he

TAYTA,
AeooiM,

01
ka'i

eniAAN0ANOMeNOi toy Oeoy, mhuotg ApnACH

2 iw\e6va<rev~\

A;

eirXedvafcv S.

avofiai

A;
;

dvo\xiav S.

See the lower note.

erou S.

6 dvo/xe] 4 ddeXcpov] a8e\<pova A. 7 ere Kara irpbauirbv aov] A;

10
aura;]
17]
;

Kara irpbawrrbv aov ras a/zapWas

see

See the lower note.

LXX (BS)
avrols S.

below

rjv

ACS
p.ov

(with

some mss of the lxx).

13
curflep etas]

AC

tov Qeov]

AS;

C.

aadeviaa A.

14

toi;toi/|

C; TOyTOy

3.

Ka6rjfXvos\
;

Implying deliberate

conspiracy
6.

see

Perowne on
dvop,iav (B)
it is
;

Ps.

i.

1.

avofxe]

LXX

but S

bring thee face to face with thyself show thee to thyself in thy true light.' The ae is omitted in BS of the lxx

has avope, though

afterwards cor-

and doubtless had no place

original text
'

in the

rected into avopeiav (dvoptav). 'Avofiiav is read by Justin Dial. 22 (p.

240),

of this version which

798)
iv.

Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. 14 (p. but dvope Clem. Alex. Strom. 24 (p. 634). The Syriac does not
;

agreed with the Hebrew, I will lay in order (the matter) before thee'.
Justin Dial. 22 (I.e.) and other writers supply an accusative ras dpapTias
aov,

favour avope (as Wotton states), except that the existing pointing inThe reading of terprets it thus. our MS A here shows how easy was
the transition from the one to the
Other, avopai (dvop,e)
p.iav).

which
of

is

found also in a large

(see
'

number
Parsons).
8.

MSS
i.e.

Holmes and
he seize you

cos Xecov]

lest

and avopid ( = dvoSee the notes on dvaaTr] aopai

and r] 8elco just below. Though makes better sense, the original reading of the lxx here must have been dvopiav (not dvope as Wotton for the translators must thinks) have misread rPIIK nvn ITCH 'Thou
5,
avop.e
;

were a lion\ The words cos Xecov are absent from the LXX (and Justin Dial. 22 p. 402), as also from the Hebrew. They must have come from Ps. vii. 3, either as a gloss in
as
it

Clement's text

of

the

lxx

or

as

inadvertently inserted

thoughtest,
?T>nK

shall surely be', as if

by him in a made from memory. quotation 10. fj bel^co] As fj is read in the LXX (BS) and in Justin 1. c, and as the

rmn rvm 'Thou

thoughtest

destruction (or iniquity), I shall be', since nilH is elsewhere translated by

dvop[a, Ps.
lvii. 2,

parallelism in the opening of the next chapter (rj 68bs ev r) evpopev to

acoTrjpiov
I

k.t.X.)

seems
it

to require

it,

xciv.

20

and Theo-

have restored

for

rjv.

For similar

whose version agreed with the Field's Hexapl. ad loc), must have read it in the same way. / will 7. TvapaaTr]aco ae k.t.X.]
dotion,

LXX

(see

see 15 avacorruptions in the MS aTrjaopev (note), 36 oacov, 4 1 avveidrjaiv,

ii.

6 aixpakcoaiav.

'

retained, acoTrjpwv

If rjv be must be taken as a

xxxvi]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
c e
i

1 1 1

mh
iooAoc

"3

pyoM6NOc.
Aei'lco

OyciA

AiNeceooc

AolAcei

Me,

kai

gkci

ayto) to cooTHpiON toy OeoY-

XXXYI.
(TCOTtjplOV
ij/ULCOV

Avtt]
'

r\

6$os, ctya7rriTol, ev

rj

evpojJLev

to

IrjCTOVV

XpiffTOV TOV dp^LCpea TOOV 7TpO(Tfiorjdov Trjs dcrdeveias

to.
ii\jsri

(popoov
tjiutov.

ti/uoov,

15 $LCt

ovpavwv TOVTOV eVOTTTpL^Ofdeda TY[V Ct/UKJOJULOV KCLl V7repT(XTr]V b^siv avTOv' $ia tovtov rjveco^drjo'av tJ/ukjov 01 ScbdaX/uol
Ttjs

tov irpocTTaTriv kcu $ia tovtov ctTevicrcojuev eis

tcuv

KapSias'

Sta

tovtov
A

r\

dcrvveTOs

Kctl icrKOTcofjievr]

Sid-

(the superscribed Y being prima mantt) A; tovto S, and so 11. 15, 16, but not 1. 17, or p. 112 1. 2. a.Tviau}fj.v'\ contemplemtir (or contemplabimur) S; drevi^ofxev C. 16 rjve&15 evoiTTpL^ofxeda] AC; videatmis (or videbimiis) tanquani in speatlo S.
;

xQt\gojv~\
Tio/uLeurj]

AC;

A; ave&xQycM C; et aperti sunt iaKOTi<T(j.4vr} Clem 613.

in apposition with 686s. ' this path let us tra-

S.

-rjfxdv]

AC;

vjjl&v S.

17 cctko-

nominative

tin Dial. 116 (p. 344).

XXXVI.
vel.

On

This salvation

is

Jesus Christ

our High-priest. Through Him our darkness is made light, and we see the Father for He is the reflexion of God's person. He has a place far above all angels, being seated on God's right hand and endowed with
:

'guardian, patron, and pleads our cause'. To a Roman it would convey all the ideas of the Latin patronus,' of which it was the recognized rendering, Plut. Vit.Rom. 13, Vit.Ma13.
TTpoo-Tdr-qv]

who

protects our interests

'

rii

5.

Comp.

irpoo-Tdris

Rom.

xvi. 2.

rfjs

dcrdeveias]

In connexion with

and made triumphant over His enemies. These

universal dominion

the
in

work of the great High-priest, as Heb. iv. 15.

Christ
is

enemies are they that resist God's will.' 12. tov apx^pia] This is founded on the teaching of the Epistle to the

15. ivoTVTpi^opeOa]

the mir-

ror in

whom
comp.
(i.

is

reflected the faultless

countenance of
rov)
;

God

the Father (aviii.

Hebrews

(ii.

17,

iii.

1, iv.

14, 15, etc.),

of which Clement's language throughout this section is an echo. See

18 ttjv bo^av Kvpiov KaroTtrpL^opevoi, Philo Leg. 11.

2 Cor.

iii.

again 61, 64. Photius (Bid/. 126) alludes to these two passages in his criticism of Clement, dpx^pea kcu
npoaTaTTjv tov Kvpiov r/ua>v 'irjcrovv ijovop.dcov ov8e tcis Beonpeircis kcu v^rrjXo-

p. 107) urjde Karoirrpio-aiprjv iv aXXa> riv\ rrjv arjv I8eav tj ev o~o\ rat
;

33

Qecp

comp. John
'

i.

14.
c

auco/jLov]

faultless',

fleckless\ be-

cause the mirror

is perfect.

meaning of
17. 81a

apcopos, see the note

For the on

Tepas dcpijKe nepl avrov cpeovds (see the

ua>p.oo-K07rr)dev,

41

dpxiepevs is very frequently applied to our Lord by the earliest Christian writers of
note,
2).
all

The term

tovtov

k.t.X.]

Quoted in Clem.
(p.

Alex. Strom,
irpos

iv.

16

613) o iv

rfj

Kopivdiovs
'irjcrov

inicrTo\r]
77

yiyparrTai,

schools
12,

Phil.

Test,

Ign. Philad. 9, Polyc. xii Pair. Rub. 6,

i.

Aia

Xptcrroi)

dcrvveTos...f}p.ds

yevcracrBai.
rj

Sym.

7, etc.,

Clem. Recogn.

48, Jus-

davveTos

k.t.X.]

Rom.

i.

21

koi

112
voia
r\\xu)V

THE EPISTLE OF
avadaWei ek to
6

S.

CLEMENT
avrov]

[xxxvi
(pcos'

\6avfJL<x<TTOV

dia

tovtov
ij/xa?

r\6e\r]<T6v

SecrTroV^s

t^s

dOavarov
OCGO

yvcoffecos

yevcracrdar
TOCOyTCp

oc con attaytacma thc MerAAtocYNHc ay6CTIN

toy

M6IZ00N

AfTeAoON,

A ACpOpCOTepON
I

onoma KeKAHpoNOMHKeN.
nYpoc cpAorA.
Seo"7roT^5*
'E.7TI

yeypawTai yap
kai
vlaj

OVTW

'0 170ICON

toyc ArreAoyc aytoy ttn6Ymata

Se
tco

toyc Agitoyptoyc aytoy avTOV ovtcos et7rev 6

Yidc moy
6M0Y, KAI

e? cf,

er<*>

THCAI
i

TTAp'

AtOCGO

COI
i

CHMepON rereNNHKA ce* aFGGnH THN KAHpONOMIAN COY,

Pet.
ii.

to davfiacrTov avrov <pQs]

2 ttjs

(with

9);
;

rb 0cDs

S with Clem; to

dav/xaarbv (pus C.
yvibaeus),

where

1-77$

adavdrov yvuveus] AC mortis scientiae S (davdrov has been absorbed in the preceding syllable of deo-rrorrjs and

davdrov
19,

is

written for adavdrov.

For an instance of ddvaros

for ddvaros Ign.

for dtfctj/aros see

ii.

and conversely of dddvaros

Ephes.
i.

7.

5 &>o/ia Ke:\?77 7rupos

pov6/uL7]Kev]

KeKXrjpovo/xyjKev 'ovofxa
i.

(with

Heb.

4).

0\oYa]

A
CS
for

(with
;

ii. 13 r deXr)p.ari avrov] 18). 7); <pXbya irvpbs C (as Rev. A, as correctly read by Tisch. The lacuna has space rudeK-qixariTudeK-riiAa

Heb.

r$

seven letters and should probably be deXrjfiari being written twice over.
17

filled

up (with Tisch.) navrov, the words 18 iktiku)s] eKriKios C; leniter

earKoriadr]

Ephes.

iv.

dcrvvcTos avrcov Kapdia, 18 io-KOTa>p,evoi [v. L Ictko-

Tiv\x.ivoi\ rfj diavota.

These passages

Epistle to the Hebrews, from which expressions, arguments, and quotations alike are taken see esp. i. 3, 4,
:

are sufficient to explain how Clem. Alex, in quoting our Clement writes io-KOTicrp:4vr],but not sufficient to justify the substitution of this form for eovcoSee A. Jahn's rcoixevr] in our text.

For the meaning see the On commentators on that epistle.

5,

7,

13.

'

ovofia,
ii.

title,

dignity', see Philippians

9.
5.

'O TToiwv k.t.X.]

It is

From LXX

Ps.

Methodius
1.

II.

p.

77, note 453.

'

dvaOaXkei

k.t.X.]

i.e.

Our mind,

like a plant shut up in a dark closet, had withered in its growth. Removed

quoted exactly as in Heb. i. 7, rrvpos (pXoya being substituted for ivvp cpXeyov of the LXX (BS, but
civ. 4.

thence by His loving care, it revives and shoots up towards the light of
heaven.'
ctkotovs

Comp.
v/jlcis

Pet.

ii.

9 rod e*
to
6av-

has irvpoa cpXcya which shows the reading in a transition state). 8. Ylos nov k.t.X.] From LXX Ps. ii. 7 word for word, after Heb. i. 5 comp.
:

KaXicravros

els

fiaarbv avrov (pas.

See also Clem.

117) npbs to dtdiov

Alex. Paed.

i.

(p.

33 (in S. Paul's speech at the Pisidian Antioch), where it is again quoted. In both these passages

Acts

xiii.

dvarpexop-evov

cpcos

and the note on

rjp,as k.t.X.

59 below

eKaXeo-ev

It is

the 7th verse only is given adds the 8th, airrjarai k.t.X.
ii.

Clement
ex.
1

strange

that

editors

should

wished to
3.

alter dvaddXXci,

have which con-

Kddov

k.t.X.]

From LXX Ps.

Heb.
i.

word

for word, after

13.

tains so striking an image.

os <op k.t.X.]

XXXVII.
soldiers

'We

are fighting

as

The whole passage

is

borrowed from the opening of the

under our heavenly captain. Subordination of rank and obedience

XXXVIl]
IO KAI

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
KATAC)(eCIN

113
r"HC.

THN

COY

TA

TTepATA
ek

THC

KCLl

7T(x\lV

Xeyei

irpos

avTOV*

KaGoy

AcIioon

moy,

eooc

an

e 00

toyc e)(0poYc coy y'ttottoAion toon ttoAoon coy-

Tives o vv
deXri/uari

e^dpoi avrov.
r

01

ol

(pavXoi

Kctl

dvTLTaa'O'OfJLevoL

tw

XXXVIl.
/UL6TCL

CTpaTVo~(jbfJLeda
etcTeveias

ovv,

avdpes

dSeXcpoi,

7rao~r]s

iv toTs

dfjiaifjLOis

TrpocrTayfjiacriv

avrov*
/UL6VOLS

KaTai/orjcrco/uLev
Y\\1WV,
7TC0S

tovs o-rparevo/uevovs toIs riyov-

eVTCCKTCOS, 7TU)S s'lKTlKCOS, 7TC09 V7TOT6'

The first part has originally (placide) JV&CD"! S; 6YCKTII... A, as I read it. been written cickt, but the is prolonged and altered into an y> an(i ar is
1

'

superscribed between e and

k,

so that

it

becomes

eueiKT-.

So

far I

agree with

more

After this he reads co ('non Integra'); it seems to me Tischendorf prol. p. xix. with a stroke of another letter which might be K, so that I read the like an
1

part before the lacuna

euet/crt/c.

speak confidently. is an objection to

The lacuna seems

eue/crw[cr],

is so worn, that it is impossible to too great for a single letter, and this again But the uneven length of the the reading of Tisch.

But the MS

lines diminishes the force of this objection.

See the lower note.

to orders are necessary conditions in

i.

42

ro\<5

iv avrfj 'Pa>p.aiois

.iicijpv^ev...

an army. There must be harmonious So it is working of high and low.

with the

o~Tpa.Tevo-iv eavToi
is transitive).

(where arparevo'eLv
'concessively'.

human

body.
feet

The head
and the
feet

18.

elKTLKcos]

In

must work with the

safety of the whole.'
i.

with the head, for the health and

1 Tim. 1 5. 2Tf)aTva-a>ixe3a] 2 Cor. x. 3, 18, 2 Tim. ii. 3, 4, Ign. Polyc. 6.

former edition I had proposed, with the evidence then before me, to The adverb eueiV read Viktikg>s.

my

tojs is

recognized in the Etym. Magn.,

eveucros the Lexie.g.

and of the adjective

Cass. lxix. 20.

17. Karavorjaco^iev k.t.A.]

So Seneca

cons give several instances,

de

Tranq. An. 4 Quid si militare nolis nisi imperator aut tribunus ? etiamsi alii primam frontem tene-

'

On

the other

Dion hand

bunt, te sors inter triarios posuerit, inde voce, adhortatione, exemplo,

of Viktlk6s, -teas, though legitimate forms, no examples are given in the But in the light of the lexicons.
recently discovered authorities,
tlkcos
el<-

animo,
rois

milita'.
'

seems

to

me more

probable.
to read
cktikcos

TJyovfMevoLs

^/xcoi/]

under our
5.

The
ktikcos

alternative

would be

temporal
other
see

rulers.'

For

this sense of

with C.

The word
and

ol ijyovfievoi

see the note

ol yyovfxevoi is

On

the

means
liarly',

'habitually',

so 'fami-

hand
1

used

else:

where of the
(note).

officers of the

Church

For the dative

after

o-Tpareveadai see Ign. Polyc. 6 dpeo~/cere <u arpaTeveadc, Appian Bell. Civ.

'easily', 'readily' (i.e. 'as a matter of habit'); comp. Epict. Diss. iii. 24. 78 truXkoyitrfiovs iv dva\vo~r)s eKTLKcorepovy Plut. Mor. 802 F cktlkcos
t]

rexviKws

rj

diaiperiKas,

Porph. de

CLEM.

II.

114
Tcty/uLevoos

THE EPISTLE OF
eTTLTeKovaiv
tcl

S.

CLEMENT
ov

[xxxvn
iravTes

^laTacrcofJieva.

eiaiv

ovhe tKaTovTapyoi ovle eirapxoi ovle xi\iapxoi ovSe to Ktxde^rjs' d\X eKa&TOs ev Tip TrevrnKOVTap-fcoi
ifiiio

viro tov fiao-iXews kcu Tciy/maTi tcl eTTLTacrcrofxeva

rjyov/uievcov

tiov

eTTLTeXei.
oi

o!

Mer^Aoi

Ai'x*

t<x>n

mikp^nS
cyr-

ov ivvavTai ehai, ovte

KpACIC TIC 6CTIN V
i

MiKpoi Ai'x* tcon Mer^AcoN*

TTOiOriV,

eTTireAoucrtv]

re\ov<n

KCU V TOVTOIS Xp7<T9. ActfilOtcl dLaraaao/xeva] AC; irdvra to. C; dub. S.

j

S adopts the Greek word Virapxoi, but it 2 eVapxoi] AC 4 imraaaofieva'] does not necessarily imply any variation in the Greek text.
diarcKraonepa S.

Abst.
e'hrois

iv.

20 to

aiTiov tov

crvppeveiv

tion to get a

av kol tov inTiKcos

diapbiveiv,

Diod.

sense

word with an adequate but on the whole it seems

Sic. iii. 4 fxeXeTj] ivo\vxpoviod <a\ pvrjpr] cktikcos eKacrTa yvp-vd^ovres Tas -^/vx^s
T<>v

more probable that he had giktikcoc in his copy, and not cktikcoc as read
If so, cIktikms has the higher claim to be regarded as the word It is difficult to used by Clement. whether the rendering in S represay In the Pesents cIktlkws or KTt,KG>s. shito Luke vii. 25 fcCO"l stands for fxaXaKos, and in the Harclean Mark Thus it seems xiii. 28 for dnakos. nearer to elKTucais than to ktiko>s. The word et/criKoy occurs Orig. de

yeypappevoav

dvayivoto-KOvcn,
is

1.

e.

in C.

'fluently'

(where he

speaking of

reading the hieroglyphics). So here, if the reading be correct, it will mean 'as a matter of course', 'promptly', The adjective is used in 'readily'.
the
18.

same
4

el ti Tvoifiv

sense, e.g. Epict. Diss. ii. The eOekeis cktikov.

reading of

C confirms my account

of

A
he

as against Tischendorf's, though

still

adhered

to his first opinion

Princ.

iii.

15

(1.

p.

124),

and occathese ad-

after

my remarks. There can

doubt now, I in my upper note is correct; for the reading of Tischendorf has no reThe ey lation to the ktik<os of C. (altered from ei, as it was first written) must be explained by the preceding
ey of evTciKTos catching the scribe's eye as he was forming the initial letters of either gktikooc or eiKTiKooc.
this point
ei, and at he was misled by the same conjunction of letters ncocey just Whether this ei was the bebefore. of eiKTiKooc, or an incomginning

be little think, that the account

elsewhere. jectives in -iKos see

sionally
p. 228.
1.

On

Lobeck Phryn.

ov 7rdvTs k.t.A.]
29, 30.
eirapxoi k.t.A.]

Comp.

Cor.

xii.
2.

21

KctTao-Trjo-eis [avrous-]

See Exod. xviii. en avTwv xtAt-

He had

written as far as

dpXV$ KOL KaTOVT(ipXOVS KCll 7TVTrjKOVTcipxovs kol deKabdpxovs (comp. ver. 25). The reference here however is to Roman military organization as the context shows comp. Clem. Horn. x.
;

14 ovnep yap Tponov els ecrriv o Keucrap, e^ei fie vn avTov to\>$ dioaaJTas (vnaTikotjs,

plete 6K as the beginning of gktikcoc, may be doubtful. In the latter case

Xvs,
k.t.X.

endpxovs, ^iXiap^ouy, etcaTovTapdeKaddpxovs), tov civtov Tprnrov

The

eirapxoi

therefore

are

we must suppose
written

that the second

line,

1,

'prefects', ewapxos

being used especi-

above the

liberate (and perhaps later)

was a deemenda-

ally of the 'praefectus praetorio', e.g. Plut. Galb. 13, Otho 7; comp. Dion

XXXVI 1 1]
/zei/

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

115

to

i&TLv,
10

r\ (TcofJia tj/uwv K6<paXrj Si^a tcou 7rodcov ovSev ovtcos ovcHe ol 7roSe Sl^a ttJs KecpaXrjs' to, Se

eXa^icrra
Xprjo'Ta
kcli

^.eXrj

tov

crcojuaTOS

rificov

ctvayKcua Kat evavvirvel

etCLV

bXw tw cw\xaTi
/una

dXXa iravra
a-w^ecrdai

v7T0Tayrj

xprjrai

eis

to

oXov to

aoo/ua.

XXXVIII.
A;
viroTaacrofieva C.

Co)^eo"6co
The converse

ovv

rifjiiov

oXov to

o~<jofjLa

ev

Tacraofievoi for viroraaaofievoi..

n
Cass.

ffwirvet]

A;

avfiirveL

error appears in the MS of Ign. Ephes. 2 eiri8 ovdfr iarcv] and so prob. S eanv ovSev C. 12 XPy L ] A; xp^rat C: see the note on ii. 6.

Fragm.
i<JTi,

(v. p.

203 ed. L. Dind.)

quotation,

Kalcrap, eKaTovrdpx<o ae oiaXeyecrOai tcov ewdpxcov eo> tarcoTcov.

aiaxpov

seems

to

and indeed Clement's text embody some anapaestic

fragments.
6. aiiyKpaais k.t.X.] This seems to be a reference to Eurip. Fragm. JEol. 2 aXX eari tls o~vyKpao~is coot' ex eLV

xtXlapxoi, eKarouTapxoi, again are the common equivalents for 'tribuni',

The

'centuriones', respectively.
I

for 7revTr)K6vrapxos

But do not know any

'
'

corresponding term in the Roman army. If it represents the optio the

lieutenant or the signifer 'the ensign'
(see

Euripides is there speaking of the mutual cooperation of rich and poor: see the passage quoted from
kciXus, for

the context of Euripides on 6 nXovo~ios k.t.X.

Lohr Taktik

u.

Kriegswesen

p.

just

below

38.

Cotterill

41), the

numerical relation of 50 to 100 has become meaningless. eKCHTTOS K.T.X.] I Col'. XV. 2$ 3.
o"e

(Peregrinus Proteus
that
this

extract

points out appears in close

p. 25)

Kchttos

ev

ra

I8ia>

ray/xari

comp.
13 sq

below
4.

41.
ftaaiXecos]

proximity to the passage from Sophocles quoted in the last note in Stobasus Floril. xliii. 18, 20 (p. 82 sq,

Comp.

Pet.
;

ii.

Meineke).
o Qeos
7.

Comp.
to

Cor.

xii.

24 dXXa Sug(comp.
to.

LT

/3acrtXet...en-e

The offiJoh. xix. 15, Acts cial title of the emperor in Greek
was avroKparap, but
in
fiao-iXevs is

rjy^jxocnv xvii. 7.

comp.

avueKepacrev to
Aaftcofiev
1

aa/xa.
k.t.X.]

crco/ua

gested by

Cor.
;

found

Rom.

xii.

4)

12 sq see esp. ver. 22

xii.

80-

parlance, though the corresponding 'rex' would not be used

common

except in gross
5.

flattery.

KovvTa peXrj tov aco/xaTos dadeveaTepa For Xd^oDjxev vTvapx^iv dvayKcud io~Tiv. see above, 5.

ol /xeyaXoi k.t.X.]

See Soph. Aj.

kcl'itoi

158 (quoted
pvpLa

by Jacobson)

07x1-

Kpo\ peydXcov ^copis o~(paXepov Tvvpyov TreXovrai k.t.X. (with Lobeck's

note), Plato Leg. x. p. 902 E ovde yap avcv apiicpcov tovs peydXovs (paalv ol XidoXoyoL Xidovs ev KelaOai, with the

remarks of Donaldson, New Crat. I have there 455, on this proverb. fore ventured to print the words as a

'So therefore let the body be our aim. Let weak and strong, rich and poor, work together in harmony. Let each man exercise his special gift in humility of heart and without vainglory, remembering that he owes everything to God and giving thanks to Him for His goodness.'
health of the whole

XXXVIII.

82

n6
XpKTTCQ
clvtou,

THE EPISTLE OF
'IfJO-OV,

S.

CLEMENT
Ka<TTOS

[xxxviii

KCll V7rOTa(TO'6(rdu)

TW

7r\f](TL0V

Kadcos
fJLfi

Kal iredri

ev

tw

yapia-^aTi aurov.

lo"Yvpd$

dTri/meXeLTO)

tov

da-devfj,

6 Se dcrdevtis ev-

TpeTrecrda)
7TT(J0XU) y

tov la"xypov

6 Se 7TTO)%OS eiJ^|OtCrTiTW

6 irXovarios eTn^opnyeLTw T <? TW 6GJ, OTL 6?)U)KeV 6 o~o<pos

avTw

Si'

ov dva7rXfipco6fj
ty\v

avTOii to vCTepri^a.
ccvtou
/mrj

ev$eiKvuo-6(x)

voty'iav

ev

Xoyois

dXX' ev

eavTw papTVpeiTa), epyois dyadoTs* 6 Taireivocppov-wv jmrj 6 dyvos dXX' eaTco v<p' eWepov eavTOV /mapTV peIo-6 ai.
}

ev t?i vapid t]TO) Kal

i

/mrj

otl io dXatyveveo-dco, yivtoo'KWv

2

'Iijo-oO]

om. CS.

Kal]
fiij)

om. CS.

arnfiekelru]

/xrjTfxfieXeiTco

A;

T-qp.eXeiTw (omitting

CS.

it already disappeared from their prototype as obliged to erase the counterbalancing negative

Obviously the a of arTjueXelTU had has from A, and the transcribers are
fir]

in order to restore the sense;

see above,

I.

p. 143.

ivrpewiadco]

C;

ivrpe-rriru)

A, retained by Gebhardt
ev X6yois]

but

it is

a solcecism.

evducvwrdw 7 evdeiKvvcrdo)]

A.

AC

Xoyois

ixbvov

while conversely pyus C, thus omitting ev here, S has it in both, but no stress can be laid on the where it does not occur in the Greek; fact, as the translator repeats the preposition 8 raireivocppovCov] A, and so prob. S; raireivocppuv C Clem; see 1. p. 137. see above, 19. fiapTvpeiru p.7) eavry Clem. eaur /xaprvpeiTio] AC

Clem 613. Clem has omitted

Zpyois]

it

in ev Xoyois.

1.

v7roTaaaeadoi
v.

eKacrros
1

k.t.X.J
5.

Ephes.
2.
1

21

comp.

Pet. v.

kci6g>s

ko\ ere6r)] SC. 6 irX-qcriov,

according as he
;

was appointed with

comp.
1

here confirms the conjecture that in the earlier passage Clement has the words of Euripides in his mind. 6. avcnik-qpaOf) k.t.X.] For the expression see
1

his special giff

exacrro?

Pet.
I

iv.

10

Cor. xvi. 17, Phil.

i.

ii.

Kadws e\a(3ev x<*pio-p.a,

'idiov

Cor.vn.

30
to

comp. Col.

24.

7 eKdCTTOS

Rom.
rrji>

xii.

6 e'xovres

ex ei X <*P l(r fxa 6> * x a P^ (r lxaTa

eo ^>
KClTa

6 aocpos k.t.X.]
rrjv

iyKpdreiav
iv.

XP IV T V V SoBeicrav -qplv diacpopa. p) aTrjne\eiT(o] This reading makes better sense than 7rXr)ppeXeiT(o
3.

Alex. Strom,

This passage down is quoted in Clem. 16 (p. 613) between

extracts from 40, 41 (see the notes

there).

(for

Clement
for

ciation
easily

condemning the depreof others) and accounts more

is

For this emphatic use compare Ign. Ephes.

'

10.

rjT<o\

let

him

be

it''.

the

corruption

see the

omission of a in dcpiXogeviav 35. 6 nXovaios k.t.X.] See Eurip. 4.

\ovvra

15 apeivov ecrriv cnoonav Kal eivai 77 Xaeivai, Iren. ii. 30. 2 ovk fMrj
e v rco eivai. 6 Kpeirrcov

ePT(3 Xeyeiv aXX'

Fragm.

sol. 2 (of which the context is cited above, 37) a p,r) yap eari ra a o 01 nXovSi'Scocr 7revr)Ti, nXovcrios
'

rovvres

ov

KeKTr/pieBa,

rolaiv

nev^ai

I have preferred deUwo-dai ScpeiXei. Laurent's happy emendation tJtco to o lyarco which has also been suggested, both because it better suits the vacant

Xpvfievoi OripufxeOa.

The resemblance

space

in

A, and because

it

is

the

XXXVIIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
67T L)^0

117
'

TpOS ECTTLV O
Aoyio-tofAeda
iroioi
Kctl

prjy CO V CLVTCp Tt]V eyKpLXTeiCLV.

e/c

AvCL-

ovv,

d$e\(f)oi,

irolas

v\t]s

eyevridnfjiev
e'/c

rives

elcriXdafiev eU rov koc/uop'

rifjias

ttoiov

Ta<pov Kai
15 etcrriyayev

(tkotovs 6 TrXaa-as

kcli

Sri/unovpyrjo-as
rets

eU rov
avrov

koo-julov

avrov, 7rpoeroi]udcra
yevvr]6rjvai.

evepyecrias

irplv

77/xas

ravra ovv

iravra e avrov e^ovres

pia-Teiv avTtp'
djurjv.
9 edroj]
to
r\

6<pel\ofj.ev

Kara irdvra ev%aalcovas rcov alcovcov.

ho^a eU tovs

ACS

ev

r Clem.
;

ixp'

irepov iavrbv]

A;

avrbv u0' irepov Clem;

iavrbv u0' irepov

Tupelo-dw)

S translates the sentence sed ab

eavrbv]
Tjrco]

aliis

testimonium detur (pap10 ev]

super
S.

ipso.

AC;

avrbv Clem.

AC;

om.

Clem; dub
p. 142.

Laurent

(his earlier

f. Luther. Theol.

In

XXIV. p. 423). CS Clem the margin of the parchment

to

suggestion had been eVrw, Zeitschr. omit the words rjra) Kai: see above, I.
is

cut

off,

so that nothing

is visible.

There seems however

13 Kai rives] C 15 rov Koafxov]

have been room

;

for i?tw, as the size of the letters is often

1 1

diminished at the end of the lines

;

see below.

eyKpdretav] eyKpanav A.

(torn...

A; om.
has hunc

S.

eio-qKdapev] ...arjXdapev

A;

eio-qXdopev C.

AC; S
;

mundum,

but

it

probably does not represent a

various reading see the critical note on ii. 17 6<peiXop<ev] o^Xopev A. 19. Kara irdvra] AC ; om. S. evxaptarelv] evxapiori A.

48.

form found elsewhere Hort suggests

in

Clement,

the allusions of Epiphanius

and

Je-

paring 1 Cor. vii. 37. a line it is not safe to speak positively about the number of letters to be supplied, as there the letters are

comAt the end of

o-t^tco,

rome (quoted above,

which
p.

pp. 170, 173), doubtless refer to the spurious

1.

Epistles on Virginity;

see above,
Pet.
i.

I.

408
13.
T]

sq.
iroioi Ka\ rives]
I

some-

II els

times

much

yond the under any circumstances too long

to

smaller and extend beline ; but aiyara seems

TLva

TTolov Kaipov.

elcrrjXOapev] xiii. p. 86.

For the form see Winer

be at all probable. Hilgenfeld's reading, 6 dyvbs ev 777 crapKi Kai [avrbs] p.rj dXa^oveveadai, supplies the lacuna in the wrong place. For the senti-

< noiov rd(pov k.t.X.]

Harnack

re-

fers to Ps. exxxix (cxl). 15 to oo-tovv p.ov...e7ioirjcras ev Kpvcpfj Ka\ rj VTrocrracris

pov ev rots KarcoTarois

15.
7rpoero1.pa.o~as

rfjs yrjs.

ment see

Ign. Polyc. 5

e'i

tls dvvarat

ev ayveiq p.evew els riprjv rrjs crapes tov Kvplov, ev aK.av)(r}0~Lq peverco' eav KavxycrqTai, d7ra)'Xero (see

See the fragment from 'the 9th Epistle' of Clement of Rome in Leontius and
k.t.X.]

above,
'

I.

p. 149),

Tertull. de Virg. Vel. 13

Et

si

Deo
quid

confertur

continentiae

virtus,

John Sacr. Rer. ii (Mai Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. vii. p. 84) given above, 1. p. 189. Though it has some points
of resemblance with this passage in our epistle, it cannot have been taken

gloriaris, quasi

non

acceperis', pas-

sages quoted by Wotton. Clement's language is not sufficient to explain

from

it.

Il8

THE EPISTLE OF
XXXIX.
'

S.

CLEMENT
KCtl

[xxxix
jULCOpOt

A(ppOVe$

KCLl

O.CTVV6TOL

KCLl

ct7ralSevTOL ^Xeva^ovcrip rjjuas kcli fiVKTf]pi(^ov(riv,

(SovXojJievoi

iavTOvs
tl

eTralpecrdca
tj

tcus Siavoiais
;

civtoov.

yap
KAI 5

Svvarai
T

Qvy\t6<*\

r/s ia-)(ys yrjyevovs

yey pairrai yap*

AAA'
H

HN

MOpCJ)H

TTpO
Tl

OCbQAAMCON

MOY'

Ay'pAN

0OONHN HKOYON. Kypi'oY; h And toc>n

ttaiAoon

MH KA0ApOC 6CTAI BpOTOC 6NANTI |"Ap; eprooN aytoy amgmtttoc anh'p; ei kata

aytoy of mcTefe', kata Ae AfreAooN aytoy ckoAion

AS;
d(ppoves
/cat airalb'evToi /cat

"A(ppoves...aTrai8evToi]

p-upol

C.

2 /xvKrrjpi-

favcriv] fxvKTiprj^ovcnv
it

A.

6 Kadapbs]
:

AC;

fcs?2n corruptor S, perhaps connecting

I.

with nadaipeiv, as

if /catfatper^s

see above,

p. 140.

The

translator

however may

have had
evavTiov
this is

(pdopos in his text.

ec/rat]

AC

ianv S.
S.
1.

Zvavri]

(with

lxx SA)
S,

(with

LXX

B).

7 el]

AC;

rj

8 iraldw]
p. 138.

AC;

operum

but

due

to the false pointing; see above,

avrov]

A;

eavrov C.

XXXIX.

'

What

folly is the arro-

Clem. Alex.
iv.

Paed.'i. 12 (p. 156),

Strom.

gance and self-assumption of those who would make a mockery of us Have we not been taught in the
!

(p.

577).

In classical writers

the y-qyevels are the fabled giants, the sons of Uranus and Gaea, and rebels
against the Olympians (e.g. Soph. Track. 1058 6 yqy evqs arparos yiyavrcov,

Scriptures the nothingness of man ? In God's sight not even the angels

are pure

how much
!

less

we

frail

Aristoph. Av.
...

824

ol

6eo\

creatures of earth

A lump

of clay,

rovs

y-qyevels

KadvTTeprjKovTio-av,

see

a breath of air, the sinner is consumed and in a moment by God's wrath

:

the righteous shall inherit his forfeited blessings.'

1.

Pape Worterb. d. Griech. Eigennam. s. v.). Connected with this idea is the translation of D^EH, where it means 'the shades of the dead', by
yqyevels in the LXX of Pro v. ii. 18, ix. 18 ; while in these and other pas-

"Acppoves k.t.A.]
ix.

Comp. Hermas
aavveros.
Ps. xliv.
1

Sim.
2.

14 dcppaiv

el /cat

xkeva^ovaiv

K.r.X.]

(V. 1.),

lxxix. 4, fXVKTTJpLO-fJLOS KCU ^XfU;

aa-[xos

comp.

Aftost. Const,

iii.

5 p,v<-

sages the other Greek translators (Theodotion, Symmachus) render the same word by ylyavres or 9eop.dxoi
:

In C eavrovs rqpiaavres ^Xevacroucri. is connected with the preceding words

see Gesenius Thesaur.

s. v.
'

NQ"|

on

the connexion of
giants.

'

by punctuation.
is

Altogether

Rephaim and the we may say that

'huorigin',

yqyevovs] As a LXX word, yqyevqs a translation of DIN in Jer. xxxii. 20. In Ps. xlix (xlviii). 2 ol re yqyevels kcu ol viol rwv dvdpcoTTcov is a rendering of 'OH D3 DIN* 'On DJ where the next clause of the verse has nXovo-ios
4.

the word
mility
(2)

(1) signifies originally

and meanness of

and

connotes 'separation from and hostility to God'.

yeypmrrai
yap]

WW

long

Kal nevrjs.

In Wisd.

vii.

Adam

is

called yqyevqs npeoroTrXaaros. The word occurs Test, xii Pair. Jos. 2,

from the LXX Job iv. 16 v. 5, the words ovpavos be. .avrov being inserted from Job xv. 15 (see below). The variations from the LXX are for the
.

passage

xxxix]
ti

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

119

10 Ae, 01

eneNOHceN- oyp<\Noc Ae oy KAGApdc eiMcbniON aytoy" eA katoikoyntgc oiki'ac tthAi'nac el wn kai aytoi 6K toy
kai
atto

aytoy tthAoy ecMeN* enAiceN aytoyc chtoc TpdnoN,

npooi'OeN
eooc

ecrrepAc

oyk

gti

gicin*

ttapa to

mh AynacOai
eTTIKAAeCAl

aytoyc gaytoTc BohGhcai attgoAonto' eNed)YCHceN ayto?c kai

6T6A6YTHCAN, TTApA TO MH
*5 Ae,
ei

e'x6IN
ei'

AYTOYC COCplAN.

tic

coi

YTTAKOYceTAi, h

tina ap'oon ArreAooN

TTeTT A AN

dyH*

KAI
ov]

TAp

ACJ)pONA
S.

ANAipe?
-mareijei]

OpTH,

HMN

Ae

0ANATO?

AC; om.

AC;

iriaTevvei S.

11 iiratcrev aurovs]

AC

(but

S; see above, I. p. 140. 0-77x05] o-rjrov stands in (as I read it), by a transposition with the termination of the next word. Tischendorf gave arjTocr, but afterwards acquiesced in my reading of the MS. rp6irov~\ CS
;

eireaev); 'iireaov avrov

rpoirocr
0-06]

A;

see the last note.

12 eVi]
;

A, and so prob. S (with lxx BS)

AC; om. S. <xov C (with lxx

15 e? pri]

AC;

rj

S.

A).

o^y] A;

6\pec

C.

most part slight. Ovk r)v fiop(f)r} 5.

K.r.X.]

The words

of Eliphaz reproving Job.

He

relates

more, ye that dweW. In the lxx BS read rovs de KaroiKovvras, but A ea de rovs KaroLKovvras let alone those that
'

how a voice spoke

pure in God's

to

him

in the

dead
is

of night, telling him that no

sight.

man

The lxx

differs

The latter is a better rendering of the Hebrew and must have been the original LXX text. Symdwell'.

materially from the Hebrew, but the general sense is the same in both. The ovk is not represented in the

machus has
lent,
10.

ttoVoj

paXkov, to which

ea with this construction is

an equiva-

Job

xv. 16, xxv. 6.

Hebrew, and it may have been inby the LXX to avoid an anthropomorphic expression but the translators must also have read the preceding words somewhat differently.
serted
;

oIklos 7rr)\ivas~\

The houses of

clay in the original probably signify men's bodies comp. 2 Cor. v. 1 77

:

7.

ft

Kara iraibwv

'

k.t.X.]

seeing
is dis-

that agai?tst
trustful,

His servants He

rov aKrjvovs, called before (iv. 7) ocrrpaKiva crKevrj. But the LXX by the turn which they give to the next clause, e wv Ka\ avrol
eivlyeios rjpwv OLKia
k.t.X.,

and against

(to the discredit

seem

to

have

understood
of the

it

of)

His angels He

noteth some de-

literally,

'We

are

made
;

same

pravity?
9.

ovpavbs 8e k.t.X.]

From Job

xv.

clay as our houses' e| cov being explained by K rov avrov tttjXov.

11.

15 (likewise in a speech of Eliphaz) Kara ayicov ov TTLcrrevei, ovpavos fie ov The fact that Ka.6a.pos evavriov avrov.
el

Kai otto npoitOev k.t.X.]

'

ko\ is

found in BS but omitted in A. By ano npaiOev K.r.X. is meant in the

course of a single day'
xxxviii. 12, 13.
14.
;

nearly the same words occur as the first clause of xv. 15, which are found
likewise in
this
iv.

comp.

Is.

to insert the

18, has led Clement second clause also of

ereXevrrjo-av]
all

In the

LXX
;

SO

reads with

authorities here

but

same verse
it

to

which

in the other passage does not belong.

'

BS

have

e;r)pav8r)crav.

ea 84, ol KaroiKovvres]

hoiv

much

7X0?] i.e. indignation against God, such as Job had shown.

opyrj,

16.

120
zhAoc.
Oeooc
ay'toon

THE EPISTLE OF
erco

S.
C

CLEMENT
I

[xxxix
eyyio\

Ae

eoopAKA AchpoNAC piZAC BaAontac, aAA

Ay-rcoN
h
Ai'aita.

eBpoaOH

ndppco
eni

reNoiNTO

01

And cooTHpiAC KoAABpicGemcAN

ecTAi
6

OypAic hcconoon,
htoi'mactai,

kai

oyK

eSAipoyMeNOC

r^p eKeiNOic
T

AlKAIOI eAONTAI*
i

AYTOI Ae K KAKOJN
Pakovras]

elAl'pGTOI

6C0NTAI.

5e]

AC

om. S.
eidiws]

A;
;

/SaXXovras
evdds

(with LXX), and S also has

a present.
T\Toi}XQ.GTQ.i\

A (with LXX BS)

S
:

AC
'

eKeivoi rjToifj.acrai'

for the

LXX

(with LXX A). see below.

'

eKelvois

5 ecu'peroi]
'

2.

SiWa]

their abode*
22,
xi.
'

as

e. g.

brew, where

at the gate

means

'

in

LXX Job
3.

viii. 6,

14, xxxix. 6.

court, in judgment'.

Ko\a(Bpi(r0eir)(rav]
viii.

mocked, in-

sulted\ as Athen.
fipi^ovcri

tovs
'

p. 364 A *aXaoiKeras, a.7reikovcn toIs

a yap iiceivois /c.r.X.] In the LXX 4. (BS) a yap eicelvoi avptjyayov (edepicrap A), SiKaiot ebovrat
(Tourai
k.t.X.

For

etjalpeToi

noWo'is.

Suidas after

others

says

has e^epe^o-oirai

-^evacrOelr], iKTivaxdeirj, oLTifxacrBelrj- KoXafiposyap koi K.dXa(3pos,

Ko\a(3pLcrdelr)

pedrjo-ovrai).

The LXX

eaiin this verse

(i.e.

6 piiKpbs x^P 0S

'

agios

vop,iaOeLTj.
ii.

a.wl tov ovdevos Xoyov And so Bochart

c

diverges considerably from the Hebrew, egalperoi here has the some-

what rare sense

e.g.
'

Hieroz.

57,

I.

p. 707,

KoXa(3pieiv

Hellenistis contemnere, quia porcello

apud Judaeos nihil fuit contemptius'. But this derivation cannot be correct for (to say nothing else) the word was
;

rescued, exempt] as Dion. Hal. A. R. vi. 50. XL. This being plain, we must do all things decently and in order, as our Heavenly Master wills us. The

'

not confined to Hellenist Jews. The same Athenasus, who furnishes the only other instance of the verb KoXaKoXafipiCco, has also two substantives,
(3pos or KaXafipos (iv. p.
'

appointed times, the fixed places, the proper ministers, must be respected in making our offerings. So only will they be acceptable to God. In the law of Moses the high-priest, the
priests, the Levites, the laity, all their distinct functions'.

697 c)
ftpio-p.6s

164 E, xv. p. a licentious song', and icaXa'a certain (xiv. p. 629 d)

have

The

offence

of

the

Corinthians

Thracian dance'.
fined

The
(iv.

latter is de-

by Pollux
icai

100)

OpaKiicbv

opxypa

Kapatav.

PI ere therefore

was contempt of ecclesiastical order. They had resisted and ejected their lawfully appointed presbyters and
;

the derivation must be sought. The jeering sallies and mocking gestures of these unrestrained songs and dances would be expressed by KoXaftpiThe reading of in the LXX eii>.

as

a necessary consequence they held their agape and celebrated their

eucharistic
feast

when and where

they chose, dispensing with the intervention of these their proper officers.

o-Ko\afipio~delr]o~a.v,

paicifciv,

compared with <tkomight seem to favour the

suffi-

There

is

no ground

for sup-

other derivation, if there were cient evidence that KoXaftpos

ever

meant x 0ip'^ l0v

eirt

posing (with Rothe Anfange p. 404 sq), that they had taken advantage of a vacancy in the episcopate by death to mutiny against the presbyters.

at the doors Ovpais rjo-o~6v<>v\ of their inferiors\ There is nothing corresponding to rjacrovcov in the He-

Of bishops,

properly so called,

no mention is made in this epistle (see the notes on 42, 44) and, if the
;

xl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
XL.
npoY]\u)v ovv
eis
rifjuv

121
teat

bvTOiv
delas

tovtlov,
yvcoffecos,

/ce/cfffloTe?

TO.

flctdri

t^s

iyiravTa
e/ce-

Ta^ei
Xevcrev
e^eperoi.

TTOieiv

6<pei\ofj.v

bcrct

6 SecnroTtis eiriTeXeiv
tcls
613.
8

Kara Kaipovs
A.
6
i)fuv

TeTay/uievovs'

t 7rpoo~(popas
tovtui>]

ovrwv]

AC

ovrwv

i)jxii>

Clem

AC

add.

&5e\<poi S.

ey/ce/a'0ores]

AC;

eKKCKvcpores

Clem.

6(fieL\o/j.ev] cxpikofiev

A.

oca]

AC

sicut (ws?) S.

government of the Corinthian Church was in any sense episcopal at this time, the functions of the bishop were not yet so distinct from those of the presbyters, but that he could still be regarded as one of them, and that no special designation of his office was

which afterwards became the watchwords of the Gnostic sects and were doubtless frequently heard on the lips of their forerunners his contemporaries.
(3d6r)
:

On the late necessary or natural. development of the episcopate in Corinth, compared with the Churches of Syria and Asia Minor, see the dissertation in Philippians p. 213 sq, and Ignat. and Polyc. 1. p. 562 sq, ed. 1
(p. 579, ed. 2).
6.

belongs ra (comp. 1 Cor. ii. see S. John's language in Rev. ii. 10) 24 otrives ovk eyvcoaav ra fiaQia rov 2arava, cos Xeyovaiv, which is
this class
rfjs

To

yvcoo-etos

illustrated
'

by Iren. Haer. ii. 22. 3 profunda Dei adinvenisse se dicenii.

tes',

28.

9 'aliquis eorum qui

alti-

IlpoSq'Xcoi/ k.t.X.]

This passage

Dei exquisisse se dicunt', Hippol. Haer. V. 6 eireKaXeaav eavrovs yvcoartKovs, (pdaKovres povoi ra /3 d #77
tudines
ytvcoo-Keiv; compare the description in Tertullian adv. Valent. 1 ' Si

as far as Kaipovs reraypivovs is quoted in Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. 16 (p. 613).

over\

''peered into, pored See below 45, 53, Polyc. Phil. 3, Clem. Horn. iii. <?. In all these passages it is used of searching
ey/cacvcpoTes]

bona

fide

quaeras,

concreto vultu,

the
Tiv,

Scriptures.

Similarly irapaKim1

suspenso supercilio, Altum est aiunt', and see Galatians p. 298. It is significant too that yp&ais is a favourite word with Clement: see 1, 36, 41,

James

i.

25,

Pet.

i.

12.

The

and especially 48
tgeurelv (with

fjrco

Swarbs

yvacriv

word
tion.
7-

eKKKv(poTi in

Clem. Alex, must

be regarded as an error of transcripra

(3adr] rfjs

the note). Again in 34 he repeats the favourite Gnostic text 'Eye hath not seen etc.', which

deias y^a'creooy]

The
of

they misapplied to support their principle

large

and comprehensive

spirit

of an esoteric doctrine.

See

Clement, as exhibited in the use of the Apostolic writers, has been already pointed out (notes on 12, Here it is seen from a 31, 33, 49).

the note there.

9.

have
the

ras re 7rpocr(popas K.r.X.] Editors failed to explain the reading of

satisfactorily.

MS

Two modes

of

somewhat different point of view. While he draws his arguments from the law of Moses and his illustrations from the Old Testament, thus showing his sympathy with the Judaic side of Christianity, he at the same time
uses freely those forms of expression

punctuation are offered. The main stop is placed (1) after eKeXevo-ev, so that we read Kara Kaip. rer. ras re npocrcp. K.r.X. ; but in this case we get

an unmeaning repetition, Kara. Kaipovs reraypivovs and (apiapevois Kaipols K.r.X.

belonging to the same sentence: or

122

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT
teal

[XL

Kai Xeirovpyias eV^ueAws

eTriTeXe'icrdai

ovk

eiKrj

r)

ctTaKTws EKeXevcrev yhecr6ai, dXX' (jopKr/uevois KaipoTs Kai iopaLS' 7rov t Kai $ia Tivodv ewLTeXeicrdaL deXeiy avTOS
wpicrev Trj i)7repTaTto clvtov fiovXrjcrer

iV ocriws iravTa

yivo\ieva

ev

euSoKtiaei

evTrpocrheKTa

eir\

tw

deXtj/uaTL

avTOv.
1

01 ovv toIs Trpo&TeTayfjLevois Kaipols 7roiovvT6s

A.
eVijueXcDs]

om. ACS. The reasons AC om. S see below. 2 dXX'] A; dXXd C. S translates as if it had read upais ri 3 uipais irov re] AC. 7rou. 4 vTrepTaTcp] A; virepTdrri C; see the lower note, ?nd above, 1. p. 127. iravra rd C. For S see below. S travra] iravraTa A 5 iv evdonrjcrei] AC translates the sentence, ita ut, qimm omnia pie fiant, velit ut acceptabilia sint volunXetTovpyias] Xeirovpyeiaa
conj.
;

for the insertion are

given below.

iir it e\eia 6 at

Kai]

tati sttae,

thus apparently taking evevdoKrjaei (one word) as a verb and reading

(2) after eVireXettr^at, in

7riTe\elo-0ai
6<piXofxev.

which case must be governed by

But, with this construc-

tion (not to urge other obvious objections) there is an awkwardness in

readings in our authorities, see I. I should have preferred ras 8 e npoacpopas, as Tischendorf deciphers A, but (unless I misread it)
p. 143.

using the middle eTriTeXeladai in the same sense in which the active eirireXcIv has occurred just before
;

certainly has re, as also have CS. the Christian sense of 7rpoa4>opa\ see the note on TrpocreveyKovTas ra
it

On

dcopa 442.

though the middle

stand.

in
iv.

itself
2,

James we have alrfiv and

(In
side.)
/xeXeos-,

3 alreiaOai side

might however
by

Kaipols kol copais]

pleonasm,
(p.

as in Dionys. de Isocr. 14
iv Kaipco yiveadai prjd* ev

561)

p?)

copa,

Plut.
oIkcIov

I have therefore inserted eW supposing that the omission was due to the similar beginnings of the two words (as e.g. atcoviov for aivov cuooviov ii. 9 see also the note on ii. 10 evpelv); comp. 1 (3) Esdr. viii. 21 TvavTa Kara tov tov Qeov vofxov
;

Ages.

36

tov

koXov

Kaipov

elvai Kai copav.

The words

differ

only

so far, that Kaipos refers to the jituess, <opa to the appointedness, of the time.

Demosth.

Olyiith.

ii.

p.

24

p-rjdeva
'

Kaipov p^S' G>pav Tvapdkz'irrcov that <opa does not refer to the

e7rireXecr^r;ro)

eVi/AeXcos

r<5
xii.

0e<

of the day', as

this

shows hour use of the word

tw

vyj/iarcp,

Herm. Maud.

ttjv

8iaK.oviav...Te\ei eVtpeXcos.

Thus the
intel-

passage reads smoothly and

ligibly.

was only introduced long after the age of Demosthenes. 4. vnepTaTG)] I have not ventured
even
tives

would be to omit emTeXelaBai (and this is done by the Syriac translator), as having been inserted from below (Sid rivatv eVtreXeur&u), and to take rds re
alternative
irpoafpopas Kai Xeirovpyi'as in apposition with ocra, but this does not

An

to alter the reading to vnepTari], since in classical writers compara-

and superlatives are sometimes of two terminations; e.g. Thucyd. iii.

101, v. 71,

seem so good

for

more than one

See Buttmann anm. 5. navra yivopLcvci] I have struck out rd before yivopeva as a mere repe89,

no.

Griech. Sprachl. 60

reason. For the growth of the various

tition

of the

last

syllable of navra

xl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

123

rck 7rpocr<popas avTtov evTrp6ar$6KToi re Kal \xaKapioi y 6(T7rOTOV (XKO\ovdovVTS OV TOiS yap VOfJLLfJLOL^ TOV
hiafdapTavovcTLV
10 SeSojuevai
.

eicriv,

tw yap Toh Kal

Kal
A;
add. iravra

dp^iepeT
iepevcriv
iSiai

iSiai

XeiTOvpyiai
6

ihios

tottos
eiTLKeiv-

7rpocrT6TaKTaL 9
elvai for
etrj.
;

Xev'iTais

SiaKOViai
it

el'77]

(thus repeating

a second time in the

sentence)

6 irpo<TTeTayp.evoLs] ; irpoaTayeTori C. This is probably due to a misapprehension of 9 apxiepe?] AC; dpxtepeveiv S. the translator or of a scribe who supposed that the Christian bishops were meant. S translates as if it had read 15Lols tottols. 10 6 tottos] A ; tottos (om. 6) C.
for

S see the

last note.

11 Xei/tTcus...e7ri'/ceu/Tcu]

AC

(but eiruavTca A); levitae in ministeriis propriis po-

nuntur

S.

and as

The omission
the Syriac.
5.

interfering with the sense. of ra is confirmed by

by some

(e.g.

Lipsius p. 25) that, this

iv evboKTjo-ei] SC. tov Qeov.

2.

the note on

See But possibly we

should

here

for

nPOCAGKTA nPOCAGKTA
lxx.
9.

read
;

eYAOKHCGI6Y6YA0KHCei6Y-

IO

(p.

822)

evftoicrjaei

as in Epiphan. Haer. Qeov.

being so, the analogy notwithstanding extends to the number three, Christ being represented by the highpriest (see the note 36), the presbyters by the priests, and the deacons by the Levites. But to this it is a the Highsufficient answer that
priesthood of Christ is wholly different in kind and exempt from those

yap dpxiepel k.t.A.] This is evidently an instance from the old dispensation adduced to show that God will have His ministrations perT(S

formed through definite persons, just as below ( 41) ov iravTaxov k.t.A. Clement draws an illustration from the same source that He will have

very limitations on which the passage And again why should the dwells. analogy be so pressed? It would be considered ingenious trifling to seek out the Christian equivalents to evdeXe^tcr/iou
7/

TrXrjppeXeias
k.t.X.

vx<v V "Kepi dpaprias Kal below (41), or to eTrapxoi,

them performed in the proper places. There is therefore no direct reference

to the Christian ministry in dpxiepevs,
tepetf,

Xikiapxoi, eKaTovrapxoi, nevrrjKovTapxoi,

Aevlrm, but

it is

an argument

by analogy.

the analogy then extend to the three orders ? The an-

Does

swer to this seems to be

that,

though

above ( 37) nor is there any reason why a closer correspondence should be exacted from this passage than from the others. Later writers indeed did dwell on the analogy of the threefold ministry but we cannot
;
;

the episcopate appears to have been widely established in Asia Minor at this time (see Philippians p. 209 sq with the references given above, p.
121),

argue back from them to Clement, in whose epistle the very element of

which gives force to such a comparison, is wanting.

threefoldness,
10. Ihios 6 tottos k.t.X.]
'

this

epistle

throughout only

The

office

recognizes two orders, presbyters and deacons, as existing at Corinth (see esp. the notes on eTno-KOTTcov 42,

assigned

to

the priests

is

speciaV.

On

this sense of tottos

comp. below

and on

iav

Koipr]da>o~iv,

di.a$e<0VTai

IBpvfievov avTols tottov, and see the notes on Ign. Polyc. 1 etcdUfi

44 Tv

k.t.\. 44).

It

has been held indeed

(TOV

TOV TOTTOV.

124

THE EPISTLE OF
6 Xa'iKos
av6p(07TOs

S.

CLEMENT
AaiKofe

[xli

Tar

to?s

7TpO(TTa'yjJLaa'LV

heSeTai.

XLI.
2 548erai]

f/

G/cao"T05
A;
845otcll

vjulcov,

dSeXcpol, iv
A;
7]/iuv

rw

idiw
4

ray^ rw ]
5
/atj

CS.

3 vp,<2v]

CS.

ei)x a P t o"r

A;
1.

ei'djoeoTeirw

CS.

See the lower note.

crweiS^cret] avvecdrjaiu

A.

XatKoy]

Comp. Clem. Horn. Eapap-

though not

pist. CI. 5 ovtcos eKoarco Xa'iKG)

solely, to the principal act of Christian thanksgiving, the celebra-

ria ia-riv k.t.X., Clem. Alex. Strom. kclv iii. 12 (p. 552) kov npeo-fivTepos fj
v. 6 (p. 665) In TertulKcoXvpa Xa'iKrjs dmo-TLas. lian 'laicus' is not uncommon, e.g.

tion of the Lord's Supper, which at a later date was almost exclusively term-

Siclkovos Kav Xu'ikos, ib.

ed
is

de Praescr. 41
cerdotalia

'

nam

et

laicis

sa-

munera
Xaos
is

the

LXX

In injungunt'. used not only in

'the

evxapf-crria. The usage of Clement probably midway between that of 5. Paul where no such appropriation of the term appears (e.g. 1 Cor. xiv. 16, 2 Cor. ix. 11, 12, Phil. iv. 6, 1 Tim.
ii.

1,

etc.),

contradistinction
(see

to

Gentiles'

Epistles {Philad. 4,
Justin (Aftol.
41, p. 260)
i.

and that of the Ignatian Smyrn. 7) and of

66, p. 97 sq, Dial.
it

the note

on

29
(1)

above), but

also as
e.g. 2
'

opposed to Chron. xxiv.

priests
',

'The

rulers',

10,

xxx. 24, (2)

Is.

applied.

where For the

is

'Lhiov

especially so raypa of the

The

e.g.
(viii.

Exod.
1),

Neh.

vii.

J2>

xix. 24, xxiv. 2 ;

people at the eucharistic feast see

Justin Aftol. i. 65 (p. 97 d) ov (i.e. tov 7rpoaTcoros twv dbeXcpwv) crvvreXettcls

comp. Jer. xxxiv (xli). 19 tovs dpxovTas 'louSa Kal tovs bvvdo~Tas Kal tovs lepeis
Kal rov Xaov.

From
is

this last contrast

aavros ras fu'^ay Kal ttjv eu^apiori'ai/ 6 Xaos inevcprjpei Xeycov 'Apijv...
Vx a P lo
"rr J~ aVTOS

comes the use of adjective however

Xulkos here.

The

be tov TrpoevTtoTOS Kal

not found in the lxx, though in the other Greek versions we meet with Xa'iKos laic or
' '

7rev(pr]p.T]o-avTos

navTos tov Xaov

k.t.X.,

and again ib. 67 (p. 98 e). See Harnack Der Christliche Gottesdienst
etc.

'profane' and Xa'inovv 'to profane', Deut. xx. 6, xxviii. 30, Ruth i. 12, 1 Sam. xxi. 4, Ezek. vii. 22, xlviii. 15.

XLI. 'Let each man therefore take his proper place in the thanksgiving of the Church. Then again, in the law of Moses the several sacrifices are

(Erlangen, 1854). the reading evapeareiro) is simpler, evx a P to"rfl T&) is doubtless correct comp. 38 with Rom. xiv.

Though
;

'

6,

Cor.

xiv.

17.

For

another

instance of confusion between cvapeara.v

and

evxapto-relv in

our authorities,

not offered anywhere, but only in the temple at Jerusalem and If then transafter careful scrutiny.
gression was visited on the Israelites of old with death, how much greater shall be our punishment, seeing that

see 62.
iv
1, 1

ayaBrj

avveidi]o-i]
5,

Acts
iii.

xxiii.
:

Tim.

i.

19,

Pet.

16, 21

comp. KaXr/ avvetdrjais, Heb. xiii. 18. For an explanation of the reading aweidrjo-Lv in A see above 15.
6. Kavova] Compare the metaphor 2 Cor. x. 13, 14) Kara, to \xiTpov tov Kavovos and v7repeKTeivop,v: see also

our knowledge also

4. evxapiorrcLTco]
is

is

greater'.

The

allusion here

plainly to the public services of the

Church, where order had been violated.

the note on

7.

Thus

tvxapiiTTui will refer chiefly,

npoo~(pepovTai]

The

present tense

XLl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

12

liaTL ev^apLCTTeiTW Oeto eV dyadfj (rvveiSticrei virapywv^

5
\ir\

TrapeKfiaivwv tov

(jopior/ULevov

Ttjs
,

AeiTOvpytas ccvtov
dSe\cj)oi, 7rpo(r<p7repi ct/uapTias

kclvovcL) ev crejUivoTrjTL.

Ov TravTayov
r\

povrai Qvciai &vhehyjL<T\io\)

irapeKpaivcav]
7tO(T

evycov
et

r\

Kal

AC

(but irapaiKfiaivuv

A)

A.

6 Trpoacpepourai]

AC; om.

perficiens S. S. 7 evxwv]

Xeirovpylas] \irovp-

A;

irpovevxQv C.

has been thought to imply that the sacrifices were still offered and the
temple yet standing, and therefore
fix

p.

480 sq.

See also

Grimm in Zeitsch.

to

Wiss. Theol. xiil p. 28 sq (1870) with reference to the bearing of this

the date of the epistle before the destruction of Jerusalem, i.e. about the close of Nero's reign. To this very early date however there are

phenomenon on
Epistle
to

the

date

of

the

the

Hebrews.

Comp.

insuperable objections (see the introduction, I. p. 346 sq, and notes on 1, therefore must use 5, 44, 47). Clement as implying rather the 7rpoa(fiepovraL permaiie?ice of the record and of the
lesson contained therein than the continuance of the institution and practice
itself.

Apost. Const, ii. 25 dnb twv Ovcrtatv Koi anb 7rdo~rjs 7r\rjixp,iKias koa Trepi dp.apTia)v, where parts of the context

seem

to

be suggested by

this

passage

of Clement, though the analogies in the O. T. are interpreted after the

fashion of a later age.

'

ev8e\xicrp.ov]

of

continuity,

that his
if

Indeed it will be seen argument gains considerably,

peipetuity\ the expression used in the LXX for the ordinary daily sacrifices, as a rendering of "PftD (e.g.

we suppose the practice discontinued; because then and then only is the sanction transferred from the Jewish sacrifices to the Christian
ministrations, as the true fulfilment If any one of the Divine command.
let

Exod.

xxix. 42,

Neh.

x.

33)

and thus

opposed to the special offerings, of which the two types are the freewill offerings {evx&v) and expiatory offerings (jrepl dp.apTLas r) 7r\rjp,pe\eias). Of the last two words dpapTia denotes
the sin-offering (riXDn) and TrXrjppe\eia the trespass-offering (DS^N). similar threefold division of sacrifices

doubts whether such usage is natural, him read the account of the Mosaic sacrifices in Josephus Ant. iii. cc. 9, 10 (where the parallels to Clement's
present tense npoacpepovTai are far too numerous to be counted), remembering that the Antiquities were published A.D. 93, i.e. within two or three
years of our epistle.
7 sq, Epist.

is

given by Philo de

Vict.

4
tit.

(11.

p. 240)

to okoKavrov, to
rias,
r)

o~coTT)piov,

to nepl ap,apiii.

and by Josephus
r)

9.

sq

oXoKavTcoais,

xapiaTijpios

6vo-La,

r)

Comp. Barnab.

vnep dpapTadcov (passages referred to in Jacobson's notes) see also Ewald

;

ad
is

the present

Diog?i. 3, where also used. This mode of

Alterth. des
for

Volkes Isr.

p.

52 sq.

Here the Svala

the

eVSeXe^io-ynov

speaking

is

also very

common

in the

oXo/cavrco'jLiara

stands generally, as
;

Talmud

comp.

Friedmann

and

being the most prominent type

in the

and
as

Graetz Die angebliche Fortdauer des jiidischen Opfercultus etc. in the Theolog. Jahrb. XVII. p. 338 sq( 1848),

same way the dvaia

eir^oGy,

a part for the whole, represents the peace-offerings {aaTr]pLa in the LXX

and the references in Derenbourg VHist. et la Ge'ogr. de la Palestine

and Philo) which comprised two

cies (Lev.
vii.

11

17),

the

vow

speor

126

THE EPISTLE OF
*

S.

CLEMENT
ptovrj'
/ca/cel

[XLI

7r\riwA\6ias, d\A'
ev rravTL tottco
7rp09

rj

ev

lepovaaXtj/u

Be ovk

7rpocr(pepeTaL, dA\' e/u7rpocr6ev

/uLco/uoo'KOTr^dev
kcli

tov vaov

to

OvcriaarTripiov,

to

7rpoo~(pep6-

\xevov Sia

tov dp^iepeco^
ovv irapa

twv

TTpoeipr^xevo^v XeiTOvp5

ycov.

ol

7roiovvTes ti
i

to KadrjKOv Trjs fiovXrjcrecos clvtov Qolvcltov to irpovTiixov e^ovariv. 'OpctTe,

A;
7tXtj /x/xeXyj/JLaTwu
if).

Tr\7)fjLfj.e\das] TrXrjp./j.eXiacT

C.

S has a singular.

V-bvrj]

AS

om.

(as

a pleonasm after d\\' 4 tuc] AC; C; dub. S.

2 irpocrcpepeTcti]

AC

offeruntur

sacrijicia S.

ceterorum S.
7 ocry]

5 (Hovkriaeus]

A;

(3ov\t]s

AC;

XeirovpyQv] Xirovpyuv A. add. yap S. Karij-

free-will offering

selected)
type).

(which Clement has and the thanksgiving-offer-

occurs in one instance. In Ps. lxi (lx). 6, where the word is T13, the LXX
(with

ing (which Josephus takes as the On the other hand, when

Symmachus) have

7rpoo-ev\w,

ment

speaking of expiatory offerings, Clegives both types. The v. 1. TTpoaevx&v has ew^oof/]
parallels
in
10,

Ephes.

James Rom. 9.

v.

15,

16,

Ign.

but Aquila more correctly evx&v, thus preserving the fundamental meaning of the Hebrew word, though the connoted idea of prayer is so prominent in the context as to explain the LXX
' '

It is

by the tendency to common word for a less common. Here evxcov is unquestionably right for more especially in the later lan'

explained substitute a

rendering.
2.

ep.7rpocrdev K.r.A.]

The

vaos
;

is

here the shrine, the holy-place the Ovcnao-Trjpiov, the court of the altar see the note on Ign. Ephes. 5. The
:

guage, while Tvpoo-evxn is a prayer in the more comprehensive sense, In the ex>xn is 'a. vow' specially. LXX irpocrevxn is commonly a rendering of rten, but evxh of th or -itj. For evxrj 'a vow' see Acts xviii. 18, In the only other passage xxi. 23. in the N. T. in which it occurs, James v. 15, the idea of a vow may possibly be present, though it is certainly not prominent, and in the context (ver. 14,

'

tion

Upov comprises both. This distincof vaos and Upov is carefully observed in the N.T. see Trench
:

N. T. Synon.
3.

st ser.
'

iii.

ixcopboo-Konr) 6ev\

after inspection \

with a view to detecting blemishes. flaw or blemish, which vitiates a person or thing for holy purposes, is in the lxx pcopos. Doubtless the choice of this rendering was partly

determined by
to the

its

similarity in

sound

and prob.
used

16) irpoo-evxevOat of the same act. But, though

ver.

is

cvxv might undoubtedly be said of a 'prayer, supplication', it is not so evident conversely that npoo-evx^ could be used of a vow specifically. In

DID, for otherwise it is not a very obvious or natural equivalent. [A parallel instance is the word ancr/vi], chosen for the same reasons, as a rendering of Shechinah, and carrying with it all the signifi-

Hebrew

Numb.

vi.

distinctly

4 sq, where a vow is meant, the word occurs

cance of the

latter.]

Hence

ap.cop.os

intheLXX
being
ing.

many

times in the same context and

is evx*}s

signifies 'without blemish', applied to victims and the like,

the form

throughout, though an ill-supported reading npoaevxrjs

and diverges from its classical meanHence also are derived the words

XLIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

127

d$e\(poi, offtp TrXeiovos KaTrj^LcodrjjULev yvaio-ecos, toctovtco

/ULaWoV

V7TOKllUL6a

KlvSvVCp.
rjfjiiv
'

XLII.
10

01

(xttocttoXol

evrjyyeXio'drjcrav diro

tov

Kvplov

'Iticrov

XpiCTOv,

Irj&ous

Xpio-Tos

diro

tov

Qeov

i^eire/uLCpdr].

6 Xpi&Tos ovv diro tov Qeov, kcu 01

it,

j-tuOrj/iev']

KaTa&wd-qfxev A, as Tisch. (prsef. p. xix) reads

but I could not see dis-

tinctly.

Hilgenfeld 9 evTjyyeXiaOrjaav'] AC ; evangelizaverunt (active) S. 10 6 Xpiarbs] A; xpiaTos wrongly gives the reading of C evayyeXiadrjaav. ii i^TrifX(pdr]...aTr6 tov Qeov] AS; om. C (by homceoteleuton). (om. 6) C.

pcop,ocrKo7ros, pcajxoo-KoiTelv,

which seem tobe confined to Jewish and Christian writers: Philo de Agric. 29 (1. p. 320)
ovs evLoi pcopoaKonovs ovopd^ovo~iv, \va
afxcofia kcu daivrj TrpocrayrjraL

among many

instances of the excep-

tional character of the Attic dialect, for ivpoo-Tip.ov occurs as early as

rw

j3u>pS

ra lepela

k.t.X.,

fx,(0[xoaK07r7rai,

Polyc. Phil. 4 itcarra Clem. Alex. Strom, iv.

tcus tcov dvcnau
lepeicov

18 (p. 617)

rjcrav de kclv

7rpo(raya>yais napa. rco vopco 01

uoofMoo-Kouoi,

Apost.

Const,

ii.

3 ye-

Hippocrates see for other examples Galatians vi. 6 and p. 92 (p. 89, ed. 1), Philippians i. 28, ii. 14. In the inscriptions it is a very common word for a fine. This sentence is Opare k.t.X.] quoted by Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. 16
;
c

ypcmTdL yap, McopocrKOTrelade tov p.eXXovra els Upaxrvvqv irpo-%ipieo-6ai (a paraphrase of Lev. xxi. 17).
4.

(p.

613).
7.

yvcoo-ecos]

See the note on to

fiddr) ttjs deias yv(6o-eoos 40.

dpxiepecos]
'

Wotton

suggests

quum sacerdotum inferioris ordinis potius quam summi sacerdotis

Upecos,
sit

rds 6vo~La$

p.(^p.oo-K(me'iv

but

dia.

tov dpx^pecos k.t.X. belongs rather to 7rpocr(pipeTai than to ixcopocrKonrjOev, as

the order seems to show. conditions are (1) that

The
it

three

'The Apostles were sent was sent by the Father. Having this commission they preached the kingdom of God and appointed presbyters and deacons in every place. This was no new institution, but had been foretold ages
by
Christ, as Christ

XLII.

must be

ago by the prophet.'

'

offered at the proper place, (2) that it must be examined and found with-

9.

evrjyyeX'iadrjaav]
xi.

the Gospel', as Matt.

22),

were taught 5 (Luke vii.

out blemish,
sacrificed

(3) that it must be by the proper persons, the

Heb.

iv. 2,

for the first aorist

The priests. dia tov dpxiepicos k.t.X. is comprehensive, so as to include all sacrifices.
high priests or other
5.

apparently is always passive, being used with a nominative either of the person instructed or the lesson con-

veyed
sakes\
in the

and
It

fjplv

will

be

'for

our

to KaBfJKov k.t.X.]
will."
1

'

the seemly or-

might be a question however

rjp&v, as
44.

dinance of His
tive

For the genip.

whether we should not read

opening of
11. egenepcpdrj]

comp.
to

Plut.

Mor.

617 E e*

tS>v

'Oprjpov
6.
5

decop-qpa

tovto Xauftdvcov

This

is

attached by

Ka6r)KovT(ov.

to Tvpoo-Tipov] 2

Mace.

vii.

36.

the editors generally to the following sentence. Yet I can hardly doubt
that
it

E7Tirifi.toj/

'Attikco?, npocrTiuov 'EXX^s.

belongs
for (1)

to

the

preceding

vikcos

Mceris

v.

imTipiov. This

is

one

words;

The

position of ovv

128

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

[XLII

tov Xpio'TOv* eyevovTO ovv djucboTepa evTccKTWs K OeArifJiaTOS Qeov. 7rapayye\ias ovv AafiovTs kcci 7r\tipo(popri6evT6s $ia Trjs dvao'Tao'ecos tov Kvclttoo'toXoi CL7ro

piov

r\fxcov 'Irjo'ov

XpicrTOv Kac TricrToodevTes iv

tw Aoyco
5

tov Qeov

/uLTa 7r\r}po<popLas TrvevfJLctTOs

dylov eprAdov,
ep-

evayyeXi^ofJLevoi
yeo'dai.
kcitcc

ty\v

(Sao-iAeiav

tov Qeov fieWeiv

^copccs ovv kcu 7roAet.s KripvcrcrovTes kccOclvtcov,

KCLL

io~Tavov
jULCtTl,

tccs

dirapyas

SoKi/uiao-avTes

tw

irvev-

eU

67TLCrK07rOVS

SlCLKOVOVS

TtoV

/UeWoVTCOV

2 \a(36vTe$]

AC;

add.

(pD being

the

common
;

ol dirbaroKoL S. 4 rjpuv] A; om. C; dub. S rendering of 6 Ktipios as well as of 6 Ktf/nos rjpCov).

seems to require this (2) The awkward expression that Christ was taught the Gospel by the Father'
'

4.

irio~T(x>6evTes\

Tim.

iii.

p.ive

iv ols epaOes kcu e7riaTcc6rjs.

5.
l pera nX-qpocpopias k.t.X.] with conviction inspired by the
:

thus disappears;

(3)

We

get in

its

firm

place a forcible epigrammatic paralFor the lelism 6 Xpiaros ovv k.t.X.

ness,

Holy Ghosf
nvevpaTi
7ToWfj.
7.

comp.
kcll

Thess.

i.

iv

aylco

[iv]

irXrjpocpopiq

omission of the verb to gain terseand for the form of the sentence
see
0*077$-,
I

generally,
ttLo~tis

Rom.
77

x.

de

d/corj

17 apa 77 dia prjparos

v.

used in

KaQlo-Tavov] The same word is Tit. i. 5 KaTaaTricrrjs Kara noXiv

Xpicrroi),

Cor.

iii.
;

23

vp.els de Xpio-rov,

7rpeaj3vrepovs. Both forms of the perfect KaBlo-ravov (from lo-ravco)

Ka6io-T(ov

im-

and

Xpiaros 8e Qeov 18, 1 Cor. vi.

comp. also Rom.

13,

(from

laraxo) are

Gal.

ii.

9.

My
by

at least in the later

language

admissible, see
;

punctuation has been accepted by

Gebhardt

and

Harnack and

Hilgenfeld (ed. 2), and is now confirmed by the Syriac version. For the thought see J oh. xvii. 18 Kada>s
ipe a.7r60~Tei\as els tov Koo-pov, Kayco aTveureCka avrovs els tov Koapov, XX. 21 Ka6u>s aneo-TaXKev pe 6 7raTtjp, Kayat
TiepTToa

Veitch Greek Verbs p. 299. But I cannot find any place for either of the readings of our MSS, Kadearnvov

and

Kadio-rav.

Xvpas]

posed
Joh.

to

iv.

as opcountry districts towns comp. Luke xxi. 21, 35, Acts viii. 1, James v. 4.
, ;

'

See also the notes on Ign. Ephes. 6 and comp. Tertull. de

vpas.
; '

the ancient title x^P^^^o-Konos; see Philippians p. 230. the first8. ras dnapxas avrcov]
'

Hence

Praescr. 37

in ea regula

incedimus,

ecclesia ab apostolis, apostoli a Christo, Christus a Deo tradidit'

quam

fruits of'their p7'eaching' or perhaps avTG>v refers not to the Apostles but to the x<*>P ai Kt rroXeis, and is like the
;

'

(quoted by Harnack).
2.
l

genitives

in

Rom.
I

xvi.

os

io-nv

TrapayyeXias]
1

word of compassed on to
ii.

dnapxv

rrjs

'Aaias,
rrjs

Cor. xvi. 15
-

on

mand

received as from a superior

it

iariv anapxr)

'A^atas

which pasin his

officer that

may be

others
2. 27.

as e.g. Xen. Cyr.

4. 2, iv.

sages Clement mind.

doKipdo-avres]

may have had

I

Tim.

iii.

10 8oki-

XLIIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Kai

129
Srj

10 7ri<TT6veiv.

tovto ov
Trepl
r\

Kctivcos,

6K

yap
kcli

7ro\\wi/

Xpovcov
ouTcos

eyeypairro

eV lckottcov

ZictKovvov
Itti-

yap

ttov

\eyei

ypatprj*
kai

Katacth'coo toyc

cKonoyc aytwn In Aikaiocynh

N
*5
1TICT6I.

toyc

Aiakonoyc aytoon

XLIIL
7ri(rT6u66VTs

Kai

tl

OavfjLaa'TOv

el

oi

iv

XpKTTco

irapa

Qeov epyov
birov Kai
Mcovo'r]^
Kaduxrav C.

tolovto

KaTecrTrjo-av
OepA-

tous
ttoon

7rpoeiprj/ULvovs^

6 [xaKapLOS ttictoc

In

oAcp

to)

oTkco

Ta OLaTETayjueva avTw
8 ry irvev[xaTi\ AC; spiritu 10 kcuvws] AC; Kevws S.

Kadiaravop] Kadetrravov

A;

sancto (or rather sanctos, for the

word has

ribui) S.

12 otfrws]

AC,

but Bryennios tacitly writes ovtco; see the note on 56.

BiaKOveiTcoaav
:

fiasco- 6d) o~av npcoTov, e Ira

see

below

44
l

diadeijoiVTai

erepoi

ness'; i.e. 'there shall be no tyranny or oppression For inio-KOTTos, 'a

5 .

de80KLp.acrp.evoL civbpes.

to
is

by the Spirit \ which the great searcher, 1 Cor. ii. 10.

nvevfiaTi]
eVio-KOTj-ovs]
i.e.

task-master', see Philippians p. 93. XLIII. 'And no marvel, if the Apostles of Christ thus ordained ministers, seeing that there was the precedent of Moses. When the au-

9.

irpeafivTepovs

',

for
kcli
i.

Clement thrice mentions

hiciKovoi in

iirio-Konoi

conjunction (as in Phil,

thority of the priests

was

assailed,

he

and it is impossible that he could have omitted the presbyters, more especiI

avv

inLCTKOTrois Ka\ BiaKovois),

took the rods of the twelve tribes

and placed them within the tabernacle, saying that God had chosen the tribe whose rod should bud. On

ally as his one object is to defend their authority which had been as-

sailed

( 44,

47,

54).

The words

e7rio-K07ro?

and

TrpecrfivTepos therefore

morrow when the doors were opened, Aaron's rod alone had budded, and the office of the priesthood
the

are

synonymes

in Clement, as they

was

vindicated.'
*

are in the Apostolic writers. In Ignatius they first appear as distinct titles.

16.

mo-revOevres]
in
S.

entrusted with?
tl
iii.
ii.

The
1 1

construction TricrTeveaOai

is

See Philippians

p.

93 sq,

p.

191 sq.

common
Cor.

Paul
ii.
i.

Rom.

2,

12. Karao-r^'o-co] Loosely

quoted from
crov iv

ix. 17,
i.

Gal.

7, 1

Thess.

4,

LXX
iv

Is. lx.

17 dcoaco roiis apxovrds crov

Tim.
17'

ii, Tit.

3.

tlprjvrj

Ka\ tovs enMTKOTVOVs

ttlcttos
iii.

OepaTfcov

k.t.X.]

From

biKaioavvrj.

Thus
is

the introduction of

Heb.
is

5 Maivcrrjs p,ev ttlcttos iv 6Xg>

the

hiciKovoL

due to misquotation.

too o'ik(o

Irenaeus also {Haer. iv. 26. 5) applies the passage to the Christian ministry,

avrov (os depcnrcov, where there a reference to Num. xii. 7 o\>x

ovtcds o Oepdncou fiov Mcovafjs iv oAto

T(p
o'lkco

but quotes the LXX correctly. The force of the original is rightly given in the A. V., 'I will also make thy officers [magistrates] peace and thine
exactors
[task-masters]
II.

pov

ttlcttos io~TLV.

On

OepaTTcov

For the combination see above 4. of epithets here comp. Justin Dial. 56
(p.

274) Meovo-r/s ovv 6 paxdpios Kai

righteous-

ttlvtos depcuro&v

Qeov

K.r.X.

CLEM.

130
ttclvtcl

THE EPISTLE OF
e(rrjiuL6io)(raTO

S.

CLEMENT
/3//3\oi9,
to

[xliii kcll

ev

tolls

iepcus

7rr]Ko\ov6t](rav ol Xolwol 7rpo(f>rJTaL (rvveirLfJiapTvpovvTes toTs V7T avrov vevojJLo6eTf]iJL6voL<z. 6K6LVOS yap, ZriXou

eiXTrecovTOs wept Trjs ieptocrvvris

(pvXtOP OTTOLCL CLVTLOV
Vrj,
Lrj

kclI

crracrLa^ova'cop tcov
5

Tip ivSo^tp OVO/ULCLTL ZCe/COCr/X^C-

K\eV(TU

TOVS

(UtoSeKCL

(puXap^OVS
iKacrTfjs
kcll

7TpO(T6V6yKe7v
(bvXtjs

avTco
bvofjLcc

pafidovs
kcll

eTTLyeypa/uLjuevas

kcit

Xafiiov

auras

$r){rev
KCLL

ecrippdyicrev
CtVTCLS
6LS

TOh
TY\V
m

ScLKTvX'lOLS TtoV (pvXctpxtOV,

(TKr}vr]v
kcli
Tft)S

CLTTedeTO

tov juapTvpLOv
TGS
KCLL

fcAe^cras Tr\v o-Krjvrjv

KCLL

iwl rrjv Tpdire^av tov Qeov icrCppdyLcev tccs KXelSas cocravL7TV CLVToTs*

I0

dvpCLS'
h

"ANApGC

AAeA(])Ol',

hc

an

c{)yAhc
eic

pABAoc

BAacthch,
kai

taythn

eKAe'AeKTAi

Oeoc
I

to

iepATeyeiN
A.
[tov]

AeiToypreiN
S.

aytco. A;

irptOLas

io-rjueiuxraTo] ea-fj/xiuaaTo

2 eir-qKoXoidrjcrav]

7}KoXovdv<xav C.

<pvXuv]

8 auras]

AC; add. 7racru)v AS avrbs C.

;

'lapcnjX

KeKoaixruievq] KeKoafMrnnevw

A.

rots]

kv rots

tacppdyivev.

11

/cXet'cras]

KXiaaa A.

C, a repetition of the last syllable of 12 dvpas] S papdovs AC.

;

See
1.

I.

p. 140.
'

15 tov]

A; om.

C.

16 iirede^aro] ...oetaro

A;

sign''',

recorded as a ds Kplu.a km els 07)fALa>o-iv nao-ais tms yeveais ylvovrai. So in the narrative to which Clement
eo-rjfieiocxraTo]

see above 36.

7.

comp.

11

UdaTns

<pv\ijs]

For the geni-

here refers,
y

Num.

tive of the thing inscribed after eniypdcpeiv comp. Plut. Mor. 400 E tov

xvii.

IO dnoBes

rrfv

evTavOa tovtovl Onvavphv eVtypctyai

iroXeoas.

r^s-

pafibov
dvrjKoav.

Aapa>v...crr]p.7ov toIs viols

t&v

lepals]

On

Here however cpvXfjs might be governed by kqt ovofia.

8.

this epithet see below,

e8

ev

k.t.X.]

This

incident,

o 53ol Xourol TrpocpfJTai] Moses appears as the leader of the prophetic band, who prophesied of the Messiah, in Deut. xviii. 15, as emphasized in
2.

following eo-<ppdyt,o-ev t&s KXelbas coaavTas, is not given in the biblical narrative (Num. xvii). It

with

the

seems however
Josephus
(I.e.)

Acts
3.

111.

21 sq,

to be intended by r&v t6t (re?) dvbp&v

Vll.

13.

i<dvos yap cr.X.] The lesson of this narrative is drawn out also by

Ka.Taar)pr]vapev(ov auras, olnep eKopigov,

km
is

tov

ttXt'/Oovs,

though his language

Joseph. Ant.
Vit.
5.

iv.

4.
(il.
'

2,

and by Philo

Comp. Xen. Hell. iii. 1. 27 KaTeKXeiaev avTa km Kareo^^varo

obscure.
(pvXaKas KdTevTTjaev.
II.

Moys.

iii.

21

p. 162).

km
km

dvofxaTi] i.e.
;

ttjs Upa>o-vvr)s

dignity, office', sc. as 44 eVt tov 6v6p,aTos

uaavTvs km] So also

opoicos

TVs eTno-Konfjs.

On

this sense of oVoua

Ign. Efthes. 16, 19, Trail. 13. ' 18. npoelXev] took out\ For this

XLIV]
15 Se

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
(rvvK(x\(rV

131
'

yvojJL6VY]s

TravTCL

tov

lo-parjX,

TCt

iPaKoo'ias ^iXidBas

twv

dvdpcov,

Kal enehei^aTO

to?s

(pvXdp%ois r5 (rcppayldas Kal rjvoL^ev Tr\v aKrjvrjv tov t9 pafldovs' Kal evpidt] r\ juiapTvpLOv Kal irpoeTXev
pd/3$os
20

'Aapcov
iyovcra.

ov
tl

\xovov

f3e(3\a(TTf]KvTa

dXXa
ov

Kal

KapTrov
Mtovcrijs

So/ceZre,
ecreo-dai

dya7rtiTol;
;

7rpori$ei

tovto

/ueXXeii/

iidXicrTa
tco

rjdei

dXX'

tva

jurj

aKaraoTTao'La
eis

yevrjTai

ev

'IcrpatjX,

ovtws

eTTolncev
fdovov
25 d/uLrjv.

to io^affdrivai to ovofxa tov dXr]6ivov Kal

Qeov'

w
Kal

r\

So^a

els

tovs alcovas tcov alwvoov.

XLIV.
Kvpiov
e7re5eie

ol

aTTo&ToXoi

rifiiav

eyvnocav Sia tov

eo~Tai
7rl

ij/ucov
C.

'IrfO'ov

XpiGTOv, otl
AC
;

epis

tov
A; A;
had
A.

17 ras acppayWas]

om.

S.

18 TrpoelXev] irpoe ....

irpoelXe

C; sustulit S. dare C and so apparently

20
S.

So/cetVe] So/cetrat
is

A. S

23 eh to]

The

variation

to be explained

by the uncial

letters,
it

eiCTO, coctg.

24 Qeov] S; def.

A;

Kvptov C.

translates as if

read tov fxovov aXrjdivov Oeou.

io-Tai]

27 Kvpiov] y
ia-Tiv.

CS

XY A.
7repi

^pts] epeta

AC;

but S seems to have read

em] A;

C, and so app. S.

sense of the active npoaipelv see Judith

xiii.

sin of which

you are guilty

in ejecting

15

npoeXovaa

ttjv Ke(paXrjv in

tt)s

men

so appointed,

when they have

nrjpas.

tively seldom,

use, e

occurs comparaa strictly classical see the compe?iu promere

Though

it

it is

discharged their duties faithfully. Happy those presbyters who have departed hence, and are in no fear of

mentators on Thucyd. viii. 90. The much commoner form is the middle voice with a different sense, TTpoaipelo-This passage is loosely quoted or rather abridged and paraphrased by one Joannes. The quotation is given in Spicil.
Solesm.
xvii. 3.
1.

removal from their proper

26.
tcov
vp,cov
rjp.eov]

office.
iii.

Comp.
vfioZv

2 Pet.

ttjs

aTToaToXcov

evToXrjs,

where

6ai fti-aeferre, eligere. 20. ov Tvporjbei k.t.X.]

(not -qpicov) is the correct reading, as quoted by Hilgenfeld ; so that it is an exact parallel to Clement's expres-

sion.

See the note on rovs ayaOovs

5-

anoo-ToXovs
27.

p.

293 (see above,

I.

p. 187).

23. tov dXrjOivov K.r.A.]

Comp.

J oh.

See Tert. de Bapt. 17 'episcopatus aemulatio scisepts eo-Tai k.t.X.]

matum mater
'

est',

quoted by Har-

XLIV.

So likewise the Apostles

nack.
tov 6v6p:a.Tos k.t.X.]

foresaw these feuds. They therefore provided for a succession of tried persons, who should fulfil the office
of the ministry.

On

ovop.a

see

above
is

36, 43.

The
1.

e7riaK0Trr)

here

of course the 'office of presbyter',

1

Thus

it is

no

light

as in

Tim.

iii.

132
ovo/ulcltos

THE EPISTLE OF
Trjs

S.

CLEMENT
Trjv

[XLIV

eiriCKOTrri^.

Aid ravTt]v ovv

airiav
7rpoei-

7rp6<yviti(riv
i

ei\ti(poT$
;

TeXeiav KareorT^cav tovs

3 fiera^v] fiero^v

odv~\

AC

om.

S.

A.
etc.

iirifjt.ovrjv']

einvoixrjv]

emdofiTiv C.
doKLfxrj)

translates et in medio (interim) super probatione

ita

{e-wl

doKifirjv

or

etrl

dederunt etia?n hoc

ut

si

homines ex Us

See the lower note.

2.

tovs 7rpoeipr)pevovs]

SC.

iniCKo-

Alex. 35) or poison (^Elian

32), (2) 'a

H.A.

xii.

7TOVS KOL diaKovovs,

'

42

3.

nerai-i)]
els

afterwards''

comp.

Acts xiii. 42 Barnab. 13

7TVVfiaTi

to fxera^v

<ra(3[3aTov,

elbev e 'laKa>/3

Tvnov rw

bandage' Galen xviii. 1. p. 791 (Kuhn) and frequently (see Hase in Steph. Thes.). It might also consistently with its derivation have the
sense 'distribution, assignment', like
emvefir)a-is.

tov \aov tov fxeTa^v,

i.

ad Autol.
the

8, iii.

21, 23.

Theoph. See also

If

it is

to

references in
1.

Meyer's note to
'

have the choice

(1)

be retained, we of assuming a

Acts

c.

have BedwKaatv] to the office' permanence

enifiovrjv
:

given comp.

secondary meaning 'injunction', derived from the possible (though unsupported) sense 'assignment' (so Lipsius p. 19 sq) or (2) of giving to iirivopr) the known meaning of em;

Athenag. de Resurr. 18
Soxrjs $ia
ttjv

heh-ai be 81a-

tov yevovs

diafiovrjv.

For

inifjiovrj

(which occurs occasion-

vopis, 'an after

enactment', 'a codicil'

;

ally also in classical writers of this age) see Epist. Gall. 6 in Euseb.
v. 1,

Rothe Anfdnge p. 374 sq see the note on KoiprjBao-iv). Of these

(so

Tatian ad Graec. 32. This reading was adopted by Bunsen, but he wrongly interpreted it 'life-tenure' (see Ignat von Antioch. etc. p. 96
it

Hippolytus I. p. 45 2nd ed) and has consequently found no favour. The original author of this emendation Itvi\iovt]v is mentioned by Ussher
sq,
;

alternatives the former is preferable, I have but both are unwarranted. the less hesitation in making so slight a change in the reading of the chief MS, because p.eTov before and
e8a)Kao~iv after

show

that the scribe

of

wrote carelessly at this point. Hilgenfeld (ed. 2), not knowing the
S,

(Ignat. Epist. proleg. p. cxxxvii)

*"

who

reading of

conjectured eVi

Soki/jl?},

quoting the passage adds this note in his margin; hripovrp D. Petrus

which

koL explains fieTa^v ('jam conditis ecclesiis') ri Soki/jlj}

ehcdKCLV

he

Turnerus [Savilian Professor

at

Ox-

(to

OVOfJLCL

TJ]S eTTLCrKOTTrjs)

07TCOS

ford, t 165 1] hie legit, ut continuatio episcopatus ab apostolis stabilita

('hac ratione inducta') k.t.X., adding 'jam ecclesiarum al dnapxal spiritu

probati episcoporum et diaconorum munera susceperunt, post eos sola probationis ratione episcopi constitute

significetur
kcli

j3e/3ata

fievet,

quod Athanasiano illi, bene responded.

eirikoyrjv,

Other suggestions,
7rijv,

eniTpo-

i7no~K07rrjv, e7rio-To\r)v, anovonrju,

en

sunt'.

But notwithstanding

are either inappropriate or diverge too widely from the authorities. It seems impossible to assign any fit sense to the reading iirivoprjv convofjiov,

the coincidence of this conjecture with S, I do not think that a reading

so harsh

can possibly stand.

is
it

The

word emvoprjv

retained
'

by Laurent,
emvofxr)

formably with usage or derivation. The word elsewhere has two meanings only; (1) 'encroachment or ravage', e.g. of the spread of fire (Plut.

who

explains

adsignatio muneris

episcopalis'

(a

meaning of

though possible is unsupported, and which even if allowable

which

XLIV]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
** ^

133
O7rcos,

prijuei/ous,

kul

lueTa^v

67rifJLOvr]v

SedcoKacriv

eav

KOLfJLt]6co(TiVy

%ia%e(ji)VTai

eTepoi

SeSo/a/xacr/xeVoi

avipes

deduKacriv] edcoKaaiv

A;

'ibwKav C.

4 KOifxrjdQcnv]
its.

A
it

tlvcs KOipydwaiv C,

and similarly S
in
itself
;

inserts

homines ex

dvdpes]

AS; om.

C.
is

here)

would be very awkward and in their first edition by Gebhardt and Harnack, where it is

For
ther

edaxao-iv

a question whe-

we should read dedcoKaaiv or The former involves a less eda>Kav.

change, and the transition from the
aorist

interpreted 'dispositio, praeceptum'

(a

meaning which would be adequate indeed, but which the word could

{Kareorqaav)

In ed. not, I think, possibly have). 2 however Harnack expresses a belief

{SedcoKaaiv) fact that the

may be

to the perfect explained by the consequences of this

sc.
01

second act are permanent.

4.
i.e.

that the

word

suggests eVt/3oXr/i/. mische Kirche p. 684) conjectures ' d. h. wenn diese Form des i7r1vofj.Lv, Accusativs von eirivofxis nachgewiesen

corrupt and Hagemann {Rois

KoifiT]0&<riv]

irpotip-qpevoi,

generation of presbyters appointed by the Apostles themselves; and avrcov too will refer to these
the
first

same persons.
both
to

Rothe
Apostles

(I.e.)

refers

werden

konnte';

and

Hort

quite
'

independently suggested to me eVtvofiida, or conceivably but improbably eVtVo/xii/, as we have both ^apiTa and
X^pi-v, vr)o-Tiba

themselves. He assumes Clement to be here describing the establishment of episcothe

'

and

vrjarLv,

KXclda

and

kXcIv

',

and

refers to Philo de Creat.

Princ. 4

(11. p.

363 M.) where Deu-

teronomy
rer.

is

so called (comp.
51,
I.

Quis
509).
'

pacy properly so called, and supposes which he translates after7rivop.r], enactment', to refer to a second Apostolic Council convened for this purpose. I have discussed this theory
at length elsewhere {Philippians p. 199 sq). Of his interpretation of this

div.

33,

pp.

495,

Donaldson conjectures enidopa

45),

an

addition' {Theol. Rev. Jan. 1877, P-

and Lipsius

eVirayqi/ {Jen. Lit.

particular passage it is enough to say that it interrupts the context with

irrelevant matter.

13 Jan. 1877).

The Apostles,

says

quotation of Joannes Diaconus (i.p. 187) contains the words 'hanc formam tenentes apostoli etc.', and Card. Pitra {Spicil. Solesm. I. p.
293) considers that 'forma' here represents Ittwo\xt) (so too even Ewald

The Latin

Clement, first appointed approved persons to the ministry {KaSio-ravov

8oKLp.daavres 42), and afterwards {pera^v) provided for a succession so that vacancies by death should be
filled

by other approved men

{ere pot

congratulating himself that the sense of irnvofxri is late Latin parathus decided. phrase would be worthless as an authority, even if this view of its meaning were correct. But a comparison of the order of the Latin with the original
p.

Gesch.

vil.

269),

The presbydedoKipao-pevoi avdpes). ters at Corinth, who had been rudely

ejected from office, belonged to these some were appointed two classes
:

directly by the Apostles Uarao-TadevTas vn KLva>v) ; others belonged to the

of Clement shows that the words mean

set

'the Apostles following this precedent by Moses', and that 'forma' there-

second generation, having been appointed by the persons thus immediately connected with the Apostles
{KaTaaraOevras
dvdpcov).
vcp'

iripcov

eXkoyipcov

fore has nothing to

do with

imvop.ri.

134
ty\v

THE EPISTLE OF
Xeirovpyiav avTwv.
fj

S.

CLEMENT

[XLIV

tovs ovv KctracrTadevTas V7T

etceivwv

cruveverepoov eWoyifJioov dvSpcov, SoKrjo-do-rjs Trjs KK\rj<rias 7rdo-rjs 9 Kal \eiTOVpyr\cravTas

fiera^y

v(p'

dfAefJLTTTcos

tw

TTOifJivicp

tov Xpicrrov fxerd Tcnreivo(ppo5

avvns

tjcruxcos

Aols xpovois

Kal dfiavaixrcos, lue/maprvprj^xevov^ re 7ro\1)77-0 7rdvTcov, tovtovs ov diKaicos vopi^ofAev

A.
dvbpwv]
add. iK\e\ey^vovs S. 3 \enovpfxefxaprvpr]d^avaiaws] afiavdaus C. 6 tovtovs] AC; add. re] AC; om. S.
;

1 /xera^v] fiero^v

AC
5

yqvavTas] XiTovpyrjaavraa A. fifrovs] p,e/xapTvp7]/xeuoia A.

1.

tovs

ovv

KaracrTadivTas

K.r.X.]

Arist.

Eth. Nic.
the

ii.

7,

iv.

2,

fiavav-

This notice assists to determine the

chronology of the epistle. Some of those appointed by the Apostles had died (ol 7rpoodonropri(TavTs), but others were still living (pi Ka.Tao~Ta6evTs vn See the introduction, 1. p. cucivav).
349. Here again ixera^v means afterwards', as above.
'

excess of p,eya\o7rpeTTia lavish profusion ', the result of vulSomewhat similar is the garity.
aia
'

is

sense which the word has here and in the passages quoted, vulgar self'

assertion
8.
ii.

'.

dp.ip,iTT(i)S

Kal ocricos]

So

Thess.

10.

2.

avvevdoKrjaao-rjs
'

k.t.X.]

Wotton

TrpoaeveyKopras

rd

ScGpa]

What

quotes Cyprian's expression 'plebis suffragium referring to the appoint-

does Clement
gifts (Scopa)
to

by and offerings (7rpoo-(popds)?

sacrifices,

mean by

ment
(p.

of

Church
lxviii

officers,

243),

(p.

292).

Add

Epist. lv also
Epist.

the

more important passage

where the part of the laity in such appointments is deSee also the account of the scribed.
lxvii (p. 288),

In what sense are the presbyters said have presented or offered the gifts? The answers to these questions must be sought in the parallel passages 18 Ovala rep 0ew nvevpa o-vvTTpip.p,e;

vop, 35,
fxe

36 dvcria
odos
77

alvecrecos dodo~ti

appointment of Polycarp
Polyc. 23.
4. to)
7roip:vicp

to the epis-

Kal

e/cei

detijcd

avrco to

crcoTrj-

copate in the spurious Pionius, Vit.

tov Xptcrrox)]

piov tov Qeov' avTT] f) obos, ayanr]Toi } iv y evpop,V to acoTrjpiov ijfxaiv 'irjcrovv

The

XpiaTov tov dpxi*p* a r

i]p,a>v,

<*>

7rpoa(popG)v

phrase occurs again 54, 57 (comp. See also Actsxx. 28, 29, 1 Pet. 16).
v. 2, 3.
i

tov 7rpoaTaTT)v kou fiorjdov tt/s dadevelas rjp\(ov, 4 1 eKCurros vp.a>v,

aSeXcpoi, iv raj Idico Tayp.aTi evxapio-ecu iv dyaOfj avvetdrjaei tlt(o T(o

a^avavaoii\ zinassu7ningly\ adjective occurs Apost. Const,

5.

The
ii.

3
to

vnapx^v,
Trjs

prj 7rapeK(Sa.ivc>v

tov copLapevov

ecrro)

Se evanXay^vos, dfidvavaos, dya-

nrjTiKos,

where again

it

refers

XetTovpyias avrov Kavova, 5 2 6vaov rep 0eo) 6vo-iav alveaecos Kal

the qualifications for the ministry. See below 49 ovBev fidvavaov iv

dya.7rr),

ovdev xmeprjcpavov, Clem. Alex.

iii.

vnobos tw v^iaTco Tas ev\ds crou k.t.A. These passages are illustrated by Heb. xiii. 15, 16, 8t uvtov ovv (i.e.
81a tov dpxieptMS 'irjaov,

Paed.

6pa>7TG>s,

6 (p. 273) p.eTadoTeov cpikavov fiavavo-cos ovde d\aovina>s, 26 (Theod.)

viol

W.

dvacpepcopev Ovaiav

alvicreoos

II, 12) did nav-

Job

xli.

fiavavalas

tos

(Heb. yr\W 'pride, arrogance').

In

tg) Geo), TovTeaTiv, Kapnov ^eiXeo)j/ TTjS OfXoXoyOVVTCOV T<0 OVOfJLUTL O.VT0V
'

XLIV]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
rrjs

135

airofiaWeo-dai
Y\IUV

<TTCU 3

6CLV

d^apria yap ov juiKpd AeiTOvpylas. TOlk dfJLfJL7TTU)$ KCLl OCTKjOS 7rpOO~V6y\iaKapioi

eyicapirov
oiTives

kovtcls
10 ol
teal

Ta

Stopa rrjs e7TiO"/co7r^s d7ro(3a\w^L6v,

7rpear(SvT6poi>

7rpooSoL7ropricravT

TeXeiav eo"% ov T *l p dvaXvariv ov yap evXafiovvTai

7 airofiak\e(rdai\

ovv S.
in S.

C;

cnro(3aXecrdcu

A.

It is

rendered by an active verb

See the lower note.

ecrriv

Xeirovpyias] Xirovpyiacr
^ua/edpiot]

A.

8 tcrrai]

AS

C.

AC

add. yap S.

8e evnouas Kal Koivcovtas

vecr6e, toiclvtcus

p.rj

eTrCXavOd-

time and in

the

right

place

and
first

yap

Bvcriais evapecrrel-

through the right persons.

The

Tai 6 Geo's, to
is

which epistle Clement The largely indebted elsewhere. sacrifices, offerings, and gifts thereare

day of the week had been fixed by Apostolic authority not only for common prayer and breaking of bread
alms
the

fore

prayers and thanksalms, the eucharistic elements, the contributions to the

the
givings,

the

(Acts xx. 7) but also for collecting (1 Cor. xvi. 2); and the pres-

byters, as the officers appointed

by

agape, and so forth. Apost. ii. 25 at Tore

Kal
deijcreis

See esp. Const.

Bvcriai vvv ev%al
at

kcu

ev^apLurlaL,

Tore

authority, were the proper persons to receive and dispense the contributions. On the whole subject

same

drrapxcu Kal oV/carat Kal dcpaipepaTa Kal da pa vvv 7rpoa(popal a I dia tcov oo-ia>v in tar K07T <dv 7rpocr(pep6pe-

vai Kvpico
Kal

k.t.X.,

27

TrpoarjKei

ovv

see Hofling die Lehre der altesten Kirche vom Opfer etc. p. 8 sq (Erlangen 185 1). 10. eyKap-rrov k.t.X.] The same com-

d8eX(poi, Ovcrias vpcov rjroc npoa-cpopas tco eTvitTKoircp npoacpe-

vpas,

peiv cos apxiepei k.t.X., 34 tovs Kapnovs vpcov Kal ra epya tcov \eipcov
vpcov els evXoyiav vpcov npoacpepovTes avrco (sc. tco eVt(rico'7rco)...ra dcopa vpcov didovres avrco cos lepei Qeov, 35 H-V'

bination of epithets occurs again 56 ecrTai avrols eyKapnos Kal reXeta 7; npos tov Qeov k.t.X.
11.

TeXeiav] i.e. 'in mature, ripe

it

age ', so that

ttov).

has borne

fruit (eyKap-

Comp. the compound

(e.g. Hist.

TeXeio-

Kaprrelv

which occurs several times in

Ken

idcras

vpds

(6

Qeos) Bveiv aXoya

Theophrastus
Cans.

PL

i.

13. 4,

coa...ov dr)7rov Kal tcov elocpopcov

vpas

PL

iii.

6. 9).

The work

of these

~qXev6epcoo~ev cov 6<peiXeTe toIs lepevcnv Kal tcov els tovs Deopevovs evnoucov
k.t.X.,

presbyters had not, like those Corinthian elders whose cause Clement
pleads, been rudely interfered with

53 Scopov de
ko.1

io~Ti

Qeco

rj

eKaarov

npocrevxr)

fv'xaptcrrta.

These pas-

and prematurely ended.

'

sages show in what sense the presbyters might be said to 'offer the gifts They led the prayers and
'.

tt]v

dvdXvo~Lv]

their departure';

thanksgivings of the congregation, they presented the alms and contributions to God and asked His blessing on

comp. Phil. i. 23, 2 Tim. iv. 6. The metaphor seems to be taken from the breaking up of an encampment (see
Pliilippians I.e.), so that suited to TvpooboiTToprjo-avTes. ovk evXa(3ovvTai fear lesV comp.
:

it

is

well

them
body.

in

the

name

of the
is

prf]
1

they have no
iii.

whole

Hence

Clement

Mace.
xxiii.

30, xii.
evXafit)-

careful to insist ( 40) that these of-

40

(v. L).

In Acts

10

ferings should be

made

at the right

Bels is

a false reading.

136
fjiri

THE EPISTLE OF
Tis

S.

CLEMENT
tov
l^pvfjievov

[XLIV

clvtovs
opco/mev

juerao'Trjcrr]

diro

clvtoTs

T07rov,

yap

otl eviovs

v/meTs

jieTtiyayeTe kccXws

XeiTOvpylas.

XLV.
TCOV

&i\6veiKOi e<rre 9 dSe\(poi,

LS

ko.1

ZrjXwTai wept

dvY]KOVTU)V
tccs

O'00Tr]ptaj/,

6VK6KV<paT

eU

TCCS

ypa<pds,

aXrjde'is,
A.

rds [&a] tov 7rvevjuaro^

3 irdkiTevofievovs]

tov
C.

1 fxerrjydyeTe] inerayayere
d/uLefjLTTcos]

AS

irdXiTevaaiie'vovs

AC
A.

om.

TeTL/i7)/xi>r]5.

?<rre]

ecTai

perhaps from a feeling that it was not appropriate with 5 QCkbveiKoC] (pCKoviKoi A. 4 \e it ovpy Las] \irovpyeiaa A. 6 tQv <xv7}k6vtwv\ C (as I had conjectured); .avyKovruv A.
S,
. .

inserts a negative.
el

See the lower note.

evKeK^xpare] ev

re

A;

eyKeKixpare

ras ypa<pds] A; ras lepas ypa<f)ds CS. This is probably taken from 53 eirlaraaBe ras lepas ypa<pas...Kal ey kK1j (pare k.t.X. 7 ras 5ta No better way of filling the lacuna in see the lower note. rod] CS ; def.

C;

iyKeKvcpaTe S.

2. tottov] On the place of the departed see the note on 5. There is here also an allusion to the other office see 40 (with the sense,
'
'

serve') a thing for a person' (comp.

e.g.

Eur.

Orest. 828

Trarpcoav
;

rip,cov

note).
'

X<*pw with Soph. Ant. I.e.) and thus they afford no countenance for a pas' sive use Ti/jiaaOai tlvl to be bestowed

3.

fTeTLpirjfxevrjs'f]

them\
I

So

all

respected by the authorities. But

:

as

an honour on a person
the
passive,
in their note, all

'.

The

in-

stances of

which are
against

disposed to read rer-qpr^pevqs I Thess. V. 23 dp.ipiTT<x)s .TrjprjMy emendation was accepted Belrj. by Gebhardt (ed. 1), and indeed it seems to be required notwithstanding the coincidence of our existing In their second edition authorities.

am

quoted

make

COmp.

this interpretation ; e.g. Euseb. H. E. X. 4 yepapa (ppovrjaei irapa Qeov reriprjpeve, Const.

Ap.

ii.

26 6

7ri<rK07ros

...Qeov diq. Teriprjpevos. If Teriprjpevqs can stand at all here, it must

mean

however Gebhardt and Harnack

turn to
cio
TTipLT]fXvr)s,

re-

explaining

it 'offi-

respected ', i. e. duly discharged'. Hilgenfeld (ed. 2) speaks favourably of Terrjpripevqs.

'

'

quo inculpabiliter ac legitime honorati erant', and supposing that

Tifxav tw'i tl

can mean 'aliquid tamquam honorem tribuere'.

alicui

But

'Your zeal is misplaced, Search the Scriptures. You will indeed find that God's servants have been persecuted, but their

XLV.

my

brethren.

the passages quoted by them, which seem to favour this meaning, Pind.

Pyth.] iv. 270 Tlaiav re aoi ripa Soph. Ant. 514 *<*iv<o dv(rcre(3fj TLfxas x<*P lv [comp. also Aj. 675], are highly poetical. Moreover even in these the expression must be referred to the original meaning of npav, to respect (and so to scrupulously ob01.
[1.

cpdos,

persecutors are always the impious and unholy. Did pious men shut up Daniel in the lions' den ? Or cast the three children into the fire? This

was the deed of the wicked who knew not that God mightily shields His
faithful people. And so He has crowned the sufferers with everlasting re-

'

'

nown and

honour.'

XLV]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
67ri(TTacrd

137

dylov
fjievov

yeypaiTTca

otl oudev cl&ikov ovhe 7rapaTT67roir]ev ccvtcus. ov% evpri&eTe SiKaiovs

dcriiav

10
cLTrofSefiXrifjLevovs
tcaioi,

diro

dvSptow

iSico^drjcap

Si-

d\X

V7r6

dvofJivov'

e(pv\aKi(rdti(rav,

d\\'

viro

dvocricov

eXiddcdnaav
KCLl

v7ro 7rapavofX(x)v

d7TKTav6t](rav

V7TO TCOV fJLiapOV

occurred to

CtSlKOV ^fj\0V dvl\t1(pOTCt)V.

rets tov.

TCLUTa

me

in

my first
8

edition than

saw
is

that the p^crets of all previous

editors could not stand, as the usual expression

irvev/xaros tov dylov.
e7rt<rra<r^e] eiriTaadat

either irvevp.a.Tos dylov or tov

A.

9 y^ypa-rrrat]
see
1.

A;

yiypairro

C.
v6/j.(x)v~\

evprjo-eTe]

C;

...vprjaeraL

A;

invenitis (a present) S.

12 virb irapa142.

C; vwoira
tQ>v

.vofnav

A;

c\\' virb

irapavbixuv

p.

13 virb
fiiapbv]

twv\
(as I

A; dwb

C;

ct\A' virb (or ct7r6)

tQv S.

See the

last note.

C
p.

had conjectured,
ravra]

ed. 1); p.LapQv

;

AS.

&5ikov]

AC

ddlKtov

see

I.

143.
5

AC

ical

ravra S.

$i\6vikol etrre k.t.A.]

TG>v dvriKovTwVy

By

readdvrj-

tors.

It

is

ing

instead of

p.r)

extent than

confirmed to a greater could have hoped by

(by which previous editors supplied the lacuna of A), I changed

k6vt(ov

CS, which have Tas 81a tov nvevpaTos. It is difficult however to see how
there was
left

from an indicative to an imperaContend zealously, if you will, but let your zeal be directed to things
ecrre

room

for so

many

letters

tive

'

in the lacuna of
for Taa-diaTov

A
is

for the space at most half a

pertaining to salvation
iv. 17,

'

18,

Pet.

iii.

13.

comp. Gal. There is a

also a

letter

more than is taken up in the next line by otlovS, i.e. six letters.

Geov Qeov

t)\os,

and

in

some sense

cf)t\oviKia.

My

conjecture was

approved by Tischendorf and accepted by Gebhardt, and is now confirmed by C. S translates eare as an
indicative, and is obliged in consequence to insert a negative with avrjkovtcdv,

Since the lacunas here are at the beginnings, not (as commonly) at the ends of the lines, there can be no unI have certainty about the spaces. therefore placed dia. in brackets.
'

8.

7rapa7T7roir}pL6vov]

counterfeit,

spurious\
Basil.
(?)

For the metaphor see

fi

thus falling into the

as

the editors.
17 ikirifci fxov
lit)

same trap Compare Barnab.

"fyvxr)
rrj

in Esai.

prinov Kifihrjkos

i. 22 (1. p. 416 e) dpaxM, tovt4oti} p.rj-

??

iniOvp'ia

tvov doyp,a 7rapcnre7roir]p.evov,

with the

p.ov

7rapa\e\oinevai ri ratv dvrjKovTcou els (TcorrjpLav. For dvrjKeiv els see also
Ign. Philad.
13.
1,

whole context
is

in

For

to.

Polyc. Phil. dvrJKovra with a dative

Smyrn.

8,

developed. Dial. 69, 1 15, 7rapa7roLr)cris Iren.

II.
e(pv\aKio~8r]o~av]

which the metaphor So irapanoielv Justin

i.

9. 2.

Many

editors
is

see 35, 62.

6.

read

ivecpvXaKlardrjaav,

but this

open

iVKCKvcpare]

See the note above

47.

to objection, for there seems to be no authority for a verb p.<pv\aK.ia>;

ras dia tov nvevfxaros]

7rvevfxa.Tos,

The emenI

and indeed such a compound

not from
(pvXaKr]

is

hard-

dation Tas tov

which

pro-

ly possible, for (pvXaKifa is derived

posed somewhat hesitatingly, was adopted by Gebhardt in place of

the prfaeis 7rvvp.aTos of previous edi-

but from

<fiv\a.

13. p.iapbv\

for paapav)

The emendation {piapbv which I made in my first

133
7rao"^oi/res
<poi
;

THE EPISTLE OF
ei/fcAews

S.

CLEMENT
yap
eiTrcojuiev,

[XLV

t]veyKav.

tl

ctSeA-

Aclkkov AeovTtov
v7ro

AavirjA vtto tlov (po^ov/uevoov tov Qeov ifiArjdri eU 'Avavias kcli 'A(^apias kcli MiGarjA t] ;
kccI

tlov OprjcTKevovTcov Tt]v fJieyaAoTrpeTrrj

evdopov

dprjcTKeiav
/uf]6ajuw

tov

v\fri(TTOV Kareip^Qr](Tav

eis kcl/ullvov irvpos', 5

tovto yevoiTO.

Tives ovv oi tclvtcl Spdcavkcckiccs irAripeis

res

oi crrvyrjTol

Kai rraatis

ek toltovto

cocrre tovs iv octlcl kcli dfALOfjLw TrpoQevei e^rjpicrav Bvjuov

SovAevovTcts tlo Qeco

I

eis aitciav
etTrw/xev']

fwepi^aAeTvfy
;

juir]

eicHoTes
S.
is

evuXecos] evkXaiUff
v\J/i<TTov]

A.

enrofiev

present text of S has doubtless a corruption of KD'Hftl tov v^'lo-tov. o~au C. 7 (TTvyrjTol] CS ; arvrjTOL A.
5 tov

AC.

The

A; etiroifxev C dicam (elVw) K*HD1 tov Kvplov, but this

KaTeipxdrjcrav]
ets]

A; Kadeipx^V

AS

om.

C
;

(owing to
jaciant S.

the last syllable of the preceding

word

-ets).

irepifta\eiv~\

AC

the confusion of o and

C. For w in A compare einofxev just below, and see above, I. p. 120. Here the immediate neighbourhood of rco v would suggest the

edition

is

now confirmed by

If the

reading be correct, the idea of

(as

the preposition

in

TrepLn'nrTeiv)

must

be

change'.

'sudden and complete But I cannot find any

change

to

a transcriber.

Compare
3

parallel; for in Eur. Hel. 312 cpoftos yap is to de7p.a 7repi/3aXcoV /a' ayei the

fxiapas Kai avoaiov aTaaecos, fj\ov adiKov Kai a<TJ3fj dveikr](poTas.

5.

meaning of the word

ent.

is

wholly

differ-

Elsewhere (see Schweighauser

6pr)(TKeiav\

The word

is

here

used

N.

in its correct sense (see Trench T. Sy?t. 1st ser. xlviii) ; for the

Lex. Polyb. S.v. nepLfiaXkeo-dai) 7repi/3aXXeti/ has been substituted for napafiaWeiv,

incident turns on an act of external

worship.
6. pLrjOajiws k.t.X.] i.e. 'Let us not entertain the thought, let us not so

and this may possibly have been the case here. So Heb. xiii. 9 7rept.(pepo-de and TrapacpepeaOe are confused.

Comp. 55 TrapiftaXev. Our Greek MSS however are agreed in

rrepifiaXeiv here.
10.

pervert facts
8.

'.

reading
''persisted in strife'.
56 ovk egepiaas dXX'
ii.

e^picrav]

So
olov

Plut.

Pomp.

virepfxaxos K.r.X.] 'Yneppaxos is said of God, 2 Mace. xiv. 34 (comp.

fjTTrideU,

Appian. Bell. Civ.

egepio-Trjs

Wisd.

x.

20)

vTrepaa7rio-Trjs

is

fre-

151 (piXoveiKorepoi 8e toIs i^epi^ovcriv

ovres.

So too

Eur. Suppl.

quently so applied (especially in connexion with j3ot]86s), Ps. xviii. 2, xxviii.

7, 8, xxxiii. 20, cxiv.

894, egepHTTiKos Diog. Laert. x. 143.

17, 18, 19, etc.;

For the whole expression comp.

COmp.

56 7TOCT09 V7Tpa(T7nO~p.6$ etJTLV.

elsTocrovTovdrrovoiase^eKavo-av. Hilgenfeld reads i^piOiaav, but this, besides

11. iv KaOapa avveidtfo-ci] The same expression occurs 1 Tim. iii. 9, 2 Tim.
i.

being unsupported and unnecessary, would give a wrong meaning, for epeOia>,

navapeTco]
14.

comp. Ign. Trail. 7. See the note on

'

1.

egepeOifa, are transitive.

'

i'yy pacpoi]

recorded,

9.

7repi/3aXeu/|

to

drive round\

famous\

The word

notable, occurs also in a

XLVl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
kcli

139

10

otl 6 b\jsicrTOs v^ep/ma^os

ev

virepacnrKTTr]^ etTTiv tcov

Kadapa
oi

trvvei&ritTei
CO
Y\

fACLTl
dfjiviv.

CLVTOV'
Se

XaTpevovTcov tco iravapeTto ovo61S TOVS aitOVCLS TCOV CLILOVCOV. So^CL

ev
7re7roi6r](rL

v7rojULevovTes

So^av

kcli

Ti/uirjv

K\t]pov6fJLr](rav , e7rrjpdr]CTav

kcli

15

vovto dwo tov Qeov ev

alcovas tcov alcovcov.

tw

jULvrjjuocrvvcp

kyypacpoi eyeclvtcov as tovs

dfjLt]v.

XL VI.
tj/mds e?,

ToiovTOis ovv v7rodeiy fiatr iv KoWridrjvai

kclI

de\<poi.
.

yey pairTai yap' KoAAacGc

.

toic atioic,

12 tQ>v aiuvtov] S; rwvai

A; om.
p. 424);

C.

(as conjectured

by Laurent
S.

ewacppoi

See above, 32. 14 e'yypcupoC] A. For Zyypcupoi eyhovro S has

16
afAr/v]

scripti sunt.

15 avriov] 18

17 ovv]

AC; om.

A; avrov CS. KoWaade] KoWaadai A.

fjioo-vvov

AC; om.

S.

fragment ascribed to our Clement in Joann. Damasc. Eclog. i. 49 (11. p. 752 ed. Lequien) oQev eyypacpov rrepl avrov
(i.e.

avTcov (and indeed the general use of the genitive with p.vr)p,6crvvov in the LXX of the persons whose memorial is

rov

'A/3paa/u)
;

Icrroplav

yeveo~8ai

preserved) points distinctly to

(oKovonrjo-ev

but see especially Herm.

77

avTwv.

Sim.
ro3

v. 3 ecrrai

Bvcr'ia crov deurr/

rj

rrapa

XLVI.

'Copy these bright exam-

Geco kol eyypacpos carat

vqo~TeLa

avTr)
els

(comp.

Vis.

i.

evypacpijcrovraL

Cleave to the righteous, to the ples. To what end are these elect of God.
strifes

rds (SifiXovs

rrjs o)fjs),

Aft OS
p.rj

t.

Can.

and divisions?
5

Have you

for-

19

yap eprrnrXSv cora

6

voovvtos
to)

eyypacpos Xoytcrdrjaerai napa

Qeo},

gotten that as there is one Gpd, one Christ, one Spirit, so also there is one

29

yap

6r)o~avpLa>v ev

ttj

(3acriXeia

body?

eyypacpos epydrrjs
r(o

Xoyio-Br/crerai

napa.
Test,

limbs?

Qea (Lagarde's

Rel. Jur. Eccles.

Would you rend asunder its Remember how the Lord denounces the man through whom the
offences shall come. Already have your feuds been a scandal to many,

pp. 78, 79, see Hilgenfeld

extr.

Nov.

Can. IV. pp. 102, 104; this writing elsewhere bears traces of the influence of Clement's epistle, e.g. in 23 which reproduces the language It is however unof Clem. 40). necessary to substitute vtvo for dno with Hilgenfeld; e.g. in this very

and yet they

18.

continue.'
k.t.X.]

KoWaade
is

This quotain the

tion

no where found
vi.
;

Old

Testament.
Ecclus.
koXXtjOt]tl.

The nearest approach is

chapter we have dTTofiefiXr]p.evovs drrb see also 1 Cor. i. 30, oaluiv dvdpav James i. 13, with the examples in
:

34 ris crocpbs avrco TvpocrSimilar words however occur in Hennas Vis. iii. 6 p.rjde koXXcopevot to7s dyioLS, Sim. viii. 8 oi ev
rais
tt

pay pare iais

ep.TveCpvpp.evoL /cat

p.i]

Winer

xlvii. p.

389.

The phrase

to pvqpbcrvvov avrov, or avrav, is common in the LXX. It might be a

KoXXojpevot Tols dyiois, Sim. ix. 20 ov KoXXcovTai toIs BovXois tov Qeov.
It is perhaps another of those apocryphal quotations to which Photius alludes (see the notes on 8, 13, 17,

question here whether we should read avrov or avr&v, but 26 to p.vrj-

140
OTI
01

THE EPISTLE OF
KOAACOMGNOI
AYTO?C

S.

CLEMENT
.

[XLVI

Ap AC

H CON T<M

KCtl

7ra\lV

TpO) T07TW

M6TA

\6y6l* MeTA ANApOC A0COOY A0COOC CH KAI CKACKTOY CKACKTOC 6CH KAI MTA CTpeBAOY AlAKoWtjOcofxeu

cTpeyeic.
elcrlv
dvfjiol

ovv

toTs

ddwois
'

Kal
tl

Slkcuois*
epeis

Se

ovtol k\ktoI tov Qeov.

ha

Kai

vfjuv

Kal Sixoo'TacriaL Kai (T^icrfJiaTa 7roAe/uos re ev Qeov e^ojjiev Kal eva XpurTOV Kai ev i) ov'xl eva
re]

6 ToXefxos

AC;

S has the plural

(as

determined by ribui)

irbXeixoi re

and

NHI^DI, which probably represents /ecu fxdx^h word elsewhere stands for pdxcu (e.g. James iv. i, Pesh., Hcl. ;
adds
et contentiones

since the
2

same
23,

Tim.

ii.

23, 29); or possibly Clement is giving from memory the sense of some canonical text or texts. This passage is imitated by Clem. Alex. Strom. v. 8 (p. 677) yiypairrtu de, Mera dv8pbs

stronger than a-Taons 51: as developes into dixoaraaia, so biXoo~Taar'ia widens into axicpa.
it

is

o~Tao~is

6.
iv. 1.
7.

noXepos Tc ev vplv] comp. James

dBcoov

dOatos
earj

eickeKTos
crrpe-^/eis'

Kal peTa eKXeKToi) peTa o~Tpef$Xov diaKoXXaaBai ovv rots dyiois

eery

Kai

iv.

ovx 1 * va Qeov K 'XJ From Ephes. 4 sci V crSpa Kal ev nvevpa,

Kal eKXr/BrjTe ev

KaBa>s

pia eXnidi

ttjs

npocrrjKei otl 01 KoXXoopevoi avrols dyiaa-

where the change of form suggests that the Alexandrian Cle6i)o-ovTai,

KXijo~ea>s vpu>v' eis Kvpios, pia nio~eis Qeos...evl de tls, ev fidnTicrpa,

eKao-Tco

77/xtov

edoBrj
ix.

77

xdpis

k.t.X.

ment did not recognise the source of the quotation in his Roman namePart of this passage is loosely quoted also by Nicon thus KoXXr]6ccpev
sake.
:

comp.
also

Cor.

viii. 6, xii.

Hermas Sim.

12 sq. See 13 eaovrai els

ovv rols dBcoois Kai diKaiois' elal 8e ovtol ckXcktoI tov Qeov'

ev nvevpa, els ev aSpa.-Kal r\v avrav ev nvevpa Kal ev aa>pa, ix. 1 8 ecrrat rj e'KKXrjo-la tov Qeov ev crutpa, pia (ppovqo~is,

yeypanTai yap' KoXXao~6ai (KoXXaaBe) to7s dyiois, otl

eis

vovs,
7.

pia

nicrTis,

pia dyanrj,
XpicrTos,

Ign.

Magn.

oi KoXXcopevoi avTols dyiaadrjo-ovTai (see

This

mention

of

Qeos,

above

14).

2. Mera dvdpbs k.t.X.] An accurate quotation from Ps. xviii. 25, 26: but the application of the passage by S. Clement to the influence of good or

nvevpa, has a parallel in the reference to the Trinity quoted by S. Basil {de
Sftir.

Sanct. xxix,

III. p.

16) as

from

bad companionship is wholly wrong. The 'Thou of the Psalmist is God Himself, and the passage teaches
5

our Clement, but not found in our MS and probably belonging to the lacuna from 58, fj yap 6 Qeos Kal rj 6 Kvpios
XpiaTos Kal to nvevpa to dyiov. parallel, I have taken ev nvevpa as an accusative and connected it with the preceding words, rather than as a nominative, in which case it would be attached to the following clause, Kal pia kXtjo-is ev Xpicrrw ; but the construction is doubtful. The construction and punctuation has
'lr]crovs

Owing to this

that

He

deals with

men

according to

their characters.

The words are aran ascending scale; see the notes on Galatiansv. 20, 21. Qv'outbursts of wrath/ as in I.e. /xol are Aixoo-Taaia is weaker than axicpa, as
5.

epeis k.t.X.]

ranged

in

XLVl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Trjs

141
rjfjid^
;

Trvevfia

%dpiTOS
;

to

K-)(y6ev

e(p

Kai

fxia

k\?](tis eV

XpicTTw

iva tl SteXKO/uiev Kai

c^icunroojjLev t<x

10

nieXrj

iSiov,

tov Xpio~TOv, Kai (TTaaia^ofJiev Trpos to o-to/ua to Kai eis TOcavTtjv dirovoiav ip^o/ueda wctte iirim

Xa6eo 6ai

fifjids

otl

/ueXr}

ecfiev

dXXrjXcov'^
eiirev

HJLvtjcrdrjTe

TOdv Xoycov 'hio"ov

Tit.
iii.

tov Kvpiov

r\jjiiov*

yap* OyVi

9,

Hcl.).

The connecting
it

particles in the

an addition; but
9 Sie'XKopev]
7}P<jov

is

suspicious, as being perhaps

Greek are favourable to such borrowed from James iv. 1.

i]p<2v~}

AS

di^XKoipev C.

13 'lrjaov tov Kvpiov

A;

tov Kvpiov

Irjaov

~ xP l0 T v CS.

been confirmed by the Syriac, since I first proposed it.

12. peXrj icrpev] Rom. xii. 5ot7roAAo < ev crapd icrpev iv Xptcrro), to 8e Ka6'
eis aXXrjXcov peXrj.
1 3. Oval K.r.A.] Two different sayings of our Lord are here combined. The
v

to.

dyaBa iXdelv
opolcos
tie

del,

e'pxeTai'

Ka\

paKapios 8e SY ov to. KaKa avdyKrj

S. Cle-

eXOelv, oval

81

ov ep\erat,

ment here may be quoting from our canonical gospels (confusing them
from oral tradition, or possibly (though this seems the least probable supposition) from some written account no longer extant, e.g. the Gospel of the Hebrews. The first solution presents no difficulties;
together), or
for the insertion of 77 eva tg>v iKXeKTcov

Ji?-st is

recorded in Matt. xxvi. 24,

xiv.

Mark

eKeivco 81

21, oval 8e tS av6pa>ira ov 6 vlos tov dvdpoo7rov irapatjv

8L8oTai' KaXbv

avTOi
;

el

ovk

iyevvrjdrj

avOpamos eKelvos

and more

briefly

in

Luke

xxii. 22, irXrjv oval tq3 dvOpatircp

pov

crKav8aXio-ac is

not a more violent

Kivta 81

ov TrapadldoTai.

The second

runs in Matt, xviii. 6, 7, 04- 8' av crKaveva t&v piKpav tovtcov tcov 8aXlcrr]
7rio-Tev6vTO)v els ipe, avpcpepet avTo3 iva

change than is found in many of his Old Testament quotations; e.g. the perversion of Is. Ix. 17 at the end of 42. See also the fusion of different
passages in
5j 5 2 > 5318, 26, 29, 32, 35, 39,

KpepaaOfj pvXos ovlkos nep\ tov TpdX^Xov avTov Kai KaTanovTiaBfj iv tco
TreXdyei ttJs 0a\do-o~r]s. .ovai t&> dvdpccmco 8i* ov to CTKav8aXov epx^Tai in Mark
. :

The
iii.

Alex. Strom,

18

quotation of Clem. (p. 561) is not an

ix.

42, os av

o~k.

e.

t.

p. r. r.

tt.

els

ipe,

koXov

io~Tiv avra>
iv.

paAXov

el

7Tepl-

KeiTai p. ov.
els tt)v

t.

Tp.

avTov Ka\
tcl

/3e/3Ar7rat
1, 2,
prj

OdXaaaav: in Luke

xvii.

independent authority, for it is evidently taken from the Roman Clement. I have no doubt that the Syriac has preserved the right reading and
;

dvevdeKTov icrTiv tov

o~Kav8aXa

this

for

three

reasons.

(1)

This

iXdelv, 7rXr)v oval 8l ov ep^erat' XvcriTeXel avTco el XlBos pvXiKos 7repiKeiTai r. Tp. avTov Kai tppmrtu els tt)v 7T.
6dXao~o~av, rj iva o~Kai'8aXlarj tg>v piKpa>v Hermas Vis. iv. 2 has tovtcov eva.

reading is farther from the language of the canonical Gospels and therefore more likely to have been changed; (2) Clement of Alexandria, Strom. iii. 18 (p. 561), so read the passage in
the

oual toIs aKovaaaLV to pijpaTaravTa Kai napaKovaaaiv' alpeTcorepov tjv avTols to and in Clem. Horn. pr) yevvqOrjvah xii. 29 a saying of our Lord is quoted,
i

Roman Clement;
explains

(3)

The word
sequel
it

8iao-Tpe>\rai

the

to

ax^orpa vpaiv 7roXXovs 8uaTpe\}/ev ('per-

verted not one, but many'),

being

142
to)

THE EPISTLE OF
<\N0pdbncp
TOON
eKeiNCp*

S.

CLEMENT
ei

[XLVI

kaAon hn aytco
KATATTONTIC0HNAI

oyK ereNNH0H, h

NA

eKAKTO)N

MOy CKANAAAl'cAl
KAI

TTepiTeOHNAI
H

MyAON

Kp?TTON HN AyTtp IC THN 0AAACCAN,

6NA TOON 6KA6KT00N MOy AlACTpeyAI.

TO

G")^L(TfJia

VJULGOV
5

7roA\ous Steo'Tp6\fr6u 9 7roWovs eis dOvfjilav eftaXev, 7ro\Aofs 619 SiCTTayjuoi/y tovs iravTa^ Y\\xa% els \v7rr)V kcli
7t//XOJ/OS
I /jlov

VfJLCtiV

IcTTlV

f]

0~TCt(riS.

ovk ]

fir]

C.

4 rwv kXktwv ywou Stacrrp^ai]

S Clem

tow
;

/xiKpuv

cncavdaXiaai

AC.
ijfids]

See the lower note.

6
II

ro!>s

TraVras]

AC
A;

tovs 5e
/cat

Travras S.

AS;

u^as C.

atrrou Te...'A7roAAu)]

eai;roC

after Clement's manner to take up and comment on a leading word in

k.t.X.

58 ivaKaTao-KrjV(oo~oip.V 7r7roi6oTes I have collected these ex-

his quotations; e.g. i4AN0p<joncf> e p h n k c<3 followed by 1 5 koXXt)i

i

6Sp.ev

rots

fxer

evo-efteias

elprjvev-

amples, because this characteristic determines the readings in three passages of interest (here and 35,
57 ; comp. also 51), variations.
6.

ovaiv, 27 d>N oyxi akoyontm followed by 28 7rcWooz/ ovv fiXenofievcov

where there are

KalaKOvofxevcdv,

29erNH0H
fol-

dio-Taypov]

Mepic Kypfoy...&ri^ atiwn

lowed by
r)

but occurs in
Plut.

The word is rare, Hermas Sim. ix. 28,

30 'Ay iov ovv p,epis,

Mor. 214
'

F.

3oOedc...AiAcociNXApi n followed by ois %dpis dno tov Qeov dedorai, 34 OCA, HTOIMACGN TOTc yTTOM6NO yc n &yto n followed by 35
1

rlva ovv apa ioTiv to.

iroipa^o/xeva

to7s V7rop.e vov

o~iv;

35

0A0C
r)

to ccothpion toy Oeoy followed by 36 avrrj 6b6s...

Aeflco
ev
A,yTCj5
77

evpop,V

TO

aCOTTj

piov

rjfx&v,

the epistle which Paul the Apostle wrote to you long ago. See how he condemns strife and party spirit in you. Yet then you had this excuse, that you chose as leaders Apostles and Apostolic men. Now even this palliation of your offence is wanting. It is sad indeed that two or three ringleaders should
sully the fair

XLVI I.

Read

36
k.t.X.

ecoc an 86j Toyc ex0poyc followed by rives ovv ol e^dpoi,

(just

fame of the Corinthian Church and bring dishonour on the

of Christ.'
ttjv 7no-ToXrjv\

mgta ANApoc kai mbta ckAcktoy ckAcktoc ecy followed

46

above)

name
8.

<\0Cjjoy

A0t3oc cch

It

must not be

by KoWrjdwpiev ovv to7s ddwois...

elalv 8e

ovtol

^kXcktoI tov Qeov,

48<\noiIat6 moi nyAAC Aikaiocy n h c k.t.X. followed by noXXcov ovv

nvXaiv dvecoyvLciv
avTY) icrriv,

inferred from this expression that Clement was unacquainted with the 2nd Epistle to the Corinthians; for exactly

the same way Irenasus (i. 8. 2) writes iv t npbs KopivOiovs (where the
in

50

AnoM A
1

k.t.X.

iv diKaioavvrj r) N A(J>0HCAN A followed by 5 1 ocra

(I)
I

present Latin text specifies 'in prima

ad Corinthios
(iv.

27.

3)

epistola'), and again 'in epistola quae est ad

ovv

7rap7recrap,v...di(oo~(Dfxev

d(pe6rj-

KATACKHNC0C6I 6TT eAniAi nenoi0coc followed by

vai rjplv,57

Corinthios', and (iv. 27. 4) quotes 2 Thessalonians as 'ea quae est ad

Thessalonicenses epistola'.

So also

XLVIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
'

*43

XL VII.
io

AvaXafiere

ty\v

7ri(rTo\r}u

tov

/uLctKapiov

llauAov tov diroo'ToXov.

tl irpwTOv vfjuv ev dp^fj

tov

arTeiAev v/uuv Trepi Sia TO KCLI tote

airoXXu
the
kcll K-rjcpa,

evayyeXiov eypa\jsv ; eV dXrjdeias 7rvevfjL<xTuc(Jos hireavTOv re kcu Krjcpd te kcli AttoWco,

TrpoarKXicreis v/uds 7r7roirjo-6ai*

dXX'

Y\

same order

as

S has C, thus conforming the order to i Cor. i. 12 (comp. iv. 6). A, but omits re in both places. It also repeats the preposition

before each word, but no stress can be laid on this (see above, 1. p. 137). 12 7rpo<TK\i<jeis] A; divisiones S ; irpocncXrjcreLs C. For this itacism see above 21.

Orig.

(firjcn,

63 iv rfj npbs Tifxodeov npbs Qeo-aaXoviKels, Method. Symp. iii. 14 (p. 22 Jahn)
c.
i.

Cels.

Tepov,
9.

and even

in later writers.

iii.

20

rfj

TTpu>Tov\ ''first

a?id fore7nost\ re-

Xa/3eVa> 8e

perd x ei P 0S ftovXopevos
e7ricrTo\rjv,
iii.

ttjv

ivpbs

Kopivdiovs

Macarius

ferring to the position and prominence assigned to this topic in the First Epistle to the Corinthians. It

Magnes Apocr.
Kai iv
rrj

36

(p.

131 Blondel)

npbs
de

KopivOiovs de inio-ToXrj

explain the
in

does not seem to be quite correct to word with different com(1)

Xeyei Ilepi

twv napdevav iinTayrjV

mentators either

Of time

purely,
to iv

Kvpiov ovk e^ay k.t.X., Hieron. Epist. Iii. 9 (1. p. 264) 'lege Pauli epistolam ad Corinthios, quomodo diversa membra unum corpus efficiunt', Anast.
Sin.

which case

it

adds nothing
',

or (2) of quality purely, as if it signified the primary value and excellence of the injuncdpxfi tov evayyeXiov
tion.

Hodeg. 12

(p.

97) i<

ttjs

npbs

Kopivdiovs, and Chrysostom in his preface to the Colossians (xi. p. 322 B, ed. Bened.) refers to 2 Timothy as
fj

iv apxfi k.t.X.] i.e. in the first days of the Gospel, soon after your conversion.' The expression occurs in
S. Paul himself, Phil. iv. 15. also the note on Polyc. Phil. 1

'

irpbs TipoOeov

(eVtcrroA?/).

Where
which

See
1
'

the

context
is

clearly

shows

in

meant, no specification is needed. On the other hand I have not observed any distinct traces of the influence of 2 Corinthians on Clement's language or thoughts.
epistle

principio'.

It is

quite impossible that

dpxv tov evayyeXiov can mean (as Young, Cotelier, and others suppose), 'the beginning of his epistle' as
containing his evangelical teaching
(Iren.
iv.

paKapiov] Polyc. Phil. 3 tov paKapiov

34.

HavXov, ib. II 'beatus Paulus.' This passage of Clement is perhaps the earliest instance of the specially Christian sense of paKapios comp. Rev. xiv. 13
Kai
ivbotjov
:

quod ab apostolis

'legite diligentius id est evangelium

nobis datum'). 11. nepl avWov re k.t.X.] I Cor. i. 10 sq. The party whose watchword

was

iya>

Xpio-Tov is passed over in

p,a.Kciptoi

01 v<po\ 01 iv

Kvpico dnoBvij-

In 43 he applies ctkovt9 dndpTi. the epithet to Moses; in 55 to The word continues to be Judith. used occasionally of the living, e. g. Alex. Hieros. in Euseb. H. E. vi. 1 1
Sta

by Clement, because the mention of them would only have comMoreover it plicated his argument.
silence
is

not probable that their exact theo-

logical position was his contemporaries.

12. Trpoo-KXlo-eis]

known

to

him

or

KXqpevTos

tov ficiKapiov npeo-^v-

See above on

21.

144
7rp6(TK\i(ris

THE EPISTLE OF
hite'ivr]

S.

CLEMENT
v/uuv

[XLVII

y]ttov d/uLapriav
clttoo'toXois

7rpoa'r]veyKev*
kcll

7rpocreK\i6r]T6

yap

fjLenapTVpviJLevois

dvdpi SeSo/cf/xao"/xeVo) Trap clvtoTs.

TLV6S
vfjids

vvvi Se Karavor](TaTe
Ttjs

dieorTpeyfsav kclI

to

(te/ulvov

7repi(Sor]TOv
kcll 5

<pi\a$e\<pla$ vjjlwv

fJLeioio~av.

aio'xpd,
777s
koll

dya7rr]Tol 9

Xiav

alo")(pa,

kcli

dva^ia

eV

XpLCTtv

dycoyrjs,
e'fc-

aKOveadai
K\rjo~ictv
m

ty\v (5e(5aiOTaTt]V

dpyalav KopLvdltov
CTTacria'Ceiv

$1

ev

rj

$vo
kcli

TTpocLOira
r\

irpos

tovs

7rp6o ($VTepovs.
1

avrt]
C;

aKorj oi \xovov eis 77/xas i^coA.

eirfyeyKe
tittov]

7rp6(TK\icns] irp6(XK\rj<ns

irpocrKKrjcreis

A;

rjrTova C,

and
S.

so

apparently

S.

7rpoar]veyKev]
TrpoaeKkrjdrjTe

A;

C,

and so apparently

2 irpoaeK\idr]Te]

A;

C.

pepLapTvprjpevoLs]
for

AS;
in

dedoKipaapivois
the

C,

which reads conversely pepapTvprjptvu)

bedoKLpaa[ievo3

next

line.

3 Trap' aureus]
/3ej3cuoTaTr)v,

AS;

Trap'

clvtQv C.

7repi(3or)Tov]

AC;

om. S translating
alcrxpd, dya7r?7Toi]

as if ^ej3aioTTjTa.

5 epeiioaav] epicocrav

A.

AC;
2.

om. S.

6 Xpicr7<]

AC;
fa-

add.

irjaov S.

dywy^s]

AS;

0,701^775

C.

'

pepaprvpr/pevois]
1
:

attested,

mous
Eph.
3.

see the note on 17. So Ign. 12 Tlavkov... rov pepaprvpr/pivov.

di/dpi
is

commonly of any systematic disciplinary or scholastic training.

7.

aKovcrdaL~] i.e. 'It is

a disgrace-

oVSoKip.acrp.ei'co]

Apollos

ful state of things, that it

should be

therefore
stle
4.
;

not regarded as an Aposee Galatians pp. 96, 98.

to crepvov
k.t.X.]

reported] the

word aKoveadai being

Comp.

co'crre

ro arepvbv

kcli Tvepifior)TOV kcl\

ttckjiv

dv-

dpconois aiziaycurqTOV bvopa vpcov peydka>s j3Xaa(pr]pr]di]vai.

dependent on alaxpd...Kal dvd^ia. I mention this, because the construction is generally mistaken some editors wanting to understand Sel
;

alo~xpa Kal A/ai> aicrxpd] Comp. teal kciXgHs tnio-raoSe. 53 enLcrrao-Oe See also Theoph. ad Autol. i. 17 *aXa
5.

aKoveo-Oai.
K.r.k.

and others substituting dKoverai for For the plural alcrxpo.

kol Kaka Xiav, Hippol. p. 36 (Lagarde) navra pev Kaka Ka\ Kaka kiav ra rov GeoC, Clem. Recogn. iii. 25 Ignoras, O Simon, et valde ignoras', and per'

see Jelf's Gramm. 383. dpxaiav] This epithet seems not to be consistent with the very early date

which some

critics
:

would assign
p.

to
sq,

Clement's epistle see I. and the notes on 5, 44.

8.
f

364

haps Hermas Mand.

ravra
Trovrjpa eluai
;

viii.

ov BoKel

0-01

ir

poo-ana]
;

'persons',

or

rather

ko.\

kiav TTOvqpa roTs

ringleaders'

as in

1.

See the

dovkots rov Qeov

(if

this

be the right

note on Ign.
9.

punctuation). The very words alaxpd kcu kiav alo-xpa occur in Maximus (?)

on Jude
1576.

in
l

Cramer's Catena
'

p.

Magn. 6. Thus it was a rumour or report which had reached the ears of Clement and the Roman Church reaKorj]

dyuyfjs]

editcation''\ '~trai?iing\

specting the feuds at Corinth; like those earlier accounts of irregularities

in the

as below 48.

The word

is

used

same Church which reached

XLVIIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

145
d(p'

10 prjcev
rifjitov,

dWd
oicrre

kcli

eU tovs 6TepoK\iveTs vTrap-^ovTas

kcci

Kvplov Sid

TY\v vfierepav d(ppo<rvvr]V)

/3\acr(briiuLias iiricpepeo'dcu tgT ovo/ulclti eavrdls Se klv^vvov

eire^epya^eadaL.

15

'Gpapw/mev ovv tovto ev Ta%ei Kat Trpocrireawfjiev too ZecriroTf] kclI KXavcrw/mev iKerevovTes ccutov,
077-0)9

XLVIIl.
I'Xecos

yevd/uevos 67riKctTaWayfj

r\\xiv

kcli

eiri

ty\v

<re/uivrjv

t/7? (f>L\a$e\<picts r\fJnov

Y\\id<z.

dyvrjv dyooyrjv diroKaTa-

CTTr](rr]

irvXri
S.

yap
tj/xQiv]

SiKaio(Tvvris

dvewyula ek ^wrjv
12 eaurots Se]

7 /cat]

AC; om.

n
eirl tt]v

AS;

v/xQv C.

A;

eavroTs
77/xu/]

re

C;
;

etvobis ipsis S.
vfuv C.

16
k.t.X.]

I'Xews yevop.evos]

A;

yevo/uevos iXews

C.

AS

translates loosely restituat nos

et

ad priorem

Mam

modestiam nostram amoris fraternitatis

18 ijpas]

ad puram

Mam conversationem,
17
i^fiCov]

but this
vfx&v C.

probably does not represent a various reading.

AS;
CS.

AS;

v/xas

C.

aveyyvia

els ut}v\

A;

elf frarjv

dveipyvla

the ears of S. Paul

aKOverat
k.t.X.,

(1

Cor. v.

oXas

on

32

and Winer

xxii. p. 163.

k.t.X.,
i.

xi.

8 cikovco crx'io'paTa
It is

XLVIIL

'Let us put our sin away.

comp.

11).

quite a mis-

take to suppose that the Church of Corinth had formally and by letter asked advice; see the note on 1
vop,[opev k.t.X.
10.
erepofcAii/eiy]

Let us fall on our knees and implore God's pardon. Righteousness in Christ is the only gate which leads Is any one faithful, wise, to life. learned, energetic, pure ? He should

See the note on

II 1 1
f
.

be the more humble in proportion as he is greater. He should work for

the

eocrTe.

.(3Xaa(pr)pias erncpepeo-Bai]

common

good.'

so that

you heap

blasphemies'''; ern-

1 6.

eTTiKaTaWayfj]

While no other

being middle as frequently elsewhere, and the subject being vp,as

cpepeo-6ai

instance of the verb erriKaTaXXdcro'eiv is given in the lexicons, the substantive appears in Theophrast. Charact. 26 tov ^oXkoO rrjv e7riKaTaXXayr]v, where it seems to signify 'the discount*.
rrjv

ras.

or possibly tov? eTepoKXivels virapxovComp. Rom. ii. 24 to yap ovopa

tov Qeov 81 vpas {SXao-cp-qpelTai ev rois
edveaiv,
12.

Kadws yeypcnrrai. i.e. the danger of incurring God's wrath, as 14 klv8wov VTVoicropev p,eyav, 4 1 tocovtco p,aXXov
Kivbvvov]
e7reepyaeo-0ai] withal to create'; for this is the force of eVt, as in Demosth. de Cor. p. 274 ev 6 ine^eip13.
'

is

crepvr)v k.t.X.] The expression copied by Clem. Alex. Strom, iv.

r\

17 (p. 613)

aepvr) ovv rijs (f)i\av0pu)-

\moKeipe6a Kivbvvw.

irias kclI dyvr/

dyayrj Kara tov KXr/pevra to KoivcofpeXes ^rel, where the insertion

ydaaro tolovtov o
erreBrjKe rekos.

7ra.cn

Here
II.

rois Trporepnts eavrcns will be

:

of koX relieves the sentence. Comp. the words at the close of this chapter. i see 'Ayayrj is co7iduct\ as in 47 also 2 Tim. iii. 10, Esth. ii. 20, x. 3,
:

equivalent to vpuv avrois

see the note

Mace.

iv. 16, vi. 8, xi. 24.

CLEM.

IO

146
aiiTfjy Kctdcos
i'na

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

[XLVIIl

yeypa7TTac 'AnoiIatg
eN

moi tty'Aac Aikaiocynhc,

eiceAOooN

ayta?c

elOMoAorHCOOMAi tw Kypi'or
eiceAeYCONTAi eN ay'th.
r\

ayth
7roA-

nyAH toy

Kypi'oY, Ai'kaioi

\wv ovv
r\

7Tv\u)v dvecpyviwv,
r\

ev hucaiocrvvri avTtj eottiv

ev XpLCTToo, ev
1

\xaKapioi

wavTes
S.

ol

eicreXdovTes
oWctre]

kcli 5

avT-rj]

karlv avrri C,

and so apparently
I.

AC
AS

aperi S.
i^ofxoXo-

1 IVa]

S Clem

om. AC.

See the next note. See above,

p. 143.

itjo/JLoXoyrjo-u/jLcu

yrjcrofAai

with Clem.

r/]

AC

om. S apparently.

Sta/cpiVet]

C;
it it

Sta/cpta/cptcret

as the c

he appears to
CIN.

me

A, as read by Teschendorf; see prol. p. xix. As far to have deciphered the MS correctly. Jacobson, instead

of cei, reads could not see

This seemed to

me more
sit

like the traces in the MS, but I

77'rw

distinctly.
;

Clem

(see

below)

tjtio

See below. S has ayvos AC.

70/3765 ev Zpyois,
fidelis,

TJTb)

ayvos]

homo (quispiam)

sit validus,

1. 'Avoigare k.tX] From the LXX Ps. cxviii. 19, 20, word for word. This

of the later Clement

is

much

too

passage, as far as
is

rfr<o yopybs ev epyois, loosely quoted with interpolations of his own by Clem. Alex. Strom, i,

loose to be a guide here, and he probably inserted the Iva to improve the grammar of the sentence.
3.

7roAAe5i>

ow

ttv\g>v K.r.A.]

Per-

7 (P- 338 sci)> wno gives his authority as 6 KXrjfirjs ev ttj npbs Kopivdtovs eViElsewhere Strom, vi. 8 (p. aroXrj.
772), after quoting Ps. cxviii. 19, 20,

haps a reference
Matt.
5.
77

to our Lord's saying,

vii.
rj

13, 14. ev Xptorcp]

John

x.

eyu> elpu

he adds (by a lapse of memory)

yovfjievos

i^-q-

6vpa, Hermas Sim. ix. 12 77 nvXr) 6 vlbs tov Qeov earl (and the whole section), Ign. Philad. 9 avTos a>v 6vpa tov narpos, Clem. Horn. iii. 5 2 ^ ia tovto avros aXrjdrjs cov npoCprjTTjs eXeyev, E-yto
elp.1
77

8e

to

prjrov

tov

rrpoCprjTOv

Bapvdfias

emfpepei,

UoX\a>v

7rvXa>v

dveG)yvia>v...ol elcre\66vTes, though a few sentences below he cites the words

ecrrco

nvXr) rfjs

0)779 k.t.X.,
ii.

tolvvv

ttio~tos ...
'

(hat, as from to the Corinthians'.

p.aXXov p,eio>v Clement in the letter

in

Euseb. H. E.
77

Hegesipp. 23 dirdyyeCXov

qplv ris
6.

6vpa tov

'Irjo-ov.

His two quota-

tions do not agree exactly either with the original text of Clement or with

The usual combination of oatos and diKaioy. See the note 'on ii. 5.
6o-i6tt]ti k.t.X.]

one another. clear that he

These

facts

make

it

7.

tJtco

tis 7tio~t6s k.t.X. ]

gift,

'

i.e.

If

mory, and mind in using his quotations to correct the text of the Roman Clement.
2.

cites chiefly this must be

from meborne in

man
not

has any special

it

let

him

employ
as

for the

common
of

good, and

means

self-assertion.'

e^ojAoXoyrjo-Gifjiai]

The

best

MSS

of

the
is

LXX have

e^ofioXoy^o-o/xai,

substituted for the conjunctive by most editors here, but eofioXoyqacofjiai will stand; see Winer
>5

which

The same gifts of the Spirit are enumerated, though in the reverse order, in I Cor. xii. 8, 9 fiev yap 81a tov nvevfiaros didoTai Xoyos aocpias, aXXca 8e Xoyos yvcoaecos Kara, to avTo Ttvev fia,
<*>

eTepat

TTifTTlS

ev tco

avT(p

nvevfxaTi.

Hilgenfeld inserts Iva before elaeXOwv, following Clem. Alex. Strom, i. 7 (p. 338); but the quotation
xli.

p.

300.

Unless Clement is using this language without warrant, the temper of the factious Corinthians of his

XLVIIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
ty\v Tt]v

147
0(Ti0Tr\Ti
rJTCo
kcci

KCLTevOvvovTes

Tropeiav wopeiav

avTwv

ev

diKaiocruvr], aTapd^co^ iravTa eTTiTeXovvres. 7ri(TT0s, t]Tco Svvaros yvwo'iv e^ei7reTv, rjTco

tis
ev

o~o<pos

SiaKpicrei
10 TOcrovTio

\6yeov,

ijro)

yopyos

ev

epyois,

t\tco

dyvos*
ocrco

yap

fxdWov

TaireivocppoveTv

6(f)ei\ei,

scientiam possideat (possidebit), laboret {laborabit) sapiens in interpretatione verborum, sit purus in operibus. This represents substantially the same Greek with

AC,

except that

tJto}

dvvaros yv&cnv

e^eiiretv,

tJto}

crocpbs

k.t.X.

must have been

corrupted into tjtw dvvaros, ypwrip eei, irovdroo <ro0os, as Bensly points out. touovtov tis Anton Max. 10 TOGotiTu) yap] AS ; Clem tocto^tc^ (om. yap) C
;

yap]

AS

om. C.
S.

Taireivocppovelv ocpeiXei]
ocpeiXei] ocptXei

AC

Clem

ocpeiXei Ta-weivocp'povelv

Anton Max.; dub.

A.
t)e

oVoj]

AC

Clem; (Sow Anton Max.

ii.

time must have closely resembled that of their predecessors in S. Paul's

age.
8.
'

ftpabvTepov, Epict. Diss.

16.

20

ev

pev
el,

tt)
iii.

axoXfj
12.

yopyol

K.a\

KaTa-

yXcocrcroi,

IO
6

acTKrjcrov,

el

yopk.t.X.,
el,

yvcocrtv

e^eiirelv]

to

utter, ex-

yos

Xoidopovp,evos dveyecrQai
xii.

pound a

yva>cris\ i.e. 'to bring out the hidden meaning of a scripture'. For this sense of yvuxris see the note on The possession of Barnabas 6. yvaxris was an old boast of the fac-

M. Antonin.
TavTrjv

el

ovv yopyos

Bepcnrevcrov.

The departure

in the later usage of the word from its Attic sense 'terrible' is noted by

tious Corinthians,

Cor.

viii.

1,

10,

11, xiii. 2, 8; and the vaunt has not without reason been attributed especially to the party among them which claimed as its leader Apollos, the learned Alexandrian, 'mighty in the

The pasthe old lexicographers. sage is twice quoted by Clem. Alex., Strom, i. 7 (p. 339) avTiKa 6 KXrjprjs ev
Trj

7Tpbs KopivSlovs e7rio~ToXr)

Kara Xeiv
tcov

(prjal,

Tas
Trjv

diacfiopds

eKTidepevos

KciTa

eKKXrjcriav 8oKip.cov, *ltco

tis

tticttos, iJtco
tjtco

dvvaTos tls yvcocriv e^enrelv,

ev
diaKpicrei

scriptures' (Acts xviii. 24).

9.
(if it

diaKpiaei]

The reading

of

croCpbs

Xoycov,

tjtco

be correctly given biaKpiaKpicnv) a corruption of diaicpicnv ( = diaarose out of 81aKpia-T) which itself and this out of dicucpio-ei see Kpicri for other instances of a like error the
is
:

yopyos iv epyois, and Strom, vi. 8 (p. 722 Sq) eCTTCO TOIWV TVICTTOS 6 TOLOVTOS,
eo~Tco

dvvarbs yvcocriv e^enrelv,

tjtco

cro-

Cpbs ev diaKplcrei Xoycov, tjtco yopyos ev toctovtco yap paXXov epyois, r/Tco dyvos'

Tcmeivoqbpovelv ocpeiXei,

ocrco

doKei pdXrfj npbs correction

note on

dvao-Trjcropai

5.

Otherwise
(see above,

Xov

/xei^cov elvai'
(pr]crL

6 KXrjprjs ev

SLaKpio-eaiv

might be read

Kopivdiovs

The

1. p. 120, for similar corruptions), as the plural diaKpicreis occurs Rom. xiv. I Cor. xii. IO I diaKpicreis dia.Xoyio-p.c2v,

adopted in the text (after Hilgenfeld) seems to be justified by these two It does not however quotations.
find

diaKpiaeis Twevparcov.

any support

in our existing au-

yopyos] 'let him be energetic In later writers yopyos is active, quick, strenuous'; e.g. Dion. Hal. de Comp. Verb. p. 133 (Reiske) to
r)T<x>
.

'

of the MS explained as arising out of a confusion, the transcriber's eye passing from one similar ending to anthorities.

The reading

may be

p.ev

avTcov

[rcov

kcoXcov]

yopyorepov to

other.

IO

148
So/cel
TTOLCTIV

THE EPISTLE OF
/ulclWov
KCtl
fJLYl

S.

CLEMENT
tyjTeiv

[XLVIII

/uLeifav

eivai,

ical

to KOivwcbeXes

TO iaVTOV.
ApicrTw
7roirj(raTU)

ALiJLA.

(J e^oov aya7Tf]v ev

tcl

tov XpicrTOv 7rapayyeXjj.aTa, tov tov Qeov tis o^vvcltcli i^yricracrdaL

KaXXovfjs avTOv
tis

hecrfjiov Ttjs
;

dycnrris
5

to

fJLeyaXetov Trjs

dpiceTos

e^enreiv*,
4cttiv.

to

i/a/^o?

eh 6

dvayei
rifjids

fj

dyairr]

dveKdiriyrjTOV

dyairr]

KoXXa

Tw

Oecp'

dyawrj

KaXviTTei

wXrjdos

d/uapTtwv
ovSev /3dCS.

dycnrt] irdvTct dve%eTai, iravTa juaKpodv/uel'

i

fielfav"]

AC

Clem; om. Anton Max.

it

3 iroiri<jaTU>\
Trjp-qvaTbi.

So

also

Teschendorf reads A, but other collators give

myself.

On

TroLrjaaTOJ.
1

the first two inspections There are various readings

I inclined to TTjprjaaTco,
iroiufxeu,

could not satisfy but on the last to

supported) in

Trjpu/xev (both well

6 apKerbs] ACS. Joh. v. 2. but this is a lapse of the pen.

I.

Bryennios represents
7 eariv.
ayairr)']

as omitting apKerbs,
earlv
r)

A;

dyairrj

C.

fiaXkov

fielgoDv]

See Matt,

xxiii.

Koiva>(pe\es.

For the double comparative see the note on Philippians i. 23. An11.

XLIX.
us to
is

'

Who

shall tell the

?

and the beauty of love

power Love unites

:

tonius Melissa Loc.

Comm.

ii.

73 (34)

and Maximus Serm. 49 both quote this sentence as from Clement in a somewhat different form, toctovtov tis
paXkov
dcpelXei Tcmeivotypoveiv, ocrov but they cannot 8oKel fiaXKov elvcu
:

love is all enduring love from pride and vulgarity love brooks no strife or discord. In love all the saints were perfected.
:

God

free

be regarded as independent authorities for omitting pelfav, since in such

collections of excerpts the later
piler generally

com-

God took us to Himself. In love Christ gave His body for our bodies and His life for our lives.' O e'xav k.t.X.] This resembles 3. our Lord's saying in John xiv. 15 eav
In love
c

borrows directly from

:

ayanare
aere
(v.

pe, Tas
1.

evroXas ras epas

:

Trjpij-

his predecessor
251,

see Philippians p.

r-qprjaare)

comp.

Joh.

v.

note 2. The Syriac connects paKkov with hoKei.

fyrelv
K.r.A.]
I

134.

tov Beo-pov]
avvdeo-pos
is
1

i.e.
iii.

Cor.

X.

24

prjbels

power': comp. Col.

o
ecrriv

to eavrov

^r)TeiT(o

aWa
p.rj

'the binding 14 rr)v dydrz^v

reXeiorrjTos.
'

and

id.

ver. 33

to tov erepov, fyrcov to ip,avrov

ttjs

This clause
Ephes.
iv.

avp.(popov
CrjTelv

dX\a to

tg>v

ttoW&v.
I

For
xiii. 5,

quoted by Jerome ad (vn. p. 606) Cujus rei et

to eavrov see also

ii.

Cor.

Phil.

21.
l

Clemens ad Corinthios testis est, scribens Vinculum charitatis Dei qui

(quis) poterit enarrare ?
6.
'

the coimnon advantage" ; comp. Philo de Joseph. II. p. 47 M. dia to KoivwqbeXes (pOdvovra tovs aXXovs, M. Anton, iii. 4 ^topiy

to

Koiva>cpc\es]
'

apKerbs etjemeiv] Previous editors had misread the MS A, and written dpKcl, as edei, elnelv. For the

peyakrjs

/cat

Const,

vi.

Koiva>(pe\ovsdvdyKT]s,ApOSt, 12 o~vr)TovvTes npos to

The word occurs

construction of dptceros see 1 Pet. iv. 3. also Matt. vi. 34,

XLIX]
10

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
dydirr)

149
aryiarixa

vavcov ev dya7rrj, ovSev V7repri(pavov

ovk e%ei, dyawrj ou CTcto'ia^eL, dyairt} iravTa woie! ev dfJLOvoia' ev Trj dydirrj ereXeiwdria'av Travres ol eKXeKTOi

tov Qeov* S/x a

ev

dyairr]
fjv

ovSev evapecrTOV ecTTiv rw ear did ty\v 7rpo(re\a(3eTO ijjuids 6 Secr7roTris

dydirt]**
9

15 dya.7rt]v,

ea"^ev irpos
'

fj/xas,

to

al/ua

avrov

eficoKev

virep r\\xwv

Irjcrovs

XpicrTos 6 Kvpios
V7rep
Trjs

fj/utov

ev OeXrj/uaTL

Qeov, Kal
^\rV^(Y\V

Tt\v

(rapica

crapKOS

tjfJLcov

Kal ty\v

Virep

TWV

\JsVX(jUV

tlfJLWV.
is

The whole
8
irXrjdos']

of the preceding passage AC; but S translates N"I1K> t

disturbed in

CS by

false

punctuation.

and so Clem (except that

8e8o)KV

murum.' Deo he omits iariv)

;

evapearelv iariv Tip Qeip) S.

14

r/yuas]

13 ovdev...T(p 0ey] AC, placere ne??w potest (as if ovdevl AS; v/uloLs C. 15 ZdajKev] A;

C.

16 virep

TjfAwv 'ItjctoOs X/jicttos]

AS

Irjcovs

xP ia r ^
"

virep

ijfjbcov

C.

18 tQv \pvxvv]
x. 25,

AS
Vis.

ttjs

i/vxys C.

Hermas
vyjros

iii.

8.

to
rate

k.t.A.]

See

the

elabo-

the language of S. Paul and the language of S. Peter is a token of the

large and comprehensive sympathies of one who paid equal honour to

metaphor
XpiaTov

<pepop.evoi els to.

'irjo-ov

in Ign. Efihes. 9 dvavyj/r] Sia ttjs p,r]xavr}s

k.t.X.

The passage

of

Clement from
ttjs

this point, as

far as

$ao~iXeLas tov XpicrTov ( 50), is loosely quoted and abridged by Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. 17 (p. 613 sq).
8.

both these great Apostles ( 5), though claimed them for their respective schools. See Galatians p. 323, with notes above 12, 33.
rival sectarians
'

(Sdvavaov]

coarse, vulgar, self-as-

ayaivq KaXvnTei
1

'

k.t.X.]

throws
taken

serting, arroga?it\
dfiavavcrcos 44.

See the note on

a veil over, omits

forgives
.

to notice, forgets,
is

The

expression

from 1 Pet. iv. 8 (comp. James v. 20), which again seems to be a loose quotation from Prov. x. 12, where the original has DWB"^3 'all sins' for
'a multitude of sins', and the lxx rendering is still wider, ndvTas 8e tovs fti) (piXoveiKovpTas KaXvnTet (piXia.

10. o"x_io~p.a ovk e%ei k.t.X.] The expressions are in an ascending scale 'knows nothing of outward (1)

schisms'; a factious
entire
12.

(2)

'does not even foster

spirit'; (3) 'nay,

preserves
6 8e

and universal harmony'. eTeXeioodrjarav] I John iv. 18

(pofiovixevos ov TeTeXeicoTai ev ttj dyanrj.

For
iii.

this

Hebrew metaphor
1,

of 'cover-

ing' see Ps. xxxii. yj

(iv. 6).

lxxxv. 3,

Neh.
imi-

John

9.

dydivq navra aj/e^erat]

An
77

81a ttjv dydnrjv k.t.X.] Comp. xv. 12, Gal. ii. 20, Ephes. v. 2. kol ttjv o-dpKa] Wotton quotes 17. Iren. v. I. I ra I8ia> a?p,aTi XvTpoiaap.e14.

tation

of

I
.

Cor.

xiii.

4,

7,

dydnr]

vov

r)pcis

tov

Kvpiov Kal dovTos

ttjv

p.a<po6v}iei. .travTa o-Teyei...7rdvTa

p.4vL
:

vno-

^vxV v vnep
ttjv

tqzv -qpeTepcov y\rvx<H>v Kai

and indeed the whole passage

adpKa

Trjv

eavTOV dvTi tSv rjpeTepcov

is

evidently inspired by S. Paul's The juxtaposition of praise of love.

which seems to have been taken from this passage of Clement.

aapKoiv,

i5
L.
ecrTLV
ri

THE EPISTLE OF
OpaT 9
ccyaTrr],

S.

CLEMENT
fxeya
kcli

[*

dycnrt]Toi,

7ra)S

Kal Trjs TeAeioTrjTOS

avT^
el

davjuaaTOV ovk ecTiv

jjlyi

ifcriyriarts'

tis Ikccvos ev avTrj

evpedijvai,

ov\ dv

KaTa^icocrj 6 Geo?; Secojueda ovv Kal aiToo/usda dird tov eAeovs auTOv, \va ev dyairri evpedco/uev Sl^a 7rpocicXicrecos

dvdpco7rivris
TrjcrSe

ducojuLOL,

'ASa/uL
2
r]

ews
ayairi]]

qjULepas
C.

yeveal 7raprj\6ov 9 d\A'

A; avrov
C.

al

irctcrai

dire)

ol

ev dyairr]

A;

ayairr]

avrrjs

translates ejusdem {ipsiics)

perfectionis.

It

seems to have had

clvttjs

and made

it

ovk

ecrriv k.t.X.]

AC

reading
et /XT]]

e^rjyTjais rts
;

S translates non est ser?)io ullus and making inavbs feminine.

;

sufficient

agree with reXeioTrjTos. ut inveniatur, thus

e^r]yr]crei(r

3 i^rjyyjais]

A.

S apparently adds ev aya-n-r) the translation of the whole context.

have rightly deciphered N is not distinct.
the last note.
'

AC

/ecu,

but a false punctuation has confused ovs civ Kara^iuxxr}] Teschendorf seems to

as reading oyCc\k<vtc\5icoch, though the superscribed see 4 /carafiuxr??] S ; /caracuoji;?? C. For the reading of

be&ixeda] supplicemiis S;

da A; deo/neda C; I had conjee -

L.

In this marvellous love let us

that

pray God

we may

live.

We

only do so by His grace. generations, thus perfected in love, now dwell in the abodes of bliss,

can Past

cltto tov Qeov, fcd/cei pixP L T V S dvaaTdaecos 0oira>cri, Trept,p,evovo~ai T-qv See also Apost. dvdo-Tao-Lv k.t.X.

avrals

pevos

for He has promised to raise them again. Happy are we, if we pass our time here in harmony and love. For then our sins will be forgiven us we shall inherit

awaiting His kingdom

41 x^P os tvo~efia>v dveiLebas-Waddington Asie Mineure Inscr. 168 evae^ewv xP 0V be^aTo Traai (friXov. For x<x>Pv evcre(3a>v
viii.

Const,

k.t.X.,

Xa>pav

the existing text of Clem. Alex, has 'the country, the evo-eftatv,

the blessing promised to the elect of

realms of the pious', which suggests a more sensuous image, conveying a

notion similar to the 'Elysian fields'. The one might be translated 'locus
piorum', the other 'campus piorum '. But x^P os > rather than x^P a accords with the language of the Roman
i

God through
2.
iv.
1

Christ.'

rijs reXeiorrjTos k.t.X.]

See

8 ov TereXelcorai ev
eTe\eia>6r)0-av,
',

ttj ayairrj,

John above
iv
ii.

49

dyeing TeXeia>6evTes
5, iv. 12.

and below ol COmp. I John

iv avrfj evp.~\ Comp. Phil. iii. 9. al yeveal ndaai] Comp. 7 els 6. tcls yeveas nao-as.
3.

Clement elsewhere. A place in Sinamed after two brothers famous for their piety, was called indiffercily,

ently
X^opos
lar.
9;

~Evo~e(3a>v

X>P a

an<^

'E.vo-eficov

)(wpov evaefiwv] ''the place assigned to the pious\ like tov 6qbetX6pe8.

see Bentley's Dissert, on

p. 238, ed.

Phaxix.

(1.

Dyce).

vov tottov rrjs dorjs 5> or T v ISpvSee the note pevov avrols tottov 44.

iv

tji i7no~K07rr} k.t.X.J

Luke
aov,
I

44 tov Kaipov
ii.

Ttjs iTTio-KOTvrjs

Pet.

on 5, and comp. by Wotton here)

els

Iren. v. 31. 2 (quoted

al

12 do^dacocriv tov Qebv ev tfpepq em-

^u^ou dnep^ovrai

o-KonfjS)
o-KOTTrjs

Wisd.
avroov

iii.

7 Kai ** Kaipco eVt,

rbv [aopaTov] tottov tov edpio~pevov

dvaXdp^ova iv Polycra-

L]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Oeov x a P LV
e

151

TeXetcodevTes kcltcc ty[V tov

evcrefiwv'
10

X ov(Tlv XP 0V
eic

oi

(pavepcoOriorovTai

ev ty\ eiricrKOTrr} tyjs /3a-

aiAeias
TAM?A

tov Oeov,
MIKpON
KAI

yey pairTai yap'

OCON,
600C

EiceA0eTe
H
KAI

ta

OCON

of

TTApeA0H

0YMOC MOY,
Ymac
el

MNHC0HCOMAI HMepAC Af^QHC

0hk(2)n

dpTH KAI ANACTHCOO

6K

toon

yMooN.

[xaKapioi

f]fJL6V,

dyairriTOL^

15

Trpoa'TayfJiaTa tov Oeov eiroiovfjiev ev 6/uovoia dya7rrjs y eis to dcpedrjvai tj/ulv Si dyairr]^ ra? dfAapTias. add. dya-mjToi S. tured dew/jieda (ed. i). odv] AC alTufxeda] AS tov Qeou S. alroijfjLeda C. 7rpocr/cAtaecds] A; TpocrKX-fjaews 5 avrov] AC C adhaerentia S. On this itacism see above, 47. 7 r^o-5e rj/xipas] A
;

ra

7-775

Ti/xepas rrjade

C
I

while

Clem has

T77<r5e r-^s rjp.epas.

terminable. reads

\y

but

9 oi'] AS; ol de C. could only see y> the

10
first

The reading of S is indeQeov] CS; .y A; Tischendorf

being hopelessly blurred. A read eiaeXde with the
11 Tap-eta] rapaa

letter

elaeXdere]

CS

eiaeX....

A.

It

is

quite possible that

to eio-eXOere.
6 fluids

LXX, but the other authorities point

rap-ieia C.

A;
A.

12 6vp.bs] 6v...
;

A;

C.

i^'W^] CS
''the

eo^e;/

15

i]pui>~\

AS

iV'" C.
11.
"Tin.

tes in
ttjv dirb

Euseb. H. E. v. 24 nepipLevoov twv ovpav&v e7no-K07rr)v ev rj e<

ra/xeta]

imier chamber'^

On the form see Lobeck Phryn.

Paral.
p. 28.
1

veKpav dvacrrrjaeTai. 10. ElaeXdere k.t.X.]

of passages.

p. 493,

The same
before
et

ten-

A combination
is

dency
chief

to elide the

The opening
Is. xxvi.

taken

in vyeia 20.

appears In 21 however our

x.

from the LXX

ra ra/xela
irapeXOrj
aTTOKpyfirjOi
r]

20

e'laeXBe els

MS

writes

rap-ieia.

crov, aTroKXelcrov ttjv

p.iK.pbv

Bvpav

crov,

ocrov ocrov]

Comp. Heb.

yj (with

ocrov oo~ov,
I

ecos

av

Bleek's note).
dpyr)

dpyr]

Kvpiov

the close pro-

am
' i

6vp,6s~\ dpyr) is
;

the settled

bably from Ezek. xxxvii. 12 dva^co The invp,as e< twv p,vrjp,a.Ta>v vp.a>v. termediate words Kal pLvr/adrjo-opLai r)p,epas dyaOrjs are not found anywhere. They may possibly be intended to give the general purport of the promise which they introduce see a parallel instance in 52. The combination of the two passages from different prophets was probably
:

anger' 6vp.6s the sudden See the distincoutburst, wrath'. tion in Trench's N. T. Syn. 1st ser. xxxvii, and to the passages there collected add Joseph. B. J. ii. 8. 6 opyfjs rapi'iai biKaioi 6vp,ov naOeKriKoi, Hermas Aland, v. 2 e< de rfjs

temper,

niKpias 8vp.os, e<

K.T.X.

t)e

tov

8vp,ov

dpyr],

14.

e7roiovp.ev]

If the

suggested by the verse in Isaiah which immediately precedes the words quoted, dvacrTijcrovTai ol venpoX
Kal eyep6r)o~ovTai ol ev tols p.vr)p,elois (Is. xxvi. 19). Comp. 5 Esdr. ii. 16 'et

correct, the point of time

eo-piev

reading be denoted in
life

must be the second advent, so

are

that the deeds of this present regarded as past.

ev 6p.ovoiq dydnr/s]
7roiei ev 6p,ovoiq.
'

49

^y^V

"ndvra

resuscitabo mortuos de locis suis et

de monumentis educam

illos etc.'

15.

t)i

dydrrr/s]

through God's love\

152

THE EPISTLE OF
yap'
Makapioi
Al

S.

CLEMENT
ai

[*

yeypaiTTai
CON

wn AQ>e6HCAN

anomiai

kai

MAKApiOC ANhip of oy MH AOTICHTAI Ky'piOC AMApTIAN OyAe CCTIN 6N TCp CTOMATI AY"t[oy] AoAoc. ovtos 6 fjLaKapKTfJLOs iyeueTO eirl tovs e/cAeAeyeneKAAyc|)6HCAN

AMApTIAT

fJLSVOVS
tj/utov,
i

V7TO
to
r\

TOV OeOV Sid

els

'

IrjCTOV

XpKTTOV TOV KvpLOV

aicovcov.
There
is

Zopa
5

tovs aitovas tcov

A.
i ov]

d/mrjv,
the same
/cat

^a/cdptot] fxaKaxapioi

A; y CS.
7

v.

1.

in

the LXX.

CS

Trape.../j.ev

A.

Qeov C. rod Qeov] ; See the lower note.

10
rrjs

irapeiriaaixev
t)/juj>]
;

iiroirjcra/xev]

a(j)edrjvaL

CS, and so proit

bably A.

See the lower note.

iXwidos]

AC

spei nostrae S, but

1 1

probably does not represent a different Greek

text.

<po(3ov]

AC

add.

of which

we become partakers by There is ourselves living in love. the same transition from the beto

self

f de litera B adhuc conspicua', suggested that the reading of A was not 7rapej3r)p.v but TrapeTrecrayLev and

liever's love

God's love

in

49

that the following words

p.ev

/cat

cVoi^o-a-

St'^a dya7rr)s k.t.X.

i. MaKapioi k.t.X.] From the lxx of Ps. xxxii. 1, 2, word for word, as

were omitted owing

to

homceoteis

leuton, for there certainly room for them. I believe he

not

is right.

read in A (S writes acpeidrjo-av). For In Rom. iv. 8 it is a ov B has co. question whether ov or a is the correct reading.

Suggested where after quoting the same passage from the Psalms
4.

oiiTos 6 piaKapicriJ.6s]
iv.

by Rom.

9,

S. Paul continues, 6 paKapicrp,6s ovv For ovtos eVi rrjv TvepiTopyv k.t.X.
p,aKapicrp,bs
iv.

thus directed to looked at the MS again. I could not discern a B but saw traces of a square letter which looked like n followed by a curved letter which might be e. Not satisfied with my own inspection, I wrote afterwards to Dr E. M. Thompson,

Having

my attention
I

the matter,

see also

Rom.
Ka\

iv.

6, Gal.

now chief librarian of the British Museum, to obtain his opinion. He

read the
letters

15 (note).
7.

independently exactly

7rapeTrecrap.v

7roir]crap,ev]

as

There can be no doubt about the reading of our two new authorities;
for

that

had done, and says confidently the reading was 7rape7recrap.ev.

though the

last

word indeed, as
.^i*^^

This reading is favoured by the words which follow koXov yap dvdpcona) eopoXoyeio-Qai 7rep\ ra>v 7rapa7TTcop.a.Ta>v (see the note on 46), as also by

now read

in the Syriac MS, is

transgressi sumus, the diacritic point has been altered and it was originally
J.l^a*. fecimus.

But what was the

the loose paraphrase of the younger Clement Strom, iv. 18 (p. 614) fjv 8e
KO.I

7T pi7T0~7) CLKltiV TOiaVTT) TLVL 7Tpi-

reading of A? hitherto given

older collators

The

editors
;

have

crracrei dia

rds

7rapep.7rTa>o~eis

tov

olvtl-

7rape(3r)p,ev

but the

Young and Wotton

where nepmicrr] seems to have been suggested by the associaKeipevov,

professed only to see 7rap...p.ev, and after C was discovered, Gebhardt

tion of sounds. LI.

'We must

therefore ask par-

observing that nothing was said either by Tischendorf or by my(ed. 2),

don

for our sins.

Above

all

ought

the leaders of these factions to deny

LI]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
LI.
c

'53
e7roir\(rafjiev

Oaa

ovu

Trapeireaafjiev

Kai

Sid

tlvos

twu tov

avTuceifJievov ,

d^i(jb(T(iifj.v

d(pedrjvai

rifjuv

Kai eKeivoi Se, dlrives dp^rjyol crracretos Kai Si^oa'Tao'ia^ 10 iyevriOrio'av, to kolvov Trjs i\7riSos ctkottiv, ocpeiXovcriv
01

yap

/uiTa

<p6/3ov Kai dyairt]^ TroXirevofxevoL iavTOvs

aiKiais Trepnr'nrTeiv
rj

deAovcriv /udAAov
dei S.

tovs

7rAr]a'LOVy
olklcll<t

12 OeXovaiv]

AC;

cogunt (coarctani) S.
it is

aUias]

A.

Teschendorf
I

(prol. p. xix) considers that

altered into aiKiaia

prima manic, but

irX-qviov S,

which

could not distinctly see this correction. tovs TrXrjcriov] AC ; reus also omits 8e eavruiv, thus throwing the syntax into confusion.

themselves for the

It
is

common

good.

always to confess our wrong-doings, and not to harden our hearts. Let us take warning by
well

the fate of the factious opponents of

Moses who were swallowed up

alive

in the pit, and by the fate of Pharaoh and his host who were overwhelmed in the

took exception and said 'Emendatione veteris scripturae vix opus est [crt;y]'yi'a>jn[?7i>] literarum yv<op. pars superior in codice superest, quapropter de vera lectione vix dubito dubitat vero Lightf. et dicit He took no notice of my etc' grammatical objection to this con;
:

Red

Sea, because they har'

dened

their hearts.'

8id twos K.r.X.] by a?iy of the 7. wiles (or of the ministers) of the adversary'\
8.
i

struction of dtjiovv. I had urged that the instances where dtjLovv appears to govern an accusative of the thing

tov dvTLKeip.evov~\
c

Pet. v. 8,

So 6 avri&iKOS and perhaps 6 dvrevepyav

claimed (e.g. Dan. ii. 23, Esth. v. 6, ix. 12, Xen. Mem. iii. 11. 12) are not I decisive. might have added a
in the

Barnab. 2. O dvTiKelpevos itself is not so used in the New Testament (except possibly in 1 Tim. v. 14), but occurs Mart. Polyc. 17, and in later
writers.

further lexical objection ; for neither LXX nor in the N.T. nor in the

Apostolic Fathers are avyy lvw a kclv, avyyvcopr], ever said of God. The fact is that the MS is eaten into holes here

and nothing can be

t)/x!v]

read.

The

letters in-

dfaOrjvai

So the lacuna
in

in

can only be conjectured from the

is

now

supplied

our

new

authorities

in place of avyyv(6p.rjv. other suggestions I had proposed dcpeOfjvai in my notes ; comp. 5 ' s TO dfaOrjvai r\plv...yiypaiTTaL

Among

Dr E. M. Thompdentations left. son of the British Museum whom I consulted and whose practised eye I
should trust

much more
it

than
into

my
that

own, gives
avyyvcoprjv

as his

opinion
fit

yap'
is

MaKapioi

a>v d(pedr}o~av k.t.X.

It

would not

these

entirely after Clement's

manner

to

indentations but that

a(pe6r]vairjp[iv}

take up the key word of a quotation and dwell upon it see the instances
;

might.
9.

dixoo-Tao-ias]

See the note on

eXnibos]

collected above, 46. There can be no doubt therefore that Tischendorf

46.
10.

to kolvov
I

ttjs

Comp.

misread

A. Nevertheless he reiterated the statement to which I

vnep tov kolvov dvop-aros Kai ekiridos with the note.

Ign. Efthes.

*54

THE EPISTLE OF
ce iavrcov
r\}xiv

S.

CLEMENT
rj

[LI

fxaWov
yap twv
f]

SeSo^xeurjs

kccAws

KaTayvcocriv (pepovcriv Kal SiKaicos

7repl

Trjs

irapakccXov

o/ucKpcovLas.

dvdpu)7rcp
r]

e^OfJioXoyeicrdai

tcov

TTapaTTTUifJid-

orKXnpvvai rrjv KapSiav avrov, Kctdws i(TK\ripvv6r] tov KapcHia toov crrao-ia^ovTOdv 7rpos tov

depdirovra

Qeov Mcovarfjv cov to Kpi/uia 7rp6Srj\op eyevr\dr]. Kareek ahov (^wvres, Kal Oanatoc ttoiman6i $r)(Tav yap
aytoy'c.
ol

<Papaio

Kal

r\

CTparid
ta
Te

avrov
kai

Kal
oi

iravres

r\yov{Avoi

Alyvirrov,
tlvol

a'pmata

anaBatai
eis

avrwv, ov Si aWrjv Xaacrav epvdpav Kal

5

aiTiav ifivdiffdtiarav

6d-

10

a7rco\ovTO,

dWa

Sid

to

cr/cA*/-

A GTaaiavTwv CS, but there is a tendency in S in these cases by a past where the principal verb is a past, as here. depdSee the lower note. ttovtol] AS; avdpuwov C. 9 Aiyiirrov] S; ...vtttov A avrov C. Perhaps the archetype of C was partially erased here and ran a..v.rov. 10 ov] ol A. 12 clvtup] here A; after Kapdias C. dva^draC] dpafidrais C.
aTaata^ovTbiv]
;

to translate

13 yf) Alyvirrov] yycuyv...

A;
8,

AlyvTrrcp

CS.

14 Mtovaetos]

p-tovaeco

A;

2.
ix.

Ka\6v...lj]
;

Matt,

xviii.

Mark

32, 23 tfvoixdrj
...Kai

fj

yrj

Kal

KaTemev avrovs
Kal
oara
io~Tip

43, 45

see

Winer

Gram?>i. xxxv.
Ps.

K.aTe(Sr]o-av

avTol

p. 255.
4.

aKkrjpvvai
iii.

ac.t.X.]

xcv.

8;

comp. Heb.
5.

8, 15, iv. 7.

reading in C.

tov 6epa.7TovTa\ See the various Moses is called avI,

avT&p (copra els a8ov. Comp. Apost. Const, ii. 27 AaSap Kal 'Afteipcov copres KaTe($r)o~av els adov Kal pdjSdos /3Aa<rTrjaao-a k.t.\. (comp. 43) ; see also
ib. vi. 3.
7.

6pco7rosTov Qeov, Deut. xxxiii. xiv. 6, 1 Chron. xxiii. 14, 2

Josh,

rroLpbavet]

Clement

is

quoting

Chron.

from Ps.

xlviii (xlix).

14 as npofiara

xxx. 16, Ezra iii. 2. Familiarity with the phrase (which is especially

ev a8r] eOevTO, ddparos ivoip.avel avrovs.

The reading could not have been

and the lacuna in was supplied with Kareiriep, before our new authorities revealed the true reading. Ta Te dpp,ara Kal ol ara/3arat] 9.
foreseen,

prominent
it

where prefaces the Song of Moses) would

1,

in Deut. xxxiii.

lead to

introduction here. ElseC alters the designation QepaTTcov tov Qeov in another way. On the other hand Oepdnwp tov Qeov is itself a common designation of
its

where

( 53)

The expression

is borrowed from the Mosaic narrative, where it occurs several times, Exod. xiv. 23, 26, 28,

Moses (see the note on 4), and might well have been substituted for But the the other expression here. preponderance of authority must be
considered decisive as to the reading. 6. KaTefirjcrav yap K.r.A.] Num. XVI.

comp.
ii.

xv. 19, Jer.

Ii

(xxviii). 22,

Hagg.

22.
12.
tcis

1.

21

eoKOTLaBr]

davveTovs Kapdias] As Rom. davperos avrccp 77

Kapdla.

LI I.

'The Lord of the universe

LIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

!55

pvv6r\vai

avTwv ras dcrvverovs KapSias /ueTa to yevear6ai tcc (TYifj-eia Kai tcc repaTa ev yfj Aiyv7TTOv ia tov depaTTOVTos tov Oeov Mwvcrecos.

15

LIL
twv

'A7rpoo~$fis,

d(He\<po'i,

^eo'iroTf]^
61

virapyti

d7ravTU)v,

ovhev

ovdevos
(prjcriv

XP*!^
6

6L

TO

fjioXoyeicdaL

avTw.
to)

yap
OnAAC
'

k\6ktos
aytco

~ AaveiS'

'EIomoAothcomai
N60N

Kypicx),

kai

Apecei

ynep mocxon
TTTCDXtH

KepATA GKCbepONTA

KAI

lAGTOOCAN

KAI

20 ey4)pAN0HTOC)CAN.

Kai iraXiv \eyei

tco

OycoN

Tcc
C

Oeco 0YCIAN
Y'
tov C.

AiNeceooc
/uwaecos C.

kai

attoAoc

yY'Cto)

tac

eyx^ c
to]

^
The

e n| -

\6 ovdev] ..5ev

A; om. CS.
;

A;

ovdev

has obviously been omitted by carelessness before ovdevbs, and thus has necessitated add. fxovov S. the further change of to into tov. AaveLS] 17 aury] AC

5dd

See above, Tuaav] AS; om. C.

21

AC.

4.

19 uiov] vcuov A. 19, 20 KepaTa...ev(ppavdr]2 /cat eTriKd\e<jai....8o^daets /xe] AS; om. C. 21

e7ri/cd\e<rcu] e7n/ca\e<re

A.
ing with the
Stoics.

wants nothing.

He demands of us only confession. He asks no sacrifice, but the sacrifice of praise and for so the Psalmist thanksgiving teaches us/
; ' '

The

parallel

passages quoted above would support the connexion of twv dirdvTuv either with a7rpoo-8er)s or with 6 8eattottjs.

5.

Arrpocrdcijs]

wants nothing beviii. 4.

The latter seems more forcible and more natural here, besides that
a common phrase in Clement, 8, 20, 23- It is however connected with 6 8eo-TroTr)s
o deanoTTjs tcov a-rravTozv is

sides^.

Comp. Joseph. Ant.

yap to Oelov dirdvTcov (with the context), Act. Paul, et Thecl.

dirpoo-dees

17 (p.
(ov

47 Tisch.) Geos dnpoo-berjs, Clem. Horn. xi. 9 6 Qebs yap dvevderjs

avTos
ovdevbs
delTai,

in the Syriac.
18. ^'E^opoXoyrjaopai K.r.X.] Comp. Ps. lxix. 31, 32, Kai dpecrei r<5 Qeco xmep

Kpist.

ad

DlOgn. 3
yijv Kai

ndvTa

o TVOLTjcras tov ovpavbv kcu ttjv to. ev avTols...ov8evbs av

KepaTa eK(pepovTa Kai ottXds' IdeTcoo-av k.t.X. The introductory

p.6o~)(ov veov

avTos

ivpocrbioiTO

tovtcov

k.t.X.,

Airav-

words

eopoXoyrjo~op,ai tco

Kvpico are

thenag. Suppl. 13 6 Tov8e tov

tos 8r]p.iovpybs Kai 7raTrjp...dvev8er)S Kai dnpoo-derjs, 29 dvev8ees...To Qeiov,

not found in the context, though they express the sense of the preceding verse alvio-co to ovofxa k.t.X., and occur
frequently elsewhere.
20.
Qiio-ov
k.t.X.]

Resurr. 12 navTos yap ecniv drrpoo-8erjs, Tatian ad Graec. 4 6 yap ivdvT(ov

The

first

part

dvev8erjs
evdeijs,

ov diafiXrjTeos

v(p'

rjpa>v

6vo-ov...8odo-eis pe
(1).

occurs in Ps. xlix

as

dvevderjs

ad Aut. ii. 10 See also Acts xvii. 25 with the passages from heathen wriTheophil.
mv.

14, 15

word
crov

the second

for word, except that is omitted in some

is

MSS
Ps.

the last clause

17 Svaia
tco

taken from

ters

collected

there

by Wetstein.

Ii.

Qeco nvevp,a ctvv-

This was a favourite

mode

of speak-

TTpip,p,VOV.

156
KAAecAi'

THE EPISTLE OF
Me In

S.

CLEMENT
ka!

[lii

HMepA
r<*p

OAi'yetoc
tco

coy,

eZeAoyMAi' ce,

ka\

AolAceic Me* 0yciA

Oeto niMeyMA cyisiTeTpiMMeNON.

eirlarTacrde
eis

LIII.

'

.7ri(TTa(rd

yap Kal KaAws

ovv

ts

iepas ypa(pas 9 dya7rrjTol 9 Kal eyK6KV(paT

tcc

\oyia

tov 06ov'
crews

els

dvaixvY\(Tiv

ravTa

ypacpo/uev.

Mwvev

yap dvafiaivovTOs ek to bpos Kal iroi^cavTOs

fifjiepas

Tecr&epaKOVTa
vrjcrreia

Kal

TeororepaKOVTa
elirev

vvKTas

Kal

Taweivcoo'ei,

irpos

avTov 6

eos*

MooycH, MooycH, kataBhBi to taxoc eNTeyQeN, on hnomhc6n 6 Aaoc coy oyc elHr^rec eK thc AirynToy nApeBHCAN taxy io
i

aov]

A; om.
A.
is

S.

3 eiriuTaade] eTncrraaOai
1.

A.
4

7<*p]
/cat

AC;
I,

add.

d5eAc/>ol S,

omitting dyaTrrjToi

20; see above,

1.

e7/ce/cy0are]

CS

..

eKvcfxxre

5 ypdcpo/xev]

CS.

In A. only the
'

final stroke

being

part of the N,

visible (though

Tischendorf says
est').
1

tum, non
the
first

avaftavTos as Jacobson

quod Jacobsonus videre sibi visus would read; for the

ante Mwucrecos praecedit punc6 avafiaivoPTos] A, not

is

distinct

and cannot have formed

stroke of N as he supposes; avafiavTos C. a point its authority cannot be urged. As usual do not seem appropriate; see above, I. p. 126.
eis) S.

S has a past tense, but on such C alters the tenses where they
els]

C;

...<r

A;

cos 7rp6s

(or ws

TeaaepaKovra] reaaapaKOPTa

word

is

mutilated in A, so that

we

both places. In either case the cannot determine the form, but the preference
in
little

of this

ms

for the

forms in e can leave

doubt.
lepds

1. igeXovpai] For this future see Buttmann Gr. Sprachl. II. p. 100, Winer Gramm. xciv. Clem. Alex.

tcls

ypa(pds]

Comp.

Polyc.

Phil.

12

'

Confido enim vos

bene
et
iii.

exercitatos

esse in sacris Uteris

Strom,

iv.

18

(p.

614), after did t&s

nihil vos latet'.

[to]

So

Tim.

15

napepLTTTwo-eis tov avTiKtipevov (already

Upd
the

ypdpLpLCLTa,

the only passage

quoted

p.

152),

goes on

piprjcrdpevos

in

New Testament
is

where

this

rbv AauiS v/mAei 'E^o/xoAoy^cro/xai k.t.A.

epithet
It
viii.

applied to the Scriptures.

the

same quotations as

avvTeTpLppivov, stringing together in this chap-

occurs above 43, and in 2 Mace, 23, and is so used both by Philo
eyKKv(paTe]

ter of the

Roman
I

Clement.
in the

and by Josephus.
4.
6.

LIII.

'You are well versed

therefore quote

See the note on

''spent] as

40.

Scriptures.

them

only to remind you. Remember how Moses entreated God for the people,

noirjaavTos] times in the N.T.

several

See the references

Test. s.v. iroiiiv

in
11.

Grimm's Clav. Nov.

d, p.

accept no honour for himself, but asked to be blotted out with them, if they might not be forgiven.'

how he would

For the form of the sentence see the note on 47

3.

enicTTao-de

k.t.\.~\

527 (ed. Thayer). 8. einev npbs avTov k.t.A.] The first part, as far as p,d\\ov 77 tovto, is taken from Deut. ix. 12 14, which however commences somewhat differently

Kai elne Kvpios irpos p.e

firjdi

'

'Avdo~TT]0i,Ka.Td-

cutrxpa, dyanijToi, Kal Xlav ala^pd.

to rdxos, the remainder following

LIIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
thc
oAoy
KCLI

157
IaytoTc
)(oo-

Ik

*c

eNGTeiAoo

aytoTc,

enomcAN

KvplOS 7TpOS CCVTOV* AeAAAHKA TTpOC ce attaI kai AerooN, 'EoopAKA ton Aaon toyton, kai lAof 6CTIN CKAHpOTpAyHAOC* 6AC0N MG 20A6peYCAI AYTOYC, KAI
NyMATA.
ellTeV
Aic
*5 el&Keiycti
noif-'coo

to

onoma aytoon
meta

fnoKATO^GeN
kai

toy
kai

ce eic IOnoc
kai
TO)

Oaymacton

oypanoy kai ttoAy maAAon

th n

toyto.

elneN Mooychc
AAO)

AMApTIAN
toon.
(3

TOYTOp

MhGamooc, Kfpie* Acpec KAM6 elAAeHfON 6K BlBAOY

Z03N-

/uyd\f] dya7rrjs,

TeXeioTrjTOs dvv7rep(i\r]TOV

9 MwuVt}, Mcavafj] ...a-rj/jicovcrrj A; pwvrj, puafj C (this MS is most capricious, and both before and after this uses the other form pcovafji) om. S. joe/f yfjs
;

AiytiirTov]

eKyrjcr

e AIjjjtttov S,
;

with the Hebrew.

S.

11 eiroi-qaavW

AC
LXX.

(lxx

with the Hebr)

X^ve^ara]

AC
t

LXX

A has xwev, B

x^ vev Jia

appears in B of the x&vwf10 (owing to the absence of ribui) S. In the with the Hebr. 14 eanu] def. A; eVrt CS with
Kai eiroi-qaav
-

The

Kai

The editors (myself included) following Young had supplied the lacuna in Aa6s from the LXX (ISov \abs aKK-qpoTpax^^ eariv), though Potter (Clem. Alex. Strom, iv. 19, p. 617) had warned them that Clement of Alexandria supplied
Clem.

A with

the right
Zaaov.

word

{eariv).

acrov~)

AC;
;

Kai 'iavov S.

In the
;

LXX B

has Kai vvv

-Xodpeijcru))

evoked pevaai] ....eOpevaai

1

A;

e^okodpevaai
elire

i&Xedpeijaw (or

S apparently.
hoc S.
19

7 elireu] def.

C.
(om.
a;)

rr\v ap-apriav]

AC;

peccatum

peydXrjs]

peyaXrjs

C.

the

LXX

Exod.

xxxii. 7, 8).

very closely (compare also After fiaKXov rj

both writers from Exod.

16.

iii.

4.

6avp.aaTov]

So quoted

also

by

tovto the parallel narrative in Exod. xxxii is taken up, and the substance

of vv. 10, 31, 32 is given in a compressed form. See Barnab. 4 \eyei yap ovtcos Kvpios, Mcovafj, Mcovafj, KaTdfirjOi

Clem. Alex., but it is laxvpbv in the The combination uiya koi LXX. davpaaTov occurs also 26, 50.
7roXi>

paWov

rj

tovto]

i.e.

nXeTov

tovtov,

to rdxos,

on

rjvoprjaev 6 Aaos

aov ovs i^r/yayes gk yfjs AlyviTTov, and again 14 eiirev ~K.vpi.os npos Mcovafjv, Mcovafj, Mcovafj, Karafi-qBi to tA^os otl 6 \aos aov ov i&qyayes e* yfjs AlyvnTov The coincidence in the rjvoprjaev. repetition of the name Mcovafj, Mcovafj, is not sufficient to show that the one
writer

an attempt to render the Hebrew idiom iJftft n*t, 'greater than it'. See ii. 2 from Is. liv. 1. Clem. Alex., Strom, iv. 19 (p. 617)
avTiKa
ox>x

Mwiitr^f

k.t.X.,

para-

phrases the remainder of this chapter from kol tlnev k.t.X., giving the same quotations as the Roman Clement.
the
< a>] According to the rule of grammarians the interjections should be so accentuated, not &>, <

19.

was indebted Hilgenfeld seems to

;

to the other (as

think, here
is

and

p. xx)

not repeated at this place in either of the Mosaic narratives, it may very easily have been inserted independently by
for,

though the name

see

Chandler
246

Greek
sq.

Accentuation
editors here

904, p.

The

vary.

153

THE EPISTLE OF
depaTriov
irpos

S.

CLEMENT
curreiTai

[liii
m

TTappy\(TiaXeTaL

Kvpiov,

a(peo iv

tw tU

7r\ridei

rj

LIV.

Kal eavTOV e^a\ei(p6r)vai jult avTwv d^ioT. Tis ovv ev vfjuv yevvaTos ; tU evo"7r\ayxvos ;
dycLTTYis
;

7T67r\r]po<poptiiui6vos

enraTixi'

Gl

01

e'^ie

Kal epis Kal a^KTfiara^ eK^copw, a7rei\ii vtto to. ttolco fiouXrio'de, Kal 7cpo(TTa<TG'oiva
(TTCLcris

ov eav

tov

7rArjdovs

jjlovov

to

irol}iviov

tov

Xpta'TOv

eiprjveveTO)
iroir]-

/uTa T(ov KaGecTTafdevoov irpecrfivTepwv.

i

tovto 6
C.

depairwv]

AS

deairor^s C.

3 vfxiv]

AS

tj/juv

ireTrXrjpocpo-

prj/jievos]

AC

plains {implehis) S.

See the lower note.

6 fiovk-qade] ^ovK-qadai A.

5 e/cx wpw]

AC

eyio eicxupG)

(apparently) S.

Kkaioa A.

10 to7tos] roTcoa A.

12 icoKirelav tov GeoC]

A;

9 /cAe'os] rod GeoC

I. Qepcnreov] Bryennios adopts the reading of C $o-7t6tt}s, i.e. 'as a master'; but this does not represent the fact and cannot be right.

being consecrated by S. Peter, may have acted as he here advises others to act, and have refrained from active
ministrations
till

{Tvapair-qo-ajxevos

rjpyei)

LIV.

'

Is

any one noble, tenderLet him declare

hearted, loving?

the deaths of Linus and Cletus. Compare Cic. pro Mil. 93 (to which
Fell
refers)

his willingness to withdraw, that the flock of Christ may be at peace. He

'Tranquilla

republica
illis

cives

mei (quoniam mihi cum

licet) sine

not want a place of retirement. The whole earth will be ready to receive him, for The earth is the
will

Lord's and the fulness thereof. This has been the conduct of the true citizens of God's kingdom in all
ages.'
3.

sed per me tamen, perfruantur ego cedam atIt would seem (from que abibo.' the reference to patriotic kings and rulers in the next chapter) as though Clement had read this passage. There are several echoes of this

non

me

ipsi,

Tls ovv k.t.A.]

This passage, as

far as

quoted preserved by an anonymous writer in

Syriac
;

Kadeo-TapLevcov 7rpeo~(3vTep<ov, is in a collection of extracts

see above,

I.

p. 183.

Epiphanius also {Haer. xxvii. 6, p. 107) quotes a few words, but incorrectly and at second hand (see above, He had read them in I. p. 408 sq). certain \mopvqiiaTio~ixoi, which I have
(1. p. 327 sq) given reasons for supposing to have been the 'Memoirs' (inrofivqixaTo) of Hegesippus.

passage in John of Ephesus (iv. 13, 48, 60), as pointed out by Bensly. If these be not accidental he probably got them from the v7vop.vqpaTLapo\ which supplied Epiphanius with his quotation, or from the collection which the Syriac writer had before him. In the New 4. Tren'krjpocpoprjpevos] Testament this verb has only the
following

senses:

(1)

'to

fulfil',

elsewhere

suggests to Epiphanius difficulty attending the lists of the early Roman bishops. He conjectures that Clement, after

The passage

a solution of the

Tim. iv. 5, 17; (2) in the passive 'to be fully believed' (e.g. Luke i. 1), or 'to be fully persuaded' (e.g. Rom. iv. 21). Here, if the reading be correct, it must be equivalent to TreiiKr)papevos, filled full though natural in
'
'

itself,

but of this sense, the lexicons

LV]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

159

eras
10 7ra?

eavrw /ueya fcAeos eV Xpicrrw iref>i7roir]<TeTai, Kai tokos Several avrov toy 7p Kypioy v i~h kai to
TCLVTCt ol 7ro\lT6VOfJL6VOl Tf\V dfJLTa[X6-

TTAh'pOOMA AYTHC.

\y]tov 7ro\iTeiav tov

Oeov

e7roirj(rav Kal iroinarovcriv\

LV.
7roWoi
15

*'

Iva

Se

Kal

vTrodety/uaTa

eOvcov

eveyKOdfJLev

fiacriXels Kal ^yov/uevoi, Xoi/ullkov tivos evorravxpyicr/uLOcHoTridevTes

to? Kaipov,
TroXiTeiav C.

7rapeSo)Kai/

eavrovs
;

els

/xara C.
reges ct

ev^/cw^ey]

13 inrodeiyfjuxTa] AS {ribiti add. vobis S. ;

however being omitted)

14
7r oXXol.../ccupoO]

virop-vrj-

AC

C; multi

magnates

principibus populorum, qui

quum tempus

afflictionis vel famis

alicujus instaret populo S. represent a various reading.

This

unusually paraphrastic, but perhaps does not There is however a confusion of Xoijuos and \i/xos.
is

do not furnish any example nor have

I

free will
factions.

withdrawn into

exile to lull

succeeded

in

finding a distinct

Among

ourselves
to

many

In the only passage however where it occurs in the LXX,

instance.

have become slaves

feed others.

ransom or to Even women, strength-

Eccles.
vla>v

viii.

II

eTrKrjpocpopri 6rj

Kapftia

tov avQpwirov iv avrols tov 7roirjo~ai to Trovrjpov, the corresponding Hebrew

is

ened by God's grace, have been brave as men. Judith and Esther by
their patriotic courage delivered the from slavery and destruction.'

2b

'

ti!?D,

the heart was

to

full to

do

people
14.

etc'

The word seems

be confined

7roXXoi

Pao-ike'is

k.t.X.]

Such

almost exclusively to biblical

ecclesiastical writings.
8.

and

feats of patriotism as

were exhibited

KadeaTafxevcov] ''duly

appointed]

as described in the earlier chapters, 43,44 (tovs KaTacTTadevTas vn iiceivav).

by Codrus, by Bulis and Sperthias, by M. Curtius 'Quantus amor patriae Deciorum in pectore, quantum dilexit
;

noble tov yap Kvplov k.t.X.] He retires application of Ps. xxiv. 1.

10.

Thebas,

si

Graecia vera, Menoeceus.'

The

God's cause, and there is room for him everywhere on God's earth.
in
11.

the these deeds of heroic self-sacrifice.

\oip.iKos tis Kaipos is a type of sort of crisis which called forth

Origen
refers
e
Kal

7T0\lTV 6p,VOl ...7ro\lTta.V~]

The

(in Joann. vi. 36, iv. p. 153) to this passage, p,ep,apTvprjTai

ivapa
toIs
e'Oveaiv

idea of a spiritual polity to which the several members owe a duty is prominent in the context (e.g. vtto tov
nXr/Oovi),

otl

7roXXot
iv

Tives,

Xoip-tKcov

VO-Kr)y\ravT(ov
voo-r]p.aTcov,

Tals
"

eavTtvv

naTpio-i

eavTOVS

further developed by the comparison with secular states and statesmen in the following chapter.
is still

and

acpdyia vnep tov kolvov 7rapae6\Ka(n

ovk.

kcu 7rapa^x^Tai tcivO' ovtcos yeyovevai

o d\6ya>s 7rio~Tvo-as tols laroplais

K\rjp.r)$ virb

12.

nokiTeiavTov Qeov]
ttjv

Comp. Mart.
ovtov
tto-

maTos

HavXov papTvpov-

Polyc. 17
XiTeiav.

aveTrih.r}TTTOv

In several other passages also pevos. Cels. i. 31, 1. p. 349; in Joann. (c.
xxviii. 14, IV. p.

LV.

Even heathen

nations have

393

ad Rom.

iv.

set bright

examples of this self-denial. Kings and rulers have died for the commonweal statesmen have of their
:

11, IV. p. 541)

he uses similar language, but without mentioning Clement's name.

i6o

THE EPISTLE OF
'Iva

S.

CLEMENT

[LV

davarov,
TroXiras.

pwcovTai $ia TOV iaVTCOV ai/ULCLTOS TOVS ttoWoi e^e^copriorav ioiwv 7ro\etov, \va \ir\
eirl

(TTaariatycHTiv

wXelov,

eiricrTaixeQa ttoXXovs ev

r\\xiv

TrapaSeScoKOTas eavTOVs eis decr/ua, ottws eTepovs XvTpcogovtcli. TroWot iavrovs wapeScoKav eU SovXeiav, KCLl 7ro\\ai Xa/36vres Tas ri/ULa? avTcov eTepovs iyjsooiuLKTav.

yvvcuKes
C
9

ev^vvafjajodeiaaL

Sia
;

Trjs

xaptTOS

tov
A;

Qeov
8ov\eias

5 irap48a)Kav]
(see
ttjs

A
;

Bryennios Didache p. py'). urbe sua S. 7r6Xews] AC

and so S (apparently) i&dwKau C. S has a singular.

12
di'

8ov\eiav]

8 'lovdid] tovdeid A.

ay air r]u .. ,\aov]

AC

propter

amorem

ttoXXoI l^i\()pr]<jav k.t.X.] Like Lycurgus at Sparta, or Scipio Afri1.

of ona>s with a future

is

possible (see

Winer
not

canus

at

Rome.

Of

the latter
'

it

is

xii. p. 304), occur in the

though it does New Testament,

remarked by Fell that

Clementis

nostri fere verbis urbi valedixit, di-

quam]
86).

cens Exeo, si plus quam tibi [tibi expedit crev? (Seneca Epist.
Iv

where ha is several times so used. But we ought perhaps to read \vrpa>cravTai, though both our Greek MSS have XvTpcoarovTai.
6.

raj

'

rifxcis

avrav]

the Value

of

Gtmdert {Zeitschr. f. rifxlv] 3. Luther. Theol. 1853, p. 649 sq) explains this 'among us Romans,' supposing that Clement is still referring to examples of heathen self-devotion. This view is adopted by Lipsius (p. But, 155), Hilgenfeld, and others. whatever may have been the miseries inflicted on the Roman citizens by the civil wars and by imperial despotism, the mention of slavery and ransom seems to be decisive against this inHere, as in the parallel passage 6, iv ypuv may refer indeed to Romans but to Christian Romans,
terpretation.

themselves?

The form

avrav (adopt-

ed by Hilgenfeld) rejected from the

must certainly be

New

Testament,
:

and probably from Clement also see above 9, 12, 14, 30, 32. tyafxHTav] The word is used several times in the LXX and generally as a translation of 7'OXn 'to give to eat comp. also 1 Cor. xiii. 3.
5
:

Like so
iv.

many
it

ra^eaOai,
12),

other words (e. g. xP~ see the note Philippians has in the later language
;

lost the

sense of ridicule or meanness,

which belonged to it in its origin and Coleridge's note on its 'half satirical'

of

whom

a considerable

number

be-

longed to the slave class and the lower orders. The ransom of slaves and the support of captives were regarded as a sacred duty by the early Christians generally, and the brethren of Rome especially were in early times honourably distinguished in this respect: see the notes on Ign. Smyrn. 6 and on Rom. 1. 4. Xtrrp&Voi/rai] This construction

1 Cor. xiii. 3 (quoted Corinthians I.e.) seems to be overstrained. On the other hand,

force in

in Stanley's
it is

especially appropriate of feeding the poor and helpless, the sick man or the child.
7roXXai ywcuKes k.t.X.]

The whole
Judith

of this passage about

and

Esther Strom,
after

paraphrased by Clem. Alex. iv. 19 (p. 617), immediately the paragraph relating to Moses
is

LV]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
'lovdld
r\

161
/uctKctpia,

eireTeXecavTO TroXXa dvSpeia.

(rvyKXeicrjULcp

ev

over]?

rfjs

7ro\ew5,

r\Tt]G'aTO

irapa twv

io

Trpe&flvTepwv iadfjvcu avrrjv e^eXdelv eU Trjv irapefjifioXtjv twv d\\o(bv\wir wapahova'a ovv eavTrjv tw klv-

vvw e^rjXOev $i dydirriv tov ovtos ev (rvyKXeiciuooy

(pepvqv ev
civitatis

Trjs
kcli

TrarpiSos kcu

tov Actou

TrapeiccKev Kvpios
f\

'OXo-

x eL 9

6f]Xeias.

ov%

\]ttovi kcli

reXeict kcltcl
A.

patrum suorum
drjXiacr

et propter populum S.

14 drjXeias]

A.

tJttovi] rjTrovei

13 avy KXetafx^] qrrov CS.

<jvyKXi<r/ia)

(already quoted p. 156); and sometimes he gives the very words of the elder Clement, e.g. 77 reXela Kara tt'uttiv But he does not acknow'Ecr^p.

Lipsius (Zeitschr.
1859,
II.

f Wissensch. Theol.

ledge his obligation in this passage, though in the preceding chapter he

39 sq) and Hilgenfeld (ib. 1858, I. p. 247 sq, 1 861, IV. p. 335 sq), who both have directly refuted Volkmar's theory; and indeed the date
p.

and authenticity of Clement's Epistle

are established on
stantial

has directly quoted the Roman Clement. 8. 'lou{#] This passage has a critical value as containing the earliest

much more

sub-

reference to the

Book

of Judith,

grounds than the shadowy and fanciful argument by which it is attempted to postdate the Book of Judith. On this book see also an article of Lipsius Jiidische Quellen

which was apparently unknown to, as it is unmentioned by, Josephus.

zur

Judithsage [Zeitschr.

Wissensch.

Volkmar (Theol. Jahrb. 1856 p. 362 sq, and 1857 p. 441 sq, Einl. in die Apokr. 1. I. p. 28, and elsewhere), followed by Baur (Lehrb. der Christl. Dogmeng. ed. 2, p. 82, and in other
places), Hitzig (Zeitschr. fur Wissensch. Theol. i860, III. p. 240 sq),

on
I.

For more Theol. 1867, X. p. 337 sq). this subject see the introduction,
p.

353

sq.
'

tov \aov~\ the chosen people* (see the note on 29), and thus op12.

posed to
14.

dXXoCpvXoi.

iv

x W l

and Graetz

(Gesch. der

Juden

vo?n

Judith
iv

xiii.

ftfXdos] Taken from 15 iirdra^ev avrbv 6 Kvpios

Untergang etc. p. 132 sq, ed. 2, 1866), places the writing of that book after the Jewish war of Trajan, and as a consequence denies the authenticity of the Epistle of

X LP L ^tA^' ?) XV i' 5 KuptOS 7TCLVTOKparcop rjOerrjcrev avrovs iv x.eip\ Br/Xeias.

The

expression
to

would seem

iv x l P therefore be the common AraL

:

Clement.

More

sober

critics

however date the Book of

Judith about the second century before the Christian era, e.g. Fritzsche Einl. p. 127 sq, in the Ktirzgef. Handb. zu den Apokr. Ewald Gesch. des Volkes Isr. IV. pp. 396, 541 sq,
,

see the maism, equivalent to did note on Galatia?is iii. 19. On the other hand the construction napaBovvai iv

x l P

or

* v X*P~' ) LV

is

com ~

mon

in the

LXX

rrapabovvai els

as an equivalent to x (l P as Q 'S- the same

'

expression

T2

flTI

is

translated

first

Westcott in S?nith's Dictionary of the Bible 1. p. 1174, besides R. A.

kcu irapehaKev iv
TvapebonKev els

x eL P L (A) and then

kcu

x ( ^P as

m Josh. x.

30, 32.

CLEM.

IT.

II

l62

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

[LV

7tl(ttlv 'Gcrdrjp

Kivdvvw kavTr\v irapefiaXev, \va to ScoSetov 'IcrparjA /ueXXov diroXeadai pvo'rjTai' Sia Ka(j)vXov yap Trjs vrjo'Teias Kal tyjs Taweivcoo'ecos avTrjs ^icocev

tov

7ravT67r67TTr)v ^ea7r6Tf]Vy
TctTreivov
Trjs
\frv^rj^

Qeov toov

alcovcov

6? IScov
5

to

avTrjs

epvcaTO tov Xaov, wv

tcov
ev
tlvi

X a P LV

eKLV'h^vvevcrev.

LVI.

Kal

ridels

ovv evTv^wfJiev
/

Trepl

7rapa7TT(i)/ULaTi

vTrapyovTuav^

07ra)s Sodrj

avTOis 7riLKLa
jur]

Kal TaweLVOCppoorvvrj ek to ei^ai avTOvs

i

rifjuv
tt)s

dXXa
S had been
wv x&P iV

to 5wdeK&(pv\ov]

A;

dojdeK&cpvWov
4
becnrbr-qv']

A;

TCLTreivwaeoos

C.

C tribum S. A; om. C obviously by

;

t anew uveas']

homoeoteleuton.
the order

has spectatorem tcniversi et deawoTTju rCov ai&vwv Qeov.

iiavdijvevcrev]

dominum saeadorum
5
;

deu??i,

as

if

epijaaro]

A;

eppdcraro C.

AC

(but eKivSvvevae C)

ex Us propter quae erat [poptdus] in pcri7 T&v...virapxbvT(j)v~\

culo S, probably only a mistranslation.

I.

AC

qui appre-

to bcoBemcpyXov]
1
;

7,

Protev. Jacob.
'

So Acts xxvi. see above to

(2

Ephes.

d(obKao-KT]7rTpov 31
3.

with the note.

(Ign. 4) of this age or ason (tov See also the passage alcovos tovtov).
19)

Cor.

iv.

or

the

ruler

entreated\ with an accusative of the person and without any dependent case or clause expressing the thing asked as e.g. I Mace. xi. 62 kcu ^[a>aav 01 dno Ta^s
TJ^iaxrev]

desired,

in Clem. Horn. xx. 2 sq.

LVI.

'Let us intercede for offen-

ders, that they

may submit

in

meek-

ness and humility.

tov 'la>vd6av

KM
iii.

Clem. Horn.
crrjTe.

ebaxev avrols deltas, 55 npw avTov aicoinfinitive or

a final use of d^iovv Tiva is more common. On another more questionable construction of dgiovv
clause

With an

added

this

Let us be ever ready to give and to take admonition. The Scriptures teach us that chastisement is an instrument of mercy in the hands of God, that He inflicts it as a fatherly correction, that it is a
blessing to be so chastised, that the

man who
from

see above 51.

4.
TvavTeTTOTTTrjv]

restored again,

endures patiently shall be shall be delivered

So below

64,

all perils, shall

end

his days in

Polyc. Phil.
in the

7,

Clem. Horn.

iv. 14, 23,

v. 27, viii. 19.

The word is not found LXX or New Testament. In the

Sibyll.

peace, and be gathered into the garner like the ripe sheaf, in due season.'
7.

ev tivi TrapanTcopLaTi k.t.A.]

vi.
i,

See

Orac.

procem. 4

naveTroivT^s:

oTTTrjs is

occurs; and in heathen writers nava common epithet of Zevs. Qeov tuv alcovcov] the God of all
i
1

of which this passage is perhaps a reminiscence. The impels

Gal.

and

rjfilv

seem

the rulers of the

to refer especially to Church and to con-

the ages'

comp.

7rar?)p

tcov
I

alcovcov

35, 6 ftaaikevs tcov alcovcov

Tim.

i.

trast with the vpets, the leaders of the feuds, at the beginning of 57.
8. emeiKeia] a spirit of concession See the notes on 1 eVtetK^ and 13
'

17;
devil

comp. Ps.

Cxlv.

13

rj

(3ao-i\eia

'.

crov /3acrtXeia tvovtcov tcov alcovcov.

The
god

on the other hand

is

the

enieUeia.

The

context here points to

LVl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
deXrj/uaTL
Kctt

163

10

tw

tov Qeov.
r\

Kapiros

TeXeia
fjiveia.

7rpos

yap ecrTcu avToTs eytov Qeov kcli tovs ayiovs julst

TraiSeiav,
y\

ovtcos

oiKTip/ucov

dvaXafitofjiev

i(f>'

r\

ovfieh
ttoiov-

6(pei\i dyavctKTelv, dytx7rrjToi.

vovdeTtjo-is,

rjv

jueda
15

ek a\\r/Aow, KaXt]

io"TLv kcli

virepdyav

tacbeXijiio^

KoXXa yap

tj/uds tcc deXtj/uaTL

tov Qeov.

ovtcos

yap

<pr}CLV 6 dyios Xoyos' TlAiAeyoaN enAiAeyceN Me 6 Kypioc, kai TO) Ganatco of TT<\peAooKeN Me. "On r^p ataha Kypibc
hensi stint S (comp. Gal.
vi.
1).

8 eirielKeia] evieucta

A.

10 ovtcos]

AC.

Bryennios here, and again six lines below, tacitly reads ovtco, and is followed by C however has its usual contraction for -cos, not for -co, and therefore Hilgenfeld.
agrees with

in
it

sanctos S, as if
Tip/Muv
fjLveia]

both places. had read ?)...?)

1 1

ij

-jrpbs...

ayiovs]
tov]

AC

sive in

deum

sive in

for koX...ko\.

A; om.
A.

C.

12 oik-

oiKTeipixcovixvia.

A.
A.

iraidelav] irachav

13 ocpeLXei] otpiXei

A.
its els

vov6^t7]<xls] vovderrjcreLcr

derivation
10.

and primary meaning,

act. A.
ical

to eiijai avTovs
eytcapnos

oi ayioi frequently has, e.g. Job xv. 15, Zech. xiv. 5, Ecclus. xlv. 2,

TeXeia]
is

See the
the

Tobit

viii.

15,

Thess.

iii.

13 (pas-

note on 44, where there

same

combination of epithets.
11. tov Qeov k.t.A.] i.e. The fj irphs record of them before God and the

sages quoted by Hilgenfeld). This is a possible interpretation (comp.

I

Tim.

V.

21

hiap.apTvpop.at
'Irjo-ov

evcomov
kol tcov

tov Qeov Kal XpicrTov

Church will redound to their benefit, and they will receive pity. The expression
rj

npbs tov Qeov

p.veia is al-

most equivalent to the Old Testament phrase pvr)p.6o~vvov evavri Kvpiov, Exod. xxviii. 23, xxx. 16, Is. xxiii. 18, Ecclus. 1. 16, comp. Acts x. 4. See
also 45 eyypacpoi eyevovro dno tov

eicXeKT&v dyyeXcov), but the comusage of ol ayioi in the Apostolic writings is a safer guide. 12. 'let US avaXa.ficop.ev iraiheiav]

mon

receive correction'j

comp. Heb.

xii.

els Traibeiav vTropeveTe k.t.X.

13.

fj

vovOeTrja-is]

On

the difference

between

vovOeaia

{vovOerqiris)

and

Qeov

ev tco pvf]poo~vva> avTcov.

toijs ayiovs]

'the Christian brother:

naideia, see Trench N. T. Syn. 1st ser. the xxxii ; comp. Ephes. vi. 4.

On

hood', as in the Apostolic writers

20.

forms
16.

vovOecria, vovdeT^ais, see

p. 512.

Lobeck

comp. Ign. Smyrn. 1, Mart. Polyc. See 2 Cor. viii. 21. Two other interpretations have been proposed
:

Phryn.

Tlaidevcov k.t.X.]

From

the

lxx

Ps. cxviii. 18
17.

word

for word.
k.t.X.]

the beatified dead, npbs tovs ayiovs pveia is supposed to refer to invocation of saints. It is needless to say that this idea would be an anachronism in Cle(1)

the saints',

i.e.

*Oy yap dyana

iii.

in

which case

77

Prov.

12

word

but for

7raideveL

From LXX SA; B has eXeyxei. The

for word, as

Syro-Hexaplar text wavers, giving the

equivalent to naidevei in the text and tne mar gi n to ekeyx et In Heb. xii. 6 it is quoted with 7rai8evet, as

ment and
l

for

some generations

after.

(2)

the holy angels', a sense

which

IT

64

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT

[lvi

nAiAeyei, MACTiro? Ae ttanta yion on TTApAAexeTAr fTAiAeycei

Me

r^p, <pr}(TiV, Ai'kaioc In eAeei

kai eAerSei

Me, *)*eAeoc*)" Ae

AMApTOOAcON MH AlTTANATCO THN KCCpAAHN MOy.

Kai

TTClXlV

Makapioc AN6poonoc on HAerSeN d Kypioc, Noy0eTHMA Ae TTANTOKpATOpOC MH ATTANAl'NOy AyTOC T^p AAre?N
Aeyei*
noie?,
kai
ttaAiim

attoka6i'cthcin

enAiceN,

ka'i

ai

)(eTpec

aytoy iacanto.

cSakic el anatkcon leAe?TAi

ce,

en

Ae tco

eBAoMcp OYX aTtai c Y kakon* gn Aimco pyceTAi ce Ik Ganatoy, eN noAeMOo Ae ck x el poc ciAhipoy Aycei ce* kai atto

mactitoc tAoScchc ce Kpyyei, kai oy mh cj)oBh0h'ch kakcon io e'nepxoMeNOON* aAi'kcon kai anomcon KATAreAACH, And Ae
i
diKcuos]

AS

Kijpios

C.

Aeos] eAcuo<r

ZXeop

(i.e.

ZXaiov)

C and

so S.

See the lower note.

afxapruAov C, and so S, but the singular depends on the absence otribui. 4 6V] A; ov &v C. There is nothing to represent b\v in S. 5 airavaivov] AC; rejiciat (or rejiciamtis) S, and so the Pesh. 8 ox>x o-^erai] ovKorpercu A; ov firj a\p7}Tcu C; non attrectabit S. Both readings
3 afiapruXQv]
;

are found in the MSS of the LXX.

cpo(3r]d7js']

Xi/xcp]

AC;

add. 8e S.
in the

12 ov

/jltj

A;

ov

<po(3r]dr]o-7}

C.

Both readings are found

all

MSS of the LXX.

here: in Rev.

iii.

19 both

words are

existing

MSS of the LXX, the Hej>

;

combined,
(p.
is

eyco bo-ovs iav (piXm, e'Aey^co Kai 7rai8eva>. Clem. Alex. Paed. I. 9

brew being

but eXaios

(i.e.

eXeos)

145) has rraibevci, but his quotation

perhaps not independent of the Roman Clement. On the other hand

p. 544)

Philo de Conj. Enid. grat. 31 (1. quotes it with eXey^ei. This, which corresponds with the Hebrew, was probably the original reading of
all the texts with tvciiperhaps have been derived directly or indirectly from the quotation in the Epistle to the Hebrews.

might not unnaturally be substituted by some early transcriber on account of the preceding iv eXeei. It is therefore not impossible that Clement found this reading in his text of the
error above, 18 (note). For the curious confusion of e'Xeos- (eXaios)

LXX; same

see

another instance of the

the LXX,
bevei

and

and eXcaov

(eXeov)

in

the liturgies

may

see Swainson's Greek Liturgies pp. xliii, 90, 127, 265, 331; where the answer of the people, eXeos, dprjvq,

I.

ILaihevo-eL k.t.X.]

From

Ps. cxli.

becomes by expansion eXeov

elp-qvqs,

(eXaiov)

5,

word for word, if we read eXaiov. Our chief MS however has eXaiocr, i.e.

dvaiav

alveo-ecos.

The sym-

eXeo? (for so the scribe generally writes On the the word; see I. p. 121).

bolism of the olive as denoting peace, and the manifold ritual uses of oil
(see Aiitiq. p. 1453 sq)

other hand, the original reading of the LXX was unquestionably eXaiov (eXaiov is the oil, eXaios the olivetree

Smith-Cheetham Diet, of Christ. would assist in this

confusion.
4.
v.

and therefore out of place here) as it is in SBA, and apparently in

17

MaKapios 26 as read

k.t.X.]

in

From LXX Job BS, with slight

The

and unimportant

differences.

LVIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Arpi'ooN

165

GHpi'ooN

oy Mh

(J)oBhOhc.

coyciN cor
AlAITA
15

c?ta

tncoch, oti

Gfipec r^p Arpioi eipHNeyeipHNeycei coy d oTkoc* $ Ae

THC CKHNHC COY Oy Mh

Ae

to cnepMA coy, ta

AMApTH, |-NC0CH Ae OTI TTOAy tckna coy tocnep to ttamBotanon

TAcbcp

toy ^rpoy* eAey'cH Ae eN

KAipoN

cocnep cTtoc copiMoc kata Ghmconia aAconoc kaO* copAN GepizoMeNoc, h cocnep
/3A.e7TT,
d<yairr]TOi.>

cyNKOMicGelcA.
/uos

iroaros VTrepao'Triarm

i&Tiv toTs

iraL^evofJievoL^ vtto

tov Sea 7roTOv

eXerjdrjvai Tafias

TraTr\p

20

yap dyados

oov 7rai$evei

eU to

Sia Trjs

dcria? TraiSeias clvtov.

LVIL
yap]

YfjieLs

ovv, 01 ty\v KaTafioXrjv Trjs (TTcto'ecos

AC;
om.

8e

S
C.
<rv

13 elprjvefoei] 14 aov]

AC;
C.

elprjveva S.

r}

8e 8iaiTa...a/xdpT7)]

AC;

S.

AS; om.
16
iXevarj]

15 irap.(3oTavov]

LXX;

ravov

A;

Tra/x(3rjravov

18 (Twno/juadeicra}
...7]6t)vcu

adeiaa

A;

but Bryennios tacitly prints iXefoet. 20 iXeiqdTJvai] CS; <rvyKOfii<rdeiaa C.

AC;

A.

Tischendorf justly remarked on the

common

restoration vovdeTrjdrj-

vai; 'id vix recte,

syllabae non ita dirimi solent [i.e. vovdeT\r)dr)vai\. 21 7rcu5eias] C; 7r..5taa- A. quiritur potius simile verbum ac irTo\7)dit}v(u?

quum

Re-

text of

A presents

considerable varia-

different.
15.

tions, chiefly in adding clauses which are found in the Hebrew but wanting

to irapiftoTavov]
It
till

'the
to

herbage'.
\ey6p.evov

seems
quite
in

manifold be a dna
period.

BS. The points in which Clement's quotation agrees with A, as against BS (e.g. ovx a\^erat for ov fxrj ayjrrjTai),
in

late

There

is

nothing

the

Hebrew

(2B>y) to explain the

adoption of so
for els

are insignificant.

unusual a word.
16.
Ta(fiov
;

For this Hebraism 7. igaias k.t.A.] where two successive numbers are given to denote magnitude and increase,
xi.

iv

Ta(j)cp\

A
1'

Hebraism

see another instance on 55

7rape8coK.ev iv

X elP

see Prov.
;

vi.

16 Hebr.
v. 5,

(six,

17.

dr)p.oc>via]

seven, as here)
(three, four)

Micah
;

Eccles.
5, etc.

pear, almost

2 (seven, eight)
;

Exod.
xxxiii.

xx.

though
Od.
v.

6r)p.a>v

it would apconfined to the LXX, is as old as Homer,

A word,

Job

29 Hebr.

368.
'

(two, three).
10.

18.

vTrpao~nio~nos\

protection',

Kaicav]

The lxx

text prefixes
Kaneov

dno (SBA).
ddiKcov is

In the Syriac version

made dependent on

'the evils of the unrighteous'. 12. dijpesyap k.t.X.] As in the vision

of

It does not occur in the New Testament. See the note on v7repaa7no-Trjs above, 45. 20. dyados coj/] of His kindness
'

Sam.xxii. 36, Ps. xviii. 35, Eccles. xxxi (xxxiv). 19.

Lam.

hi. 64,

'

Hermas
is

Vis.

iv.

1,

2,

where the
\

wild beast
13.
7)

thus pacified. the abode' de 8iaiTa]

'

(as e.g. Ps. lxxiii. 1), corresponding to ov yap dyaua k.t.X. above.

see

above

39.

The Hebrew

is

quite

LVII. 'And do you leaders of the schism submit to the elders, and ask

66

THE EPISTLE OF
vTTOTccyfjTe
fJL6Tavoiav>

S.

CLEMENT
teal

[lvii

7roiri(ravTes,

toTs

7rpecr(5vT6pois
tcl

7raiTrjs

$evdrjT

as

KdjULyjsavTes

yovaTa
vjulwv

Kaphias

v/ulcov
kcci

/ddOere viroTdo'creo-dai,
vTrepr\(pavov
Trjs

dirodefievoL ty\v

dXdtova
Seiav

yAwcrcrt]?

avda-

afjieivov

yap

icrriv

v/uuv

ev

tco

Troi\xvm
r\

tov
Kad'

XpLCTTOv
V7TpO")(flv

juiKpovs

Kal

iWoyl/uov^
6K

evpedrjvai,
Trjs

^OKOvvras
y\

iicpKprjvai

i\7ridos

avrov.

ovtws yap \eyei

4 aKd^ova]
yi/xovs]

TravapeTOs croipia'
S.

'lAoy npot-'coMAi
6 eXXo9
13 v^iVa
.

AC;

aka^ovdav

yXdaarjs']

A;

A; add. vfias C. 5dw]AS; 5l5&cu C. C; A; si {rjv) S.

is

doubtful.
vTrrjKoicraTe]
v/juv pri.]

8 'I8ov]

AC;
S.

yXuTTrjs C. add. yap S.

dir
ch/]

10

AC;
;

vTrrjKouere S.

A; om.

S.

otclv]

14 orap A.

AC
16

fyicD?'

0\b/taf\

A;

./077 15 7ra/)^]C; add. Kai arevoxupia C, a

far better that

pardon of God on your knees. It is you should be of no

account, so that the flock of Christ

rfjs

(ttov,

eXnidos avrov] i.e. rod Xpieither a subjective or an ob'

may have peace. sternly Wisdom

obedient in the

Remember how
rebukes
the
dis-

jective genitive, the hope which He holds out 5 or 'the hope which reposes
in

Him
8.
rj

She

will

Book of Proverbs. laugh them to scorn when

cometh
as

destruction

a tempest.
5

navapeTos o~o(f)ia\ The Book of Proverbs, besides the title commonly prefixed to the LXX Version,
UapoipiiaL or ILapoip.iaL SaXo/xcoiros', IS frequently quoted by early Christian writers as /} navaperos o-o(pi.a 'the Wis-

They mocked

at her counsels before,

and she will not hear them then. 1. wot. rols 7rpfo-/3.] The same
pression occurs,
1

ex-

Pet. v.

5.

2. Ka^avres k.t.X.] Compare the expression in the prayer of Manasses (Apost. Const, ii. 22) vvv kXlvo) yovv So too Greg. Naz. Carm. ii. KapbLas. 50, ver. 58 ovnore aoi Ka.p,yp-a> yovvar

comprises all virtues (for Travaperos comp. 1); see esp. Euseb. H.E. iv. 22, where speaking of Hegesippus he says, ov fiovos 8e ovros dXKa Kai ~Elprjvalos Kal 6 nas
toav

dom which

dp)(aia>v

xP os navaperov aocpiav

iyajs Kpabirjs

946, Caillau), and similarly Sir C. Hatton to Q. Eliza(ii. p.

'

ras'2oXop.a>vos 7rapoip.ias eKaXovv.

Some-

times

it

bears the

name

aocpla sim-

beth (Froude's History XI. p. 166) I can use no other means of thankfulness than by bowing the knees of my own heart with all humility' etc. A
strong oriental metaphor like girding the loins of the mind (1 Pet. i. 13), or 'rendering the calves of the
5
5

ply; e.g. in Just. Mart. Dial. 129 (p. 359 a), Melito in Euseb. H.E. iv. 26, Clem. Alex. Protr. 8 (pp. 67,68), Paed. ii. 2 (p. 182 rj Beta o~o(pia),

'

lips
4.

(Hosea

xiv. 2).

d\dova Kal vnepijcpavop] See Trench N. T. Syn. 1st ser. xxix.

7.

doKovvras]

''held

in
ii.

repute' \
2.

Strom, ii. 18 (p. 472), Orig. Horn. xiv i7i Gen. 2 (11. p. 97), besides It is a others quoted in Cotelier. probable inference from Eusebius and Heges(11. cc.) that both Melito ippus derived the name from Jewish sources, and this is borne out by the
fact that the

see the note on Galatians

book

is

called

HEOn,

LVIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

167

YM?N 6MHC T1NOHC pHCIN, AiAaIOO Ae YMAC TON 6MON AOTON'

10 eneiAh

ofx ytthkoycatc, kai eleTeiNON AoroYc kai oy npocei'xeTe, aAAa akypoyc enoie?Te tac cmac BoyAac toic Ae smoic eAerx oic i-'neieHCATe* Toir^poYN kaYoo

IkaAoyn

kai

th YMeTepA AnooAeiA enireAACOMAi, kataxapoymai Ae hni'ka AN IpXHTAI YM?N OAeOpOC KAI OOC AN A(b|KHTAI ^mIh AC{)NCO
15 OdpYBOC,
h

Ae

KATACTpOCpH
GAi'yic

OMOIA KATAITlAl
ecTAi
35.

TTApH,

OTAN

epxHTAi ymin
angustia

kai

noAiopKiA.
Rom.
ii.

r^p,

otan eniKA(&OV71X)
et

familiar combination in S. Paul,

9,

viii.

S has

afflictio

(K^IUI) quae a

proelio (SO"lp

jft*1);

where

afflictio

and angustia quae a proelio is a paraphrase of 7ro\top/ct'a. angustia qtiae a proelio represents o-re'oxwpta /cat TroXcopKia, treated as a ev 5ta dvoiv, is not The space in will not admit /cat crrei'oxwpta, and these words are likely.

represents d\i\pis The alternative that

wanting also in the LXX.

e7rt/ca\ecr77(70e]

einKa\e<rr](r9cu

A.

'Wisdom', by rabbinical writers (see Fiirst Kanon des Alien Testaments,

Hieron. Prol. in Libr. Sal., ix. p. 1293, etc.). Joannes Damasc. de Fid.
Ortli. iv. 17
(1.
77

The personification 1868, p. J3 sq). of Wisdom in the opening would lead

designation; e.g. 1, Philo de Ebr. 8 (I. p. 362), though Philo himself quotes the book as irapoip-iai ib. 20 Whether the epithet (1. p. 369).
Iren. iv. 20.
3, v. 20.

p. 284)
Hotfiia

says
<

r)

iravdpe-

tos, rovricrTLv

tov 2okop.a>vTos

naturally to

this

tov Tt/o-otj, thus including rj 2,o(fiia both these apocryphal books under the term, but excluding Proverbs which he has before mentioned as
Kai
Tra.poip.iai
;

and so Jerome Praef. in

'

Travdperos

was first used by Clement and derived from him by later writers,
or not, it is impossible to say. At the same time the title fj rravaperos

aocpia is given, not only to the canonical Book of Wisdom, but also to the

Fertur et Sirach liber et alius yjsevdeTTLypacpos qui Sapientia Salomonis inscribitur'. Moreover the name of 'Wisdom' is occasionally
Libr. Salotn. (ix. p. 1293)

navaperos Jesu

filii

given also to Ecclesiastes (Fiirst

p.

I.e.

apocryphal Wisdom of Solomon (Method. Symp. i. 3, ii. 7, noted by Hilgenfeld Epiphan. de Mens, et Pond. 4, 11. p. 162 ed. Petau Greg.
; ;

91)

and

to the

(Fiirst I.e. p. 85,

Song of Songs and Cotelier here).

the third

And

still

more generally

Nyss. c. Eunom. vii, II. p. 638, Paris 1638; [Athanas.] Synops. 45, II. p. 132 F, rfjs o~o(pias ^oKop&vros rfjs \eyopivr)s iravapkrov
its title
;

group of the Old Testament writings, the dyioypacpa or ypa<eta, is sometimes called
I.e. p. 55),

nDDn 'Wisdom'
it

(Fiirst

and others

in the list of
(rotfiia

to

A is

and books prefixed

:

apocryphal

and to the r) navaperos), Ecclesiasticus or Wis'

comprises Proverbs and the allied books, as it is elsewhere called yfrdkpoi or vp,voi (see above 28) from another most important component element.
'iSojj

because

Jesus the son of Sirach (Euseb. Chron. Ol. cxxxvii quern vocant Panareton, Dent. Evang. viii.
of
2 p.

dom

/c.r.A.]

close
i.

from the LXX Prov.

23

quotation The 33.

and not MS and

variations are unimportant,

393

'irjcrovs

6 tov

Setpo^ 6

rrjv

KaXovp.epT]v

navaperov aofpiav avvrd^as,

greater than between one another of the LXX.

68
Me,
KAI

THE EPISTLE OF
erco

S.

CLEMENT
ymoon*
T^p

[lvii

AecHcGe

Ae

oyk

eicAKOyxoMAi

zhtj-'coycin
CO(j)IAN,

M
Ae

KAKOI

OYX

eypHCOYCIN*

eMICHCAN

TON

4>dBoN

toy

KypiOY

oy npoeiAANTO,

ofAe

i-"6eA0N

cmaic

npoceyeiN BoyAaTc, cmykthpizon Ae moyc

OYN
eAONTAI

eAerxoYC TOirApKApTTOYC,
KAI

THC

CAYTOON

OAOY

TOYC

THC

c'aytoon
hi'oyc,

AceBeiAC ttAhcGhcontai*
(j)ONeY0HCONTAi
;

ka'i

eleTACMdc

anG' con r^p hAi'koyn nhAceBeTc oAe?* d Ae

cmoy
XAcei
i

akoy'oon

KATACKHNobcei en' eAniAi nenoiGooc, kai hcy-

AcbdBooc

And ttantoc kakoy.

C;
r)T

^T]Tr](Tov(TLv] faT7)<Tov(ri

fyrovcnv

(?)

S.

3 rod]

A; om.

C.

TrpoelXavTo] 7rpoei\a...

(as

in the

lxx; Tischendorf who formerly read

irpoaiXa

afterwards accepted

my

reading of A); irpodXovTo

(see above,

I.

p. 127); elege-

runt S.

impiorum perdit ipsos S. 8 ireiroidiis] confidens S, using the same expression which occurs just below ( 58) see the lower note. as the rendering of Treiroidores om. C 10 iravaylip] C;
7 e^era<xp.bs aae(3e?s 6Xe7]

C;

inquisitio

6.

7i\r)(T6r}(TovTai\

Our

principal

MS

(A)

fails

us at this point.

The

letters

Alex, however clearly so quotes it, Strom, ii. 22 (p. 501 sq) 77 iravaperos
"2o(pia Xeyei' 'O 6 e ijxov aKovcov
(TKtjvcccreL
v

end of iv\r)<j6r](Tov occur towards the the last line in a page, fol. 167 b. The margin is torn, so that a few
letters

Kararrjs

eV

iXnldi

7T7roi6<0s'

rj

yap

have disappeared. It resumes again at the beginning of 64, a leaf having been lost ; see the introduction,
7.
1.

eXnldos anoKaTaaTao-is opoovvpas iXnls Eipijrai' dia. [1. 816] tov YLaraaK-qvwaei
rrj

Xe-ei nayicaXoos
;

7Tpoaidr)ice

to Ile-

7roidcos

p. 118.
'

(p.

though elsewhere, Strom, ii. 8 449), iv. 23 (p. 632), he has

elpijvrjs
{-vrj) Treiroi6a>s.

i^rao-fxos]
7

'enquiry',
6.

'investi-

avanavaeTai in
It is clear

gation

i.e.

'trial
iv.

and judgment',

that nenoLdcos

is
;

genuine
since he

as in Wisd.

The Hebrew
'security',
i.e.

in the text of our

Clement

however

is

ni?EJ>,

which the LXX translators seem either to have misread or to have connected with 7NC,
'false confidence';

the

dwells upon it in the beginning of next chapter, KaraaKijvcocrcopev

nenotOoTes k.t.X. For other examples of this manner of emphasizing the

'to

part

In the earlier enquire'. of the verse the LXX departs widely from the Hebrew.
ask,

8. tttvol6(os\ This word does not occur in the great MSS of the LXX nor indeed, so far as I know, ( SB A)
;

key-word of a quotation see the note on 46. From the manner in which Clem. Alex, begins his quotation from Prov. i. 33, it may perhaps be inferred that the passage of his elder namesake was in his mind.

is

the reading KaTao-Krjvdxrei

eV

(v.

1.

iv) ikiridi nenoLdcos

found

in

any MS

iv
it

of this version, though dvcnravo-tTcu in place of elpr/vr) n^iroiOuis appears

in no. 248

(Holmes and Parsons),

LVII I. 'Let us therefore obey, we may escape these threatened judgments, and dwell in safety. Receive our counsel, and you will never have occasion to regret it. As surely
that

this last

being a Hexaplaric reading (see Field's Hexapla ad loc). Clem.

as
all

God

liveth, he that performeth His commandments shall have

LVIIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
e

169
kcli

10

LVIII.
ovofJLctTi

Y7raKOV(TcoiJ.ev ovu

tw

iravayivo

avTOVy

(pvyovTes

ras

7rpoeipr]fJLvas

eVSo^o) hia ttJs

crocbias tchs direidova'iv

ct7rei\cts,

\va KaTacK^vcoaoojUieu

7T7ro0OTes 67tl
ovojJLa.

to ocnwTaTOV
ty\v
^fj

Trjs juieyaXaycrvvrjs
ijfixcov,

avrov
ecTTai

Se^ao-de
vfjuv.

avfJi^ovXnv

kcci
Vj
tj

15 djUTajUie\t]Ta
'Irjcrovs
kcci
r\

yap

6 Geo? kcu

Kvpios
T<x7rei-

XpiffTos

koll

to

TrvevfJict

to aytov,
6

re TncTL^
ev

iXwh

tcjov

eKAeKTtov, oTi

7T0Lrja'a^

vo<ppoo-vvri
S

fieT

eKTevovs
In

eTrieiKeias
is fully

djueTafxeXrjTco^

ra
C;

translates as if ayL(p.
(?)

35 iravayios

rendered.
as
if octlov,

(pvyovres]

(peijyovres

S.

13 ocnwraroj']

C; S renders

but the translator's

practice elsewhere in rendering superlatives is so uncertain, that no inference can /ecu be drawn as to the reading. 14 t)/aQv] add. dde\(poi [p<ov] S.
jfi\

CS

Basil omits this second

next.

rj.

Kijpcos] twice in S, at the

end of one

line

and the beginning of the

a place among them that are saved through Jesus Christ, through whom is the glory unto Him for ever.'
navayico] So also above, 35 see the note there.
10.
11.
ttjs
<ro(f)ias]
;

in the

LXX,
1

e.g.

Sam.

xx. 3, xxvi.

16, xxix. 6,
v.
co

20,
e'-yo),

etc.
Xeyei,

Kings xxii. 14, 2 Kings So too Rom. xiv. 11

Kvptos,
is

otl

ipo\

k.t.X.

(where

S.

Paul
23,

quoting loosely
it

Wisdom

is

re-

from

Is.

xlv.

combining
e-yco
i.

howof
Is.

presented as the speaker in the passage of Proverbs just quoted. Moreover this name 2o(pia was given to
the whole book
12.
;

ever with the

xlix. 18);

co

k.t.X.

comp.

2 Cor.

18,

and see

see above, p. 166.

'

dwell inpeace\ As the common LXX rendering of for which purpose it was chosen pJ>, doubtless in part owing to the similarity of sound (see the note on pa>p.oa-Konr]6ev, 41), it implies the idea of
'

Kara(ricr)v(6(roi)fjLv]

Rom. II. p. 242 sq, III. For a similar reference to the Trinity see above, 46. Here They are described as 'the faith and hope (i.e. the object of faith and
Fritzsche
187.
p.

hope) of the elect'; for rj re ttlo-tis k.t.X. are obviously in apposition to the preceding words. For eX^is,

'rest, peace'.
15.

meaning

'the object of hope', see the

somewhat dpeTapeXrjTa] favourite word of Clement, 2, 54.

So
apeTapeXrJToos,

note on Ign.
Trjs

Magn.

11 'i^croO Xpio-Tov
1

iXnidos

rjp,a>v;

comp.

Tim.

i.

1.

below.

For the
II.

On
is

the other
different

hand the sense

in

oiirio-Tis

plural see Kiihner

Gramm.

p.

59 sq.

Ign.
'irjaovs

Smyrn.
Xpicrros

10

rj

7 yap k.t.X.] This passage is quoted by S. Basil, de Spir. Sand. 29 (ill.

p. 61)

TeXeia

tticttis,

(see

the note there).

17.

where the For the form of quotation is given. adjuration j} 6 Qebs...oTi, 'As surely
;

see above,

1.

p. 169,

tcov

kXkt<ov]

favourite
46, 49,

word with Clement,

52, 5918.
p.T

1, 2, 6,

as

God

liveth...so surely',

comp.

$7

iKTevovs

erne iKc'ias] 62.

The
It

Kvpios on... which occurs frequently

phrase occurs again below,

170
V7r6

THE EPISTLE OF
tov Qeov

S.

CLEMENT

[lviii

heSo/uteva hiKaaofJiaTa kcli

teal

ovtos iureray/uevo^

TrpocTayiAara, ecrai eU tov dpid^ov iWoyi/uLOs

twv
y\

crcoto/uevMv Sid 'Itjcrov

XpiCTOv,

$1

ov ecrriv clvtco

hopa els tovs alcovas tcov altoveov. d/uriv. LIX. 'Edv Se Tives direidrio'coo-iv toTs
fijJLwv

vtt

clvtov

$1

6ipr)fJL6vois y

kivSvvoo
1

ov /uuKpa
7rpocrrd7/xara]

yivcoo-KeTworav otl 7rapa7rTcocrei kcu iavTOvs evStjaovo-iv, r\fiels Se ddoooi

;

/ecu

om.

S.

1 1

ctdpavcrTov]

add. deus S.

is

a sort of oxymoron, or verbal paradox, like 'strenua inertia', 'lene torfor emeiiceia involves the mentum
'
:

the

number of His elect through Jesus Christ, who called us from darkness to light. Open our eyes,
Lord, that we may know Thee, who alone art Holiest of the holy and Highest of the high ; who settest up who bestowest and bringest low riches and poverty, life and death ; who art the God of all spirits and of
;

idea of 'concession'; comp.

iv.
1 1

Thess.

(pi\oTip,el.o-6a.i

r/o-vxafcw.

So

Greg. Naz. Orat. iv. 79 (1. p. 116), speaking of Julian's persecution, says
eVietKcos ifitaCero.

The substantive eVt-

eUeia occurs also 13, 30, 56: the

adjective imeiK^s, 1, 21, 29. The frequency of these words aptly indicates

the general spirit of the letter; see the note on 1, and the introduction,
2.
I.

flesh; whose eye is all-seeing, and whose power is omnipresent; who multipliest the nations and gatherest together Thine elect in
all

p. 97.

Christ.

We

beseech

Thee,

Lord,

Used here, as in 57, for those who have a place among the elect of God: see also Comp. Plato Phileb. 17 E 44, 62.
e\\6yipos]

assist the needy, the oppressed, the Let all the nations know feeble.

that

ovk iWoyipov ovd' evapidpov. tov dpidfxbv] As above and below 59, with the note.
3.

Thou art God alone, and Jesus is Thy Son, and we are Thy people, the sheep of Thy pasture.'
Christ
5.

2,

35,

vn

avTov\

i.e.

tov Qeov.

In
to

the

same way they again claim

tcov

o~coop,evcov\

are in

the

way
Acts
15.

of those that of salvation\ as

ii.

'

be speaking with the voice of

',

God

Luke
2

xiii.
ii.

23,

47,

Cor.

i.

18,
ol

Cor.

The

opposite

is

tmoWvpevoi, i Cor. i. 18, 2 Cor. ii. 15, iv. 3, 2 Thess. ii. 10. Comp. also Clem. Horn. xv. 10, Apost. Const. In the Apost. Const.viii. viii. 5, 7, 8.
5

below, 63 toIs v0' rjp.cov yeypappevols diet tov dyiov nvevpaTos comp. 56 p) rjpiv aXXa tco OeXqpaTi tov Qeov. See also Ign. Philad. 7 to

nvevpa ov nXavaTai, dnb Qeov ov... eKaXovv Qeov (peevy, where a similar claim is made.
6.
'

(comp.

v.

15) the

words are tov

7vapa7rTcocrei\

'fault',

trans-

dpidpov

tcov aco(opevcov as here.

'

If any disobey our counsels, the greatest peril they while we shall have absolved our-

LIX.

gression '; Dial. 141

Jer. xxii. 21.

Comp.

Justin

will incur

selves from guilt.

that the Creator

And we will pray may preserve intact

It does not occur (p. 371). elsewhere in the LXX, nor at all in the N.T., though TrapdnTcopa is common. Polybius uses it several times comp. also Sext. Empir. adv. Math. i. 210.
:

LIX]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
dirb ravTris
TY\V
Ser/O'LV

171
alrt] orofxed a >
]

e&ofjieda

Trjs

d/ULctpTiav

Kal

6KTvfj
10
dpidfJidv
6\(jo

Kal

iK0~laV

7T0l0VfJLV0l,

07rO)5

TOV
ev

tov

KaTy]piQ\xr\ixkvov

twv

6k\kt(jov

clvtov

Tto

KO&iucp

hiaCpvAct^ti

adpavcTOV 6

SrifMOvpyos

tcov diravTtov Zia

tov

r\yairv]\xe.vov 7rai$os
*?/xas

avTov

'

Iticrov

XpiaTOv,
diro

Si

ov eKaXecev
els

diro ctkotovs ei? (poos,

dyvoocias

kirlyvtociv

So|^s
fyxas]

ovopiaTOs
;

avTov.
is

13 XptaTov] C ; add. domifzi nostri S. a clerical error in transcribing the Syriac

7. ddSoi] As above, 46. For the whole expression, dOcoos eivai cmo

me S
14

but this

doubtless

suffix.

cltto]

koX airb S.

that these expressions

6 rjyaTv^pivos

(dyan-qTos) ttcus ctov, 6 irals

aov, occur

dpapTias, comp. Num. v. 31. See tov dpiQpbv K.r.A.] 9.

vii.

Rev.

sq.

The same phrase

tov dpid-

several times in the prayers in the Apost. Const, viii. 5, 14, 39, 40, 41. Comp. also Epist. ad Diogn. 8,

pbv twv k\ktoov avTov has occurred In one of the prayers already 2.
in the
last

Constitutions

book of the Apostolic have 6 ttjv (viii. 22) we

and Mart. Polyc. 14, where it is twice put into the mouth of Polycarp, who was certainly a reader of
tion

tov Koapov avo-Taaiv 81a tcov evepyovpevcov (pave p on oirj eras kol tov dpidpov tcov enXeKTcov o~ov Bia(pv\aTTcoVj where

Clement's Epistle. This designais taken originally from Is. xlii. 1, quoted in Matt. xii. 18 l8ov, 6 nals
jjpeTicra,
rj

pov ov
is

6 dyaTrrjTos

pov

[ei?]

the expression here

combined with another which occurs below ( 60)

is

ov evdoKr]o-ev

"^v^r}

pov

where

rrals

'servant, minister' ("DJJ).

iii.

Comp.

thus clearly showing that the writer

borrows directly or indirectly from Clement. 11. aOpaxxTTov] The word does not It is occur in the LXX or N.T. however not uncommon in classical Dion Cass. liii. 24 writers: e.g.
dBpavcTTOv
illustrates
Kal

But the higher sense of vlbs was soon imported into the ambiguous word 7!?
Acts
13, 26, iv. 27, 30.
:

Apost. Const, viii. 40 tov povoyevovs aov Trcudbs 'irjcrov Xpio-Tov, Epist.
e.g.

ad Diogn.
dycmr)Tov
na.Tr)p.

8,

Iren.

iii.

12. 5, 6,

etc.;

and probably Mart. Polyc. 14

iraibbs
o~ov
Irjcrov

6 tov

oXoKkrjpov tco SmSo^a)

Xpicrrot)

ttjv ttoKlv 7rapedc0Kv,

which passage
here.

its

sense
viii.

Comp.

Clement seems have used the word here.

so
13.
ii.

And

to

Apost.
ao~eio~TOV.

Const,

12

diacpvXd^rjs

eKahecrev

k.t.A.]

From
The

Pet.

6 brjfiiovpyos k.tX] The same phrase For occurs above 26 comp. 33. drjpiovpybs see the note on 20.
;

9 TOV K CTKOTOVS to QavpaaTov avTov

VpCLS KoXicraVTOS els

(bees.

epithet

v/

12. tov r)yam)p.kvov Txaibbs k.t.X.]

So

again lower down in this chapter, did 'irjo-ov XpiaTov tov r\ycmr) pevov
naibos
ctov.

Bavpacrrbv which is wanting here is supplied by 36 (as read in the Greek MSS) dvaddXXei els to 6avpao-Tov [avTov] (pcos, where however

the epithet

o~ov,

and

'i^o-ous Xptcrro? 6 ttcus

and

in

is omitted in the Syriac Clem. Alex.

It is worth observing in connexion with the other coincidences,

14. dyvcoo-ias] 'stubborn ignorance'\ a stronger word than dyvoias comp.

:

172

THE EPISTLE OF
[Aos
rifMV,

S.

CLEMENT
to apxeyovov
Trjs

[lix
irao'Y]^

Kvpie\ y eXirl^eiv

eirl

ktio"6cos bvofjia ctou,

tjfxtov eis

dvol^as tous 6<pda\fjiovs

KapSlas

to

yivijocriceiv cre,

ATION
1

ATIOIC

tov \iovov y^icton en yyhAoic, ANAnAYOMeNON, TOV TAHeiNOYNTA yBpi N

Ads yiuv, Kvpie] om. CS ; see below. 2 ovop.d gov] C; nomen ejus see below. ; Kapdias] cordium S. vif/rfKols] 3 ere] C ; eum S. edv&v] vipiarois C; see the lower note. 5 diaXvovra] dissipantem S.

sanctum S

Pet.

ii.

15.

It

occurs
1
ii.

also

Job
47,

is

xxxv. 16, Wisd. xiii. 1, See also Cle?n. Horn.

iv. 8, xviii.

Cor. xv. 34.

6,
iii.

13, 18.

obviously wanted, it must be accented apxeyovov, not apxeyovov, as by Bryennios comp. [Aristot.] de Mund. 6 (p. 399 Bekker) 81a
:

Comp. Apost. bid Xpio-rov Krjpvypa yvcocrecos $ovs rjpiv els iniyvoacriv rfjs crfjs dor]s Kal tov ovofxaros crov. The language of Clement here seems
els eiriyvoHTiv doi-rjs]
viii.

rr)v

TTpdrrjv

Kal

dpxaioyovov

alrlav,

Const,

II

where again we should accentuate

dpxaioyovov,
for

the

expression

is

to

be inspired by Ephes. i. 5 sq. e\irleiv\ Some words have been omitted in the Greek MS, as the first editor has correctly seen. The words
1.

synonymous with 6 navrcov rjyepcov re Kal yevercop which follows immeSo too perhaps even diately after.
vi. 16 (p. 810) apxeyovov r\pepav, for just below it is defined as irpwr^v tg> ovti epeoros y eve a iv but in Clem. Alex. Protr.

in

Clem. Alex. Strom,

rrjv

supplied in the
will
suffice.

text,

Aos

ijfiivj

Kvpie,

The same omission

5 (P- 56) to 7rvp cos

it

apxeyovov aefiovres

existed also in the text from which

may

the

Syriac Version was made. In consequence of this, aov, o-e, <xe, aov,

is

be doubtful whether the fire regarded as a pri?icipinm prin-

enaidevaas, rjyido-as, eriprjo-as, are there altered to avoid the abrupt transition

cipians (apxeyovov), or a principium principiatiun (apxeyovov). In Greg.

from the third person to the second and at length words are inserted
;

Naz. Op. 1. p. apxeyovov o-kotos.

also Iren.
9.
i.

694 we
(twice),
I.

have
5.

t6

The word occurs

2,
1.

I.

introduce the second person. On the recurrence of lacunae in our authorities see above, I. Hilgenfeld gets over p. 145 sq. the difficulty in part by substituting avoitjov for dvoifjas: while Gebhardt
before
'A^iovpev
to

the exposition of the Valentinian system, where likewise the accentuation may be doubtful. It
3,

in

is

and Harnack deny

that the text

is

not found in the lxx or N. T. Editors seem universally to accentuate it dpxeyovos (see Chandler's Greek Accentuation 467) ; but, I

either defective or corrupt, and attempt to justify the transition by

think, on insufficient grounds. 2. rovs dqbdaXpovs k.t.X.] suggested

such passages as Acts

etc. (see

i.

4, xxiii. 22,

by Ephes.
rov,
rrjs

i.

Winer lxiii. p. 725). But the phenomena of our two authorities show that Bryennios was right. apxeyovov] i.e. Thy Name which
'

ne(p(OTiapevovs

17 sq iv eiriyvdaei avrovs ocpdaXpovs

k.t.\.

Kap8ias vpa>v els to eldevai vpas See also above 36 ^vecoxOrjrjpcov

o~av

01

6(p6aXpol

rfjs

Kapdias.

origin of all creation', Tvacr-qs KTiaeas being governed by apxeyovov. As an active sense
the
first

was

Comp. Mart.
vii. 39.

Polyc.

2,

Apost. Const.

3,

yivcoaKeiv

/c.r.X.]

Comp. John

LIX]
5

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
TOV AlAAYONTA AopCMOYC
eic

173

YTTepHC^ANOON,

eGNOON,

TOV

noi-

oynta TAneiNoyc

fyoc

kcli

to

y^haoyc TAneiNOYNTA,

TOV nAOYTIZONTA
zhn
noioyNTA,

KAI

nTOO)( IZO N TA,

TOV

ATTO KT6 N
I

NTA

KAI

fAovov

evepyeTrjv

7rvevjudTcov
gn

Kal

Oeov
tov
evepyk-

7racrf]

o~apK09,
(

tov eniBAenoNTA
S.

taic

aByccoic,

C;
ttjv]

dvOpiVTcov

= avu)v)

ffiv

ttolovvto] redimit et vivificat S.

C
3

evpeTTjv S.
yivcoerKcoeriv
ere

xvil.

iva

tov

uovov
viii.

Taneivov.

See also Matt,

nXovTi^ovTa

xxiii.

12,

dXrjBivbv Qeov.

Luke
Apost. Const,
.

xiv. 11, xviii. 14.

tov uovov
5

k.t.X.]

7.
I

tov
ii.

k.t.X.]

From

6 cov uovos v^rio~Tos KOTOIKCOV.

\n\no~Tov k.t.X.] 15 o vyj/ierTos

.0

iv v^rrjXdis

7 Kvpios 7rTco^t^et Kal ttXovComp. also Tiei, Tarreivol Kal avv^rol.

Sam.

From
6

the

lxx

Is.

Luke

i.

153.

See Greg. Naz. Orat. 42

6

lvii.

olkcov

tov
avTco,

alcova,

iv v^rrjXols kcitiv ayiois dyios iv

(i.

p.

751) 6 7rT0ixiCa>u Kai 7rXovOavaTcov

ko.1

tig>v
K.T.X.

Qeos,

{cooyovcov

ovoua
Const,

v\\ricrTos

ayiois
1

ava-

iravouevos.
viii.

So
1 1

in the prayer Apost.

tov drroKTeivovTa k.t.X.] Deut. xxxii.

tn/acrre iv vx/z^Xois , dyie

39
I

iyco
ii.

drroKTevco

kcu

(jjv

ttoitjctco,

iv dylois dvanavoueve, doubtless

taken

from

Clement. Similarly the expression o iv ayiois dvanavouevos in other liturgies, D. Marc. pp. 178, 189,

6 Kvpios OavaTol Kai ^cooyovel: comp. 2 Kings v. 7 6 Qeos iyeb tov

SavaTcoerai kcu ^cooTroirjcrai;
8.

Sam.

evepyeTrjv]

Comp.

Ps. CXV. 7

iiri-

D. Jacob,

p.

49 (comp.

p.

29),

S.

crTpe^rov, ^rv\r)

uov...oti Kvpios evrjp-

Chrysost. p. 94 (ed. Hammond). I have substituted v\jrr]Xo7s, as the reading both of the LXX and of the

yeTrjae
p.

ere.

So too Liturg. D. Marc.

evepyeTa.
k.t.X.]

188

-fyvyjqs

TvvevuaTcov

Modified

from

Apost. Const. here translates

KDIIIDI ND'HE), iv vyfrrjXols, in the Hexaplaric Version of Is. lvii. 15 thus using two different words. This however is not de:

Moreover the Syriac by the same words, which render v^io-tos,

Num.

62

See also 22, xxvii. 16. tcov rrvevpaxeov Kal beerTroTr/s

xvi.

with the parallels Kvpios irdo-qs o-apKos, in the note. Comp. Liturg. D. Jacob.
p.

45
9.

uvrjadr/Ti, Kvpie, 6
Trderrjs

Qebs tcov

rrvev-

uaTCOv Kal

erapKos.
k.t.X.]
yfj

cisive in itself.
4.

tov i7ri(3Xe7rovTa
18,

Ecclus.
aaXevdrj-

tov
xiii.

TcmeivovvTci
II
vj3piv

k.t.X.]

From
Tanei-

xvi.

19, afivoro~os
ttj

ko.1

Is.

vTreprjepdvcov

erovTai
oprj

iv

imerKOTrfj

avTOv,
yrjs

aua Ta
iv
tco

V(dCT<D.

Kal

to.

BepeXia
S.

Ttjs

diaXvovTa] Probably from Ps. xxxiii. IO diaerKet)dei (3ovXds iBvcov, dOeTel be Xoyiauovs Xacov.
5.

tov

iTTiftXeyj/ai els

avTa Tpopco
dpovov
'to

o-vero~e'iovTai.

Comp. Liturg.
Ka6r}uevos
(SXeTrcov
iir\

Basil,
dor]s

p.

106 6
iiri-

Kal

TOV

TTOLOVVTa

K.T.X. ]

Job
els

V.

II Kal

dfivcrerovs.
iv,

For the unusual

look
ii.

tov TTOiovvTa

Taneivovs

vyjsos

imfiXeTreiv
'at',

into',

or

drroXcoXoTas ieyeipovTa, Is. x. 33 raTreivcodrjaovTai oi vyjsrjXol,

iTa7reLva>o~as

comp. Eccles.

11,

Chron.

Ezek. xxi. 26
Ka\
iyco

xvi. 9.

to
ib.

vyjsrjXov

v^coaas
Kvpios 6

tov inoTTT^v
(xxxiii).

to Taneivov,
Tarreivcov

xvii.

24

vXov v^tjXov

ko.1

v\j/cov

vXov

may

See Ps. xxxii k.t.X.] which passage Clement perhaps have had in mind, as
13,

174
Ittotttyiv
($Or\6oV,

THE EPISTLE OF
dvdpco7riv(t)v

S.

CLEMENT
twv
COOTHpA,

[lix

epycov,

tov

klvSwevovtcov

TOV

TWV AHHAniCMeNOON
kcu
KCtl
'

TOV

7TCIVTOS

7rvVjuaTOs
edvrj
67TL

kt'io~ty]v

e7rlcrK07rov 9

tov

7r\r]6vvovTa

ytjs

TTCLVTCDV

K\jZafJLVOV

TOVS dya-

TrusvTcts

ere

Sta
rupees

Iti&ov

XpLCTOv tov
BohOon
iJjulwv

rfya7rt]fJievov
eTLfJLY]oras.

Tra&os
<*}'

aov, eY oi
ov/uev
rifjLwv.
i

eVa/Sefcras, tjyiaoras,
yevecrdai
orcocov'

ere,

h^ecnroTa,
iv

kai

antiAhtttopa

toiis

6\i\jsei

tous Tcnreivovs

tQiv KivdvvevovTcov]

phrase.

ere]

illonim qui affliguntur S, but it is probably a loose para6 aov] C;ejus S. turn S. i]fj.as eiraidevcras,
et sanctificavit

rjyiaa-as, erlixrjaas]
fxev k.t.X.]

instruxit nos

nos

et

honoravit nos S.

diou-

S;

S prefixes et dicemus Mi cum stipplicatione. 7 <re] so apparently om. C. It seems to be required, as Hilg. and Gebh. have seen. SeWora]
earlier

he has already adopted an

verse of the
text.

same Psalm

in this con2

For eVo7m79 comp.

Mace.

vii.

See the prayer Apost. Const, viii. 12 ert d^iovp-iv ere... on cos ttclvtcov iirinovpos
6.

d^iovfiev k.t.X.]

in

the

35

tov navTOKparopos iiroTTTOv Qeov, Esther v. I tov TravTccv inoTrrrjv Qeov.

I.

yevr],

TvavTccv

(Sorjdos

kcu

dvTLkrjTTTcop
is

(with the context), which

evidently

TOV
ix.

TG>V

Klv8vVCv6vTG)V
eXciTToveov
et

K.T.A.]
ftorjdos,

Judith

II

indebted to this passage of Clement. Comp. Ps. cxviii (cxix). 114 (3or)06s
[J.OV

avTtXrjTTTOip acrdevovvToov, dneyvGiO-fxevodv

o-Kenao-Trjs, airrjk'rvio-jxevwv acoTijp.

For

8.

KCU aVTlXrjTTTCOp p.ov el o~v. roiis iv BXtyei k.t.A.] Compare

1

comp. Is. xxix. 1 9, a.7rr)\7rio-p.evoi See also Liturg. Esth. iv. ad fin. e'A7ris rcoV d-rrrjXD. Marc. p. 181
77

the prayer in Liturg. D. Marc. p. 185 XvTpcoaai decruiovs, ie\ov tovs iv dvdyKciis, TreivcovTas xopTacrov,

TTLcrixivcov

(comp.

p. 122), Act. S.
'

Liturg. S. Basil. Theodot. 21 (in RuiChriste,

oXiyoyj/vxovvTas

irapaKaXecrov^
>

7re7r\avr]p.ivovs e7ricrrpe\//
Ticrp,evovs (pcoTaycoyrjaov,

oi>,

e'enco-

nart)

Domine Jesu

spes
I

TrenTUiKOTas

desperatorum'.
3.

eyeipov, Zech. XU.

voo-rjKOTas

7TVVp.ClTOS KTlCTTrjv]
.

aaXevo/xevovs o~Trjpiov, velacrai (ppovpbs ijfxcov

Kvpios. .7rXao~cra>v 7rvevp,a dvdpconov iv

avTa>,
Is.
lvii.

16

nvevaa nap'
nvofjv
iv.

ip,ov
e'yco e'yco

e'^eAeucrerai,
eVoi'770-a.

Kal

naaav

Kai dvTi\ij7TTa>p KaTci irdvTa yevouvos, where the coincidences are far too numerous and close to be

In
(

Amos

13

we have

accidental.
ii.

See also Apost. Const.

...KTifav nvevp-a,

where

it

apparently

6.

means the wind,' but might easily be understood otherwise. $6 iniCTKOTTr] 7TLO-K07rOv] Job X. 12
7]

IO.

dcre/3eT?]

Comp.

3 fj\ov adiKov

kcu dcre/3^ dveiXrjcpoTas.

The

reference

o~ov icpvXa^e p,ov to nvevp-a,

Pet.

ii.

in dcrefiels is not to unbelievers, but to factious and unworthy members of

25

TOV

7TOLp.Va

KCU
i.

iniCTKOTTOV

TCOV

y\rvxo> v vptov,

Wisd.

6 o Qebs...Trjs

the Church. For this word Gebhardt {Zeitschr. f. Kirchengesch. I. p.

307,

KapSias avTov eVt'crK07ros d\r)6r)S. Comp. Liturg. D. Marc. p. 181 inio-Koire

Trdarjs arapKos.

and ad
this

loc.)

and
of

may have been

conjectures daOc-vels the reading

;

vS.

But the occurrence of tovs

LIX]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
tovs
7r7rTWKOTas

175

eXencrov
10

eyeipov

roh

Seojuevois

7ri<pavti6f tovs do~e(3e7s iaaai*

tovs TrXavuyjjLevovs tov Xaov (tov 7ri(TTpe\lsOV yopTavov tovs TreivwvTas* XvTptticrai tovs Seo-juiiovs tjiuuiv e^avdcrTriarov tovs dcrdevovvtcls*

can

ore

TrapctKaXecrov tovs oXLyoy^v^ovvTas' rNooTooTravra ta gOnh, oti cy e? 6 Oedc monoc, teal

(TOV,
KCLl

15 'IflCrOVS

XpLOTTOS 6 7TCUS npoBATA THC NOMHC COy.

do77iine bone S.

HM6IC

AAOC

COy

KAI

8 tovs Tctireivovs i\e7]crov]

om.

S,

owing

to the homceoteleuton.
?)

10 iiTKpavrjdi] C; 7riaTpd(pr]di S. S; see the lower note. 14

aaefieh]
<re]

C;

aegrotos (audeveh or vocovvtcls

p.

See Bryennios Didache

py

It is unre-

presented in S.

156
below
this
is

7rcus <tov]

add. dilectus

(6 rjya7n)fxivos) S.

do-devovvras just
difficulty,

a serious
I

and on

account

have

early Church in the ages of persecution: comp. Heb. x. 34, xiii. 3,

hesitated about accepting it. It is not sufficient to answer with Harnack,

dcrdevovvTes animo, dadevels corpore imbecilles sunt'; for both words are used indifferently either of physical
(

and see the note on

Ign.

Smyrn.

6.

prayer for those working 'in the mines' is found generally in the
early liturgies; comp. Apost. Const. 10 V7rep t5>v iv fieTaXXois Kal ioKal
decrpols
ovtcov

V111.

or of moral weakness.

Supposing

that daJ3e7s were the original reading, the rendering of S may represent either do-Bevels (a corruption of or vevoarjKorcis (a substitution of a familiar liturgical form, as
do-efiels)

piais Kal (pvXaKals 81a to ovop.a tov

Liturg. D. Marc.
tcdis
77

Kvp'iov derjOcofxev, p. 1 8 1 tovs iv cpvXaH-* vovs

iv p.TciXXois>.>ica.Tex

irdv-

tcis

iXerjaov,
p.

ndvTas iXevdepooaov, Lit.

D. Jac.
CpvXaKals,

44
tcov

p,vija6r]Ti,

Kvpie
tcov

appears from Lit. D. Marc. p. 185, quoted above). The Syriac word
here, Rn*TD,
is

Xpio~Tiavcov

iv

8ecrp,ols,

iv

the
2

same

as in the

Peshito Luke
vels (v.
PJlll.
fieva,
1.

ix.

laaai tovs da6e-

eopiais, Kai ULKpais SovXeiais ovtcov rraTepcov Kal

Tav iv alxpaXeacriais Kal twv iv peTaXXois Kal (Saadvois

77/xcSi/.

dorOevovvras).

Comp. Polyc.
TO.

a8eX(pa>v
12.

7Tl.(TTpe(fiOVTS

aTTOTreTrXavr)-

i^avdaTrjo-ov
v.
i

k.t.X.]

Comp.

tovs dadevels, iTnuKeiTTopevoi which, so far as it goes, is in favour of Gebhardt's emendation. tovs nXavcopevovs k.t.X.] Ezek. xxxiv. 16 ro 7re7r\avr]fxevov eVtcrrpe^cB (where B has to nXavcofxevov a7ro(jTpe\^co).
11. XvTpcoo-ai tovs deo-jxlovs]

Thess.

14 7rapa uv6e'io-0e tovs oXiyo-

yj/vxovs, dvT6x*~@ T &> v dcrdevav,

quoted
viii.

by Harnack.
13.

yva>TG3crav K.r.A.]

Kings
Xaol

60
oti

07TG)S yv<oo~i

ndvres

01

ttjs yrjs

Kvpios o Qeos avTos Qeos Kal ovk

eTi,

The

re-

eo~Tiv
Tra.o~aL

Kings

xix.
ttjs

19 yvcoaovTai
yrjs

ference in this and the neighbouring clauses is doubtless to the victims of the persecution under Domitian;
see the note on 1. The care of the 'prisoners' naturally occupied a large space in the attention of the

al

/SacriAeicu

oti

av

Kvpios 6 Qeos p.6vos (comp. Is. xxxvii. 20), Ezek. xxxvi. 23 yva> o-ovTai to. edvq
oti iy<6 a'/u xvii. 3.
15.

Kvpios

k.t.X.

Comp. John
Ps. xcix
(c).

rjp.els k.t.X.]

From

176

THE EPISTLE OF
LX.

S.

CLEMENT
/cocr/xou

[lx

Cv

ty\v

devaov

tov

<rv<TTct<riv

did

twv

crv, Kvpie, ttjv 6 7no"TOS ev Traccus rals yevecus, oiKOv/uevrjv eKTi&as,

evepyov/mevcov

e(pavepo7rolr](ras'

SiKctios ev toTs ev Icr^v'i kcll fieyaKpifJiacriv, 6avfJiao~Tos

\07rpe7rela,

Kri^eiv kcli (rvverds ev tco kcli tcl yevo/meva efipacrai, 6 dyados ev toIs optojULevois 7ri(TT09 ev to?9 7re7roi6o(Tiv eiri o~e, eAefiMON kai oikti'p6
(ro<pos

ev

tw

mon, a<pes
1

r\\xiv

ras dvo/mias
rod

^/ulcov

kcli

tccs
20,

ddiKias kcu

Si>]

add. yap S.

dhaov] divvaov
k6<t[xov\
/cal]

comp.

where

writes the

word

in the

same way.
aocpbs (om. 6) S.

5 6 acxpbs]

C;

C;

add. hujus S, as in other passages. om. S. 7 wiarbs] mitis (benig-

mis), probably xp^cris, S.

12 koX diKdioavvri
/ecu

10 Kaddpiaov] Kadapeh

purifica S
S,

see below.
et

0,77X6x777-1]

om. C; restored by Bensly from

.

which has

2 yva>Te on Kvpios avros icrriv 6 Qeos. T^els [8e] \a6s avrov kcu 7rpo/3ara rrjs
.

'didst reveal the inherent constitution

vonrjs

avrov
'

comp.
7.

ib.

lxxviii (lxxix).

of the world by the succession of external events'; comp. Rom. i. 20.

13,

xciv (xcv).

The word
somewhat
3.

cpaveponoulv
rare.
k.t.X.]

is

late

and
9

LX.
in

the

didst create all things Thou that art beginning.

Thou

TTLorrbs

Deut.

vii.
. .

and righteous and marvellous in Thy strength, wise and prudent in Thy creative and sustaining energy, beneficent and stedfast to them
faithful

Geoff tvmttos 6 (pvXdcrcrcov diaBiJKrjv

.els

Xiklas yeveds.
6.

eh)pdo-ai\

Comp. Prov.

viii.

25

that put their trust in Thee, merciful and full of compassion, forgive us
all

Trpb tov opt] edpacrOrjvai. 6 dyadbs k.t.X.] i.e. 'He is benefi-

cent where
seen,

our offences.

Reckon not every

:

and

He

His operations can be is trustworthy where

sin against Thy servants but purify us with Thy truth and direct our

faith takes the place of sight'.

The

contrast here

is

between the things

;

Make Thy face to shine upon us, and protect us with Thy mighty hand and Thine outsteps in holiness.

which are actually seen and the things which are taken on trust comp. Heb. xi. I ecrriv de maris...
rrpaypdrcDV

stretched
us.

arm from them that hate Give peace to us and to all the

For

6pa>p,evois

ekeyxps ov (3Xe7rop.evcov. Hilgenfeld has e'peo-

inhabitants of the earth, as gavest to our fathers when

called
1.

Thou
they

/xevois;

lowed

Harnack and Gebhardt (folby Lipsius Jen. Lit. Jan.

read
o-co^op-evois,

upon Thee'.
2v
ttjv

13, 1877)

the latter
copicrI.

devaov k.t.X.]

The main

having previously conjectured

fievoi?

part of this sentence is borrowed in Aftost. Const, viii. 22 (quoted above

{Zeitschr. f. Kirchengesch.
;

on 59 rbv Wisd. vii. 17

t)id

Comp. dpiOfxov k.t.X.). eiSerat o~vo~rao-iv Koo-p-ov

k.x.X.]
i.e.

kcu ivipyeiav o-xoi^eiW.

tL\v

Zahn proposes 6o-iov[ie'vois (Gott. Gel. Anz. 1876, p. 1417). There is no sufficient reason however for questioning the text. The idea, and
p.

307)

evepyovfxivoiv

in part the language, is taken

from

lx]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
TrapctTTTtofJLaTa Kai TrXyifJLfJLeXeias.
/utj

177
Xoyiarj iracrav
KaOdpiorov

Ta
10

d/uapriav SovXcov crov Kai TraiZiCTKcov,

Y\ixds

dXXa

tov KadapKTfJLOV
rjfjicov

Ttjs (rfjs

dXrjdeias, Kai katcyOynon

ta

AiaBh'mata

cn

ociothti

Kai

$iKaiO(rvvr]

Kai
kai

a7r\oTt]TL

KApAiAC
eNOOTTION

nopeYecGAi
crov

Kai

ttoicTn

ta

kaAa

GYApCTA
15
tjfJLCov,

Kai

evo37Tiov

twv

dp^ovTiov
coy
TJ/uds
I

vat,
eic

oeo"7TOTa,

eni(J)ANON

to

npdcoonoN

ecp'

HM,ac

ataGa eV
et

elp/jprj,

eh to
is

o~K67racr6i]vai
clue to

th
have

in jnstitia

in simplicitate.

The omission

homceoteleuton.

not inserted the prepositions, because it is a common practice of S to repeat 16 iv eiprjvr]] them, where they are not repeated in the Greek ; see I. p. 137.

pads S

but this

letter (1 for

is probably due to an error of Syriac transcription, since a single 1) would make the difference.

Wisd.
ovk

xni.

I,

K tcov opcoptevcov

dyaBwv

Ps. xxxvi (xxxvii). 23, Prov. xx. 24.

L(T)(V(rav eldivat

tov bvra ovTe rots

The word
enced by
12.
o~v

8iafiijp,aTa, 'steps', is rare,

epyois 7rpoar)(6i>Ts iiriyvoiaav tov re)(The language in the latter virrjv.

except in the
it.

LXX and

writers influ-

part of the sentence is suggested by Ecclus. ii. IO sq tls iveiria-Tevcre

Kvpia)
pa>v
kci\

iv 6crioTr]TL k.t.X.]

idv 7ropevBfjs

i Kings ix. 4 ivcomov ipov, KaBa>$

Kai

K.a.T7](TxyvQri ;...8ioti

oiKTipdcfilr/cnv

inopevBr) Aavelft, iv oaiOTijTi Kapdlas.

13.

iXej]p.<DV o

Kvpios, Kai

noulv

k.t.X.]

Deut.

xiii.

18

dp.apTias.
7.

noieTv to KaXov Kai to dpecrTov ivavrlov

iXefjpov k.t.X.]

very frequent

Kvpiov tov Qeov

xii.

crov

comp.

ib. vi.

18,

combination of epithets in the LXX. 10. K.a6apio-ov~\ This is perhaps the simplest emendation of KaBapeh, the reading of the MS, which cannot stand KaBdpiaov having been written Kciddpeicrov, and the two last letters having dropped out. Otherwise we might read KaBdpys. Bryennios, Hilgenfeld, and Gebhardt tacitly retain
;

25, 28, xxi. 9.

I
:

15. iwicpavov] Ps. lxvi (lxvii). iTTKpavai to TTpoo~a>irov ovtov i(p* yp,ds

comp.
3,

7,

(xxxi). 18, lxxix (lxxx). So also 19, cxviii (cxix). 135.

ib.

xxx

Liturg. D. Marc.
viii. 18,

p. 179,

Apost. Const.
Jer.
/jlov

37.
els

16.

dyaOd]
els

See

xxi.

10
rrjv

icrTTjpiKa

to

npoo-coTrov

eVi

KaOapds.

For the expression comp.

18
K.a9apio~p.(0

7t6Xiv...ovk
ix. 4, Jer.

dyaBd;

comp.
els

Amos
9, etc.

Num.
11.

xiv.

ov

KaBapiel

xxiv. 6.
1.

For

dyaBd see
p.

tov evoxov, quoted by Bryennios.

tt}s

also

Gen.
.

20,

Deut. xxx.

xvii.
k.t.X.;

17

dXrjdeias] dyiao-ov avTovs ev

afjs

See John
ttj

Comp. Liturg. D. Jacob,

pvrjcrOrjTL.

44

dXrjBeia

comp.
to.

xv.

3.

.navTcov els dyadov. o-Keivao-6rivai\ For this connexion of

KdTevdvvov
KarevBvve
(cxix).

k.t.X.]

Ps. xxxix
p.ov,

(xl).

iafi-qp.a.Ta

3 CXviii

133 Ta

ta(3rjp.aTd fxov

KaTevBv-

comp. Is. Ii. 16 vno ttjv x eiP s uov o-KeTrdcra) ere (comp. Wisd. v. 17, xix. 8), Deut.
o-Kendeiv
crKiav
tt)s
i

The phrase vov koto, to Xdyidv aov. KaTevBvveiv to. diaftrfpiaTa Occurs also

xxxin.

27

aKendaei
:

cre...v7ro

ftpaxiovcov devdoov

and

lo~xvv for the anti-

CLEM.

II.

12

78

THE EPISTLE OF
COY
TCp

S.

CLEMENT
CCTTO
KCLl
Sos,

[lx

X eipi

TH

KpATAlA

KCLl

pvcdfjvai
TO)

7Ta<Tt]S

CtfJLCtp-

Tias
airo

BpAXIONI

COY

YYHAoV
ClSlKtOS.

pVGCLl
OfJLOVOlCLV

fj/XttS

TtCV

jULKTOVUTCOV

i]fJL(XS

KCtl

elpr]vr]v

rj/uuv

te

kcci

iraciv

to?s

KaroiKOvaiv

ty\v ytju,
(re 5

KCtdtOS

eStOKCCS

TO??

TTarpCKTlV

ij/ULCOV,

6TTIKAAOYMeNO)N

avTiov

oo-icos cn hictci kai

v7Tf]KOOv<s

yivo/uievous

aAhGcia, [cocrre (rco^ecrdai j/xas] tco iravTOKpctTOpi Kai iravaperco

6 oo-tws] S ; om. C. This use of the adverb is characteristic of Clement ; otherwore aui'eadat. wise I should have hesitated to introduce it on such authority.
rinas]
etc.,

om.

CS

see below.

S renders

et

in veritate oboedkntes fuertmt nomitti tuo

thus connecting eu XkijOda with the following clause. 7 iravroin S, but this does not imply nparopi kclI iravapeTcp] The words are transposed

thetical x l P l KpaTaia, fipaxiovi vyjrfka, Exod. vi. i, Deut. iv. 34, v. 15, vn.
26, xi. 2, xxvi. 8, Jer. xxxix (xxxii). 21, Ezek. xx. 2>3-> 3419,
ix.

iniKaXovpiv

{Jen. Lit. Jan. 13, 1877) would insert ere pvcrai tovs before iv
TravTOKpaTopi\

TVIO-TCL K.T.A.

So Hernias

Vis.

iii.

3.

T(OV

ptCTOVVTCOV
i.

K.T.A.]

Comp.
quoted

T(o

Justin. Apol.
pao-ovvras

14

(p.

61) tovs ddUcos

pypari tov TvavTOKpaTopos Kai ivAt first it had ocdotjov ovoparos.

TreiOeiv

Treipcopevoi,

by Harnack.
5.

emicaXoviievav

k.t.A.]

Ps. cxliv

curred to me to read navTOKpaTopiKq), as it occurred to Gebhardt, and as Hilgenfeld actually reads; comp. 8
tco

avrov (cxlv). 8 nacrL rols iniKaXovpevois For iv niarei Kai akyOeiq iv akyOeia.

navTOKpaTopiKGi

/3oiAr//xaTt

avrov.

The

comp.
7.

Tim.

ii.

7.

This might be a loose accusative, referring to

vttt]k6ovs
k.t.A.]

expression TravroKparopLKov ovop,a occurs in Macar. Magn. Apoc?'. iv. 30 The omission of -k<u before (p. 225).

the datives ypuv re

ko.\

tvcktlv k.t.A.;

comp. Ephes.
nvevpa
tovs
o~o(pias

i.

17,

18

bay

vpiv

Ka\ would be easily explained, especially as the archetypal MS is shown to have been mutilated in this

7re(p(OTLapivovs
k.t.A.,

6cp6a\[jLovs

Acts xxvi. 3
arc

eVi crov piXkcov ar]pepov arrokoyeitrdtu,

p,aXio~ra

yvcoaryv ovra

xxxiii.

k.t.A.,

and
lxiii.

see

Winer

p.

290,

pp. 709 sq, 716, Kiihner II. p. 667 sq. But a double transition, narpao-iv,
i7riKa\ovpevG>v,

neighbourhood. But the parallel passage from Hermas quite justifies the reading of the MS. In the LXX iravroKpaTwp seems to be always applied directly to God either as an epithet of Qebs or Kvpios, or independently;

very harsh

yevopivovs, would be and for reasons which

(1.

are stated in the introduction 145 sq), I cannot doubt that

p.

some

words have dropped out, such as I have inserted. Bryennios supplies Gebhardt reads kcu awaov ypas and Hilgenfeld yevopevois vnynoots alters the whole sentence. Lipsius
;

and so in Clement himself, inscr., 2, But the sense of to ovopa, as 32. almost an equivalent to 6 Qeis (see [Clem. Rom.] ii. 13, and the note on Ign. Ephes. 3), explains the exceptional usage here and in Hermas. navapirco k.t.A.] For this expression comp. 45, and for the word navdpetos the note
8.

on

1.

rols

Te

apxovcriv

k.t.A.]

The

LXl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
o-ov,

179
rj/uwv

6vop.ari

roTs

re

apxovffiv

Kai

fjyov/uevois

ewi Trjs yrjs.

10

LXI.

Cv, SecnroTa, eScoKas

Sid

(TiXeias ccvtoTs

TOV KpCLTOVS
(rod

(TOV,

e^ovciav rfjs (3atov /uiya\o7rpe7rovs Kai dveicSiriyrj6*9 TO yiVWCTKOVTaS Tf]V V7TO tj/Uias

ty\v

avroh

Sedo^evrju

So^av kcu

ri/ur)u

v7roTao~creo-6ai

avToh,

fxti$ev

evavTiov/uevovs rco 6e\t]juari o~ov

p. 137.

oh

Sos,
if

Greek text: see above, I. any hrrlw, K")p* (see 3). But a single
different

Also iravapiTuj

is

translated as

letter

would make the

difference,

&H1TB
2, 45,

excelknti.

57);
irav-

Elsewhere hl2 "IJTB is the translation of vavdperos (see and the translator might here consider himself excused from the which occurs in both words. See also on
iravayly above, 58.
i
;

1,

repetition of

re]

8 rots
des S.

K ai

roh

S.

10
I

<!5u,Kas]

add.

illis

S.

4 dos]

precamur ut

punctuation, which

have adopted,
Hort.
It

was suggested
accords with

to

me by

Thy
art

favour.

able to do

this

Thou, who alone and far more

evapeaTa evcomov aov

the preceding words kol\ evumiov rcov

;

apXovTav
;

it rjiitov disposes of the superfluous avroh (see however 21, and it throws 2v into its note) proper position of prominence e.g.
;

than this, we praise Thee through our High-priest Jesus Christ, through whom be glory unto Thee for ever'.
10. ttjs fiacriXeias] 'of the sovereignty i.e. 'of the secular power'. For the genitive comp. Dan. xi. 20
1 ,

60 2v

rr)v

aevaov

k.t.X.

and

6l

7rpciacrcov

just

2v yap, SeWora k.t.X. See Athenag. Suppl. I evVe/3eVrara

below,
kci\

kcv

eV

bo^av (3acri\(ias, id. 21 avTov dogav (SaaiXelas.

e8u>-

The

fiacriXeia is

diGKeipevovs kcu diKatorara rrpos re to

Oelov
rrjv

vfierepav

(BaaiXeiav
i.

comp. Theoph. ad Antol.

11,

who

the secular as contrasted with the spiritual power; and, as such, it is frequently opposed to
lepaxrvvrj, e.g.

quotes Prov. xxiv. 21 Tiua, vie, Qeov Ka\ ftacriXea k.t.X. The previous editors have all connected the words to7s re apxovo-iv k.t.X. with the following sentence, as apparently does C. LXI. 'To our earthly rulers, O Lord, Thou hast given the power, that we may render them due obedience in entire submission to Thy will. Therefore grant them health,
peace,
stability.

Apost. Const,

ii.

34

Scrco

Y VXV
o-vvr]

v(tip.aTos KptiTTGiv, TocrovToa

tepco-

ftao-iXeLos

(comp.
21.

vi.

2),

Test.

Dnod. Patr. Jud.

13.

VTTOTaacrecTdai

civtoIs

k. t.

X.]

bee

Pet.

11.

13, 15

vnoTciyrjTe

7racrr]

dvOpconivr] KTicrei ha tov Kvpiov...oTt ovtcos io-Tiv to OeXrjua tov

Qeov;
av-

comp. Rom.
rfj

xiii.

6 avTiTacrcrSfievos

e'govaia

tt}

tov

Qeov diaTayfj

deCTTTJKev.

For

Thou,

Sovereign of heaven and King of

Eternity, givest honour to the sons of men

upon

and authority earth. So

dos k.t.X.] In accordance with 14. the Apostolic injunctions, Rom. xiii.
1

sq,

Tit.

iii.

1,

Pet.

ii.

13 sq

guide their counsels, that they may administer well the power thus entrusted to them, and may obtain

comp. Wisd. vi. 1 sq. See also Polyc. Phil. 12. For other passages in
early

Christian
for

writers

relating
rulers,

to

prayers

temporal

12

see

i8o
Kvpie,

THE EPISTLE OF
vyieiav,
eiprjvtiv,

S.

CLEMENT
evcrTadeiav,
eis

[lxi

dfiovoiav,

to

hieireiv ccvtovs ty\v

ctTrpocrKOTrods.

vtto

gov

Sedo/ueurju

avTofc tjyefiAOViav
(SacriKev

gv ydp,

^ecrTrora

eirovpdvie,

twv

aidvoiv, SiScos toIs viols toov dvdpcoircov

kcli

So^av Kai
GV,
5

Tifjiriv

e^ovGiav tcov

67rl

Ttjs yrjs VTTCtpyOVTltiV

avTtov kcltcc to kclXov k<xi Kvpie, Zievdvvov tvjv /3ov\i)v hieirovTes ev elprjvri Kai evdpeo-TOv evwitlov gov, ottws
vtto 7rpa'vTt]Ti evGeflcos Tt]v

gov

clvtoTs <$6$o[Xvr]v e^ov-

Giav

'iXeco

gov Tvy-^dvoiGiv.

6 {jlovos Svvcxtos irotiJGai

jULeff

Tctvra Kai wepiGGOTepa

9
i'Xew
<

dyada

io rnuwv, col e^o^o-

viously a paraphrase. The clause is translated in S

aov Tvyx& v J*<ri-v'\ tranquille compotes fiant auxilii quod {est) a te S, ob16 Kai] S ; om. C. 13 yevedv] C ; yevehi S.
et de iis (rebus) scilicet (JVD) quae in ea (religione), excellentiae qui volunt dirigere vitam (conversatione?n)
l
i

quae maxime

?itiles stint illis

et pietatis et juste, as if

evdpeT0P...8ievdwiv.

At

the translator had read rCov u>0eXi uwTaTwi> 5?) (?) iv avrfi all events he must have had a text which a corrector
els,

had emended by

striking out or altering

so as to govern

fiiov

by

dievdvveiv

Bingham Ant.

xiii.

10.

5,

Harnack

Qebs

toov aloovcov.
is

Here the Eternal

tcov

Chris tl. Gemeindegottesd. p. 218 sq (Justin Martyr), p. 378 sq (Tertullian).

King
alcovcov

tacitly contrasted with the

temporary kings, the fiaaiXevs

with the
/3ao-iXeis

The

Apologists naturally lay stress on the practice, as an answer to the charge of sedition.
l l

tov

alcovos

tovtov (comp. Ign.

6.

Rom.

6).

I.

evardOeiav]

stability',

tra?i-

8lv6wov] As above 20. Otherwise it is not a common word, and

qiiillity\

comp.

65.

The word may

'

mean

'firmness, steadiness' as a moral quality, or stability' as a

either

does not apparently occur at the LXX or N.T.

10.
7roifj(Tai

all in

jue#'

TJpcov]

As Luke

i.

72

material result.
xiv.

The
:

be intended here
6 ovk a>vTes
0ias

seems to comp. 2 Mace,

latter

ib. x.

eXcos p.Ta tcov naTepcov 77/j.coj/, 37, and so probably Acts xiv. 27,
;

ttjv

(SaaiXeiav cvara-

xv. 4

comp.

Ps.

cxviii

rvxew, Wisd. vi. 26 fiaaiXevs (ppovip.09 evardOeia dtjpov.

XprjcrTOTrjTa 7roir)o~as p.era It is the Hebraism aov.

11.

(cxix). 65 tov oovXov

'without stumbling', 'without any jar or collision* as 20 rr/v XeiTovpyiav avrcov dnpoa3.

airpocrKoTrois]
'

dpxiep(G>s k.t.X.]

UV HL^y. See the note

on

36.
12.
rj

KO7TC0S

emTeXovaiP.

20.

The phrase filaaiXev Tutv alcSvoov] occurs only 1 Tim. i. 17 in the N.T., and as a v.l. in Rev. xv. 3; but it is found in the LXX, Tobit xiii. 6, 10
;

k.t.X.] See the note on a favourite form of doxology in Clement.

o6a

It is

13.

cts

yeveav

yevecov]

i.e.

'

the

see

also

Liturg.

D.

Jac.

p.

40.

the generation which comprises as Ps. ci (cii). 24 iv generations' yevea yevecov to. ctt] aov comp. Ephes.
all
;
'.

Comp.

35 "narrjp tcov alcovcov, 55

iii.

21 tov alcovos Toiv

alcovcov.

This

is

LXIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Sid

181
tlov

XoyovfieOa
ylrvx">v
t)

tov

dp-^iepeco^

teal

7rpoa-rdrov
ctol
y\

nixusv

'hja-ov

Xpiarov, Si ov
kcli

$6a
kcli

Kal

^.eyaXcocrvvri

Kal vvv
alcoucou.

eis

yevedv yevecov

ek

tous altovas toov

15

d/u/ju.

LXIL

flepl ixev

rwu dvrjKovrwv

rrj 6pt](TKeia rj/uwv,

Kal tlov oocpeXiULoTaToov eU evdperov (Ziov euo-eficos Kal SiKaiws SievOuveiv

[rr]v

roh

6e\ov(riv

Tropeiav

clvt<ov\

iKavws 67reG-reL\ajULev
7ri(rT6(t)s

v/uuv,

Kai
1.

iitTavoias

dvSpes dSe\(boL 7repl yap Kal yvt](rias dydwris Kal ey-

see above,

mTSCl, om. CS
:

i.e.

In the Syriac we should probably read nVTOHSQ for pp. 144, 145. in pietate ( = evcre^Qs) for el pietatis. 17 ttjv wopeiav avrtov] see below. if 19 iyKpareias] NJTPIjy bv super continentia
(as

v-wkp

iyKpareias) S, for another

wept.

preposition (7DD de) has been used before for Perhaps however the insertion of a different preposition is a mere rhetorical
first

device of the translator; or ?V may be an accidental repetition of the of the following word, as the Syriac forms of the letters would suggest.
safely infer a different

syllable

We cannot

Greek

text.

a rare
or

mode

of expression, the
Kal

com-

note there.
tji

moner forms being eh

eh yeveav

yeveas yeveav

dprjaKeia

f}p.a>v\

Comp.

yeveav,

which are
said

OprjaKevovTcov

rr/v

peyakoTTpenrj

45 t<ov Kal

quite different in meaning.

LXIL

'Enough has been

This evbo^ov OprjaKeiav tov v^littov. passage explains the force of the

by us however concerning the things pertaining to our religion and necessary for a virtuous life. For we have left no point untouched concerning faith and repentance and the like,
reminding you that ye ought in all righteousness to pay your thanksgiving to God, living in harmony and peace and love like as our fathers behaved with all humility towards God and towards all men. And we have done this with the more pleasure, because we knew that we were speaking to faithful men,
;

words here that befit men who serve the one true God'. 16. ivaperov] See the note on Ign.
'
:

Philad.
17.

1.

btev6vveiv\

The
;

MS

is

ob-

viously defective here

supply

some

such

and we must words as t^v

to.

Tropeiav avTfov (see 48), or

diafii]-

p.ara ( 60), or

nios

tt)v

perhaps with BryenSee (iovkrjv avTwv ( 61).

1.

the introduction,
18.

p.

145 sq.

Bryennios has called attention to the similarity of language used by Irenaeus, when
describing this epistle,
tovtov
ovv
iii.

iKavaJs eTrea-reiXapev]

who had made a

God's oracles'.
15.
rcoi/

diligent study of

3.

3 eVi

avrfKovTfov]
;

as in 35

see
It

With a dative the note on Ign.

K\r]pevros, crTaaeios ovk okiyrjs Toh iv Koplvda yevopevrjs ddeXcpoh, in evTeiXev rj iv Pcoprj ckK.\r)crLa

tov

Philad.

1.

struction, dvrjKeiv eh, 45.

has a different conSee the

iKav(>Ta.Tt)v ypaqt>rjv

Toh Ko-

pivdiois.

182

THE EPISTLE OF
teal

S.

CLEMENT

[lxii

KpaTeias
Kal

o (t)(f>po(ruvris Kal
m

virofjiovf]^

nravTa tottov

e\jsri\a(prj(raiuLev,
cruvt]

v7rofMjJivr\crKOVT6s

helv

v^as ev SiKaionravTOKpaTopi
ev
5

dXfidela

Kal

jJiaKpodvfJLia

tw

Qew
ol

oo-iws

evapeareiv,

dfJLOVoovvras

d^vrjcriKaKw^

dya7rri ical

7rpoSedr]\a)iuevoL
tcl

eKrevovs 7rieiK6ias, Kadcos Kai elpr\vn fierd vraTepes rifxwv evrjpeo'Tf]crav Taireivo7rpos

(ppovovpTes
1

tov Trarepa Kai Qeov Kat ktktThe

S.

tottov]

add. scripturae S.
41.
/cat)

same confusion above,

5

Kadus Kal] tcaOus (om.

{debv iray kt'ktttjv
is
?)

see the 4 evapearetv] S ; evxapwrelv C reading of S was anticipated by Hilg. and Gebh. creatorem 7 Qebv Kal ktlo-ttjv] universi
:

deum

comp.
rjdiov]

19.
1.

8 7rpos] S

om. C.

The

authority

of S in such a case

valueless in itself (see

p. 137), but the preposition

seems to
text

be required here.
has translated
I.
it

rj

5i

c5j/

S,

which translates the

translator has

clause, et haec

tanto sint (erunt) per ea quae

momumus.

The

had a corrupt
kirzihr]

and

word

for

word, regardless of sense.

'

aa<pus ydeipev

ndvra tottov
topic*

k.t.X.]
;

we have

schisms,

who

are bidden to harbour

handled every

Bryennios adds by way of explanation, pdXio-Ta be twv

dyiwv ypacpcov, thus taking iravTa tottov to mean 'every passage'; and so it is rendered in the Syriac VerIn this sion, 'place of Scripture'.

no grudge.
5. pTa eKTevovs k.t.X.] See the note on 58, where the same ex-

pression occurs.
6.

01

TrpoftedrjXoopevoi,

k.t.A.]

See
eboBrj

17, 18, 19;

\fj

comp. also

30

sense t6tto$ occurs above in the expression ev iTepa tottco, 8, 29, 46. But this meaning does not seem at all natural here, where the word is

papTvpia] toIs Trarpdo'Lv r)pwv toIs

8i.Ka.iois,

and

31

an

ap-(fjs

yevopeva'

dvaTvXitjopev to. t'lvos X a P lv r]^~

\oyrj6rj

used absolutely. For tottos a topic, argument', comp. e.g. Epict. Diss.
1.

'

For

6 naTr/p r)pwv *A(Spadp; k.t.X. this use of TraTepes in speaking

7.

TTlO~K^lftV
11.

TlVa
Ij
.

7TOir}T60V
1

TG>V

TOTTOiV TOVTCOV,
KTTovr)o~ri...Tbv

OTOV TOVTOV

of Jewish worthies, see the note on 410. eXXoyi/xcorarois] See the note

tottov,

and see other

For
-\rrfKa(pav

on

references in Schweighaeuser's index

to

comp.
4.

Epictetus, s. v. e.g. Polyb.

evapeo-Telv]

58 eXXoyipos. eyKeKvCpoaiv] Comp. 53 KaXa>s eTrio-Tao~de Tas Upas ypa0ay, dyaTrrjToi,

to. Xoyia tov Qeov, with the note. For the word eyKinrtciv see the note on 40.

viii.

18.

4 ndaav

Kal iyKKv(paT els

iirivoiav etyr]\a<pa.

Doubtless the corit

rect reading, as

explains the sub-

LXII I.
regard so
to

sequent

eur/peo-r^crai/.

For another
the authorities,
2 dp.vrio~iKa.KOi

'We ought therefore to many great examples, and

example of the confusion of evapeareu; evxapio~Telv, in see 41.

dpvr)aLKCLK(A>s]

bow

the neck in submission; that

See

laying aside all strife we may reach our destined goal. Ye will make us happy indeed, if ye obey and

This word involves (with the note). an appeal to the sufferers from the

cease from your dissensions in accordance with our exhortation to

LXIIl]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
K.CLL

183
TCtVTa TO&OVTU)
t

TY]V KCtl 7TpOS ttclvtcls dvdpco7rous.

rjSiov
v7refjivt]crafJLev 9

eireihri

10

f)fJLas

dvhpdo~iv

7ri(TTo7s

Kai
Trjs

ypa<peiv Kai e'7/ceeWoyijULcoTarois

cracpws
irai^eias
ecrriv

fjdeL/uev

tol Kvcpoo'iv eis

Xoyia
m

tov Qeov.
toloutois
virodeivai

LXIIL
toctovtois

QejuiTov

ovv

toTs

Kai

v7roSeiy/uLaa iv

TrpoveXdovTas

tov

Tpa^rjXov kol tov

ypd<peiv]
iireidr]

Trjs u7rctKof]S
est iis ;

tottov ava7rX?ipa)cravTas
enim
(p-ev)

quia

scilicet
fj'

manifeste
efiei)

oportuit

ut scriberemus S,

i.e.

aacpus

rather a false
facility

yap ypdcpeiv k.t.X. Again a corrupt reading, or For the division of the words, has been translated almost verbatim.
5e? (or
jxkv

10 eWoyL/AWT&Tois] doctis S.

with which yap might be omitted or inserted before ypdcpw, see Ign. Rom. 7. 13 virodeivai tov rp&xv^ov] inclinemus collum
et
it/is

nostrum
clinemur
all

14 avair\7)pibo-avTas...iip.G>v~\ implentes insubjiciamus nos S. qui sunt duces animarum nostrarum S ; dvaTrX-qptoaai C, omitting
:

the other words

see the lower note.

peace.
ful

And we have men who have

sent to you faithlived among us

Ecclus.
'

vi.
;

26

6 TjpooreXOwv avrfj (i.e.

(f)6j3(p

rfj o-o<plq)

Trpoo~ipxeo~6ai

Kvpiov

unblameably from youth to old age, to be witnesses between us and you. This we have done, to show you how great is our anxiety that peace

to give

heed

to the fear of the Lord',

i.

LXX

Ecclus.

30

Tvpoaipxeo-Qat

pLrj-

dev\ tcov dprjp.vcov

Philo de Gig. 9

(i.

p. 267)
c.

Trpoo-epxeo-Qai

tm

Xoyco, Orig.

may
you
'.

be

speedily

restored

among
word

12.

QefMirbv]

The use

of this

These senses are Cels. iii. 48. derived ultimately from the idea of 'approaching a person as a disciple'; e.g. Xen.
vnoQelvai

seems
ii.

to

be extremely

rare, except

Mem.

i.

2.

47
'

oWep
submit
'

with a negative, ov Bepurov (e.g. Tobit

13) or aOepnTov (see below). TOIS TOIOVTOIS K.T.A.] 46 ToLOVTOlS ovv V7rodeiyp:a(Tiv KoXXrjBrjvai Kai r)p.as
del k.t.X.

evK(v <a\ ScoKpdrei irpoQrrfXOov.

tov
i.

Tpax^ov]
'

your
vp.a>v

neck \
vnodeTe
25),

e.
Ii.

to

the
tov

yoke

comp. Ecclus.
24,

26

TpdxqXov
lb. vi.
1.

For

tolovtois kol tcktovtois

virb

comp.
1

19.
'

Epictet.

Cvyov (comp. Diss. iv.

801/Xov,

77

to,

3. Trpoo-eXOovras] having acceded attended to, assented to, studied \

;

napeScoKas tov Tpdxrp\ov.

aavTov

vTreOijKas

So too Acts
Tpdx^ov.

XV.

IO

as in 33

comp.

Tim.
p\r)

vi.

ei'

entOelvai vybv enl tov

The

tls erepoStSao-KaXet Kai

npoaepxerai So we find npoavyiaivovcriv Xoyois. ipXevdai apery 'to apply oneself to 16 virtue', Philo de Migr. Abr.
(i.

expression is used in a different sense in Rom. xvi. 4 vwep Trjs i/vxys puov tov eavTcov Tpax^^ov vnedrjKav,

where

it

means

'laid their

neck on

p.

449)

irpoo~epxeo~6ai rois vop.ois

'to
'

study the

laws',

Diod.

i.

95

the block', not 'pledged their lives', as Wetstein and others take it.
'

irpoaepxecrdai rrj arofpia, t[] cpiXocroCpta, to become a follower of wisdom, of

14.

tottov a.vankr)pcoaavTas]
*

to oc-

philosophy',
(p.
2),
iii.

Philostr.

Vit.

18

(p.

50),

Ap. i. 2 comp. LXX

cupy the place\ fulfil the function''; comp. 1 Cor. xiv. 16 6 dvaTTXrjpav where the 18 koto u, tov tottov tov

84

THE EPISTLE OF
toTs

S.

CLEMENT
dp^yol^ twv
CTaceco^

[lxiii

7rpo&K\idrivai

virdpyova'iv

\jsvxwv
kiri

rifjLwv, OTTOds rjcrvxacravTes Trjs jULotTaias

tov

7rpOKeijJL6vov rifjuv ev d\rj6ela (tkottov

Sr^a iravTos
r\\xiv

\u>\aov

KaTavTrjcrco/ULev

yapav yap

kclI

dyaWtao'Lv
v(j)

irape5

^T6, edv virr\KOOi yevofJievoi toIs

rj/ucov

yey pa jUL^evois
dde/uiTOV tov
e7roir]cra^.e6a

Sia tov dyiov irvevfJLaTOS eKKO^rjre

ty\v
r\v

fyXovs

v/ulwv 6pyr]v
teal

/cara Trjv evTev^iv

7Tpl eiprivris

o/uovoias ev Ttjde ty\ eTriCTo\r\.

tranquilli
S.

'&7T/x-

i ^cruxaVavres] quiescentes et

3 pwpov] add. et scandalo S.

4 ayaX\la<ju>] add.

magnam

S.

5 yeypa/xpevocs]

add. vobis S.
is

7 tvTtv%t.v\

choice of this elaborate expression is probably a studied paradox to bring out the honourable character of a private station; tokos denoting
official

WBJ1 WQm
translation

Syriac

prVJVNT ])irb pim For piru I cannot

think of any word so probable as 7rpoo-K\i0i]vai, since p"i is a common

of nXiveiv, and in 21 XDN1 XniJ^"); though trpocrKXivco~6aL, 7rp6o-KXio~is, are
npoo-KXio-eLs is rendered

position or dignity (see above,

i),

40,

and the note on Ign. Polyc.

ldia>TT]s

while
this.

implies the opposite of

So too here the object may be to enhance the important fmiction of obedience. See Clem. Horn. iii. OO top epbv avairKripovvTa T07rov, and
comp. Joseph. B. J.
tov
v. 2.
5

47, 50, Acts v. 36,

rendered otherwise, but variously, in 1 Tim. v. 21. On

the other

hand

wnmD

'ductores'
It

might be variously rendered.

32, 37 in a

most
1,

crrparico-

commonly represents 6 qyovfievos(

;

tci^lv airoTTkrjpovvTa.

I. These npocncXtOfjvai k.t.A.] words are wanting in the Greek MS, and I have restored them by retranslation from the Syriac see
:

the critical note.

The

true partisan-

ship is here tacitly contrasted with the false; the rightful leaders with the wrongful. The language is ex-

double rendering, 55, Heb. xiii. 7, 17, 24) but elsewhere r/yepav, Ka6rjyr]TT]s, odrjyos, etc., even (SovXevTrjs. I have given dpxqyos, because it brings out the contrast which Clement seems to have had in his mind. In 14, 51, however, dpxqyos is rendered otherwise, N^n, lOIP*^ and so

commonly.
2.
i.

plained by what has gone before; 14 pvaepov ij\ovs dpxqyols eaKoXovdelv, 5 1 (iceivoL olrives dpx^yol
ttjs

o-raVecos]

Comp. Clem. Horn.

o~Tao-G)S

kol

aav, 47 Sta to

dixoo-Taaias eyevrjdrj/cat rore npoaKXicreis

vpds

TreTTOLrjcrOaL ... Tvpoo-eKkiOrjTe

yap

4 faiv TotovTcov Xoyiapwv qo~vxdeiv. This construction follows the analogy of verbs denoting cessation, etc. It is un(see Kiihner II. p. 341 sq). necessary therefore to read rjavxao-do-i]s,

k.t.X.,

lva * v dydnr} tvpedcopev di^a

a/xco/xot

as

Gebhardt suggests.

npoaKXiaecos dvdpconivqs
2
1

(comp.

3.

CTKOTVOv]

Comp.

6TTI

TOV

TTJS

pr) kcito. 7rpoo~Khicris).

The com-

7rL(TTeG)s fiifiaiov bpop.ov KCiTavTr/aoopfv,

mand

to

choose the right partisan-

and

19 enavadpapcopev
ijp.lv ttjs

iirl

top i dpxqs

ships here has

a parallel in 45 (piXoveinoi eo~T...7rep\ twv dvrjKovTcov the note). The els a(OTt]piav (see

napa$ebop.vov
ter's

elprjvrjs

aKonov,

which explains the idea

in the wri-

mind

here.

The expression

LXIV]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Se

l8 5

Kal dvSpas ttkttovs Kal (rco(ppoi/a^, diro veo10 TtjTOs dva<rTpa(p6VTas ews yrjpovs a/xe/UTTTws iv t)pLiv 9
y^afjiev
o'lTives

Kal /udprvpes kcrovTai /ueTa^v

Se
e7roiYi<rafjLev

v/ulcov

Kal

r\jJL(av*

tovto

\va

elSfjre

bri
eV

Tracra

r\ixiv

(ppovTh Kal yeyovev Kal ecrTiv ek to

elprtvevarai,
15

Ta^et

v/mas

LXIY.
twv

Aolttov 6 7ravT67T07rTris Geo? Kal Se<T7roT^9

irvevfJiaTwv Kal
et

Kvpiov Traaris aapKOS, 6 e/cAe^a9 5e

/cat]

supplicationem
rives Kal]

exhortationem S(om.
/cat)

5e

(om.

/cat)

C.

n
i.

o'i-

S;

otrives

C.

15 Aolttov]
10.

C;

..lttov

A;

Xoarbv 8e S.

itself is
xii.
I

perhaps suggested by Heb.

yrjpovs]

Tpe^oifxev

dy&va.

For
i

tov TrpoKeipevov r]plv vkottov comp. Phil. iii. 14.

defect*:

(the correct reading),

So Luke and
xiv.

36

yrjpei

in several

passages in the lxx,

14 yrjpei, 1 Ecclus. viii.

e.g. Ps. xci (xcii).

li(6fj.ov]

fault,

see

the

Kings
6, etc.,

yrjpovs,

note on pozpoo-KOTrqdev 41.

lation of

In the

with more or less

Old Testament it is always a transDID 'a blemish'. a P^ v k-t.A.] As in Luke 4. 14 x

i.

agreement
also

in the principal
iii.

MSS; so

Clem. Horn.

43.

On

this

(comp. Matt.
also

v.

12,

Rev.

xix. 7);

see

Mart. Polyc. 18. nation of words \apd

6.

This combikcu

form see Winer Gramm. ix. p. y^ sq, Steph. Thes. s. v., ed. Hase. Our MS has also yrjpei above in 10, where A
reads
all

ayaWlacris

yrjpa. '
'

does not occur in the lxx.

dia tov
dy'iov

LXIV.
See
di

Finally,

may
flesh,

the

the note on
rjfxoov

TrvevpaTos] 59 toIs vtt avrov

this

spirits

and

all

God of who hath

chosen us
all

elpr/pivois.

Harnack takes these

does

words with eK/cm^re, but

not seem so natural.
dOe/juTov]

in Christ Jesus, grant us graces through Christ, our Highpriest, through whom be glory and

honour
15.
ttov,

Acts x. 28, 1 Pet. iv. 3; and so too 2 Mace. vi. 5, vii. 1, x. 34. 7. ^'Xot/s] See the note on 4. evrev^iv] This should probably be explained of the 'appeal' to the Corinthians themselves see the note on
;

to Him. Amen.' Aombv] For Xolttov or to Xotwith which S. Paul frequently

ushers in the close of his epistles, see Philippians iii. 1. The happy conjecture of Vansittart which I

adopted

in

my

first

edition

is

con-

[Clem. Rom.] ii. 19. It might however refer to the foregoing 'prayer' to God for concord comp. e.g. 1 Tim. ii. 1, iv. 5, Herm. Aland, x. 2. 9. tivdpas] Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito, whose names are given
;

firmed by our
7ravTe7r67TTrjs]

new

authorities.

See the note on 55. Qebs.-.Tcov 7rvevp,aT(tiv k.t.X.] Num. xxvii. 1 6 Kvpios 6 Qebs twv nvevpaTajv
kcu irdo-qs a-apKos

(comp.

xvi. 22)

see

also
tcov,

Heb.
Rev.

xii.

rco TrciTpl tg>v nvevpid-

below,
of the

65.

For the

light

which
in-

xxii.

6 Kvpios

Qebs twv

this notice

throws on the early history

see the
;

TTVCVpClTOdV
16.

TWV

TjpoCprjTWV.

Roman Church
I.

troduction,

27 sq bearing on the date, see

and
I.

for its

6 vlos

pov

o e/cXe^a/xews] See Luke ix. 35 6 e/cXeXfy/xeVos (the correct

p. 349.

reading,

though

there

are

vv.

11.

i86
juevov
ets

THE EPISTLE OF

S.

CLEMENT
r)fjLas

[lxiv
Si

top Kvpiov 'Irjcrouv XpidTov kcll \aov 7repLOua'LOu Swrj 7ra(rri yjsvx*1
y

auTOv

7raceic\riiuevti

to

fJieyaXoTrpeTres kcli
eiprjvrjv,

ayiov ouo/ua avTOv

fxaKpodufiiav,
eis
m

7tl(ttlv,

(pofiov,

v7ro/uiOur]u,

eyKpctTeiav,

kclI
1

(rco(j)pocruvriv,
r///.as]

vapGTt]a
3 peyaXoirpeires

iv
/cat

tw
ay iov]

dyveiav ovo/liccti avrov

sanctum
et deceits
1/71-0-

AS;

i^ets C.

AC;
S.

magnitudine et gloriosum S; see above, 1. p. 137. povf)v\ AC; et timorem et concordiam et amorem et patient iam
(in)

cpbfiov, eiprjvrjv,

4 paxpodv-

piav]

A;

/cat

paKpodvplav CS.
ayvelav S.

eyupdreiav, ayveiav]
5 /cat crw^poffi;^??^]

AC

(but ayvt.au

A);
/cat)

/cat

iyKpdreiav
dj'o/Aart]

/cat

AS

acocppoavvTjv

(om.

C.

AC;
o

add. sancto S.

6 dpxtepews]

AC;

add. magni S.

Soija]

inXeKTos
xxiii.

and

dyanrjTos).

So too Luke
rov

English
(ed. 2).

New

Testament
'

p.

195

sq
in-

35
:

Xpiarbs
1

6
ii.

Qeov

e/c-

XeKTos

comp.

Pet.

sq.

Harnack
2 e/<\e|d-

7nKeK\r]fxeurj]

which

hath

refers to

pevos

Hermes Sim. v. SovXov TLva marbv /cat

voked his name 3

ix. 14, 21, xxii. 16,

cvdpearov

comp. Acts ii. 21, etc. So it is trans-

evTipov,

where the servant entrusted

from Enoch
xl. 5, xlv. 3, 4,

with the vineyard represents Christ.

It is clear
li.

lated actively in the Syriac. Or is it rather, as the perfect tense suggests, ''which is called by his name*"* This
latter

3, liii. 6, lxii. 1,

that 6 enXeKTos

was
the
/cam-

makes

better sense, especially

nepiovo-ios
;

a recognized Messiah.
1.

designation
avrov] Ephes.
rjpds
ev

of

in

connexion with Xabs

rjpas 81

i.

but with this meaning the common constructions in biblical Greek would

eos

e^eXe^aro
2.
els'

avrco

(i.e.

iv

X/jtcrrc5).

be e'c/V tjv (or e'ep' r}) e7TiKKXr]Tai to ovofia avrov (e.g. Acts xv. 17, James
ii.

Xabv Trepiovaiov] Deut. xiv. eeAe'aro Kvpios 6 Geo? crov yeveaOai ere Xaov avraj nepiovcriov ; comp. ib. vii. 6, xxvi. 18, Exod. xix. 5,

7,

and

freq. in the

lxx), or

rrj

em-

/cat

ere

KKkrjfxevr] rco
4.

ovbpari avrov (Is.

xliii. j).

ayvelav Ka\ o~co(ppoo-vvr]v]

Efthes.

So too
ii.

Ign.
5.

10;

comp.

Tit.

Ps.

exxxiv.

4,

Tit.

ii.

14

KaOapiarj

acoeppovas, dyvds.
evapeo-Trjo-iv]

eavTco Xabv

nepiovcriov.

In the

LXX

The word occurs

See

Xabs nepiovaios is a translation of !"l;OD Dy, the expression doubtless

Test, xii Pair. Is. 4. 6. dpxiepecos kcu TTpoaTarov]

is

present to S. Peter's mind when he spoke of Xabs els nepnrolr]o~iv (i Pet. In Mai. iii. 17 n?3D is transii. 9).
lated
els tv

the note on 36 above, where the

expression
7-

expanded.

nepiovo-ios

epm 011)0- iv in the LXX, and by Aquila. As f"l?JD is

'

'peculium', 'opes',
7Tepioi;crios'

("jJD

acquisivit'),
'

would seem to mean acquired over and above', and hence

'specially acquired' with a meaning It similar to the classical e^alperos.

peyaXa>o-vvrf\ See the note on 20, where also these two words occur together in a doxology comp. also 59, where nearly the same combination of words as here is repeated. In Rev. v. 13 we have
t>6a <a\
:

7)

ri/x77

<al

rj

bo^a

/cat

to Kpdros els tovs

alwvas tu>v

alcovcov.
'

was rendered
effectively
'

at

once

literally

and
by

LXV.

We

have sent Claudius

in

the

Latin

Bible

peculiars'.

See

my

Revision of the

Ephebus and Valerius Bito to you. Let them return to us quickly accom-

LXV]

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
tjjULcov

187
'lrj(rou

Bid tov dpxiepecos Kal TrpocrraTOV

Sl

Xpi&TOV'
Tiptri,

ov avTto So^a kcli /ueyaXtocrvvri, KpaTOS, vvv Kal eis TTctVTas tovs aitovas toov aitovcov.

Kal

djurjv.

io'

Tovs Se ctireo'TaXiuieuov^ Kal OvaXepiov BiTtova avv ,<pnfiov

AC;
om.
is

LXV.

d<p'
kcli

tjfULtov

KAavSiov
iv

0opTOwarcp

Traaa 56a S,
/cat.

Kal vvv

S.

which omits the following words /cat peyaXioo-vvrj, Kparos, rifxrj, /cat tl/atj C. 8 iravTas] AC ; tl/xt)] A /cat] om. C. 10 /cat OvaXepiov] AC; Valerium (om. /cat) or et Alerhim S; but this
;

doubtless owing to the accidental omission of a

before

DnSOXI

by a Syrian
is

scribe.

BtVawa]

AC

om.

S.

The punctuation
to the
;

of both

C and S

faulty

here, in separating

names which belong

QopTovvarix)]

same person.

avv Kal]

AC

avv (om. Kal) S.

QovpTovvdru
this

Frutunato S.

panied by Fortunatus, and bear glad tidings of harmony and peace restored among you. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you and with all. Through Him be glory
to

allied names see above, I. In Muratori, 1367 no. 12, it occurs as a woman's name,LONGlNVS.

and

p. 28.

BITONI. VXORI. AMENTO. 10. avv kcu &opTovva.T(p]

position of
/cat

For
iv.

the

God

for ever.'

/cat

comp.

Phil.

3 pera

KXavdiov k.t.X.] These two 9. names, Claudius and Valerius, suggest some connexion with the imas the fifth Caesar perial household with his two predecessors belonged to the Claudian gens and his empress Messalina to the Valerian. Hence it happens that during and after the
;

KXrjfievTos

p. 425).

(quoted by Laurent Hilgenfeld adds from the

'

Assumption
Strom,
XaAe/3.
vi.

of Moses'' Clem. Alex.

15
(p. 806) avv kcu tco clever emendation of

The

fore unnecessary

Davies avv Tata ^oprowaTco is thereand moreover the

;

reign

of

Claudius
find

quently

the

we not unfrenames Claudius

(Claudia) and Valerius (Valeria) in conjunction, referring to slaves or

retainers of the Caesars.
It is not impossible therefore that these two delegates of the Roman Church were among the members of Caesar's
'

testimony of A is now reinforced by one other Greek MS. The form of expression seems to separate Fortunatus from Ephebus and Bito and, if so, he was perhaps not a Roman who accompanied the letter, but a Corinthian from whom Clement was expecting a visit. In this case there
:

household

'

mentioned

and fairly probable some way connected with the palace

in Phil. iv. 22, that they are in

;

no improbability in identifying him with the Fortunatus of 1 Cor.

is

xvi. 17

see the dissertation in Philippiaus p. 169 sq. On this subject see also the

for Fortunatus seems to be mentioned by S. Paul (a.d. 57) as a younger member of the household of Stephanas, and might well be alive
;

introduction,

1.

p.

27 sq.
is

cognomina Ephebus

Of the two not so unhand Bito

less

than

forty

years
It

after,

when

Clement wrote.
very

must be remem-

common.
is

On

the other

rare in Latin, though

commoner

in

Greek
d.

(comp.

Pape-Benseler

bered however, that Fortunatus is a common name. See above, I. p. 29, note 3, p. 62, note 1.
iv dprjvr] k.t.X.]
1

Wbrterb.
Bltojv).

Gricch. Eigeniiainen s.v. For instances in Latin of

Cor. xvi. 11 npoelprjvrj.

wepyj/aTe di avrov iv

88
jULTa

THE EPISTLE OF
daTTOv
evKTalav

S.

CLEMENT.
Trpos
rifJiiv

[lxv
t)p.ds,

elprivf)

%apas ev Tayei dvaTrepL^aTe

Tt)v
Keel e7ri7ro6r]Tt]v

07TW9
teal

eiprivr}V

dfJiovoiav

dirayyeWwo'iv

eU to tw^lov
'

kcli

tjp.ds

^apfjuai irepl Ttjs evcrTaQeias v/uiwv.

x^P

1^

T v Kvpiov
avTOV'
$i

rifjiitiv

lt](Tod

XpiGTOu

pied' vjjlwvS

Kal fxerd

iravToav
St

7ravTa%rj

tcov

KeKXtj/ueuoov

vtto

tou

Qeov Kai
aitovas
I

jueyaXooo'uvri,

avrw So^a, Tijuri, KpctTOS Kai tovs dpovos aidSvios, airo twv aicovcov ets
ov
dfj.r]v.
2 iTrnrodr)Tr)v]

twv

altbvcov.

avairefixpare]

were fixate A.
b/xovoiav
/cat

e-KiirbB^rov C.

elpfyrjv

Kal 6/xovoiav]

AC;

dpr\vr\v S.
;

3 faeayyi'Kkwrw]

supplied above the line but

4 evcTTaOdas] evaradiaa- A.
...airo tCov

prima manu)
S.

7 kolI 8l avrov]

alwvwv]

AC; om.

As

d-wayy eiXwaiu C. AS ; di avrov (om. Kal) C. rifirj the general tendency of S is rather to add than
in the

X being t&xiov] ra%cto A.

(the first

to omit, the omissions in this

neighbourhood (more especially

proper names)

suggest that the translator's copy of the Greek was blurred or mutilated in this part. It must be observed however that the omissions of S, here and above 64, reduce
the doxology to Clement's normal type; comp. e.g. 32, 38, 43, 45, 50. AS ; Kal els C.

els]

For the subscriptions

2.

in our authorities see above,

I.

pp. 117, 122, 131.

p.
'

This form is doubly strange here, as it does not occur in the New Testament, and Clement uses the usual raxiov two lines below. QaTTov however is found in Mart. Ign. 3, 5, Mart. Polyc. 13, in which latter passage Oarrov and rd%iov occur in consecutive sentences Both our MSS agree in as here.
Buttov]

Lobeck Paral.
p.

455 sq, especially

473
4.

sq.

Wisd.

evaradeias] tranquillity* \ comp. On evvi. 26, 2 Mace. xiv. 6.

aradelv see the notes to Ign. Polyc. 4. 6. kol perd navrcop k.t.A.] For a

benediction similarly extended see 1 Cor. i. 2 avu nao-i rols iniKaXovfxevois

rb ovopa
8. is

k.t.X.

reading below.

Oclttov here,

and

raxiov just

dpnvos amvios] This doxology imitated in Mart. Polyc. 21 'It/ct-oO

u>
rj

evKTaiap] cur in the

The word does not OCLXX or New Testament,

in classical Greek.

Xpiarrov

doa,

tl/xt],

peyaXcoavvrj,
els

Opovos alavios, ano yeveds

yeveav.

though

common

eTn7ro6t]TT]v]

As an

adjective

of

dpovos aloovios seems to be thrown in as an after thought, the

Here

comp. Barnab. eirtTrodrJTrj o\jns vpav, where I Hilgenfeld unnecessarily reads emnothree terminations;
77

ascription having
p.eyak(ocrvpr)
is
;

ended with Kal and the idea of alaiPios

prolonged by the thrice repeated

Otjtos.

in the

The feminine does not occur LXX or New Testament. For

instances
of

ala>v<ov, alcovas, ala>v<ov.

For the obligations of the beginning and end of this same document
to the Epistle of

adjectives of three terminations in the New Tessimilar

Clement see Ignat.

610
sq, ed.
1

tament see A. Buttmann p. 22 sq and on the whole subject refer to

;

and

Polyc.

1.

p.

(p.

626

sq, ed. 2).

THE SO-CALLED

SECOND EPISTLE OF
TO

S.

CLEMENT

THE CORINTHIANS.

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
I.

ms (A) ascribes to Clement the Second Epistle equally with On the other hand it ought to be noticed that there is no the First. heading npoc KopiNGioyc b, as the corresponding title of the First would lead us to expect. If we could feel sure that this phenomenon was not due to the mutilation of the ms (see above, i. p. 117), the fact would be significant. Though the scribe held the Second Epistle to be not only a letter of Clement, but also (as we may perhaps infer)
a letter to
the Corinthians;
yet the

WE

have seen that the table of contents prefixed

to our leading

absence of such a

title

might

have been transmitted from an

anonymous

copy, where the work was and not intended to be ascribed to this father. But the
earlier

alternative supposition that the title has disappeared by mutilation is In the later Greek ms (C) at least not improbable (see below, p. 199).

the second Epistle

first

is

entitled

'

Of Clement

to the Corinthians', like the

(see above, 1. p. 122). On the other hand the Syriac Version makes a distinction between The First Epistle is described as 'The the two (see 1. p. 131 sq).

Catholic Epistle of Clement the disciple of Peter the Apostle to the Church of the Corinthians'; where not only is the epistle not numbered,

but a distinguishing epithet

is

prefixed.

In the case of the Second

'

however, though the scribe makes no difference in the authorship and Of the same designation of the two, the title is given more simply (Clement) the Second Epistle to the Corinthians.' This distinction

may be

accidental

but a probable explanation

is,

that in

some Greek

ms, from which the Syriac Version was ultimately derived, the First Epistle stood alone, the Second not having yet been attached to it.

While the

First Epistle

is

universally attributed to Clement, the

balance of external testimony

is

strongly

opposed

to his being regarded

192

THE EPISTLES OF
its

CLEMENT.

as the author of the Second.

throws serious doubts on

'

the First he adds, I Second Epistle of Clement

KXrjfjLevTos ItrujToXri)
:

It is first mentioned by Eusebius, who genuineness (H.E. iii. 37). After describing should mention also that there is said to be a
(to-reov 8' cos kcu Sevripa Tts eTvai

Xeyerat rov

but

we do not know that

this is

recognised like the

former (ov fxrjv W o/xotw? ty} Trporkpa kcu Tavrrjv yvwpi/xov 7ricrTa/x0a) \ for we do not find the older writers making any use of it (on fxrjSk kcu tov?

Then after summarily rejecting other tcr/xev). pretended Clementine writings, because they are never once mentioned by the ancients' and 'do not preserve the stamp of Apostolic orthodoxy
dpxaiov<s avrfj Ke^p^ei/ov?
'

intact',

he concludes by referring again to the First Epistle, which he

calls 'the
p.ivt)

acknowledged writing of Clement (y tov KXyj/AevTos opioXoyovAnd in other passages, where he has occasion to ypa^').'
'

he uses similar expressions, the Epistle of Clement', 'the The acknowledged Epistle of Clement' (ff. E. iii. 16, iv. 22, 23, vi. 13).
speak of
it,

is more than borne out by facts. Not only is a Second Epistle of Clement not mentioned by early writers but it is a reasonable inference from the language of Hegesippus and Dionysius of Corinth (as reported by Eusebius), and of Irenaeus and Clement of

statement of Eusebius

Alexandria (as read in their extant writings), that they cannot have known 2 or at least accepted any such epistle Rufinus and Jerome use still
.

more
1

professedly translates Eusebius, Dicitur esse et alia Clementis epistola cujus nos notitiam non accepimus' ; the latter tacitly paraphrases him, Fertur et secunda ejus nomine
'

decisive language.

The former

epistola quae a veteribus reprobatur' (de Vir.

III.

15).

These

writers are

not independent witnesses, but the strength, which they consciously or unconsciously add to the language of the Greek original, has at least a
negative value
1
;

for they
iii.

could not have so written,

16,
iv.

if

any Second Epistle

Thus he seems

Hegesippus, H. E.

22:

was written by Clement.

to

Dionysius, H. E. iv. 23. The words of the latter are rr\v arj/uLepov ovv Kvpiaicrjv

of only one letter of Clement to the Corinthians. The passage however

know

ayiav
vfjL&p

-fj/xipav
T7]i>

dirjydyo/uLev, iv
-qv

ji

&viyv<a/iV
del
/cat

has

been strangely misinterpreted,

as

eirKnokrjV,

e^ofxev
cos

ttotc
rr\v

av ay Lv<J)<TKOi>Tes vovdereicrdai,
i)pui>

though tt]v 7r pore pap meant the former a meaning of Clements tivo epistles

KX^/xevros ypacpeicxav. irportpav He is writing in the name of the Corinthians to the Romans, acknowledging a
letter

5ia

which the context does not at all favour and which the grammar excludes, for then

we
2

should require

ttjv

irporipav r<2v did

which they had received from the

KXrj/mevTos ypa<peiau)i>.

brethren in

Rome

their bishop Soter

written apparently by and he declares that

The

fathers,

to

passages from these, and later whom I shall have occasion

are given in full above,
I.

his

Church will preserve and read from time to time this second letter from the

to refer,

p.

153

s q-

Romans,

as they

do the former which

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.

93

of Clement which might be accepted as genuine had fallen within the range of their knowledge.

Early in the 9th century Georgius Syncellus still speaks of 'the one genuine letter to the Corinthians' (Chronog. a.d. 78, 1. p. 651, ed. Dind.); and later in the same century Photius {Bibl. 113) writes, 'The so-called

Second Epistle

(of

Clement) to the same persons (the Corinthians)

is

rejected as spurious (ws voOos a7roSo/a/xaeTai).'

Meanwhile however this epistle had been gradually gaining recogwork of Clement. The first distinct mention of it as such is in the ms A, which belongs probably to the fifth century but
nition as a genuine
;

the

notice

of Eusebius

implies
it.

that

even in

his

day some persons

were disposed to accept

At a

later period its

made

it

especially

welcome

to the

language and teaching Monophysites and from the close

of the 5th century it is frequently quoted as genuine. Thus citations are found in Timotheus of Alexandria (i. p. 180 sq) in the middle

of the 5th century and in Severus of Antioch (i. p. 182 sq) during the early decades of the 6th, besides certain anonymous Syriac collections (1. p. 183 sq), which may date from this latter period or

The doubtful reference in the Pseudo-Justin has been subsequently. discussed above (1. p. 178 sq). To the 6th century also may perhaps be ascribed the Apostolical Canons, where (can. 85) 'Two Epistles
of Clement
'

are included
187).

above,
is

1.

p.

among the books of the New Testament (see About the opening of the 7th century again it
1.

quoted by Dorotheus the Archimandrite (see

1

p.

190);
if

in

the

8th century by Joannes Damascenus (see 1. p. 193), passage has not been interpolated ; and in the nth

indeed the

by Nicon of

Rh^ethus

If in the Sticho?netria attached to the (see the notes, 3). of Nicephorus (ta.d. 828) it is placed with the First Chronography Epistle among the apocrypha, this classification does not question its
its

genuineness but merely denies

canonicity.

But what
Corinthians
?

is

We

the external authority for considering it an Epistle to the have seen that it is called an Epistle from the first ;
to

but

the designation
It

the

Corinthians

is

neither

so

universal.

Timotheus.

was not so designated by But in Severus of Antioch

is

Eusebius
(c.

early nor or Jerome

so
or
first

a.d.

520) for the

time a quotation the Corinthians

'.

distinctly given as

The

Syriac

ms

itself

from the Second Epistle to which contains the extract from

'
'

Severus

'

can hardly,' in Cureton's opinion,

than the commencement of the

1

have been transcribed later 8th century and might have been
1.

See the investigation above,

p.

373

sq.

CLEM.

II.

13

194

THE EPISTLES OF
end of the
6th.'

S.

CLEMENT.

written about the

perhaps belong to the 6th century,

In other Syriac extracts also which In the it is quoted in this way.

eve<epovTO,

copy used by Photius again

126
/3i/3Aioapioi> ev
a>

it

appears to have been so entitled (Bid/.

j3'

KXyjfxevTOS iiri(TToXai 7rpos KopivOtovs

Xeyofxevrj

compared with Bibl. 113 rj and John Damascene twice

Corinthians
'.

SevTepa

7rpos

tous

avTovs)

cites

it

as

'the Second Epistle to the

to seek Passing from the external to the internal evidence, we have an answer to these several questions; (1) Is it truly designated an

Epistle?

(2)

Was

it

addressed to the Corinthians?

it

(3)

What

indi-

cations of date does

give?

(4)

Who

was the author, Clement or

another

2.

Having considered the external testimony, we are now

to interrogate the internal evidence.

in a position

The Second questions suggested by the common attribute, Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians,' are threefold; (1) Was it an If not, what is the nature of the document? (2) Was it epistle? The
'

addressed to the Corinthians or to some other Church

written by
last

(3)

Was

it

Clement or by some one else question we have to enquire what indications we

?

In order to answer
find of date

this

and

authorship
(i)

The answer
Clement

to our
is

Epistle of

If the First first question is ready to hand. the earliest foreshadowing of a Christian liturgy,
is

the so-called Second Epistle

the

first

example of a Christian homily.

set
1 .

The newly recovered ending has The work is plainly not a letter, but a
addresses his hearers more

this point at rest for ever. The speaker homily, a sermon than once towards the close as 'brothers

and

sisters'
is

19,

20).

Elsewhere he appeals to them

in

language

which

'Let us not think,' he quite explicit on the point at issue. now only, while we are being admonished says, 'to give heed and believe
1

Grabe

{Spic. Patr.

1.

p.

268,

300)

in

Clement's

name.

The

event

has

supposed it to be a homily forged in He referred to AnasClement's name. tasius (Quaest. 96), who quotes from the
his
'

shown
the

his conjecture to be right as to

character of the document.

In

all

sacred and apostolic doctor Clement in discourse {\6y(j}) concerning first

The Cleother respects he is in error. ment of Anastasius is not the Roman,

but the

Alexandrian; and our homily

providence and righteous judgment,' as showing that such homilies were forged

bears no traces of a forgery or of pretending to be Clement's.

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.

195

by the presbyters; but likewise when we have departed home, let us remember the commandments of the Lord, etc.' ( 17). And again a little later he speaks still more definitely; 'After the God of truth, I read to you an exhortation to the end that ye may give heed to the
things which are written (i.e. to the scriptures which have just been read), so that ye may save both yourselves and him that readeth in the midst of you' ( 19). These words remind us of the language in

which Justin, who wrote within a few years of the probable date of

this

homily, describes the simple services of the Christians in his time. 'On the day called Sunday,' he says, 'all remaining in their several cities
they come together in one place, and the memoirs of the the Gospels, as he explains himself elsewhere] or the Apostles [i. of the Prophets are read, as long as time admits. Then, when writings

and

districts,

e.

the reader has ceased, the president

(o irpoeo-Tui)

in a discourse

(Sid

\6yov) gives instruction

and

invites (his hearers) to the imitation of these

good things. Then we all rise in a body and offer up our prayers' (ApoL i. 67, quoted in the notes on 19). Here then is one of these exhortations, which is delivered after the God of truth has been first heard in the scriptures ; and, this being so, the preacher was doubtless,
' ' 1

as Justin describes him, d 7rpocrTws, the leading minister of the Church, i. e. the bishop or one of the presbyters, as the case might be.

view indeed has been taken by Harnack. He supposes that 2 the homily was delivered by a layman drawing his inference from the
different
,

mention of the presbyters preacher and his hearers

(in 17 just

quoted) as persons
listen
to.

whom
But

the
this

alike

were bound to

language can only be regarded, I think, as an example of a very common rhetorical figure, by which the speaker places himself on a level with his audience, and of which several instances are furnished by
the genuine Epistle of Clement, who again and again identifies himself with the factious brethren at Corinth (see the note on 17). On very rare

occasions indeed

we read

of laymen preaching in the early

Church

but

such concessions were only

brilliant reputation, like
1

made
3
.

to persons

who had an

exceptionally

Origen

As a

rule, this function

belonged to

Exception has

been taken to this

ttjs

expression /xera tov Qebv

aXrjdeias.

troduces an evangelical quotation with X^yei 6 Geo's, 13; see the note on the

Zahn

Gel. Anz. p. [G'dtt. 141 8) and Donaldson {Theol. Rev. January, 1877,

do not even know whether passage. the lesson to which he here refers was
taken from the Old or the ment.
2

We

p.

46)

propose \6yov

for

Qebv,

while

New

Testa-

Gebhardt suggests tovuv or tovov (tonon But it is difficult or TONOYfor tonn).

to see

our preacher should not have used this phrase, when he elsewhere in-

why

So
3

See p. lxxii, note n, p. 138 (ed. 2). also Hilgenfeld, p. 106 (ed. 2).

The

objections

raised

in

his

case

132

196

THE EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

A presbyter did the chief ecclesiastical officer in the congregation. not preach when the bishop was present; a deacon was for the most
part regarded as incompetent to preach on any occasion The question therefore respecting the class of writings to which this
.

document belongs is settled beyond dispute. The homiletic character of the work was suggested long ago by Grabe and others and in my own edition I had regarded the opinion that it was a sermon or treatise
;

rather than a letter as prima facie probable, though so long as the end 2 was wanting this view could not be regarded as certain On the other hand the theory propounded by Hilgenfeld, that we had here the letter
.

of Soter bishop of Rome to the Corinthians, mentioned by Dionysius of Corinth about a.d. 170, was eagerly accepted by subsequent critics and
editors.

In a courteous review of

my

edition which appeared in the

Academy
still

(July 9, 1870) Lipsius espoused this theory as probable. And later, on the very eve of the discovery of Bryennios, Harnack in
is

the excellent edition of the Patres Apostolici of which he

coeditor

had confidently adopted Hilgenfeld's opinion

'

Nullus dubito quin

verum
show

Hilgenfeldius verum invenerit,' 'mireris...neminem ante Hilgenfeldium This view was highly invenisse' (prol. pp. xci, xcii, ed. 1).
that the practice

was

rare.

Alex-

ander of Jerusalem and Theoctistus of Csesarea (Euseb. H. E. vi. 19), writing to

strongly with Hilgenfeld that the document is really a letter, not a homily.'

So
I

Demetrius of Alexandria, defend themselves

for

far from holding this view strongly, have stated that we find in the docu'

according
:

this

privilege
8e

to
rots

ment

nothing which would lead to this

Origen,

as follows
otl

TrpoaedrjKe

inference,'

and again that

been a

'

it

bears

no
it

tovto ovde irore rjKovadr} ypa/uLfxacrLv, ov8e vvv yeyivrjTai, to irapovTWV eTriVKOiritiv
\aiKovs opuXeiv, ovk old'
dXrjdr)
07rcos rrpocp'avCo's

traces of the epistolary form,

though
'

may
I

possibly have

letter

but

ovk
01

did not consider that in the existing

Xiyiov.

ottov

yovv evpiaKovTai

condition of the
point

work

certainty

on

this

eTTiTrjdeiOL Trpbs

to uxpeXew tovs d8eX(povs,

was

attainable,

and

therefore

Kal

irapa.K<x\ovvTai

ru

Xa<

TrpoaofiiXetv

suspended judgment.

When my

able

virb t<2v dyioov emaKOTriov, uxjirep ev

Aapdv'IkovLu)

dois Eue\7rts

virb

NeWos
Kal

Kal
ev

ev

reviewer goes on to say of me ' He also agrees with Hilgenfeld in the opinion,
that the epistle

HavXivos

vtto

KeXaov

^vwddois
tovto

was composed during the

GeoScopos virb 'Attikov tQv fxaKapiwv &5eX(p<2v

eUbs 5e Kal ev dXXois

rjfxas

tottois

persecution under Marcus Aurelius,' he imputes to me a view directly opposed to

that

ylveadai,
1

de

fir]

eldivai.

which

See Bingham Antiq.

xiv.

4.

2,

4,

I have expressed (p. 177, ed. 1). think also that the reader would

Augusti Christl. Archaol. VI. p. 315 Probst Lehre u. Gebet pp. 18 sq, 222.
2

sq,

gather from the manner in which I am mentioned by Harnack (p. lxvi, note 2,
refuting Grabe, that I had p. lxxv) as maintained the document to be an epistle and not a homily; though probably this
'
'

See esp. pp.

177,

178.

I call

at-

tention to this, because

my

view has been

'

misrepresented.

Thus Lipsius (Academy,

July

9,

1870) wrote of me,

He

holds

was not intended.

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
plausible
;

197

and attractive but it was open to one objection which I out as fatal to it. It did not satisfy the primary conditions of pointed the letter mentioned by Dionysius of Corinth, which was written in the name of the whole Roman Church, whereas our author speaks in the
1

singular throughout

As regards the audience addressed by the preacher Corinth (ii) has highest claims. If the homily were delivered in that city, we have an explanation of two facts which are not so easily explained on any
other hypothesis.

and presumably to the which is quite natural if festival, language addressed to Corinthians, but not so if spoken elsewhere. When the preacher refers to the crowds that 'land' to take part in the games
First.

The

allusion to the athletic games,

is

Isthmian

couched

in

rovs cf>6apTov<; aycovas KaraTrXiovcriv, 7) without any mention of the port, we are naturally led to suppose that the homily was delivered in
(eis

the neighbourhood of the place where these combatants landed. Otherwe should expect eh tov 'laOfxov, or eis KoptvOov, or some explana2 addition of the kind tory

wise

This hypothesis alone satisfactorily explains the dissemiSecondly. nation and reputed authorship of the document. It was early attached

mss and came ultimately to be attridid this happen ? The First Epistle was read from time to time in the Church of Corinth, as we know.
to the Epistle of

Clement

in the

buted to the same author.

This homily was
Corinthians;
it
3
;

How

a manuscript
1

first preached, if my view be correct, to these same was not an extempore address, but was delivered from it was considered of sufficient value to be carefully pre-

Wocher

(der

Brief

des

Clemens

etc.

p.

204) suggested that the author was This theory had the Dionysius himself.
it

possible however, that the homily was originally delivered extempore and taken

down by
notarii),

short-hand writers (raxvypdcpoi,

advantage of connecting
genuine

with Clement's

and
it

it

letter (though not very directly) ; explained the local colouring. But

and that the references to the reader were introduced afterwards when it was read in the Church as a homily.

has nothing else to

2

commend

it.

The employment
was
frequent.

of short-hand writers

Thus

in Plat.

pot doKeiv,
is

Enthyd. 297 c pecoart, KaTcnreTrXevKOTL, where the word

We
:

read of discourses of

used absolutely, we naturally understand the place in which ihe speaker is at the time.
3

Origen taken down in this way (Euseb. H.E. vi. 36) and Origen himself on one
occasion
p.

(Comm.

in Ioann.

vi. praef., IV.

19 fiera tov

Qebv

ttjs dXrjdeias
els

dva-

101) excuses himself for not having gone on with his work by the fact that

yivwaKU)
kclI

vpuv cvtcv^cv

to

it

poo ex eLV

the

'

customary short-hand writers

/cat

'

were

tois yeypafi/uLevoLS, iva /ecu eavrovs crojarjTe

not there,
p.7]

01

awr/Bets 8 T<xxvypd<poi

tov

dvayivwcTKOVTa

iv vyuv.

It

is

wapovTes tov

e'x eo~Q aL

T ^ v virayopefaewp

198

THE EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

served; and (as we may venture to suppose) it was read publicly to the Christian congregation at Corinth from time to time, like the genuine
Epistle of Clement.

The

fact that these Corinthians

took for public

reading not only the Epistle of Clement, which might be thought to have acquired a peculiar sanctity by its venerable age, but also the

much

later letter of the

Romans under

of this church in reference to uncanonical documents.

bishop Soter, shows the practice In this way it

would be bound up with the Epistle of Clement for convenience. In such a volume as is here supposed, the Epistle of Clement would be numbered and entitled thus
:

<\

kAhmentoc npoc KopiN0ioyc

with or without the addition 6ttictoAh
;

while the homily which stood

next in the volume might have had the heading

B

npoc KopiNGioyc
with or without the addition Aoroc or omiAia, just as Orations of Dion Chrysostom bear the titles npoc &AeI&NApeic, npoc &TT<\Meic; the author
of the sermon however not being named.

In the course of transcription

1

the enumeration

would seem
matter of

to

would easily be displaced, so that the two works <\ As a be of the same kind and by the same author
B,
.

fact, indications are not wanting in our existing authorities,

that after this homily

had been attached

is

to S. Clement's Epistle

it

re-

mained anonymous
works.
called

in the

common document which

no heading
1.

contained both
at all to the so-

In the Alexandrian ms there

Second Epistle

(see above,

p. 117).

This fact however cannot

Harnack

At ckuXvov; comp. Photius Bibl. 121. a later date this became a common mode
of preserving pulpit oratory
:

alternative

is

suggested
I.

by

Zeitschr.f. Kirchengesch.

p. 268.

The

see Bing-

ham Ant. xiv. 4. 11. It was not uncommon for sermons and lectures to be
taken

hypothesis would at all events have the merit of explaining the incoherence and
looseness of expression which we find in this work; but in the absence of evi-

down

surreptitiously

see Gaudent.

Praef. p. 220 {Patrol. Lat. xx. p. 831 Migne) 'notariis, ut comperi, latenter ap-

dence

it

is

safer to

assume that the

to writing

ser-

mon was committed

by the

poses' (with the

note).

On

stenography
Glos-

among
sarium

the ancients

see

Ducange

IV. p. 642 sq (ed. Henschel) s. v. Nota, together with the references collected in Mayor's Bibl. Clue to Lat. Lit.

preacher himself. 1 This opinion was arrived at independently of the remarks of Zahn (Gott. Gel.

Anz. Nov.
the the

8,

more glad

1876, p. 1430 sq), and I am to find that he accounts for

p.

175 sq.

view October 1875,

See also Contemporary ReThis p. 841 note.

common

similar way.

heading of this sermon in a See also 1. p. 371, note 1.

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.

99
1
.

be pressed, for it seems not unlikely that the title has been cut off But in the case of the Syriac version the testimony is free from suspicion.
'

Here the genuine letter is called in the heading not The First Epistle of Clement' but 'The Catholic Epistle of Clement,' as if it were the In both only known letter written by this father (see above, p. 191). cases however the scribes themselves have in some other part of their respective mss designated our work the Second Epistle of Clement and this fact renders the survival of the older form only the more signi;

ficant.

For these reasons

the other
origin

adhere to Corinth as the place of writing.

On

hand Harnack has with much ability maintained the Roman 2 of this document and it is due to his arguments to consider
;

them.

The
known
only

external evideiice seems to

him

to point in this direction.

He

remarks on the

fact that this writing

appears to

in the East during the earliest ages. It Eusebius, and Eusebius himself, as Harnack argues from his language,

have been very little is first mentioned by

knew

it

from hearsay 3

this is the correct inference

It is very far from certain however, that from the historian's words, mriov 8' cos kcu

oevTepa tis etvat Xiyerau rov J^kyj/mevTOs iincrToXy]'

irpoTtpa
Kai
ravTrjv yvwpL/xov
ta-fxev

ov

fxrjv

iff

d/Wtos

rfj

e7ri<TTa/xe#a,

ort

/xvySe

tovs ap^atovs avrrj

Kexp^eVovs

(H.

E.

iii.

38).

The

may
1

refer

equally well to the authorship as to the

hearsay implied in Aeyerat contents of the

This possibility was overlooked by

in

me
of

my

first

attention

was Harnack (Z. f. K. 1. p. 275, note 1), who however incorrectly states that in A

edition pp. 22, 174. directed to it by a remark

My

that the space left between the top of the leaf and the text varies from |- to f of

an inch.

Thus the space

is

quite con-

sistent with the supposition that the title

has been cut away.

a single spot at the

Moreover there

is

the First Epistle has 'page-headings over the columns.' There is only one such

which may

top of the page, have been the end of an

title,

page-heading, which stands over the first column as the title to the work. Having

ornamental flourish under the

this is doubtful.

though

omitted to inspect the MS myself with this

view,
I

requested

Mr

E.

M. Thompson
it

of the British
to give

Museum

to look at

and
is

The photograph for the most part represents these facts fairly well, 2 In two careful and valuable articles
in the Zeitschrift f. Kirchengeschichte
1.

me

his opinion.

His report

to

p.

this effect:

The

title to

the First Epistle has small

329 sq, as well as in the prolegomena to the 2nd ed. of the Patres 264
sq, p.

ornamental flourishes beneath.

Between

Apostolici Pt.
this

i,

p.

lxiv sq.

He

stated

the bottom of these and the text there

is

view

first

in a review of the edition

first

a space of f- of an inch. Over the column of the Second Epistle (where

title

of Bryennios in the Theologische Literatzir-

the
the

should be,

if
is

top of the leaf

there were any) cut obliquely so

zeitimgYeh. 3 Z. f. K.
note
2.

19, 1876.
1.

p.

269 sq

Prol. p. lxiv,

200
book.

THE EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

In other words, Eusebius does not throw any doubt on the existence of such a work, but on its genuineness; and the language which follows suggests that the historian was himself acquainted with it. If the testimony of Eusebius be set aside, the earliest reference to its
contents
ascribed
is

found
Justin

in the

Quaest.
1
.

et

Resp.

ad Orthodoxos
is

74, falsely

to

Martyr
all

This work

supposed to have been

fifth

written at the
as

end of the fourth or beginning of the

.

century, and,

appearances are deceptive, to have emanated 2 Our next direct witness in point from the Syro-Antiochene Church of date is probably the Alexandrian ms, about the middle of the fifth

Harnack

says, unless

century.
indistinct
3

From
.

that time forward the testimonies are neither few nor

This evidence is somewhat slight ; but it cannot be alleged against Such as it is, it all emanates from the the Eastern origin of the work. East. Neither early nor late do we hear a single voice from the West
testifying to the existence of this

Clementine

mere echoes of some Greek

though
theorv.
it

witness.
is

may

not be worth much,

writing, except such as are External testimony therefore, directly opposed to Harnack's

From
same
'

the internal character of the

work again Harnack draws the

the
close

inference.

He

remarks

on

resemblances

to

the

Shepherd of Hernias, and thence infers that it must have emanated ex eadem communione ac societateV Thus he makes it a product
of the Church of

Rome.
had referred
to

If these resemblances

any peculiarities of the

Roman

Church

generally, or of the Shepherd

argument would have been strong. most striking perhaps is the doctrine of the heavenly Church ( 14). But the passage, which is quoted in my notes, from Anastasius shows
that this distinction of the celestial

of Hernias in particular, the But this is not the case. The

and the

terrestrial

Church, so
the

far

from being peculiar,

Christian writers.

was a

common

characteristic

of
is

earliest

And

the statement of Anastasius

borne out by

extant remains, as will appear from parallel passages also cited there. Again the pre-incarnate Son is spoken of in both documents as 'Spirit';

but here also, though such language was repugnant to the dogmatic
precision of a later age, the writers of the second century
1

and of the

See

I.

p.

178 sq, and the notes on

article

The

references in
it

my

notes seem to

16.
2

show
by Gass
in

that

was known

to a very early

See the

Illgen's

writer, the author of

4

Apost.

Const,

vi.
1.

Zeitschr.f.d.
sq,

hist. Theol.

1842, iv. p. 143

I.

Trol. p. lxx sq:

comp. Z. f. K.

quoted by Harnack Z.f. K.

p. 274.

pp. 340, 344 sq, 363.

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
earlier part of the third constantly use
it
'

201

without misgiving (see the

note on 9). Again both writings speak of baptism as the seal,' and the exhortation to purity of life takes the form of an injunction to 'guard
in Christian writers of the

we have an image which is common second century (see the note on 7). Nor are other coincidences wanting, though less striking than these.
the seal'

But in

this case likewise

the other hand the two writings present marked contrasts on There is a wide divergence for instance of special prominence. points between the rigid, almost Encratite, view of the relations between the
1 sexes which our Clementine author enunciates
,

On

and the reasonable

position of Hermas, which led the fierce Tertullian to denounce him as 2 And again the difference of language regarding 'pastor moechorum
.'

I cannot indeed is equally great. the author of the Shepherd as a Judaizer, any more than I regard could regard our Clementine writer as a Marcionite but the tendency

the relations of the two covenants

of the one

is

to see in the

whereas the other delights gether it may be said that the points of difference in the two documents are more fundamental than the points of coincidence.
(iii)

Church a development of the Synagogue, to set them in sharp contrast. And alto-

The

third question, relating to the date

and authorship, receives

from the newly discovered ending, though not so much as might have been hoped. Generally speaking the notices in this portion confirm the view which was indicated in my first edition, that
illustration

some

belongs to the first half of the second century, nor do they contain Harnack, as the result of a anything that is adverse to this view.
it
1

12

tovto Aeyei

'iva

ddeXcpos k.t.X.
iv. 1)

Trj

fieWovarj aov ddeXcprj,

as

showing
life

On
tt]v

the other

hand Hermas (Mand.

aoi,
(prjai,
/ecu
/jltj

that

Hermas looked upon

the single

writes 'EvrcAXoyiuu

cpvKdaaeiv

as the ideal state,

and he concludes

that

dyvelav Kapblav

avafiaiveru) aov ewi

tt)v
Trepl

irtpl

yvvcLLKOs
rj
'

dWorpias
yap

rj

neither writer 'thought of stopping marriage among Christians for the present.'
It is

Tropvdas tlvos

irepl

tolovtwv tlvQiv
iroL&v

not clear what the words in Vis.

ii.

bp.0Lup.6.T<j)v

irovTjpwv

tovto

ap.apTiav

ipyd^y ttjs 5e arjs yvvaiKos ovdeIn this same seciroTe ap-apTrjaeis. tion the husband is enjoined to take back
p.eyd\f]v

nor again is it certain that our Clementine preacher intended to en-

may mean;
force

fivTjp.ovevcjv TrdvTOTe

an absolute rule or to do more than

But the fact give counsels of perfection. remains that the direct language of the
one
2

into his society the wife

unfaithful,

who
(

has been
4)

is

in favour of latitude, of the other

and

just

below

second

in favour of restraint.

marriages are permitted to

Christians,

Tertull. de Pudic. 10 'scriptura Pas-

though the greater honour is assigned to those who remain in widowhood. On

the other hand
p. 348)

toris quae sola

moechos amat...adulteraet
ib.

ipsa et inde patrona sociorum,'

20

'illo

Harnack
Vis.
ii.

(Z. f.

K.

I.

apocrypho Pastore moechorum.'

quotes

7-77

avp.^iu)

aov

202

THE EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
of date as

thorough examination of the whole

a.d. and, if it emanated from Rome (as he supposes to have been the case), he thinks that it must have been written within

160; 130

epistle, sets the limits

the

first

two decades of

this period,

i.e.

within a.d. 130

150

1
.

were necessary to mention any limits This view is reasonable. of date, where so much uncertainty exists, I should name a.d. 120 140; still but, as there is nothing in the work which militates against a
If
it

again it is impossible to affirm confidently that it might not have been written a few years later. The two main points in which the recently recovered portion strengthens the existing data
earlier

date, so

for

determining the age of the document are these. We are furnished with additional information respecting First. He the relations of the author to the Canon of the New Testament.
distinguishes
'

between the Old and

'

New

Testament

the former he

styles

the Books,'

the Bible

'

(to pipXCa), while the latter (or a part

of

This distinction separates designated 'the Apostles' ( 14). a broad line from the age of the Muratorian writer, of Irenaeus, him by and of Clement of Alexandria, i.e. from the last quarter of the second
it) is

century.

The

fact also that

he uses at least one apocryphal Gospel,

which we can hardly be wrong in identifying with the Gospel of the Egyptians (see the notes on 12), apparently as an authoritative document, points in the same direction. The writers just mentioned
are
all explicit in

the acceptance of our four Canonical Gospels alone,

as the traditional inheritance of the Church.

very strong in favour of an early date,

if

we could be

This argument would be quite sure that our

homily was written by a member of the Catholic Church, and not by some sectarian or half-sectarian writer. On this point there is perhaps room for misgiving, though the former seems the more probable
supposition.
to

The

Clement certainly point

it is

general acceptance of this homily and its attribution to a Catholic origin ; and in its Christology
its

also

tendencies

Catholic as opposed to Gnostic or Ebionite, but (not to mention other phenomena) might
'
'

Encratite
the

suggest

opposite conclusion. On the other hand our preacher quotes as

scripture

( 6)

a saying

But this same passage is Canonical Gospels. quoted in the same way in the Epistle of Barnabas, which can hardly have been written many years after a.d. 120 at the very latest, and may
which appears
in our

have been written much

text
1

earlier;

and even Polycarp

26 as 'scripture.'
to

if ( 12),

the Latin

may be trusted,
K.
I.

cites

Ephes.
comp.

iv.

Stronger in the

same
it

Z. f.

p.

363;

Prol.
it

be of

p. Ixxiii sq (ed. 7),

where, supposing

later

than a.d.

Roman origin, he places 135 140 (145).

not

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.

203

direction is the fact that in the newly recovered portion our anonymous author introduces a saying of our Lord in the Gospels with the words God saith ( 13), having immediately before referred to 'the Oracles of
1
'

God'

in this

same connexion, and

that
'

he elsewhere describes the

'

reading of the Scriptures as the voice of the God of truth speaking to the congregation ( 19). As regards this latter passage however we do

know whether the scriptural lessons which had preceded the delivery of this homily were taken from the Old or from the New Testament. The relations of the preacher to Gnosticism furnish an Secondly.
not
indication of date though not very precise. He attacks a certain type of this heresy, but it is still in an incipient form. The doctrinal point on

which he especially dwells is the denial of the resurrection of the body, or (as he states it) the 'resurrection of this flesh' ( 8, 9, 14, 16). As
the practical consequence of this denial, the false teachers (10 kcikoSiThey inculcated an 8a<TKa\ovvTe<s) were led to antinomian inferences.
indifference (aSia<opta) with regard to fleshly lusts,
their disciples to

and they permitted

This antideny denounced by the preacher. But his polemic against Gnosticism does not go beyond this. There is no attack, direct or indirect, on the peculiar tenets of Valentinus and the Valentinians, of

their faith in times of persecution.

nomian teaching

is

Marcion, or even of Basilides. And not only so, but he even uses language with regard to the heavenly Church which closely resembles the teaching of Valentinus respecting the aeon Ecclesia (see the note on 14), and which he would almost certainly have avoided, if he had
written after this heresiarch

manner the language in would probably have been more guarded, if it had been uttered after Marcion had published his Antitheses in which the direct antagonism of the Mosaic and Christian dispensations was maintained. As it is a
reasonable inference from the near approaches to Valentinian language in the Ignatian Epistles that they were written in the pre-Valentinian
2 epoch seeing that the writer is a determined opponent of Gnosticism, and would not have compromised himself by such language after it had
,

In like began to promulgate his doctrine which he sets the Church against the Synagogue
.

been abused, so also the same inference may be drawn here. These considerations seem to point to a date not later than

a.d. 140: a very primitive, though homily suggest not apostolic, age of the Church. Whether we regard the exposition of doctrine or the polemic against false teachers or the state of the Christian

and altogether the topics

in this

This argument drawn from the relais

Z.f. K.
2

I.

pp. 359, 360.

1.

tion of the writer to Gnosticism

insisted

justly

See Ignat. and Polyc.

p. 374, ed.

upon by Harnack Pro/,

p. lxxii,

p. 385, ed. 2.

204

THE EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

society or the relation to the Scriptural Canon, we cannot but feel that we are confronted with a state of things separated by a wide interval

from the epoch of Irenaeus and Clement of Alexandria. At the same time other arguments have been alleged in favour of an early date, which

Thus it is said not bear the stress that has been laid upon them. that the preacher betrays no knowledge of the writings of S. John, or poswill

sibly

even of

S.

Paul

1
.

As regards

S.

John,

have called attention to an

indication that our author was not unacquainted with the Fourth Gospel

As regards not certain. of his appeal to 'the ApoS. Paul, I cannot see any probable explanation stles' as supporting his doctrine respecting the heavenly Church, except
(see the note

on

17),

though the inference

is

that

which supposes him to be referring

the Ephesians not
.

to S. Paul,

and more

especially

to the Epistle to

to

mention echoes of

this Apostle's

2 But even if it be granted that he language elsewhere in this homily of the writings of either Apostle, does it follow shows no knowledge

What numbers of sermons and tracts, published in authors living in this nineteenth century, must on these the name of And again, if he says grounds be relegated to the first or second
that

he had none ?

3 nothing about episcopacy does it follow that he knew nothing about and therefore must have written before this institution existed? it, This argument again would, I imagine, remove to a remote antiquity
,

a large portion, probably not less than half, of the theological literature of our own age.
suggests probable or approximate results with regard to the locality and the date, it leaves us altogether in the dark as respects the authorship; for the opinions maintained by the
But,

while

criticism

discussed this question since the recent disAll covery of the lost ending, must, I venture to think, be discarded. in the retention of Clement as the author, but underthree alike agree
three editors

who have

stand different persons bearing this name.

place Bryennios (p. pvO') maintains that the homily the work of none other than the famous Clement whose name it
(1)

In the

first

is

bears, the bishop of

Rome

4
.

This view however has nothing to recom-

Harnack Prol.

p. lxxiii, Z. /.
it

K.

I.

p. 361 sq.

He

regards

as uncertain,

taken from the Old Testament) are anonymous, this fact can hardly surprise us.
2 3

though probable, that our author had

read S.
Paul's
Epistles.
it

See the notes on

14.

At the same
that S.

Harnack

Prol. p. lxxii, Z. f.

K.

I.

p.

time
Paul's

he

considers
is

strange

359.
4

name

not mentioned.
quotations

of our author's

(even

As most when

Bull, Galland,

This had been the view of Cotelier, Lumper, and others; who

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
mend
it,

205

and has found no favour with others. Indeed all the arguments even when we possessed it only in a mutilated form, were sufwhich, ficient to deter us from ascribing it to the author of the genuine epistle
or indeed to

any contemporary, are considerably strengthened, now that

writer delights to

we have
(i)

it

complete.
identify himself

The

and

his

hearers with

Gentile Christianity. He speaks of a time when he and they worshipped stocks and stones, gold and silver and bronze ( 1). He and they are
prefigured by the prophet's image of the barren woman who bore many more children than she that had the husband, or, as he explains it, than the Jewish people who seem to have God ( 2). On the other
'
'

hand the genuine Clement never uses such language. On the contrary he looks upon himself as a descendant of the patriarchs, as an heir of the glories of the Israelite race ; and (what is more important) he is
thoroughly imbued with the feelings of an Israelite, has an intimate knowledge of the Old Testament Scriptures (though not in the original tongue), and is even conversant with the apocryphal literature of the
race
his

and with the traditional legends and interpretations. In short language and tone of thought proclaim him a Jew, though a Hellenist, in style I do not lay great stress; (ii) On the difference where there is much play for fancy, there is much room because, also for self-deception, and criticism is apt to become hypercritical. Yet I think it will be felt by all that the language of this Second Epistle is more Hellenic and less Judaic, though at the same time more awkward and less natural, than the First, (iii) The argument from the
theology
strong.
is

There

stronger than the argument from the style, but not very is a more decided dogmatic tone in the Second Epistle

than in the

First. More especially the pre-existence and divinity of Christ are stated with a distinctness ( 1, 9) which is wanting in the

First,

and

in a

form which perhaps the writer of the First would have

(iv)

hesitated to adopt,
Scriptures
is

The

position of the writer with respect to the

changed.

In the First

Epistle

Clement

draws

his

admonitions and his examples chiefly from the Old Testament. The direct references to the evangelical history are very few in comparison.

On

the other

hand

in the

Second Epistle the allusions

to

and quotations

from gospel narratives (whether canonical or apocryphal) very decidedly This seems to indicate a somewhat later date, when preponderate.
gospel narratives were more generally circulated and

when appeal could

still

wrote without the light which the discovery of the lost ending has thrown on

the question, and

epistle.

regarded

it

as

an

206
safely

THE EPISTLES OF
be made to a written Christian

S.

CLEMENT.
This
last

literature.

more

especially has received a large accession of strength

itself.

argument by the re-

covery of the lost ending, and would be conclusive in

The

gulf

which separates our preacher from the genuine Clement relations to the New Testament Scriptures (see above,

in their respective
p.

202) has been

widened by the additional evidence.

(2)

On

the other

hand Hilgenfeld

(p.

xlix, ed.

2) surmises that the

author was not the

that our preacher

Roman Clement

but the Alexandrian.

1
.

He

argues

the passage
*

philosophy' is he imagines that he sees resemblances in this sermon to the style and He therefore suggests that this thought of the Alexandrian Clement.
.

He points to was not a presbyter, but a catechist in which (as he reads it) the duty of studying 19) 3 2 inculcated And, as Dodwell had done before him
,

was an early production of the Alexandrian father. The inference however with regard to the preacher's office highly precarious, as we have seen already (p. 195); nor does
materially affect
disappears,

is
it

when

the question. the passage

The mention
is

of

'

'

philosophy

again

shows clearly that

as a

<f>i\o7rovtLv is

much commoner

The Syriac Version correctly read. the true reading, and that cf>i\o<rocf>eZv, word, was written down first from mere inadvert-

Nor again afterwards corrected by him is it possible to see any closer resemblance to the Alexandrian Clement in the diction and thoughts, than will often appear between one early
ence by the scribe of

C and

Christian writer
is

and another; while on the other hand the

difference

vocabulary, the speculative power, the vigorous and epigrammatic expression, of the Alexandrian Clement are all wanting to this sermon, which is conlearning, the

most marked.

The wide

extensive

fused in thought and slipshod in expression, and is only redeemed from common-place by its moral earnestness and by some peculiarities
of doctrinal exposition.

Where
due

there

is

Alexandrian Clement,
1

it is

to his wealth of learning

want of arrangement in the and of thought.

In both cases the scribe has cor-

See
7 el

pp.

xlix,

106.

He

yap ivroXas

e'x o lJLV ---& 7r

explains T ^ v et5c6-

14.

rected the

word which he
in

first

wrote
is

Xo)v airocnrav Kai

Karr/xecv as referring
;

down, and

both the correction

sup-

to the official position of the preacher

but compare e.g.

vi. 6.
2

Cor. xiv.

19,

Gal.

Hilgenported by the Syriac Version. feld has consistently adopted the scribe's

See pp.

xlix, 84, 106.

i.

3 4

Dissert, in Iren.

xxix p. 53.

On p. 84 he first writing in both cases. has incorrectly given (pihoiroi.&v as the It should be (piXoirocorrection in C.
word
veiv.

Compare

the

note

on

this

(piXoirouelv 19

with that on

fjt.eTa\r]\f/eTai

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
In our author on the other hand the confusion
tellectual poverty.
less
is

207
the result of in-

Nor again

is

the difference between the two writers

It is true that
it

wide as regards their relation to the Canon of the New Testament. both alike quote the Gospel of the Egyptians, and (as But this very fact so happens) the same passage from this Gospel.

Our author enables us to realize the gulf which separates the two. uses this apocryphal work as authoritative, and apparently as his chief evangelical narrative ; Clement on the other hand depreciates its value on the ground that it is not one of the four traditionally received by
the Church.

Our author

interprets the passage in question as favouring

:

ascetic views respecting the relation of the sexes

Clement on the other

1
.

hand

refutes this interpretation,

and explains

it

in a mystical sense

(3)

Lastly;

the

Roman

is disposed to assign this homily neither to nor to the Alexandrian father, but to a third person bishop

Harnack

bearing the name of Clement, intermediate in date between the two. In the Shepherd of Hermas ( Vis. ii. 4) the writer relates how he

was directed
it is

in a vision to

send a copy of
it

his

book
eco

to

'

Clement,' and

added, 'Clement
'

shall

send
ovv
is

to the cities abroad, for

ig
-rets

he

with this business

7rtTeTpa7rTat).

(7re/Ai//i

K\-rjfjLr)<;

7r6Xet<s'

is charged eKeiW yap

As Hermas

stated to have written this

the episcopate of his brother Pius (c. a.d. 140 155), it is urged that the Clement here mentioned cannot have been the same with the illustrious bishop of

work during

Rome

(see above,

1.

p.

359

sq).

Shepherd gives us another

Roman

Clement,

Thus the notice in who flourished about

the

the

time when our homily must have been written. Here, argues Harnack, we have an explanation of the phenomena of the so-called Second Epistle
of Clement.
If we suppose that towards the end of the third century a known to have emanated from the early Church of Rome and homily bearing the name of Clement was carried to the East, it would not

unnaturally be attributed to the famous bishop, and thus, being attached

1

Strom,

iii.

13, p.

553 (quoted below,

Julius Cassianus, like our p. preacher, had interpreted the passage as

236

sq).

The discovery of the conclusion of the passage however decides in favour of the
former.
It is in reference to this

discountenancing marriage ; and Clement of Alexandria controverts him, substitut-

very passage

While the ing another interpretation. passage was still mutilated, the opinion was tenable that it was doubtful whether
our author's explanation was more closelyallied to the interpretation of Cassianus
or to
that
I

from the Gospel of the Egyptians, that Clement of Alexandria urges in answer
to Cassianus, ev tols Trapaoedofievois r/fuv

TeTTapaiv evayyeXiots ovk

dXX' ev

exo/u-ev

to

(jtjtqv,

ry

kclt

Atyvirrlovs.

Thus he

is

of Clement of Alexandria,

diametrically opposed to our preacher on the one point where we are able to com-

though

inclined to the latter supposition.

pare their opinions.

208

THE

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

to his genuine epistle, might easily before the close of the fourth century be furnished with the incorrect title KX^/xevros 7rpos KopwOiovs
7ricrToAr;
/3'.

This view has

much more
existence
I

to

recommend
second
(i.
1 .

it,

than the two which

it

have been considered already.

inadequate.

But the foundation on which

of this

rests is
is

The
and as

Roman Clement
359
sq),

un-

supported

have shown above

in

p.

the reference in

Hermas must be explained

As
all

another way

these hypotheses
;

fail us,

we must be content
it

to

remain

still

in ignorance of the author

nor

is

likely

now

that the veil will ever

is

be withdrawn.
less.

The homily
earliest

itself,

as a literary work,

almost worth-

example of its kind however, and as the product of an important age of which we possess only the scantiest remains,

As the

it

has
its

the highest value.

true grandeur, as

Nor

will

its

intellectual poverty blind

us

to

the triumphant faith trate at the foot of the Cross.

an example of the lofty moral earnestness and which subdued a reluctant world and laid it pros-

3-

The
1

following
brethren,

is

an analysis of the fragment

My

we must look on

Christ as God.

We

must not think

mean
life

things of
all

Him who
( 1).

and

things

has been so merciful to us, who has given us In us is fulfilled the saying that the barren

woman
but

hath

many

children.

The
2).

now has a numerous came especially to save

Him.

offspring.
(

Gentile Church was once unfruitful, We are those sinners whom Christ

Therefore
asks
is

we owe

all

recompense
confess

to
in

And

the return which

He

that

we should

Him

our deeds.
yielded to

The

Him

worship, not of the lips only, but of the heart, must be He has denounced those who, while they obey ( 3).

Him

not, yet call

Him

Lord.

He

gathered into His bosom,

He

will reject

has declared that, though they be them ( 4). Let us therefore

remember
world.
kill

are sojourners here, and let us not fear to quit this us call to mind His warning, and fear not those who the body, but Him who can destroy body and soul together. All
that

we

Rather

let

Hagemann
etc.

{Ueber den zweiten Brief

in the Theolog.

the fiction, being

the letter of recomin

des Clemens,
schr.

Quartal-

mendation written
great

the

name

of the
antici-

xliii. p.
is

509

sq,

186 1) supposed

that this
(

the letter mentioned by

Hermas

So far he pated the theory of Harnack.

Clement.

Roman

Vis.

ii.

4).

He

regarded

it

as part of

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
things earthly

209
this there

we must hold

foreign to us

( 5).

On

must be

no wavering.
other are

We

cannot serve two masters.

This world and the

deadly
Job,

Even Noah,

It must be our choice to do Christ's will. foes. and Daniel, could not have rescued their own children

from destruction.

seal intact, present ourselves in

open
part.

we keep not the baptismal God's kingdom? ( 6). The lists are Let us crowd thither to take our the struggle approaches. Let us fight to win the immortal chaplet. But, so doing, we
shall

How

we

then,

if

we would escape chastisement. who break the seal ( 7). Now is the time for repentance. Now we can be moulded like clay in the hands of the potter. If we keep not small After death it will be too late. how shall we be trusted with great? If we guard not the seal things, intact, how shall we inherit eternal life ? ( 8).' Deny not, that men shall rise in their bodies. As Christ came in the flesh, so also shall we be judged in the flesh. Let us give ourselves to God betimes. He reads our very inmost thoughts. To those who do His will Christ has given the name of brothers ( 9). This will let us ever obey. If we fear men and choose present comfort, we shall brief pleasure at the price of eternal joy. purchase They who lead others astray herein are doubly guilty ( 10). We must not falter. The prophetic word denounces the double-minded; it foretells how the
must observe the laws of the
contest, if

horrible fate awaits those

'

course of things

is

maturing to
faithful
;

its

consummation, as the vine grows

and

ripens.

God

is

and, as

He

has promised, so will

He

give

joys unspeakable ( 11). signs, the approach of His kingdom, Christ has foretold. The two shall be one in universal peace. The outside shall be as the inside in strict sincerity.

to the righteous

The

which

shall herald

The male shall

( 12).'

be as the female in the cessation of all sexual

longings
1

may

Let us repent forthwith, that we may be forgiven, and God's name not be blasphemed by our inconsistency. When God's oracles

and we do another, they regard them as an idle tale when God's precepts tell us to love our enemies and we hate one another ( 13). Fulfilling God's command, we shall be members of the
say one thing
eternal, spiritual

Church, which

is

Christ's body.

This

is

the

meaning

Male and female created He them. The Church, like Christ, was spiritual, and became flesh. This flesh we must keep pure, that we
of the words

may

attain to the spiritual, the

this

immortal

( 14).'

'Whosoever obeys
the preacher.

This

is

precept of chastity saves both himself and the only return which speaker and hearer alike

can make to their Creator.

God promises

an immediate answer.

We

CLEM.

II.

14

2IO
must close with

THE EPISTLES OF
it

S.

CLEMENT.

and escape condemnation ( 15). Therefore let us The Day repent, while there is time, and obtain the mercy of Jesus. shall melt away. a heated furnace. cometh as Heaven and earth Almsgiving and love are best ; for they cover a multitude of sins ( 16). We are commanded to convert others how much more to save our
;

own

souls.

Let us not forget the preacher's lesson, when we go to our

homes.

Let us meet more frequently together.

all

The Lord

and gather

nations,

rewarding them

after their works.

will come The worm

of the unbeliever shall never die, but the righteous shall give glory to Him, seeing His judgments on the wicked and His faithfulness to His
servants
( 17).

Let us be found among His thankful servants.

In the

midst of temptations, I strive after righteousness ( 18). Give heed to these exhortations from the Scriptures. Set an example to the young

by your obedience.

Be not offended by exhortation

It is the price

( present suffering. only the arena the crown shall be awarded hereafter.
;

of future glory

nor deterred by This life is 19).

Else,
it

were a
to us

matter of mere

traffic'

'To

the one invisible God,

who manifested
( 20).'

truth

and

life

through the Saviour, be glory for ever

CnPOC KOPIN0IOYC
I.

B]
irepl 'hi&ov

'ASe\(poi,
ft!s

OVT009

Se?

tj/uias

(j)poveTv

XpKTTod,
veKpwv.

Trepl

Oeov,
r\{JL<xs

w?

7repi

KpiTOv

(^wvtwv kcu
ty\<

kcli

ov del
B.]

/uucpa (ppoveTv mepi

crcoTrion
I.

[npoc KOpiNGioyc
117, 122, 131 sq.
1

The
C.

authorities for this title will be found

pp.

rjfxas]

v/uas

3 ^uas]
it

jfyuts

C.

I. brethren, we must think of Christ as God, as judge of all men. It is no light crime to have mean
'

My

with

the
r\

First

as

respects

its

Christology,
(3iov

be bcvrepa kcu avrrj vov-

Secriav kcu napaivzcriv Kpeirrovos elcrayei

views of
called

Him by whom we
suffered for us.

were

kcu
:

iv

apxf}

Qeov top

Xpicrrov

and who

What

Krjpvcrcrei

worthy recompense can we pay to Him, who has given us light and life, who has rescued us from the worship of stocks and stones, has scattered the dark cloud that hung over us, has brought back our straying footsteps, and thus has called us
into being?
1.
3

see the notes on 2, 36, 58, of the First Epistle, and the rein
I.

marks
2.

p.

398

sq.

The expression KpiTov k.t.X.] occurs in Acts x. 42 (in a speech of S. Peter) comp. 2 Tim. iv. 1, 1 Pet.
:

iv.

5.

See also Barnab.

2.
'

7, Polyc.

Phil.
3.

p,iKpa

cppoveiv]

to

have mean

'AdtX^oi K.r.A.] the epistle, as far as nadelv

y/iaiv,

The opening

of

views.''

The

Ebionites,

whom

the

eveica

is quoted by Timotheus of Alexandria (a.d. 457) as 'from the

writer of this epistle attacks, were said to have earned the title of 'poor'

by

their

mean and beggarly concep;

beginning of the Third Epistle/ ' immediately after a quotation from the First Epistle on Virginity' (see above, 1. p. 181); and by Severus of Antioch (c. A.D. 513 518) as 'from

tion of the Person of Christ

esp.
ol

see

Origen de Princ.
777

iv.

22

(1.

p. 183)
rfjs

tit co^oi

biavoia

ESjStwatoi

7rTa)^eia9 rfjs biavolas e7roivvp.oi, e(3ia>v

the Second Epistle to the Corinthians' It is also found in (see I. p. 183).

[]V2&] yap 6 nTcoxos napa 'Efipalois ovopdfcrcu, c. Cels. ii. i (1. p. 385), in

Matth.
'irjcrovv

t.

more than one anonymous Syriac

collection of excerpts (see
1.

'E/3tO)I/ai6>

xvi. 12 (ill. p. 734) to KCU 7TT(i)XVOVTL 7Tp\ TTJV LS

p.

185).

Photius {Bibl. 126) remarks on the

Horn.
iii.

opening of

this

epistle, contrasting

nicmv, and again in Gen. Hi Euseb. H.E. 5 (11. p. 68) 27 'JLfticdvaiovs tovtov? oikWgk eVe;

14

212

THE EPISTLES OF
tw yap

S.

CLEMENT.

[i

plas rifjLwv ev
jjiiKpa
kcli

(ppoveiv fj/xas /miKpa irepl avrov,

Xafielv.

eXiri^ofJiev

Kai

ol

aKOvovres

a)s

Kai ^/xe??] dfjLapTavofJLev, ovk wept iiiKpwv [d/uapTavovcrLV, etSores 7r66ev K\r\dt]jJLv Kai viro rivos Kai eU bv tottov,
Kai

oca

'

virefjieivev
nfJieis

Itjcrovs

XpKrrds iraQeiv eveKa

dvTifiicrdiav
; ;

rifiiov. 5

TLva ovv
Kapirov

aura)
rifjuv

hcoco^xev

rj

riva
aiiTw

dpiov ov
;

airros

eSwKev

irocra

Se

The reading of S is uncertain, for 7l\> (the word i \ape?v] A diroKa^elv C. used here) occurs elsewhere indifferently as a rendering of both Xafx^dveiv and dirows irepl] CS Sever Timoth 11. oxnrep A. \a[x(3dveii>, e.g. below 8, 9,
;

3 a/j-aprdvovaLP, Kai

rjfieis]

add. offeremus

Mi

S.

7 Kapirov] AC ; S; om. AC see the lower note. This however does not perhaps imply any additional words
:

(pijpu^ov ol 7rpa>Toi 7TT(ox^>s kcu raneLvcos

Ta

irepi

tov Xpio~Tov 8odovTas, Eccl.

i.

ward and misplaced. Young suggested KaiToi which others have

required.

Theol.

14

ol 7rpoiToKripvKes 'Efiicovaiovs

(ov6paov 'E/Spaiieg cpoovfj 7rrco^ofs ttjv biavoiav ci7roKa\ovvTs tov? eva p,ev Qeov

Xeyovras
crap.a pr/

elftevat

Kai

tov

crcoTrjpos

to

dpvovp,evovs ttjv 8e tov vlov

p,rj

deoTrjTa

eldoTas, sages collected in

with other pas-

Schliemann

Cle-

adopted, but this is not the particle The Syriac quotations of Timotheus and Severus have a?id whe?i we hear] as though the article were absent from their text but, allowance being made for the license of translation, no stress can be laid
' ;

ment, p. 471 sq. Origen's language perhaps does not necessarily imply that he gives this as a serious account
of the term, but only that they were Eusebius howfitly called 'poor.'
ever, mistaking his drift, supposes this name to have been a term of

on this fact. Photius (Bibl. 126) remarks on the looseness and inconsequence of expression in
this

Second Epistle (or rather in the two epistles, but he must be referring
especially to the Second), to. ev avTais vor)\x.ara eppip,p,iva ncos Kai ov
crvvexrj
ttjv

tics

reproach imposed upon these hereinstead of by the orthodox

;

a.Ko\ov6iav vnfjpxe cpvXctT-

Tovra.

Several instances of this will

being, as doubtless

it it

was and as

perhaps Origen knew

sumed

to be, self-asin allusion to their voluntary

be noted below, and this passage, if the Greek text be correct, furnishes
another illustration but the Syriac comes to the rescue by inserting the words which I have placed in brackets
;

poverty.

The

idea of a heresiarch
is

named Ebion, which

found

first

in

Tertullian (de Praescr. 33,

and

else-

and removes the

6.

difficulty.

where), is now generally allowed to be a mistake.

ol ciKovovres] 2. we who hear] according to the text of the Greek For the article compare Clem. MSS.
l

dpTifjucrdiav]
i.

The word
vi. 13,

occurs

Rom.

27, 2 Cor.
9.
it

Theoph. ad

Auiol.

ii.

Though apparently not

is
;

common,

Rom.
see

6 at dcrdevels tg>

o-co/xciti,

and
ol

a favourite word with our author see just below and 9, 11. The sentiment is taken from Ps.

below

19

fxrj

dyavaKToUpcv
is

cxvi. 12 ti dvra7To8(oaa>
8.
'

ru Kvpico

k.t.A.;
it

cio-ocpoi;

but the expression

awk-

ocrm]

mercies, kindnesses] as

I]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
to
(f>ws

213
7rarrip

ocpeiXo/uev oaia',

yap

r\\xiv

i^apiaaro, ws

vious

ti/uias

Trpocrtiyopevcrev, aTroXAvfjievovs fj^as 'e&warev.

r\

10 ttolov ovv alvov avTco dcocrcojuev

/uicrdov

apTi/uuo'dicts iav

i\a/3ojuev
kcli

7Tt]poi

ovtss

Trj Siavoia,
Keel

irpovKWOvvTes Xidovs

^v\a Kal xpvaov

dfjiavptocriv
text.

dvdptoTrcov Kal 6 (3io$

apyvpov kcci ^oKkov, epya aWo ovSev r\v el juri ti/ucov bAos
ovv
; ;

davaros.
in the

irepiKeifJievoi

Kai

TOiavrtis

Greek

5e]
ttolovv

10

ttolov ovv']
ddoao/j-ev

C;

A;

ttolov

yap S om. C. S: see above,

8 ocpeiXopev] ocpCKopev A.
I.

p. 144.

avrtp dwcrcapev]

A;

avrcp C.

11

Trr]pol]A; caeci

irovrjpol

C.

12 Kal xpucroj']

A; XP V<J0V ( om Kal) CS. ^P7a] AC; ovdev d\\o C and so apparently S.

;

^701/ S.

14 dp.a6piocnv]

AC

13 aXXo ovdev] A; tantam obscu;

ritatem S.
is used in the lxx Acts xiii. 34 Scoo-co

Is. lv.
u/xli/
:

Wi

3 (quoted in ocria AavelS

10.

b<6o-(opev]

can

we give?' The

ra mora) for

DHDn

see

Wolf Cur.

reading of C disposes of the grammatical difficulty presented by a

future

Philol. p. 1 197. In a parallel passage 2 Chron. vi. 42 the LXX has ra ikerj.

conjunctive,

da>o-copev

see

Winer Gramm.
perhaps correct.

xiii. p.

In this case 6<pel\opev will have a pregnant sense, we have received and should repay? Perhaps how'

Of

all

89 and is such future

is

conjunctives however dcccrco the best supported ; see

p. 95.

perhaps
xiv.

id.

ever
'

simpler to take oaia as duties'' (e.g. Eur. Sufipl. religious 368 oaia ircpl deovs). The distinction
it

is

II.

TTrjpol

OVTeS K.T.X.] AHst. EtJl.

pr)

between 6'o-ia what is due to God and dUaia what is due to men is as old as Plato (Gorg. p. 507 b) and runs through Greek literature comp. Trench N. T. Syn. 2nd ser. xxxviii, and Steph. Thes. s. vv. biKtuos and See also below, 5, 6. oo-los.
'
'

Ttjv,

'

'

neTTrjpcopevois npos dpePtolemaeus ad Flor. (in Epiphan. Haer. xxxiii. 3, p. 217) pr) povov to rrjs
i.

Nic.

IO rols

tyvxys oppa
neirripoipevcov.

dWa

Kal to tov atopaTOs

In the

New Testament

nrjpovv,

Co?

Tjarrjp

k.t.A.]

The
ii.

reference
1

occur occasionally as various readings for noopovv, Trcopcosee o-ls, but are not well supported Fritzsche Rom. II. p. 451 sq.
TTijpoio-is,
:

is

perhaps to Hosea
eVcei

Kal eorai

iv t<5 to7T(o ov eppedrj avTols

Ov Xaos
viol

pov vpets,
g>vtos,

K\rj6rjaovTai

Qeov

TTpocrKwovvTes K.T.A.] The writer of this epistle therefore is plainly a Gentile Christian comp. 2 r)
:

more

especially as
ix.

applied

eKKk-qala rjpwv,
p. 205.

and the introduction

by

S.

Paul Rom.

26.

See also
vi.

the quotation in 2 Cor.

18

ko.1

eo~opai vpiv els narepa Kal vpels eo~eo~6e poi els viovs Kal Ovyaripas (a combination of 2 Sam. vii. 14 and Is. xliii. 6),

6 fiios] Their (3ios was not far) 13. but BdvaTos: see the note on Ign. Rom.
7.

and

I J oh. iii. 1 'Idere iroTaTrr)v dydmjv dedcoKev Tfp.lv 6 Trarrjp iva reKva Qeov

Comp. I Tim. v. 6 faaa Tedvr)Kev. See also the passage of S. Augustine quoted by Harnack, Con/, i. 6 'in istam dico vitam mortalem an mortem
vitalem nescio.'

K\r)0u>pev.

214

THE EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

[i

d^Xvos ye/uovres
eiceivo

ev ty\ 6pd(rei, dve^Xe^ra/uiev diroQeixevoi

yap
r\fjuv

6 7repiKel/ue6a vecpos ty\ clvtov deXtjaei. Y\Xer\(Tev rinds Kal o'TrXay-fcvio'deh eaaxrev, deacrajuevos ev

7roXXr]v irXdvY)v Kal a7rcoXeiav, Kal jutj^e/uiav i\7ri$a

(rtoTripias,
el
jjiyi

e^ovras

Tt)v

nap' avTOv.
e/c
fmrj

eKaXecrev

yap
tjiuas.

r\fjLas

ovk

bvTas Kal ^6eXt](rev

ovtos elvai

II.

EycJ)pANeHTI,

BOHCON, H

pASON KAI OYK OOAlNOyCA, OTI TTOAAA TA T6KNA THC epHMOY

CTG?pA
H

of

TIKTOyCA"

MAAAON
2 rrj

THC l)(OYCHC
deXrjcrei]

TON

ANApA.

eiWeV

6y4>pAN6HTI IO
if

avrov

A;

r% dekqaet avrov C; voluntate nostra S, as

avrQv.
S.

4 iro\\7]v
lates

ir\dvr)v\

AC;
;

hitnc

omnem

= tantum = ToaavT7]v)

errorem

multum
it

i\7rl8a 'ixovras]

eXTridavexovTea A.

S evidently read as C, though

spes salutis sit nobis.
p.7]

trans-

by a

finite verb, et
iic

quod ne una quidem

p,T}]

AC;
I.

5e S.

A;

k tov

C.

8 eicppavd-qri]

AC;

6 yap] add.

dvefiXeyj/apev]

anoOeiitvoi

k.t.A.]

Comp. 9. The language

tov

prj

ovros

eis

to

eiuat,
to. p.r)

Clem. Horn.
II.

iii.

32 ra
is

Ta navTa, ovTa els to

here,

coloured
X 0VTS
k.t.A.

though not the thought, is by Heb. xii. 1 too-ovtov

TrepiKeifievov
77/xti/

eivai o~vo-TT]o-ap,V(o.

'For what

the

meaning of

vecfros

fxaprvpoiv,

oynov dnodepevoi navra For the construction nepLKeladaL

1

the scripture, Rejoice thou barren that bearest not? It has been fulfilled

in
is

us

the

Gentile

Church,
also

ti

Ho

be enveloped in or surroicnded
xxviii. 20,

which
it is

even

now more numerous

In like

by a thing, see Acts

v. 2.
5.

Heb.

than the Jewish.

manner

exovras] SC. -qpas.

it

If this read-

written elsewhere, / caine not to call just men but sinners. Such

ing be correct

is

perhaps
rather

go-

sinners were we.'

8.

verned

by

6eao-dp.vos

than

EvcppdvOrjTi
Is.
liv.
1,

k.t.A. ]

From
iv.

the

by

ecraxre,

''and
1

this

though
:

we

LXX
same

word
is

for word. 27.

See

had no hope

But exovres may be

the notes on Galatians

the right reading after all in which case a word or words may have fallen
out from the text ; or this may be one of the awkward expressions to which
allusion has
01 aKovovres).

application
i.

also

The made in

Justin Apol.
lib. 2, II. p.

53, p. 88 c.

Philo also

allegorizes this text

(quod Omn. Prob. 449), but in a wholly difthe Gen-

been already made (on

ferent way.
11.
tile
77

eKKXrjcTLa ijpaiv] i.e.

eKaXeaev yap k.t.A.] Rom. iv. 17 Kakovvros to. prj ovra cos ovra, Philo de Creat. P?'inc. 7 (11. p. 367) to. yap pr) ovra enaXecrev els to ehai
:

Church, called

Xaos

rjpa>v

below.

comp.

Hermas
ovtos
to.

Vis.

I.

KTtcras
I

e*s

tov

prj

ovra,

Mand.

7roLt]cras

ck

seems so far to differ from S. Paul's, that he makes the contrast between Gentile and Judaic Christendom, whereas in the Apostle it is between the new and
author's application

Our

"]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
h

215

cTeipA

oy

tiktoyca,

nfAas

e'nrev

crTeipa

yap

rjv

r\

6 Se e'nrev iKKXrjcria tj/uLcov nrpo tov Sodrjvai cwtyj t6kvcl. Bohcon h oy'k ooAi'noyca, tovto Xeyer ras irpoaev^a^ aVAws dvacpepeiv irpos tov Qeov \*yi, ok al rifjiijov
15 wSivoucrai,

eyKaKoofJiev.

b Se

eiirev

on

ttoAAa ta tgkna
7Ti
eprjfixos

thc epHMOY maAAon h thc exoYCHc ton ANApA,

eSoKEL eivai diro

tov Qeov 6 \ao\

eyevofieda
ypacpr)

tjfJitov,

vvvl Be 7no"-

TEvcravTes

irXeioves

toov

Sokovvtwv

eyeiv

Qeov,
Yd/?,

Kal Tepa Se
S.

Xeyet, otl

Oyk hAGon KA12 r/yuwv]

\4yei,

PV&v]

AC;

Kal pi)ov S.

AC;
as
7/

om.

S.

13

tcls

Trpocrevxte]

AC;

rd

7rpos ras

irpoaevx^ (or ra
17 tov]

irpbs

ei)xds,

by Bensly) S.
15
iyi<a.Ku>fj.ev]

See above, L

p. 141.

14 at tidbovaai]

AC;

suggested udivovaa S.

e/c/ca/cw^tev

C.

A; om. C.

19 5e]

AS;

om. C.
the old dispensation. Justin uses the text in the same way as our Pseudotovs e
TCOV

edvcov

rav oVd

'lovdalcov Kal

"2,ap.apeoov

Clement.
as k.tX] If the order of the words be correct they can only mean 'let us notgrow weary, as women in travail grow weary' ; but it is strange that the writer should have
14.
firjy

Xpio~Tiavovs eldoTes. doKOVVTfOV %eiV 0601/]

Hil"

genfeld quotes from the Praedicatio Petri in Clem. Alex. Strom, vi. 5
(p.

760)

p.r]de

/card 'lovdaiovs
p.6voi

'

ae^eade

Kal

yap

eKelvoi,

olop.evoi tov

confused his application of the text by this fanciful account of 77 ovk <o8lof which the natural explanaFor iyKaKcop.ev tion is so obvious.
vova-a,

ovk eVi'crrai/rat yivoio-Kiv} (comp. Orig. in Joann. xiii. 17, iv.

p. 226).

Qeov

would subis a misas authority is against eatake, see the note on Kelv and for iynaKiiv
Cotelier

and other

editors

stitute KKa<(op.ev;

but this

Thus the 19. erepa 8e ypa<pr)] Gospel, treated as a written document, is regarded as Scripture like the Old Testament. Comp. Barnab.
4,

and possibly 1 Tim. v. 18. above, the introduction p. 202.

ovk
rjXdov
K.r.X.]

See

Galatia?is
17.

vi. 9.

The

quota-

dnb tov Qeov]

ep-qp.os

position after IO (oVd (xl).

For the precomp. Jer. xxxiii

kttjvwv),

tion agrees exactly with S. 17, but might also be taken

Mark
from

ii.

S.

avdpatiroiv Kai

Matthew

ix.

13

oi)

yap rjXdov k.t.X.

in S.

xxxiv
xliv

(xli).

22 (dno

tcov kcltoucovvtoov),

On

the other

hand

(li).

2 (a7ro

evoLiccov).

The word

the form

is different,

Luke (v. 32) ovk eXrfXvda Kadp.apTo)Xovs

5

involves a secondary idea of severance,

Xeaai diKaiovs
p.eTavoiav.

aXXa

els

and so takes
18.

and.

Comp.

also Barnab.

ovk

irXe loves]

Writing about

this

rjXdev KaXeaai SiKatovs

dXXd

d/xaprcu-

time, Justin Martyr gives a similar account of the greater numbers of the Gentile Christians: Apol.'x. 53

same

Xovs (where the words els p.eTavoiav, added in the late MSS, are wanting in
5<),

and Justin Apol.

k. d. a. dp., els

i.

p.

62 C ovk

rp\-

(p.

88 B) nXeiovds T koi dXrjOeaTepovs

Oov

p-erdvoiav.

2l6
Aec<M

THE

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
tovto Xeyei, otl

[n

Aikaioyc, aAAa

amaptooAoyc.

Sel

tovs diroWvfjLevovs trwteiv* eiceivo yap ecTiv /ueya kcli tcl ttlttOavfjiaa'Tov, ov Ta icToora CTrjpl^eLv

dWa

TOVTCL.

OVTCOS
kcci

KCLI

XpLCTTO^

tldeXtlOSV

(TUHTCLl
kclI

TCL
5

aTroWvfJLeva,
rnjids rjSr]

ecrcocrep

7ro\\ovs, iXdtvv

/caAeVas

aTroWvfJLevovs.

III.
YlfJici^'

Tocovtov ovv eAeos

/UL6V,

iroir\G avTO^
,

avTOv

els

TTpLOTOV

OTL
ov

tj/xels

ol

^COVTSS

TOTs

VKpo7s

6eois

ov

dvo/uev
$i

kcll

irpoo'KVvoviJLev

clvtoTs,

dWa
10

tov irwrkpa Ttjs dXrjdelas* Tts r\ eyvtofjiev yvtocris tj 7rpos clvtov, rj to /ulvj apveicdai Sl ov eyvoo/uev clvtov; AeyeL Se kcli clvtos* Ton omoAoth'canta Me [Incoclvtov
4 ovtcos] ovtio C.
Xeos] eXaioa

Xpiarbs]

AS

Ktf/uos C.

7 ovv]

AC

om.

S.

A.
it

9
11
I.

ical

ov trpoaKWov/xev aureus]
'iireira 5e otl
;

AS
I.

om. C.
p. 142.

AC

translates as if

had read

see above,
r\

dXXa] 10 tI$]
T77S 1X77-

AC;
ddas

rt's

de S.

yvQas]

yvtoaeio'
7)]

A.

irpbs

avrov]

AS;

see above,

p. 127.

AC

om.

S.

apveladai] add. avrbv C.

12 avrov]

The testimony
evunriov

of S cannot be alleged in such a case.

ruv

avdp&iruv]

AC

om.

S.

13

avrbv]

AC.
ko.1

AS; om. C. S adds etiam

4. owcu k.t.X.] Luke xix. 10 tf\0ev o vlos tov avdpconov r)Trjo~ai icai o~a>o-ai to diro\a>\6s (compare the interpolation in Matt, xviii. 11), 1 Tim. i.

Second Epistle;
tlvl

Tov 6poXoyrjo-avTa...Tov rrarpos

8e...T(ov

6 Kvpios Xeyet p.ov' ev

evToX&v.

Cotelier (on

15

I.

X. rjXOev els rbv k6o~[mov ap,apT(oXovs

III.

Clem. Rom. 14) mentions the fact, but does not give the quotation in
full.

crcocrai.

'Seeing then that He has been so merciful and has brought us to know God, wherein does this knowledge consist but in not denying Him

Tov opoXoyrjaavTa k.t.X.] free quotation of Matt. x. 32 (comp. Luke

xii. 8).

eVwVtoj/ k.t.X.]
is

The omission

in

by

whom we

were brought

If

we

confess

Him, He

will confess us be-

probably correct, the words having been inserted by scribes from a well-

fore the Father.

This we must do,

lives.'

known
xii. 9.

evangelical

passage,

Luke

not with lips only but in our

8.

For a similar instance, where

rots veKpois deols]

a>v

Wisd. xv. 17

ve<pbv epyderai xepo~\v dvopois' KpeiTTow yap eort tcov aeftao-pdrav avrov, a>v avros p.ev eijjo-ev eKelva
de ovdenoTe.
12.

Bvtjtos de

S preserves the true reading, see Clem. Rom. 46. Our preacher is in the habit of dropping out words in
his quotations, in skeleton.
14.

and presenting them

'

(see
15)

Xeyei de <al avros k.t.X.] Nicon above on the First Epistle 14, quotes this passage from the

eav ovv]

if after all, if only.'

For similar instances of the use of ovv see Hartung Partikel. 11. 11.

IV]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
outos ovv ecrlv 6
1

217

TTION TOON

ANGpOOnOON], 6moAO["HCCO AyTON GNCOniON TOY HATpOC

/uuordos
ij/uicov,

moy.
15

eav

ovv

6[xo-

Xoyrjcco/uev

ov

iccodrj/uLev.

ev tlvl Se
/urj

avrov

o/uloXo-

yov\xev\
tcov
el

ev

tw

iroielv
/urj

a Xeyei Kal

irapaKOve.iv

avrov

evToXuv, Kal
kai
e

julovov )(ei'AeciN

ayton timan

dWa

oAhc KApAiAc

ev tco

na aia*
m

\eyei oe Kat Aaoc oytoc toTc x e| ^ ec|N Me tima, h Ae

el
a'tt'

oAhc thc aianoiac.

20 KApAlA AYTOON TTOppGO ATTeCTIN

6MOy.

IV.

Mrj

julovov

ovv

avrov

KaXw/uev

Kvpiov,

ov

yap rovro
moi,

aroucei

tj/ULas.

Kfpie, Kfpie, coo6i-iceTAi,

Aeyei yap* Oy hac d AercoN AAA' 6 hoioon thn Aikaiocynhn.

wcrre ovv, d$eA(poi, ev roTs epyois avrov SjULoXoycojuev,

ego (/cayw) as in Matt. x. 32.

14
ovv\

p.ov\

AC; om.

S.

6 fuo~0bs tj/xQv]
Ttfj.dv'}

AC;
mus

merces

magna

S.

A; om. CS.
S.
5e]

17 avrov

AC;
18

deberrji]

invocare {vocare)

eum

S, as if o^eiXo/xev avrov eiriKakeladai (icaXeTv).

A; om.
S;

C.

diavoias]

AC

8vvdfj,eojs
;

yap AS; om. C.

dVecrTiJ']

19

6]

(i.e. ov)

A.
C.

20 aurow']
21

direo-TTjv

ow]

AS avrov C. AS (?) om. C.

;

A;

aireariv (or ecrnv)

22

crwcret]

AC;

<rwei S.

24 aurov] avroov A.
18.

6/u.o\oyw/Ae>]

6/j.oXoyrjaojfJ.ev

C.

ultimately to Deut.

reference but as both words diavoias and Kapdias do not seem to occur in that passage in any
e
0X7;?
k.t.A.]
vi. 5
;

lessness.

must not fear men For Christ Himself has but God. warned us that, though we be His
most familiar
not His
friends, yet if

We

we do
will re-

one text of the lxx, we must suppose

that the writer

commandments, He
ttcls

had in his mind the saying rather as it is quoted in the Gospels, esp. Mark xii. 30 e oXrjs
Kapdias crov Kal e
0X77 y rfjs

ject us.'
22.

Ov
vii.

6 Xeycov k.t.X.]

From

Matt.
pie,

rfjs

^vxi s

21 ov nas 6 Xeycov pot, KvKvpie, elaeXevaerai els rrjv ftaaiovpavcov,

aov Kal e
bXrjs rfjs

aov Kal i laxvos aov (comp. Matt. xxii.

bXrjs rrjs diavoias
x. 27).
k.t.X.]

Xeiav rS>v
6eXt]p,a

aXX'
p,ov
vi.

ttoicov

rb
rols

rov

irarpos

rov

ev

yj,

Luke
13,
it

ovpavols

(comp. Luke

46 quoted

19.

'O Xabs ovros

is

From

Is.

xxix.

modified by the form in quoted in the Gospels; see the note on the genuine Epistle of Clement 15, where again it is quoted in almost exactly the same

below). Justin {Apol. i. 16, p. 64 a) gives the exact words of S. Matthew

which

(except ovxi for

7

ov).

Clem. Horn.

viii.

has

ri

pe Xeyeis Kvpie, Kvpie, ko! ov

;

7roiels

a Xeyco
vi.

which closely resembles

ri

form as here.
IV.
'It is

Lord.

We must confess Him by our

not enough to call

Him

8e p.e KaXelre, Kvpie, Kvpie, Kal ov rvoielre a Xeyco ; comp. Clem. Horn. viii. 5 ovde ev r<u mar eve iv

Luke

46

didaaKaXois Kal Kvpiovs avrovs Xeyetv

77

works, by love and purity and guile-

aoyrrjpia yiverai.

218
ev

THE EPISTLES OF
tw dyairdv
eAerj/uovas,
teal
fjit]

S.

CLEMENT.
/urj

[IV

eavTOvs,

ev

rw
kcli
m

ixoiyacrQai

/urjhe

KctTaXaAelv
eivat,

dAAqAwv

jurjhe

dyadovs*

eyKparels fyAovv, a v/UL7rdo'^eiv dAArjAois

ev tovtois toIs epyois

aAA'

6<pei\ofJLev,

dfJLoAoycoiuiev

(piAapyvpeTv. clvtov ko.1 jur] ev

toTs

evavTiois*

k<xi

ov

Set

ij/uids

(j)o@e'i<r6ai

tovs dvdpco7rovs /mdAAov, dXAa tov

tovto, tclvtol vjulcov Trpacrcrovrcov, elnev 6 KvpLOS* 'EaN HT6 MET 6M0Y CYNHTMeNOl 6N TO) KOAntp MOY ka'i mh ttoiht tac 6ntoAac moy, attoBaAoo ymac kai epoc)
i

Qeov.

$ia

ayairav

AC

add. tovs irX^ulov

7
v/j.<joi>]

tj/awv

ws S

see above.

6(pei\ofjLev]

ocpiKofMev

A.

A;

ijfi&v

CS.
9 7rot^re]

8 Ki/ptos]

iv r< Kokirip fxov]

I.

AC;

m zm<? '# S.
K.r.A.]

AC;
C.

irjaovs

S.

A;

TroiricrrjTe

12 7rap-

/x^Se
/ut?7

KaraAaAeiv

James

Aeyw

i5/ui>,

ovk olda [yfxas] TvoBev ears'

iv.

1 1

also

KaraAaAeire dAA^Aa)!/. See Hermas Maud. 2 nparov p,ev

KaraXaXei,
'

an6o-rr)re

p.r)devbs

with

the

whole

section.
dyatfous] kindly, as Tit. ii. 5, 1 Pet. ii. 18 ;
3.

an e/xoO ndvres ipydrai adiThis is much closer than Matt, icias. vii. 23. The denunciation is taken from Ps. vi. 9 dnoo-rrjre air ep.ov irav-

beneficent]

and so pro-

bably
5.

Thess.

iii.

6.

Comres oi epya6p,evoi rr\v dvoplav. pare the quotations in Justin Afiol. i. 16 (p. 64 B) Kai rore epat avrols'
'Anoxcopelre an
p.ias,
e'/uoO,

ov del -qpas K.r.A.]

'Eav ^re K.r.A.]

Comp. Acts
in

epyarai
ko.1

rfjs

avo'

iv. 19, v. 29.

8.

Dial. 76
p.
'

(p.

301 D)
ep,ov.

ipa> avrols

Not found

'Avaxoipelre

an

See WestCOtt

the canonical Gospels, and perhaps taken from the Gospel of the Egyptians,

Canon
V.

We

125 sq (2nd ed.). must break loose from

which
1 2.

is

quoted below

see

5, 8,

The image and expressions

are derived from Is. xl. iitw fipaxiovi avrov avva^ei apvas <al ev too KoXna)

The Lord has warned us, that here we shall be as lambs among wolves; that we have
the ties of this world.

avrov

(3a.o-Ta.o-e 1.

though absent in several mss (see sons), in other Greek Versions, and in the original and must be supposed to have been known to the writer of the Gospel in question. For
;

The latter clause, BSA, is found in Holmes and Par-

cause to fear the perdition of our souls rather than the murder of our bodies.

Our

life

here

is

brief

and

transitory ; our life in heaven is eternal rest. Therefore should we look

upon
world.'
12.

ourselves

as

aliens
'

to

the

rrjv
i.e.

TrapoiKiav]

the expression o-wayeiv iv koKitco, to gather in the lap] see lxx Prov.
xxx. 4 (xxiv. 27). The image is carried out in the language of the next

'

ing in]

our sojourn'our dalliance with': see

the note on napoiKovvres in the opening of the First Epistle. "EaeaOe K.r.A.] This is a close 15.
parallel to
cos

chapter, eaeade
IO.

cos

dpvia K.r.A.

vndyere
S.

K.r.A.]
xiii.

The

parallel

Luke x. 3 d7roo-re'AAa) vpas apvas ev p.eaco Xvkcov (comp. Matt.

passage in

Luke

27 runs Kai ipel.

x. 16).

As however Peter

is

not men-

v]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
att'

219

10

YmiV YnAreTe
anomi'ac.
'

gmoy, oyK oiAa ymac tto0n ecTe, eprATAi

V.

Odei/,

dSe\(f)oi 9

KCLTaXei^lsai/Tes
TTOiY\(TO)[xe.v

ttjv
deAti/uia

Trap-

oiKiav tov

KCKTfJLOV
rifjias,

tovtov
kcll
/uri

to

TOV

i^eXdeTu e/c tov Aeyei yap 6 Kvpios "EcecOe 00c apnia cn i$KOcrfj.ov tovtov, mccco Aykcon* aTTOKpideh $e 6 fleTpos avTto Aeyer 'Ean OYN AlACHApAlOOCIN 01 AYKOI TA A'pNIAj ellTeV 6 IfJOTOVS TCO
(pofiridco/uiev
'

KaXeffavTOS

lleTpcp'

Mh

(J)oBeicOoacAN
KAI

ta apnia toyc

AyKoyc mgta to

ATTO0AN6IN AYTA.
oadav]

\Me1c Mh (J)OBe?C06 TOYC ATTOKTNNON19 (poplelade] (popleiadcu A.

airoKTevvovTas]

AC

wapoLfiiav S.

A;

a7ro/creVras C.
tl 7roir)o~ai' v7ro8ei^co de
6fjTe.

tioned in the context, and as the continuation of the quotation is not found in the canonical Gospels, the

(po(3r]dr]Te

vpuv Tiva (j)o(3r]tov p,eTa to aTVOKTelvai

e'xovTa e^ovaiav ep.(Ha\elv els ttjv yeev-

whole passage was probably taken from some apocryphal source, per-

vav

vai,

\eyco vpuv, tovtov

is

(pofitjOrjTe.

The saying
Horn.
xvii.

quoted also in Clem.

p.rj

haps the Gospel of the Egyptians see the note on 4, 8, 12. As the same metaphor of the lambs occurs in the apocryphal quotation just above ( 4), they were probably taken from
:

(pofirjOrJTe

diro

tov

be yjsvxj} /*>) bvvap.evov tl Troifjo-ai' (po[3i]6r)Te be tov 8vvdp,evov Kal o~dop.a Kal tyvxyv els ttjv
o~<op.a ttj

cnvoKTevvovTos to

yeevvav tov nvpos fiakelv,

and

in Justin

the
126)

same

context.

Photius (Bibl.

ApoL

i.

19

(p.

66 B)

/a?)

<po(3elo-0

tovs
pLrj

remarks on the number of apocryphal quotations in this Second

Epistle, nXrjv otl prjTa riva
<os drrb rrjs

dvaipovvTas

vp.as

Kal

p,eTa

TavTa

dvvap,evovs ti irovfjo-ai,, ciVe, (pofirjdrjT* de tov p.Ta to cmoBavtiv dvvap-evov Kal

y\rvx^v Kal au>p.a els yeevvav
ep,(3a\eiv.

deias ypa(prjs eviovTa Trapeiardyei, cov ovft 77 iTpcorr) cnvrpXkciKTO navTeXoiS.

The
lies

(For apocryphal quotations in the First, which however are chiefly from
the

points of coincidence in the quotations of the Clementine Homi-

Old Testament and therefore not

8, 13,

so prominent, see the notes

17, 23, 29, 46.)
19.
leal

and Justin with our pseudo-Clement are worthy of notice, but they seem to be accidental. The expression
els ttjv

vp,els

k.t.\.]

The apocry-

quotation

yeevvav tov nvpos (in the of the Homilies) might

phal citation again runs parallel to the canonical Gospels, Matt. x. 28

Kal
p.rj

have come from Matt,

(pofielo-de cltvo tg>v

tt)v de
'

anoKTevvovTcov
p.rj

xviii. 9 (interpolated in the parallel passage Mark ix. 47). For the amount of variation

to

o-6Jp.a,

y\rvx*]v

8vvap,eva)v

which may

anoKTeivai

(pofirjdrjTe

8e

pioWov tov

8vvap,evov [kcu] yjsvxyv Kal o-(op,a airoXecrcu ev yeevvr], Luke xii. 4> 5 4) ^ r]'

arise accidentally, see a parallel instance given by Westcott Canon p. 116; and it is instructive
to observe the variations in

two quo-

6f)T

OIVO

TG>V aiVOKTeVVOVTOiV to
p.rj

(rco/xa

Kal /zero

TavTa

e'xovTcov nepia-croTepov

tations of this very saying in Clem. Alex. Exc. Theod. p. 972 (po^r)6r]Te

220

THE

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

[v

tac ymac kai MHAeN ymin AyNAMeiMoyc ttoigTn, aAAa cboBeicGe

TON

M6TA TO ATTOGANeiN YMAC I^ONTA ISoyCIAN

YY\HC
tovtco

A<l

coc>matoc, toy BaAg?n eic tggnnan nypoc.

Kai yivu)(TKeTe 9
Ttjs
5

dSeAcboi, otl
(TCtpKOS

y\

eV^/i/a
/ULlKpd

r\

ev

tw

koc/ulw

oKiyO^pOVLO^* Y\ 06 7rayye\ia tov XpiCTTOv /ueyd\r] Kal QavfiacrTr] eariv, Kal dvairavcris rfjs jmeWovcrj^ (JafftKeias Kal farjs
TClVTtlS

i(TTlV

Kal

aicovlov.
el
fjiri

tl

ovv

i&Tiv
Kal

7roirio avTa$
m

eiriTvyeiv avTtov,

to

oaiios
cos

SiKaicos

dvao'Tpecpeo'dai,
fxr]

Kai

tcl
10

KO&fJLUcd
I

TavTa

dXKoTpia
A.

tjyelcrdai Kal

67ri6vfJLeiv
6 e7ra7Ye\ia]

(pofielo-de]

(pofiaadai

3 irvpos]

AC; om.
8

S.

eirayyekeia A.
S.

XpiaTov]

7 avairavcns]

A;

i]

Kvpiov S. avairavcns C.
;

iaTiv]

AC

om. (apparently)

t'i... eTn.TVX&v']

AC;

quid

igitur est
for
it.

id quod facit ut attingatis S.

The

translator seems to

have had

iroLrjaav

woLrjaaPTas in his text,

11

and

to

yap r] A; t yap C.
13 Xiyei 5e]

have wrested the grammar to make sense of ravra] AS; eiridvixeZv] eiridvueL A.
X^yei yap Kal S.

aurd C.

AC;

14 iav] C; add. ovv

yoi/v, \eyei,

ml ^rvxw
and
delv

tov fiera Bavarov hvvdp.evov Kai aafia els yeevvav fiakelv, p. 981 6 o~a>TT)p \eyei (po^eladai

possible for us to do that we 7>iay obtain them, but to walk holiiy and

tov dvvafjLevov tclvttjv ttjv tyvxqv Kal tovto to o~a>p,a to ^rvx^ov ev yeevvr)
anoXeo-ai:
'

comp. also Iren.

iii.

18. 5

Nolite timere eos qui occidunt cor-

Thus ra, which some righteously? would substitute for to, interferes with the construction. For oo-iWkcu dtKaias, implying duties to God and to man respectively, see the note on oo-ia

I
:

pus,

occidere

animam autem non possunt timete autem magis eum

;

comp.

VI.

'Our Lord has

6 e\ovTes oaia Kal dUaia. told us that

qui habet potestatem et corpus et animam mittere in gehennam.'

ed

dnoKTewovTas] The passages quotin the last note show that the substitution of arroKTeivovTas is quite

no man can serve two masters. There is a direct antagonism between the world present and the world to come.
cannot keep the friendship of Let us then, if we would deliver ourselves from eternal misery,
both.

We

unnecessary. For the form dnoKTevvew see Winer xv. p. 95 (note), A.

obey the

command

of Christ and
life.

Buttmann
4.
r\

p. 54.
'
'

follow after the heavenly

Even

eTridr}fxia]

sojourn

comp.

7rapeni8rjixoi.
ii.

Heb. xi. 1 3, I Pet. i. I, See the note on napoiKiav above, which contains the same idea. Kai dvanavais] 7. namely, rest.' For this use of Kai see the notes on
11.
'

Noah, Job, and Daniel, it is written, could not by their righteous deeds
rescue their
shall
if

own

children.

How then
of God,

we

enter the

kingdom

we keep not our baptismal vows ?' Ov8e\s k.t.X.] Luke xvi. 13 13.
oIk4tt]s

Galatians
8.

vi. 16.
i

ouSeis-

bvvarai

bvcr\

Kvpiois

ti

ovv k.t.X.]

What

then

is it

8ovXeveiv...ov

dvvaade Qe<n

dovXeveiv

VI]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
ev

221

a\)Twv\

yap tw
Se

iiridvfJLeiv

fi/xas

Krrjo'ao'dai

Tavra

dTTOTTLTTTOfJieV Tjjs

6$OV
6

Ttjs SlKCtiaS.

VI.
Kypi'oic

Aeyei

AoyAeyeiN.
Kcti

Kvpios* OyAeic oiKeTHc Aynatai Ayci edv *j/xe?s deXw/mev kcli Qeco $ou\daviucjyopov
r\\xiv

15 eveiv

/uajULcova,

Iottlv.

ti

r^p

to

OCpeAOC,

6AN TIC TON

zhmiooGh;
e-)(jdpoi*

KOCMON OAON KepAHCH THN Ae YYXHN <ttiv Se ovtos 6 alcov kcci 6 fixeWcov $vo
noiyeiav
eiceZvos

ovtos Aeye*
kcli

yvpiav

diraTr\v,

(pQopav Kai <pi\apSe tovtois drroTao'creTai.

kcli

20 ov Svud/ueda ovv tcov dvo (piXoi

eivar Se? Se
oitoimeda
oKov)
;

r\fJLas

toutco

diroTa^afJievovs eKeivco ^pdadai.

S.

otl fieXnov
S,

16 tov kog\xov

o\ov~\

tov

KocfJLov (oiti.

C omnem hunc mundum

17 ty/Juudfj]

but the insertion of hunc probably does not imply any different reading from
see above,
I.

p.

141,

and comp. below

19.

AC;

perdat

(perhaps

cbroXecrfl)

S.

18 koX (pdopav]

AC; om.

S.

rots tolovtols S.
XpTjcflai

C.

See conversely below on p. 222 1. 8. S also adds de d8e\(poi. oiiopeda] olbpeda ACS.
are the

19 tovtols] AC; 21 xP^ <J ^ aL l A;

Kal

papava.

The words

same

in Matt. vi. 24, excepting the omis-

sion of
15.

oIkcttjs.

noixela here points to this latter sense; comp. Barnab. 10 ov prj yevy polxs ovde tpOopevs, Philo de Spec. Leg. 11
(II.

yap to o(pe\os k.t.A.] See Matt. xvi. 26, Mark viii. 36, Luke ix. The quotation here may have 25.
tl

p.

310 M) adeXcpov pev

Ka\ avyyeves

abiK-qpa poixeias (p9opa, Epictet. Diss. ii. 22. 28 aKparels Ka\ poixovs K.a\
(pOopels,

been derived from either

S.

Matthew

Iren.

Haer.

i.

28.

1,

Clem.

or S. Mark, though it differs slightly from both. The divergence from S.

Horn.
20.

iv. 16, 24.

Luke is greater. The saying is quoted also by Justin Apol. i. 15; but Justin's

farewell
5 01

rovTto aTTora^apivovs] ''bidding to this.'' Act. Paul, et Thecl.

aTTOTa^apevoi r<a Koo~p(p tovt(o, Ign.

1 1

quotation, while combining different features of the three canonical

Philad.

d.7roTadpevos rco

/3t<a.

The

Gospels,

does

not
(tl

reproduce

the

word is fairly common in the Testament see Lobeck Phryn.

;

New
p. 23.

special peculiarity
17.
<ttiv

to ocpeXos;) of
6
aloov
i.

our pseudo- Clement.

de
oxitos
K.T.A.]

Xpaa6aC\ ''consort with as a friend/ according to a common sense of the

word.

The

editors

have substituted

See the notes on Galatians pare also Clem. Horn. viii.

18.

4.

Com-

21, xx. 2.

Xpw6aL for the reading of the older MS but there is sufficient authority
;

cpdopav]

Either

(1)

corrupt-

for xpacr&u in later writers

see Lo-

ness, profligacy generally, as in 2 Pet. i. 4, ii. 12, 19; or (2) in a morespecial

beck Phryn.

p. 61,
(1.

Buttmann Ausf.
Veitch Ir-

sense, as Plut. Crass.

<p6opas
a7ro\vo-dpevos,

t^
Mor.

aWiau
p.

Trjs

Sprachl. 105 regular Verbs

p. 487),

s. v.

xpdopai.

For the
vi.

89 B

form
3,

in a

comp. crvyxpao-dai Ign.Magn.

10.

KpiOf/vai (pOopas.

The connexion with

napaxpaadai Apost. Const,

222

THE EPISTLES OF
jULio'fjo'ai,

S.

CLEMENT.
kcli

[VI

eorTLV tcc ivOaSe

oXiyo-^povia Kai (pOapTcc eKeiva he ctya7rrj(rcu, to. dyada Kat a<pdapTct. iroiovvTes yap to BeXy/ma tov XpiCTOv evprjcro/uev dvdel

otl /uwcpd

Travcriv

de

wye,
r\

ovSev

ij/uLas

pvcreTai

eic

Trjs

alooviov

Ko\ao"ews,

edv

7rapaKOvo-(o/uiev

twv

evToXvov

avTOv.

Xeyei he Kai
No>e kai
ty\
'looB

ypa(pr)

ev

tw
Kai
S.

'le^eKirjX,

on

'Ean anacth

kai Aanih'A, oy py'contai ta tekna aytoon ev

el

al^/maXcoo'la.
2

he

ol

tolovtol

hiKaioi
is

ov
to be

dyada

Kat]

dyada rd
is

AC; om.

Here probably the reading of C

preferred: for (i) It

3 yap]
iKe?,

more

forcible in itself: (2) It explains the omission in S.

AS

om. C.

dvaTravcnv]

AC

add. quae

illic

S, as

if it

but this

may

be only a translator's gloss.

ev ry]

77/xas]

AC

had read 7-771/ om. S.

;

6 de]

AC;

A.

AC;
4.

8 cu'x/xaXaxria] C; atX/uaXwcria oStol S ol tolovtol] see conversely above on p. 221 1. 19. 5i/catot] om. S. ov StivavTai] here, A; after Si/ccuoo-tWts in C; but S has appa-

yap S.

AC;
:

tov S.

AC

alooviov

KoXdaecos]

The

ex-

pression occurs Matt. xxv. 46.

6.

as in Test, xii Pair. Jud. 17, 22, 23, Orac. Sib. iii. 159, Gaius (Hippolytus?) in Euseb.
pol.

Ezek.

iv tu> 'le^eKn/A] Abridged from xiv. 14 20, being taken es-

H. E.
103,

iii.

28,

Hip-

Fragm.

59,

105 (pp. 162,

pecially from ver. 14 eav oZaiv ol Tpels avbpes ovtol ev (xecrco avTrjs Ncoe Kai
AavLrjX Kai 'Ig^/3, and ver. 18 ov The crovTaL vlovs Ka\ OvyaTepas.
/*?)

181, 182, Lagarde),

17,

Euseb. H. E. viii. Epiphan. Haer. Ii. 9 (p. 432).

pv-

words

iv

Tjj alxpakwcTLq are the writer's own addition and should not be treated

there is ample authority for sense of (3aa!\eiov. Galland, desirous of retaining the more usual meaning 'a palace,' supposes the
this

Thus

as part of the quotation. It is worth noticing also that the order of the

writer to refer to the parable of the marriage feast given by the king,

three names, which has given rise to so much speculation among modern
is changed by the pseudoClement, and a chronological sequence is produced. The same order of the names appears in Aftost. Const.

critics,

Matt. xxii. 11, 12. If so, we might suppose that he explained the wedding garment of baptism, which is mentioned just before. But the reference seems improbable. This more
usual

meaning of
parallel
ii.

fiao-!\eiov

would

ii.

Chrysostom also makes the same change in two passages quoted

14.

have a

in

S.

Anselm Cur

Dens homo
12.

16 'ut nullus palatium

'advocate,* as
it

by
p.

Cotelier, Horn, xliii in Gen. (iv.

ejus ingrediatur.'
7rapdic\r)Tos]

436)
9.

and Exp. in Ps.

xlviii (v. p.

210).
BiKaioo-vvais]
ix.

The
1

in Deut.
23, Ezek.
xliv. 10.
11.

(v. 1.), 6,

Sam.
13,

plural, as xxvi.

iii.

20, xxxiii.
'

Ecclus.

should always be translated in the New Testament. This is one coincidence of language in our pseudoClement with S. John see esp. 1
:

J oh.
ftao-lXeiov]

ii.

7-0

the

kingdom}

naTepa.

napaKKrjTov exopev 7rp6s tov So above 3 tov naTepa Trjs

VIl]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
tclTs

223

hwavTcti
10

avTwv
Kcti

rjjJLeis,

iavTcov htKcttocrvvats pv&acrQai ra TKva iap jmr] Triptjorco/ULev to (idirTtafJia dyvov

Troia
;

dfjLiavTOv,

TreiroLdricreL
fj

elaeXevcrofJieda

eU to
o~Tat>
;

fiatfiXeiov

tov Qeov

tls

tj/ucou

7rapctK\riTOs

eav

jut]

evpeOco/uev

epya

e-^ovTes octet Kat

StKata

15

ovv, dde\<pot julov, eidoTes oti ev %epo"tv 6 dydv, Kat oTt

VII.

''Were

dytoptewfuieda,

as tovs
ov

cj)6ap-

tovs

dytovas

KaTairXeovortv

ttoWoi,
riwa]

a'W
A
;

irdvTes

rently the 10 avrQv]

add. quod accepimus S. 14 ovv] As S always adds the possessive pronoun A; om. CS. pov] A; om. C. where the vocative d5eX0oi stands alone in the Greek, its testimony is of no value
pdirTia/xa]
6.

same order as A. A; om. CS.

g pixraadai ra

tcl

reKva pijaaadat C.

AC;

here: see above

{

16 KaTairXiovcLv]

AC;

certant

= ay uvlfrvTai)

S, but

probably does not represent a different reading in the Greek. S translates KarairXevaoipev descendamus in certamen.
t

Lower down

oXrjdeias,

and see on
p.

this

subject

22 ovk eXdrrova
Vit.

rrjs ev

"

X^P
:

ftvffTvxiciv,

Westcott Canon
13.

157 sq.

Brut. 36

ev

x c P<tIv
etc.

ex<*>v

ras virep

oo-ia koL 67/ccua]

1, 5.

See the notes

twv oXcov npd^eis,

Xelpa,

compare vnb
10 (with the

on

Hermas
els
1

Vis.

iii.

VII. 'Therefore let us prepare for the struggle. In the Isthmian games

note).
otl

rovs

(pBaprovs
ix.

K.r.X.]

An

but not many are crowned. In this our immortal race we should all strive to win. In the earthly contests he who breaks the rules is scourged. What then shall befall those who in their heavenly course swerve from the right path? Their worm, it is written, dieth not, and their fire is not quenched.'

many

enter the

lists,

echo of

Cor.

24, 25 irdvres pev

rpexpwriv, els 8e \apfidvei to /3pa/3eiov and eKetvoi pev ovv iva (pdaprbv
are(pavov
\d(3(oo~iv,

ijpets 8e acpOoprov.

Comp. Lucian Anachars.

navres avra \ap(3dvovo~iv
2.

13

elite poi,
;

01 dycoviarat

15.
is

' ev \epo\v 6 dya>v\ The contest at hand} as Xen. Cyr. ii. 3. 2 "Av-

dpes

(ptXoi,

pev ayeev
7
6

comp. Clem. Rom.

eyyvs rjplv avrbs rjptv

'.

ovdapSs a\\a els e dnavrcov 6 KpaTrjaas avrcdv (a passage of which the context presents several coincidences with S. Paul see Clark's Peloponnesus p. 50), Seneca Ep. lxxviii. 16 Athletae quantum plagarum ore,
; '

The reading AfcoN dya>v eiriKarai. for aicon is doubtless correct, and
this is not the only instance of the

ferunt

quantum toto corpore excipiunt ? tamen omne tormentum glori;

ae cupiditate nee tantum, quia pugnant, ista patiuntur, sed ut pugnent...

see Hase and Dindorf Steph. Thes. p. 593 s.v. dya>v, and to the references there given add ^sch. Again. 495, and For iv see 4 Mace. ix. 23, xi. 19.

confusion of the two words

nos quoque evincamus omnia, quorum praemium non corona nee palma est
etc'
16.
(

K.a.Tcm\eovo~Lv]

resort'

comp.
e(pr)

Plut.

Mor.

p. 8l

KctTcmXeiv yap
0-^0X171/

Xepcriv, ''at

hand} see

Plut. Vit. Cleom.

rovs

noXXovs

eVt

'AOrfvafe,

224

THE EPISTLES OF
el
\ir\

S.

CLEMENT.
KOiriacravTe^
'Iva

[vn

(TTecpavouvTca,

ol

woWa
deco/uep

kol

/ca-

\ws

dycovicra/jievoi,

rifiels

ovv dycovio'co/meda,
ty\v

iravTes

GT(f)av(jod(iofJLv.

oocrT6

ohov t^v evdeiav,

dycova tov acpdapTOv, Kai 7ro\\oi ek avTOV KarairXevauifiev

1

Kal

dycovicrwjJLeda,
;

\va

Kal cTTecpavcodto/mev Kal

3
dtufjiev] conj. (so

el firi]
;

AC
5

{Bifxr]

curramus)
S.

dQpev
Kal

AC.

A) add. solum S. See the lower note.

4 els auTov]
ayajvicribpeOa]

AC
;

too S distinctly in certamen ;

pri.]

AC;

om.

S.

AS

ayviaibpeda

C.

Compounds
rod,
iii.

of 7rXe7v

are sometimes

see the notes on Ign. Polyc. 6

and

used metaphorically, as eKnXelv (He155 ee7r\cocras tcov (ppevSv),

II.

Philippians ii. 16. For the connexion here comp. 1 Tim. iv. 10 kol Konicopev
<a\ dycovi6pe6a (the correct reading).
3.

a7ro7rXeii/(Aristoph. Fr.

p.

907 MeidLanXev-

neke

a7T07rAucrre' ovv iir\ tov vvp(piov),

Beoofxev]

8icnr\elv (Plato

Phaed. 85

D
;

after this
p.

verb see
'

For the accusative Lobeck Paral.

But KaTanXelv can o~ai tov ftiov). hardly be so explained here and we must therefore suppose that the allusion is to the akiepKTjs *lo~6p,ov deipds (Pind. Isthm. i. 10), which would naturally
(xxxiii.

511: comp. also Cic. Off. iii. 10 'stadium currit (from Chrysippus).
of

The reading
Scopev,

the

Greek

mss,
It
is

can

hardly

stand.

be approached by

sea.

Livy

games
loci,

32) describes the Isthmian as 'propter opportunitatem

explained as referring to the dycovoOeaia but in this case the dycovo6eTT]s should be God Himself
;

per duo diversa maria omnium rerum usus ministrantis, humano In these later generi concilium.'

ad Mart. 3) and (see Tertull. moreover Qcopev ttjv 6d6v is in itself an awkward expression. Gebhardt,
;

days of Greece they seem to have surpassed even the Olympian in importance, or at least in popularity comp. Aristid. Isthm. p. 45 ev 777 koK\io~Tr) tcov
:

having read has returned

Becopev in first edition, to 6cop,ev in his second,

being apparently persuaded byBryennios. But the argument of Bryennios appears to me to be based on a mis-

Travqyvpecov Tr/be kol ovopaa-

TOTaTt] k.t.X. (see Krause Hellen. II. 2. If this homily was adp. 205 sq).

He urges that we canconception. not read Becopev on account of the

words
immediately
following,
Kal

dressed

to

the

Corinthians

(see

above, p. 197), there would be singular propriety in this image, as in S. Paul's contrast of the perishable and imperishable crown likewise addressed to them, or again in the lessons which Diogenes the Cynic is reported to

iroXXot els avTov KaraTrXevcrcopev., and he argues 6 de apri dycovi6p,evos XP ciav

ovk e^ei els tov dycova Kare\6elv, as if the reading Becopev involved a hysBut in fact this teron-proteron. clause introduces an entirely new proposition, of which the stress lies

have taught in this city during the Isthmian games, maintaining the superiority of a moral over an athletic
victory
ix).
1.

on noXKoi

'let

this race (Becopev ttjv 6d6v),

us not only take part in but let us

Kal dycovi-

go there in great numbers and contend (noXKoi KaTairkevcrcopev

1

(Dion Chrysost. Orat.

viii,

K07TLaaavTs]

word

used
:

especially of training for the contest

it has not been shown that Belvai ttjv 686v or t6v dycova can be said of the com-

acopeBa).'

On

the other

hand

vn]
i
fxr}

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
Svvd^xeda
iravres
(rrecpavcodijvai,
kclv

225
771)5

tov

<TT(j)ctvov

yevto/meda.

eilevcu >//xas del, otl

6 tov

(pdaprov

dycova

dycovify/uievos,

edv

evpedfj

<p6eipcov,

fxao-TiywOels aiperai ical ea) 10 tl COKelre ; 6 tov ty\<z

7 elUvai]

fidWeTai tov o-Tahiov.

dcpdapaias dy covet (pOeipas, tl

A; before ayuvi&fievos, C. C, so apparently S.
10 doKeire]

A; add.

5e

CS.

6]

here

doKeirai A.

(pdeipas]

A;

(pdeipcov

batants themselves.

Bryennios

in-

explains it SoZpev eavTols 77 7rpoQu>ne6a, but this explanation stands

deed

self-condemned by the necessity of using either the reflexive pronoun (eavToh) or the middle voice {npodoopeOa) to bring out the sense. construction which we have occurs from time to time with

start or cutting off a corner or tripping up an adversary or taking any underhand advantage comp. Epiphan. Haer. lxi. 7 Trapa(p6eLpas dycova
:

o adXrjTrjs pao~Tix@d?

K/3aXXerac

tov

dywvos

The
here
0eeiv,

word

The Cotelier). is specially chosen here for the

(quoted

by

but

is

because the verb

more common with rpe'xeii/, itself is more comHeb.

r\p\v
xii. I Tpe X oopev top dycova (see Bleek's

mon

sake of the neighbouring (pOapTov See Chrysippus in Cic. Off. iii. 10 Qui stadium currit, eniti et contendere debet, quam maxime
dcpdapalas.
'

e.g.

possit,

Trpoiceipevov

quicum
nullo

ut vincat; supplantare eum certet aut manu depellere

note).
6)

Polybius (i. 87. 1, xviii. 35. has the proverb Tpex lv rr\v evxar-qv. kcu el prj 8vvdpe$a This 5. k.t.X.]
to point to

modo

debet

Lucian Cal.
ayaBbs

7ion tern. cred.

sic in vita etc.', 12 6 pev

dpopevs...Tco

nXr^aiov

ovdev

some public recognition of those who came next after the victor. In the Olympian chariot races
there were second, third, and fourth prizes; but in the foot races the notices of any inferior prize or honourable

seems

KCLKOvpyei. ..ode kokos e<e7.vos kcu avadXos a.VTay(0VLO~Trjs. .eVt ttjv KaKOTexylav eTpd.

neTo

k.t.X.

The

turn given to

the

image
gested
edv
p.r)

in cpdelpoov was perhaps sugby 2 Tim. ii. 5 ov o~TecpavovTai

vop.1p.00s d8Xrjo-rj

(comp. Epictet.
anode l^lv
el

mention are vague and uncertain see Krause Hellen. II. 1. p. 170 sq. This passage is quoted loosely by Do:

Diss.

iii.

IO.

dos pot
i.e.

voplpcos rjdXrjcras).
9.

rotheus Doctr.

xxiii cos Xeyei

kci\

6 ayios

Xoi or, as they are

(e. g.

KXrjprjs, Kai> prj

aTe(pava>Tai riy,

dXXd

by the pa(3dovsometimes called Lucian Hermot. 40), paaTiyopao~Tiya>6eis]

(T7rov8ao-eL prj paicpdv evpeOfjvat toov crre-

(pavovpevcov.
6.

B.J.
ois

See Joseph. k.t.X.] dOXa piyicrra irpodels ev ov povov ol vlkoovtcs dXXd kciI ol per
kclv

iyyvs

Pollux (iii. 153) furnishes also a third name, pao-Tiyovopoi. Compare Herod, viii. 59 fJ/ toicti dyoocn ol npoet-cpopoi.

1.

21. 8

avio-Tapevoi pani^ovTai, Thucyd. v. 50 ev too dyoovi vnb toov pafidovxoov 7rXi]yas

eXafiev,

avrovs
Const,
8.

kqI

ol

Tplroi

tov

j3ao~iXiKov

nXovrov pereXdpfiavov.
ii.

Comp.
1

Aftost.

33.
len.

On
II.

Lucian adv. Indoct. 9, Fiscal. these police see Krause Helpp. 112 sq, 139, 142, 144,
sq.
'

14.
'

1.

II.

cpdelpoov]

vitiati?ig.'

The word

2.

p.

46

See Schweighaeuser
iii.

is used of violating the conditions of the contest, e.g. by making a false

on Epictet. Diss.
dipeTai\
is

15. 5 (p. 689).

1

removed.

CLEM.

II.

15

226
TradeiTai
;

THE EPISTLES OF
tcov

S.

CLEMENT.

[vn

yap

/mrj

TrjprjcravToov, (prjcriv, ty\v trtypakai

ylda

ckcoAh! aytoon oy TeAeyri-'cei

kai gcontai
eic

to

ttyp

aytoon

oy cBecGh'ceTAi,

6'pAciN
eirl

hach CApKi.
/meTavoricroojuev'

VIII.
7rr]\6s

&)s

ovv

ea/mev
rrjv

yfjs,

yap TpoTrov yap

e&fjiev

eU

X
rj

a ^P

T0 ^

t^X VIT0V
Kai
iraXiv

'

ov

6 Kepafievs, eav
StacrTpaCpri

woirj

cr/cei/os

iv tols

"Xeparlv

avTOv

crvvTpiPrj,
eis

avTO
tov

dua7r\d(rcrer
7rvpos
V/meTs,
I

eav

$6

7rpo<p6d<rri

Tt)v

kccjulvov

avTO
<5tos

(SaXeiV)
i&iuiev

ovkstl

/3orj6rjo'6i

avrto*
iv

ovtcos Kai
Trj

iv

tovtco

tw

Kocr/xtt,

aapKi

io

TradeLTaC]

A;

ireiaeTai

C
;

1 to irvp avrCov]

AS
;

rd irvp (om. avrCov) C.

see below.
ev]

iroirj]

here,

A;

C, but the present tense is wanted here before diao-rpcuprj, CS thus altering the sense.
;

iroiT)<xri

Kai]
;

A; om. C
;
;

is

doubtful.

i)]

AS

om. C.
It is

8 dvairXdao-eC]
9

tov Trvpbs]

AC

om.

S, but see the next note.

A /3a\e2V] AC

dvairXdaei C.

add. et com-

burat id
I.

et

pereat {perdatur) S.

not probable however that any corresponding

ttjv o-cppaylda]

By a comparito
/3a7T-

son with
Tio-pa, it

6 iav

pr) Trjpijcroipev

meant by the

appears that baptism is here seal. So again 8 rrj-

John (Rev. ix. 4 ttjv acppaylBa tov Qeov eVi t&v pcTconoiv) used the image with any direct reference to baptism.
2.

6 o-k(6Xtj^ k.t.X.]

An accurate quoof the last verse

o~K(oXrjg
is

prjo-are ttjv crcppaylda acnriXov.

Comp.
ttjv

tation from the

LXX

Hermas Sim.
TT]prjo-avT<i vyir)
al/

viii.

6 dXrjcpoTts

of Isaiah (lxvi. 24) 6 yap

k.t.X.

avTav

acppaylda kol T0XaKOTS

k.t.X.,

clvttjv kol prj

ix.
1

The denunciation

uttered

Sim.

6 or-

Se Xd^rj ttjv crcppayiSa... 77

k.t.X. ,

o~(ppay\s

against tcov dvBpaurcov tg>v irapafiefirjkotcov, and the context does not contain

ovv to v8a>p ecrTLV

viii. 2, ix.

also

Sim.

any reference

to the

broken
clay in

seal.

17, 31,

Clem. Horn. xvi. 19

VIII.

'We

are as

the

to acopa o~(ppaylbi peyicrTrj diaTTvncopivov (with the context), Act. Paid,

et Thecl. 25 povov 80s poi ttjv iv Xptcrr<0

hands of the

o-tppaylda,

Hippol.
p. 44.

Antichr.

42

At present, if we are crushed or broken, He can mould us again; but when we have been once thrown into the furnace, nothing will
potter.

(p.

119, Lagarde), Cureton's A?icient

avail us.

Syriac Docume?its
cius
it is

So of Aber1.

time.
late.

said {Ign. a7id Polyc.

p.

496)

Therefore let us repent in After death repentance is too Let us keep the flesh pure now,
inherit eternal
is
life

Suicer Xapnpav acppayeldav e^ovTa. s. v. quotes Clem. Alex. Quis div. salv. 39 (P- 957), Strom, ii. 3 (p. 434), and
later writers.

that

we may
This

here-

after.

when He

our Lord's meaning, says, If ye kept not that

Barnabas

speaks

of circumcision as a acppayh after S. Paul, Rom. iv. 11. But it may be questioned whether S. Paul (o-cppayiadpevos
2 Cor.
i.

which is smalt, who shall give yoti that which is great?* While then.' For this 'Sis ovv] 4.
'

22,

comp. Ephes.

iv.

30) or S.

sense of cos see 9 with the note.

cos

exopev Kaipov,

VIIl]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
jUL6Tavorj(rooiuiv

227

a eirpa^ajjiev Trovr\pa
Slas,

iva

g"(jo6cojulv

1)77-0

tov

e bXt]s Trjs KapKvpiov, ews e^ofJiev kcli^/xa?

e'/c

pov lueTavolas'
koct/ulov,

/uerd

yap to e^eXdeiv
e/ce?

tov
/ue-

ovKSTi

Svvdjueda

e^o/uoXoyrja'acrdai
7roit]cravT6s

rj

15

Tavoeiv Ti.

tov

wcrT6, ddeXcpoi, Kal ty\v capita dyvr\v Tripr]cravT6s TTctTpos

to

BeXrjjua
KCLl

Tas
alcu-

evToXas tov Kvplov (pvXa^avTes Xtj^o/ueda

vlov.

^corji/

Xiyei
oyK

MiKpoN

Kvptos ev eTHphicATe, to Mer^

yap

tw
tic

evayyeXico*
ymin
Acocei;

Ei

to

Aerco
outws]

words stood ovtw C.

;

in the
11

Greek
<t]

text.

(3or)6r}crei]

dum S ws eri C. tov k6<t/jlov] AC; AS; om. C. AC; add. super nostris peccatis S. 16 crdpKa] C aapicav A; add. 7//awj' S.
;

C; si quid S. ix^ v Kaipbv] A;

tt}s]

A; fiorjOei CS. A; om. C.

Kaipbv tx

^C

12

'ws]

A; A;

13 fJ-eravolas]

r^s crapKos S.
15 iroLTjcravTes]

14

e^o/ioAc^Tjcrcto-tfcu]

AC;
it

add.

ow

(?)

S.

5.

7Ti]\6s

yap

eo-fxev

k.t.X.]

image of Jeremiah xviii. 4 ed by S. Paul Rom. ix. 21.

sent passage
is

The
adopt-

He

has once cast

into

the fiery
to its

6,

furnace,

He

will

?zo

?nore

come

presuggested rather by

The

rescue? npocpddveiv occurs Matt. xvii. 25 and several times in the LXX.
16.

the prophet than by the Apostle. The imag-e is drawn out in Test, xii Pair. Nepht. 2, and in Athenag.

Paul,
adpica

Tr/v adpKa dyvrjv k.t.X.] Act. et Thecl. 5 fiaKapioi ol dyvrjv tt}v

TTjprjcravTes,

12

ttjv

adp<a

fir)

Suppl.
6.

15.

fioXvvqTe
(tkvos

dXXd

T7)pr](TT]Te dyvrjv.

ttoltj

Kol

k.t.X.]

can be no

doubt

that

the

There more

graphic reading of A is correct. The very point of the comparison is that the breakage happens in the

18. Ei to piKpbv k.t.X.] Probably a quotation fused from Luke xvi. 10 6 maTos ev eAa^/crTO) Ka\ ev noXXco ttlct-

tos

eo~Tiv, kol 6 ev

ev ttoXKco
L

cidiKos

eo~Tiv'

eXaxiCTcp adiKos Kal el ovv ev tco t

making (71-0177), happens under the hands of the potter (ev rais xeP a>lv avroii Biao-Tpcicpfi), and not afterwards,
as
7TOt.T](Tr]...Ta1s

ddUcp

fiapLCovq ttio~to\

ovk eyevecrSe, to
;

d\-q6ivbv tls vfuv 7riaTev(reL

and Matt.

rpacprj
7.

x P (TLV would imply.

Rev.

clvtov Koi diacr-

XXV. 21, 23, eVl oXlya t]s ttlo~t6s, en\ tvoWcov ere KaTacrTrjcrco. Irenasus (ii. 34.
3) cites it

crvvTpifif)]

ii.

27

cos

to.

modico

fideles

CTKeVT) TCI Kpap,LKCl CTVVTpifieTai.

num

est

somewhat similarly, Si in non fuistis, quod magquis dabit vobis?' The quo-

'

Hilgenfeld refers to Theoph. ad Autol. ii. 26 KaOcmep crKevos ti, Itvclv uXaadev
dva7rXdcraei]
alriav

ndXiv

avrb

tation of our Clementine writer

may

Tiva

o~xfj)

dvaxcoveveTai

77

dva-

TrXdacreTai

els
;

okoKhrjpov
8.

to yeveadai kclivov kcu see the references there

'

perhaps be taken from an apocryphal gospel (see the notes on 4, 5, 12) ; but the passage of Irenasus, who can hardly have borrowed from an apocryphal source, shows how great divergences are possible in quotations

given by Otto.
idv
fie

7rpo<p6d<TT] k.t.X.]

Whe?l

from memory, and lessens the pro-

152

228
TAp

THE EPISTLES OF
ymin

S.

CLEMENT.
kai

[vni

on

ttictoc

6N

eAAYj'cTCO

6N

ttoAAco

tti-

ctoc
(rdpKct

ctin.
a<yvY\v

apa
kcu

ovv
ty\v

tovto

\eyer

TtjpricraTe

ty\v

crcppaylZa

a<nriAov,

\va

Tt\v

\a\wvLOv\ farjv
i

diToXafitjdfjiev,
4 a7ro\&(3w/iev]

7roX\y]

AC

ttoWois S.

airo\a(3r)Te

CS

see the

lower note.
bability of this solution.

inference
epistula

'

(p.

xxxix),

Hilgenfeld's Irenaeus hac

quamvis nondum Clementi

adscripta usus esse videtur,'

Romano
seems
to

The licence in the change of persons (r?7pj7o-are, a7ro\a/3a>/ii>) has offended the transcribers here, though occasionally indulged in even by
the best
e.g.
'

me quite unwarranted by have in fact a the coincidence.

writers

in

all

languages,
vi. p.

We

Jeremy Taylor Works

If

similar coincidence in Hippol. Haer.

X 33
'

(P*

33^) "> fWt TW

fJilKpCp

TTKTTOS

evpeOiisKai to /xiya TTiarevdrjvai

2.

dvvrjOjjs.

they were all zealous for the doctrines of righteousness, and impatient of sin, in yourselves and

364

apa ovv]

favourite colloca:

tion of particles in S. Paul

see Fritz-

sche on

Rom.
is

v. 18.

The

accentuathis'*',

it is not to be imagined what a happy nation we should be.' See also e.g. Rom. vii.

in the people,

tion apa ovv

erroneous.
'

4
as

0avaT<68r)Te,

KapnocpoprjO'Oip.ev , viii.

tovto Aeyei]

He means
12.

in 2 (twice),

See the note on Galatians iii. 1 7. The words therefore which follow ought not to be treated as an apocryphal quotation, as they
are
3.

15 eXafieTe, icpafypev, in S. Paul.

and frequently

IX.

'

Do

not deny the resurrection

of the body. As we were called in the flesh, so also shall we be judged

in the flesh.

by several
ao~TTikov\
1

editors

and

others.
ao~7rihov
i.

As

Christ being spirit

For
vi. 14,

Trjpelv

became
the

comp.
4.

Tim.

James

27.

flesh for us, so shall we in flesh receive our recompense.

alwviov]

The omission

in the

Syriac is probably correct ; comp. 14 TocravTrjv dvvaTai 77 cra.pt; avTt]

p,TaXa^elv (orjv k.t.A., 1 7 crvvrjypevoi apev eVl ttjv farjv. The epithet may

Let us love one another; let us make a return to God for His goodness. What must this return be? Sincere
repentance and unceasing praise the praise not of our lips only, but of our hearts and of our actions.' Kat p,rj Xeye'ra) tis k.t.A.] This 5.
passage, as far as
p,Lo-66v, is

have been inserted from the expression

just

above, \rf^f6pc6a 0)7)1/ alaviov. Similarly in John xx. 31 alaviov is

after farjv

aivo\rj^r6p,cda

tov

added
in
1

by

NCD

etc.,

and

Tim.

vi.

(from ver. 12) less usual ttjs

authorities.

is

19 ttjs alcovlov <dr}s substituted for the

ovtcos {oofjs

In

Luke

x.

by several 25 Marcion

quoted in several collections of Syriac fragments, immediately after the opening sentence of this epistle see the note on the beginning of 1, and comp. I. p. 185. The sentence
:

read
c.

0)771/

without
i

aleoviov (see Tertull.

eis

Xpio-Tos...r]fJias

eicaXeo-ev

is

also
;

Marc.

iv. 25),

and so one Latin copy.

secure?

quoted by Timotheus of Alexandria

see
I.

aiTo\a$<>psv\

The

pre-

p. 180.
rj

position implies that it is already potentially our own, so that we are only recovering 3. right: see Galatia?is iv. 5

avTr)

o-ap

k.t. A.]

Difficulties

on this point were very early felt and met by S. Paul, 1 Cor. xv. 12 sq. A
little

with the note.

later the precursors of Gnosti-

IX]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY
IX.

229
avTt]
y\

Kal

/urj

Xeyerto tis

v/ukjov,

otl

crapp

ov Kpiverai ovde dviorTaTcu,

6V TLVL CtUf3\6^raT,
5 ris]

yi/coTe'

ev tlvl e(rwdr}Te,
;

L
it

fJLY\

V Trj (TCCpKL TaVTf] OVT$

pyjdeis.

AC

translates, as if

had read

6 ovde]

A;

oiire

C.

cism boldly maintained that the onlyresurrection was a spiritual resurrection (2 Tim. ii. 18). It afterwards became a settled tenet of the Gnostic
sects to

ttjv Kapbiav crov tt)v era pica crov

rau-

(pOapTr/v elvai Kal napa^prja-rj So too avTjj ev p,iao~p.(p tiv'i k.t.X.

rrjv

deny the resurrection of the

otl

Ps.-Ign. Tars. 2 erepoi de [Xeyovcriv] r} o~dp avTrj ovk eyeiperai, Kal del
fiiov
r)v

body

bevrj to.

see Polyc. Phil. 7 os av p.e6o\6yia tov Kvpiov npos ras IBias

d7roXavo-TLK6v

Kal

peTievai.

ini.6vp.ias /cat

Xeyg

prjTe avacrraaiv p-r^re

Kpiaiv elvai, Justin Dial. 80 (p. 306 D)

See also Orig. c. Cels. v. 22. This practical consequence our writer seems to have distinctly in view 8>
(2) That it is legitimate to decline martyrdom and to avoid persecution by a denial of Christ with a mental
9.

yap Kal crvvefidXeTe vpels Ticrl Xeyopevois Xpio~Tiavo'is...oi Ka\ Xeyovcri prj
el

elvai

veKpatv

dvdcrTacriv

aXX'

ap,a

tco

dnoBvr\crKeiv ras yfrvxas

avrav dvaXap.Iren.
ii.

reservation.

Rightly or wrongly this

antagonists.

fiavecrOai els tov ovpavov, prj V7roXd(3r)Te

charge

is

constantly brought against

their

avrovs Xpicrriavovs
2

k.t.X.,

31.

them by

Thus

toctovtov

be

anoheovcri

iycipai... ut

ne quidem totum posse fieri esse autem resurrectionem a mortuis agnitionem ejus, quae ab eis dicitur, veritatis' (comp.
;

veKpov credant hoc in

tov

Agrippa Castor, writing against Basilides (Euseb.

tcdv

H.E. iv. 7), represented him as teaching ddiacpopelv elSvXodvdnoyevop.evovs

ttjv
'.

Kal

dnapacpvXaKTcos
iii.

ttlcttlv

eop.vvpevovs Kara tovs

v.

31.

1,

2),

Act. Paul, et Thecl. 14

r)v

fjpels (re

8i8dopev,

Xeyei ovtos dvd-

on rjdr) yeyovev id) ols e%opev renvois, Kal dvicrTapeOa Qeov eneyvooKores d\r]dfj, Tertull. de Res. Cam.
o~Tao~iv yevecrdai,

19

'Nacti quidam sollemnissimam

and Iren. Haer. temeritatem progressi sunt quidam ut etiam martyres spernant et vituperent eos qui propter Domini confessionem occiduntur etc' (comp. i. 24. 6). This is a contcov dicoypcov Kaipovs 18. 5 'Ad tantam

formam, allegorici non tamen semper, resurrectionem quoque mortuorum manifeste annuntiatam in imaginariam
eloquii prophetici
et figurati,

See on Kirche This view again seems to p. 495 sq. be combated by our writer, 4, 5,
stant charge in Tertullian.
this subject Ritschl Altkath.
7, 10.

significationem distorquent etc.,' with the following chapters. From this doctrine the antinomian

(1)

Gnostics deduced two consequences; That the defilement of the flesh is a matter of indifference, provided that the spirit has grasped the truth.

Schwegler Nachap. Zeitalt. I. p. 453 sq maintained that the expression in our text is directed against docetic Ebionism. He is well refuted
p.

by
ev

Hilgenfeld
'

Afiost,

Vat.
'

115 sq.
7.

Against

this

error

is

directed the
v.

tlvl]

in

what,''
et

not
p.r)

in
tt}

warning Hermas Sim.

crov ravTfjv (pvXaacre

ttjv

adp<a

whom,' as the following

crapKi

ev

KaOapdv Kal dpiavKarevoiKovv ev

shows.
l

tov,
avTji

Iva to TTVevp.a to
p,apTvprjo-T]
r]

dvej3Xe\f/aTe]

ye
I

?'ecovered
ToiavTrjs

your
dxXvos

avTrj

Kal diKaicodrj

sight';

comp.
Trj

crov

o-dpi-- {Skene pijnoTe dvafirj eVi

yepovres ev

opdaei dvej3Xe\j/'apev k.t.X.

230
Se?

THE EPISTLES OF
ovv
rinas

S.

CLEMENT.
ty)v
kcli

[IX

ws

vaov
ev
ty\
el

Qeov
crapKi

(pvXaoro'eiv

crdpKa'
ev
Trj

bv

Tpoirov

yap
/uev

eKXt]6r]Te 9

crapKi
tjjULas,

eXevcrecrde.

wv

Xpi&TOs Kvpios, 6 craicras to 7rpcoTOv 7rvevfJLa y eyeveTO crdpp Kal

kcli
rj/uLels

ovtcos

rjjULas

eKaXecrev, ovtcos

ev

TavTrj

Trj 5

crapKi diToXri^ofJieda tov

/uucrdov.

dyairio^Lev ovv dX-

XrjXovs, 07rws eXdcojuev

iravTes eU ty\v flaariXelav tov

Oeov.
2
kolI

ok e^ofxev

Kaipov
AC;

tov
et

ladrjvai,

eTrihwfjLev
dominus

eav(noster),

ev ttj (rapid... b crwcras]

in

came

venit christus

unus

existens, is

letters,

qui salvavit S. This may be explained by the obliteration of some so that eXeicecde was read eX...de, and translated as if r/\de. 3 eXeveXevaeadai A.
et]

ceffde]

Fragm Syr
:

eh

ACS

Timoth

see the lower

note.

irvev/xa]

AS

change.

eyivero]

AC

\6yos C see above, I. p. 125, for the motive of this add. 8e S Timoth Fragm-Syr. in <?"<*/)]

AC
5

came S Timoth Fragm-Syr.

I.

na\ 01/rws]

A;

/cat

ovtus Kal C.
is

e/cct-

co?

vaov Qeov
ttjv

k.t.\.~\

See Ign.
vaov Qeov
16, 17, vi.

the ever

Logos,

here presented in a
;

Philad. 7
TTjpelre:

aapKa vpiov
1

(os

somewhat unusual form comp. how-

comp.

Cor.

iii.

Hermas Sim.

v.

6 to

7rvevp.a

to

19, 2 Cor. vi. 16,

9.

and see
Not,

Ign. Ephes.
I

15 (with the notes).

3.

ayiov, to npoov, to KTiaav nao~av ttjv ktio~iv, KaTCOKiaev 6 Qebs els aapKa r)v

eXevaeade]
it,

think, els

tt)v

ftaaiXeiav tov Qeov, as

Harnack
el

efiovXero, ix. I enelvo yap to 6 vlbs tov Qeov iariv, Theoph.

tol.
ii.

Tvvevpa

ad Au-

takes
el

but

els tt)v Kpiaiv.

IO ovtos ovv
Kal
o~o(pia

coi/

nvevpa Qeov ko\

bvvapis vyj/iaTov
Kal
81

Xpio-rbs k.t.A.]
els,

The reading

apxh

kcu

for

now supported by ample

evidently required by Mill and others would

KarijpxeTo
iii.

els

tovs

irpo(j)rJTas

authority, is the context.

avTav eXaXei
16

k.t.X.,

Tertull. adv.

Marc.

'spiritus

Creatoris
c.

have read
sense.

coy,

which gives the same

Christus,' Hippol.

qui est Noet. 4 (p. 47

r)v,

Editors quote as a parallel

iariv 'Irjaovs Xpiaros, is quite out of place here,

Lagarde) Xoyos
dvvap.es
rjv k.t.X.

crapf-

irvevp-a

r\v,

Ign.

Magn.
els

els

but

See especially Dorner Lehre von der Person Christi I.

p.

though appropriate there where the writer is dwelling on unity. It is

that the reading of possible 6IC arose out of eilC i.e. et 'Irjaovs,

205 sq.
8.
l

cos

e\op,ev

Kaipov]
:

while

we

have opportunity''
(with the note),

or IOIC

i.e. el

6 'Irjcrovs.

The

confu-

Kaipov
10.

e'xop.ev.

comp. Gal. vi. 10 Ign. Smyrn. 9 cos Another instance

8.
i.

sion would be easier, as the preceding word ends in

.

of as, 'while,' occurs above,

Trpoyvaa-T-qs] Justin
b),
(p.

Apol.
19,

44

4.

coj/

pev\

As though

the sentence
in a

82
11.

Tatian adGraec.
ii.

Theoph.

were intended to be continued participial form yevopevos 8e.

to irpQ>Tov irvevpai]

ad Ajitol.
eldevai
viii.
to.

ic.

Ta ev Kapdia] 2 Chron. xxxii. 31

ev
ttj

The

doctrine

Kapdia ovtov, Deut.

to.

of the pre-existence of the Son, as

2 8iayv(oo~6rj

ev

ttj

Kapdia

o~ov,

ix]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.

23

tovs Ttp depairevovTL Qew, avTifdurdiav avTw Sidovres*

10 iroiav
;

to

/ueTavofjcrai

eiAucpivovs

yvcoo'Ttis yap ectlu twv 7rdvTcov Kal

Kapdias* irpoeiSws tjjULtov to.

diro
r\fj.as

hv

KapSia.

Sw/uiev
fJiovov

o~TO[xctTOS

dWa

7rpocrSe^t]Tai
I

ws
oytoi

avTcp aivov alcoviov > pxrj Kal diro KapSlas, iva viovs. Kal yap etirev 6
eiciN
01

ovv

Kvpw
toy

5 'AAeAdpoi

moy

noioyNTec

to

GeAHMA

TTATpOC MOYadd. existens in came (wv Xecrev] AC rfj vapid) S, but this may be only a gloss of ovrus and probably does not represent any additional words in the Greek text, ourws sec] ovtco C. 6 dwoX^opeda] airoXrjxf/opatda A. ovv] AS ; on*. C. 10 eiXiKpivovs] 9 t depairetioitTi] AC; add. nos S.
;

i\iKpi.vov<T

A.

11

rd

iv Kapdia] raevKapSia

ret,

eyKapdia

ea quae in

corde nostrum S.

12 alvov aiioviov] auaviov (om. cuvov)

/cat 17/ias

A;

atvov (om. aiioviov)

CS.

13 r]fxds]AC;

S.

15 iroiovvTes] Trovpreo- A.

Sam.

ix. 19, etc.

Hilgenfeld reads

prjrrjp

ivKap8ia (s. iyKapbia) C. cod., Jun., iv Kapdia ceteri edd.' But, inasmuch as an iota subscript or adscript never appears in

ra ivKapdia, saying of

ol

tov Xoyov
j

pov ko\ ddeXcpoi pov ovroi elaiv, roil OeoC aKovovTes Kal

noiovvTes.
(P-

39)j gives

Epiphanius, Haer. xxx. 14 the saying Ovtol elatv

77

ol ddeXcpoi
to.

pov Kal

prjrrjp, 01 7roiovvTS
it

MSS of this date, the transcriber could not have written iv Kapdia otherwise than he has done. Moreover, since iv Kapbiq and iv rfj Kapb'iq occur numberless times in the lxx, whereas the adjective iyKapdios is not once found there, this reading seems to me imIn Clem. Alex. Paed. i. 3 (p. 103) I should be disposed conversely to read diopav ra iv Kapdia (for iympprobable.
bia) Xdyos.

BeXrjpaTa tov iraTpos pov, as

is

The word

iyKap8ios

how-

ever

is

legitimate in

itself.

assumed, from an Ebionite gospel (Westcott Canon p. 160, Hilgenfeld Apost. Vat. p. 122) but I do not think his language implies more than that the Ebionites allowed the saying to stand in their recension of the Gospel, and he may be quoting loosely from the canonical Evangelists. A still wider divergence from the canonical passages is in Clem. Alex. Ed. Proph. 20 (p. 994) ayei ovv els
;

12. ahov alcoviov] This is doubtless the right reading ; see above, I. p. 120 and the note on evpelv below

eXevOepiav ttjv tov naTpos 0-vyK.Xrjpovopovs vlovs Kal (piXovs' 'AbeXcpoi pov
ydp,
ol
(p-qcriv 6

Kvpios, Kal avy<Xrjpovopot,

10.

Comp. Apost.

Const,

iii.

tov

Troiovvres

to

BiXrjpa

tov

naTpos

alcoviov erraivov.
15.

pov,

where the context shows that

is

49 tSov
pov'

'AdeXcpoi pov k.t.X.] Matt. xii. rj pr}T-qp p.ov Kal ol ddeXcpoi

iroirjcrrj

avyKXrjpovopoL

deliberately given as

part of the quotation.

Omitting

Kal

bams ydp av

to OiXrjpa rov
p,ov

narpos pov rov iv ovpavols, avTos

a$eX(pos Kal dBeXcprj
Kal pr)Tr]p
;

o-vyKX-qpovopoi and inserting ovtol elo~iv, it will be seen that this form of the

iariv
21

(comp.

Mark

iii.

35)

Luke

viii.

saying agrees exactly with our pseudoClement's quotation.

232

THE EPISTLES OF
X.
"Gdo-re,

S.

CLEMENT.
to

[x

dleXcpoi

julou,

wotria-cofxeu
r\fJids,

deMpa
Kai

tov 7rarpds tov KaXecravTOs

Sico^coiueu

iva
le

^crw/xei/,

/maWov
ok

rrju

dpernv,
rcov

ty]v

Katciav

KaraKai
the
irpo-

Xei^co/uev
I

7rpoooi7ropov

dpapTiwv

r\\x(av^

ddeXcpoi fiov]

d8e\<poi (om. fxov)

ddeXcpoi Kai d5e\<pai [pov] S.

On
4

in uncertainty respecting the pronoun

'

in such cases see below, 13.

Let us therefore fulfil the will X. of our Father. Let us flee from vice, lest evil overtake us. Let us do good,
that peace may pursue us. teach the fear of men rather than the
fear of
if

to

read

'

thus

^isjL.l qui more closely representing

transeunt?
napd-

They who

yovo-i, which

however it mistranslates? Previous editors have supposed the

error to
lie

God, are duly punished. And,

it

in avtipanov, written

they themselves alone suffered,

in the MS.

were tolerable. But now they shall have a double condemnation, for they
lead others besides themselves into
ruin.'

av Qeov) has

ton

Accordingly been suggested by WotOYNON (i.e. ovpavov) by Davies

;

ANON AN9N (i.e.

Iva (ijo-vpev] To be connected 2. not with tov KaXeaavTos qpas, but with
iroirjo-oayiev.

and AINON (alvov) by Hilgenfeld. But in the first correction the av is the grammatically inexplicable and second and third give unnatural ex;

pressions.
in

believe the mistake

is

Tvpooholiropov] 'a forerunner'; for KaKia is the evil disposition, while

4.

6YPGIN,
still

and

should

suggest

eiPHNHNeYPeiN
or
better
'

On KaKia dpapria is the actual sin. T T. Syn. 1st ser. xi, see Trench where he quotes the definition of

or eiPHNGYGIN, YHMPIN. If

to prosper' be adopted, the writer seems to have in mind

evrjpepclv

Calvin (on Ephes.

iv.

'

32)

Animi
nun-

Ps. xxxiv. 9 sq

pravitas quae human itati

cupata.'

et aequitati

est opposita et malignitas vulgo

The
to

pos

seems

be very

substantive irpoobo'nrorare, though the

piov Kv(poftovpevois avTov...(j)6fiov i$aa> vpas. ris icrriv dvOpcoiros piov 6 BeXcov <0rjv, dyairoiv rjpepas idelv

(po(3rjdr)Te rbv Ki!7ravT9...ovK ecrTiv varepqpa tols

verb irpoobonropeiv occurs occasionally.

6.

dyadds
Ka\

;...KkXivov airb KaKov Kai

iToi-qcrov
ayado-rroie'iv]

See the note on

'

dyadov, ^qr-qo-ov elpqvqv diagov avTijv, where the coinci-

the First Epistle 2 dyaOonoiiav.

7.

^evpeivY] SC.

elpijvrjv

For

this

The contrast dences are striking. between the fear of men and the fear
of God, which underlies this passage, would naturally suggest to our author the words in which the Psalmist emof the phatically preaches the fear For evqpepelv, evqpepia, COmp. Lord.
2

reason a man cannot find peace? If we take the reading of the Greek MSS, no other meaning seems possible
;

but

can hardly be correct. Yet this must have been the reading of ' non est homini S, which translates (cuiquam) invenire homines illos qui
it

Mace.

v. 6, viii. 8, x. 28, xii.

1, xiii.

16, xiv. 14.

For the manner

in

which

as if the faciunt timorem human wn? construction were ovk eariv avOpomov but for (eKeivovs) olrives k.t.X.
evpelv
>
;

the transcriber of our principal

MS

drops
there

letters
is

(more especially where

for alvov aldviov,

a proximity of similar forms)

9
aioiviov

Tiv. n 'qui faciunt? ought we not

COinp.

x]
5 (pvyoojULev

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
ty\v d&efieiav,
\xr\

233
Katta.
t^juds

fj/zas

KctTaXaffrj

eav

yap

(nrov^ao'tofjLev

dyadoiroLeiv,
ty\v

Siw^eTctL
earTiv

e\pY)vr).

Aid TavTt]v yap

odoiiropov]

aWiav ovk
S.

"feupelvf
A;

dvto

AC
;

proditorem (as

if 7t/)o56t??j>)

This rendering again

a/napriQu]

may be due

the obliteration of

some

letters in the

word.

afiapTTj/xdnov

C.

6 yap]

AS

5e C.
1 1

7rovvTe<r for noiovures,

cktovk for

as ovs ovk.

See also
II

in the

First

Epistle
etc.,

erepoyvoipoa,

25 re-

XevrrjKOToar, 3 2 T)pcpao~ (for rfperepas),

and

(if

my conjecture be correct)
eVi^eXeos'

40 the omission of
Lipsius

before

eVireXelcr^ai.
9,

(Academy July

1870:

1877)

comp. y^;z. Z,//., 13 Jan. would read ovk eartv elprjvr)

hardly consistent with other facts. It is highly improbable that a long passage which had disappeared thus early should have been preserved in any MS accessible to the PseudoDamascene, or even to the PseudoMoreover the enumeration Justin. of verses in the Stichometria of N i-

dvOpconois olrives k.t.X.

when

Hilgenfeld (ed. 2, pp. xlviii, 77) supposes that there is a great lacuna at this point ovk ccttlv evpdv audpoottov
I

cephorus seems to have been made the epistle was of its present size, and is not adapted to a more lengthy document. In the colophon
at the

end of the Second Epistle

I.
.

(see

OLTives

Trapayovaiv

(pofiovs

av-

above,
prjra

p.

122)

gives arixoi x,
p.

0p<omvovs

k.t.X.

In this lacuna he

Ke

finds a place not only for this quotation in the so-called John of Da-

196) gives the

As Nicephorus (see 1. numbers of ori^ot

in

194 sq), but also for the reference to the Sibyl in Pseudo-Justin which I have discussed This theory already (1. p. 178 sq).
(see above,
1.

mascus

p.

the two Clementine Epistles as ,/3^', Bryennios supposes that x here is

an error for ,/3^',the

out.

,/3

having dropped

But, as Hilgenfeld himself has pointed out, as the prjrd, or scriptural

quotations, are given as 25, this must refer to the Second Epistle alone.

however seems highly improbable

the following reasons. (1) Though there is
for

for

good reason assuming that the existing text

When
for

amount

counted up, they do in fact to 25, one or two more or less,

difficult in

is faulty at this point, the external facts are altogether adverse to the

it is

some cases

to de-

supposition that a great lacuna exists

here, such for instance as

cide whether to reckon the quotations The 600 verses separately or not.

would be

therefore must refer to the

Second

produced by the disappearance of one or more leaves in an archetypal Such an archetypal MS must MS. have been of very ancient date, for
all

I may add that this Epistle alone. agrees with the reckoning of Nicephorus, which giving 2600 to the

Two
First.

our three extant authorities (see above, 1. p. 145) have the same text It is not indeed impossible here. that this archetypal MS should have

Epistles leaves 2000 for the Thus the proportion of the

: :

First Epistle to the Second is roughly as 2000 600, or as 10 3. In my translation the two Epistles take up

been defective, seeing that the common progenitor of ACS certainly had minor corruptions. But though possible
in
itself,

and ioj pages, these numbers being almost exactly as

respectively 34J
10
:

3.

this

supposition

is

(2)

Again

though the two frag-

234
6pco7TOv,
pr\lxevoi

THE EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

[x

oiTives Tvapdyovci <po(3ovs dv6pco7rlvovs, Trpor\-

juaWou

Tt]V

evdahe

dwoXavcrLV

r\

ty\v /meXXovfi aora vv

crav tTrayyeXiav.
y\

dyvoovtriv

yap

fjXiKriv e-yei

evdahe d7roXav(ri9, Kal olav Tpucprjv e^e* r\ fuceXXovcra Kal el fxev avTol fjiovoi TavTa e.Trpao'O'ov, 67rayyeAia.

aVEKTOV

r\v

vvv

Se

eiri\xevov(TLV

KaKohiZaaKaXovvTe.^

ts dvaiTLOVS \jsvxds, ovk eidoTes otl &o"cr*/i/ e^ovcriv Tt]v KplaiVi avroL Te Kal ol aKOvovres avTwv,

XL
i

*HjuieTs

ovv

eV
AC.

Kadapa
S

KapSia
it

hovXevcrcofJiev
Trpocupovfiepoi,
;

Trporjprj/xepoi]

Trpoaipovfxeda

translates, as if
2
rjXriKrjv

had read

which was also conjectured by Bryennios. 77X1/0??] 3 eirayyeXiav] eirayyeXeiav A.

avairavcns C.
translates
5

dwoXavaiv]

AS

dvdira vaiv C.

A.

4 diroXavais] 6 dveKrbv
77^]

e7ray7eXia] ewayyeXeia A.
respiratio, but this

AS AC S
;

erat Us fortasse

probably does not represent any

merits which Hilgenfeld would assign to this lacuna are not incongruous in
subject, yet the sentiments in the extant context on either side of the supposed lacuna are singularly appro-

show that Hilgenfeld's correction napeiadyovo-t for napdyovo-i is unnecessary. He rightly explains the words (Aflost. Vat. p. 11 8) to refer
lexicons will
to those Gnostics

who taught

that

priate to one another, juxtaposition seem to

and in this have been

suggested by the language of Ps.

xxxiv. 9 sq quoted in my note. (3) The style of the fragment quoted

outward conformity to heathen rites was indifferent and that persecution might thus be rightly escaped comp.
:

Ka.Kodi$a(TKa\ovvTe$ below,

and see the

(rap k.t.X.

note above on 9 avrq

3.

7}

by the Pseudo-Damascene betrays a different hand from our author's. Its vocabulary is more philosophical
(icadoXov,
to,

errayyeXiav]

i.e.

the

subject,

(pevicra,

vnoOtcns Kal

vX-q,

the fulfilment, of the promise, as e.g. Acts i. 4, Gal. iii. 14, Heb. vi. 15. 6. dveKrbv 171/] For the imperfect
see

to. ao-TracTTa,
it

kot ev)^v)t

and altogether

Winer

xlii. p. 321.

shows more

literary skill.

KciKodidao-KaXovpTes]

of the quotations in the Pseudo-Justin and in the Pseudo-Damascene is given above

(I.

The probable account

KaKodtdaaKaXias.
Tit.
7.
ii.

So

Ign. Philad. 2 KaXodi8ao~KaXovs f

3.

p.
1.

178 sq, 194 sq).

o1tlvs]

For the form k.t.X.] of the sentence comp. Gen. xliii. 11

dLaarjv
Kal to dpyvpiov dicrabv Xa/3ere. Comp. Apost. Const v. 6 Kal iripois alrioi

'men who] the antece-

dent being the singular dvOpconov. This grammatical irregularity is not

dncoXeias

yevrjaopeOa

Kal

diirXoTepav

uncommon
2. a.

see Jelf's
'

Gramm.

819.

VTToi(TOpV TTjV TLCTtV.

XI.
k.t.X.~\
:

'

Let us therefore serve

If
lost.

God

Tvapayovcn

introduce

(instil)

and believe His promise.

ver,

we wa-

/ears

of men'

comp.

4 ov bel
in the

we

are

Remember how the

rfpas (poftelcrOai rovs dvOpconovs p.dXXov

dXXd rhv Qcop.

The passages

word of prophecy denounces the distrustful, how it compares the fulfil-

XI]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
Kai
io-o/ueda SiKator
prj

235
jurj

10

tw 0ew,
fiev

eav

Ze

SovXevcru)-

oia

tov

TruiTeveiv

r\}ias

ty\

eirayyeXla

tov
irpo-

Qeov,

Ta\ai7rc0poi

ico/usda.

Aeyei
gicin
oi

yap

Kai
'

(prjTLKOS \oyos' TaAaittoopoi ZONT6C TH KApAlA, 01 AerONTeC

15 KAI
171

Ai'yYX 01 /

Aicta-

TaYTA TTANTA HKOYCAMeiM

HATepoON HMOON, HM6IC Ae HMepAN ll HMepAC npocAexdMeNoi oyAeN toytoon ecopAKAMeN. 'Anohtoi, cymBaActg eAYTOYC IfAco, AaBcte AMneAoN* npcaTON mgn 4>yA?TA BAACTOC riNETAI, M6TA TA^TA 0M(J)A2, ?TA AOpoei,
Tt2)N
different
firj

Greek.

7 avaiTtovs] avenova-

A.

10 sq dovXevaw/xev 81a tov

wicTTeveiv k.t.X.]
8eli>

A;

SovXevawfiev 81a to

firj

iriaTeveiv k.t.X.

C;

irio-Tevaco/Mev, 81a

to

TTHTTevecv k.t.X. S.

12 TaXcuVwpoi]

AC;

vere (dX-rjdQs or 6vtws) viiseri

15
/cat]

S.

14 7rdfra]A; 7rdXcu CS.

^Kovaa/xev]

AC;
A;

om. S.

em] AC; dm)

18

S.

17

A; 7]Kovo/xev CS. ^v] AC; om. S.

eZVa C.

<pvXXopoel]

(pvXXoppoei C.

^ci

raura]

AS

merit of God's purpose to the gradual ripening of the fruit on the vine, how it promises blessings at the last to

First.

At the same time the

coinci-

His people.
will perform.

God

is faithful

and

He
.

dence of two remarkable quotations in this very chapter (see below on ovs ovk t)kovo-v k.t.X.), which occur also
in the

Let us therefore work patiently, and we shall inherit such good things as pass man's understanding.'
9.

First Epistle, besides

(e. g.

other
to

resemblances

3),

seems

Tim.
12.
i.

ii.

Kadapq Kaphiq] I Tim. i. 5, 2 22 (comp. Matt. v. 8), Heriii.

nias Vis.

9.

prove that our writer was acquainted with and borrowed from the genuine Clement. The additions which some editors introduce into the text here (viol
after
Kap.ev)
rjpels
de,

o npofpTjTiKos Xoyos]

See 2 Pet.
:

and

ere

after

ecopd-

From some apocryphal perhaps Eldad and Modad

19.

source, see the

notes on the First Epistle 23, where also the passage is quoted. The variations

due to a mistake. The traces, which they have wrongly so read in A, are the reversed impressions of letters on the opposite leaf
are

from the quotation

rjj

in the

(now
15.
:

lost).

The photograph shows

'

First Epistle are these: (1)

rf)v

Kapdia]
r)p.els

this clearly.
ii. 8. This day' additional coincidence of the passage quoted with the language of 2 Peter (see the notes on the First Epistle,

^rvx^v

(2)

navTa] om.
koX

(3)

Be...ecopaKap.ev\ yeyTjpa.Kap.ev Kai ovdev r)plv tovtcov (rvvfiefirjKev (4)

avorjToi]
a>

Idov

Num.

rjpepav eg r]p,epas] xxx. 15, 2 Pet.

day after

dvorjTOi.

eha
tcos

(fivXXov,

(5) yiveTai] add. elra avOos Kai. (6) ov-

km

k.t.X.] this

close of the quota-

23) is

worthy of

notice.

It

seems

tion not given. These variations are sufficient to show that the writer of

the Second Epistle cannot have derived the passage solely from the

hardly possible that the two can be wholly independent, though we have no means of determining their relation.

2 36

THE

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
'

[XI

CTA(f)YAH
kai

TTApeCTHKYlA' OYTOOC KAI 6 AAOC MOY AKATACTACIAC CO(TTe, OAiyeic ecxeN' eneiTA AnoAHyeTAi ta ataOa.
/ulov,
fJLY]

d$e\<pol
/uelvcoiuLev,

Ziyjsvxtofjiev,

dWa

eXiricravTes vttottictoc tap

5

iva

kcci

top

/jucrddv

KOfjaorwfxeQa.

ecnN
(Tto)

enArreiAAMGNoc Tas
epycov clutov.

dvTifJLio-dias

d7roL&ovai Katy]v cocai-

twv

eav ovv

Troirio'ayfJLev

ocr\jvf]v
i

evavTLOv tov Qeov,

AS;
{SXaarbs C.
6

eio-tj^oiuLev

els Tt]V (iaa-iXeiav

2 eVeira]

<XT<upv\r\]

Aa6s pov]

AC;

add. irp&TOv S.

8 ovs 4 tVa] AC; om. S. aaovK for aaovaovK) ; oculas non ouk TJKOvaev oi/8e ocpdaXpbs eldev] AC (but This latter is the order in vidit et auris non atidivit (transposing the clauses) S. extra A.
3 dAAd] dAA' C.

Cor.

iii.

9,

and

in

Clem. Rom. 34.

9 eWev] ideu A.

12 eVei57?l

3.

fir)

8l-^vx^^v] See the note on

yap
k.t.A.]

the First Epistle 11.

4.

monly translated here ''from hour to hour

'.

'in

horas',

nia-rbs

Heb.
K.r.A.]

x.

23

13.

7ri(pavLas]

This word, as a

ttkttos
5.

yap

6 inayyeiXdpevos.
e/cdoro)
6,

a.7To8ib6vai

Matt,

synonyme for the ivapovcrla, occurs in the New Testament only in the Pastoral Epistles,
i.

xvi. 27,

Rom.

ii.

Rev.

xxii. 12.

See

Tim.
ii.

vi. 14,
;

also the quotation given in the First Epistle, 34.

7.
6i<n/o/i<ei>]

10, iv. 1, 8, Tit.

13

2 Tim. compare the 8

rfj

indirect use in 2 Thess.

ii.

imcpa-

'Vocem

elaijiceiv

non
oc-

veia rrjs TvapowLas avrov.

agnoscunt
curs
as

lexica',

Jacobson.

It

early as ./Eschylus, and several instances of it are given in

This vivo twos] By Salome. 14. incident was reported in the Gospel of the Egyptians, as we learn from
Clem. Alex. Strom, iii. 13, p. 553 (in a passage quoted from Julius Cassianus), where the narrative is given
thus
:

Steph. Thes. ovs k.t.X.] 8.

First Epistle

See the note on the 34, where the same

passage occurs. The as should not be treated as part of the quotation. XII. 'Let us then patiently wait The time for the kingdom of God.
of its

7rvvdavo[XVT]s rrjs "2aXa>pr)s, 7rore

yva>ar6ijo~Tai

ra

Trept
rrjs

cov

tjptTo,

e'cprj

Kvpios, 'Orav to
TvaTrjvqTe,

alo~xv vrJ s 'ivbvpa

koX orav yevrjrai ra 8vo ev,

ttjs

coming is uncertain. Our Lord's answer to Salome says that it shall be delayed till the two shall be one, and the outward as the inward, and the male with the female, neither male nor female. By this saying He means that mutual harmony must
first

Ka\

to

appev peTa
OfjXv.

BrjXdas
this

owe
rer-

appev ovt

To

Clement
fip.1v

adds

iv Tois Trapabe do pivots

rapo-Lv evayyeXiois ovk i\opv to pr]Tov Similar dAA' iv Tea /car' KlyvirTiovs.

prevail,

that

there be perfect

sincerity,
11.
tive,'

and that no sensual pas' 1 '

passages from this gospel and apparently from the same context are quoted by Clement previously, Stro?n. iii. 6 (p. 532) Tjj 'SaXcjprj 6 Kvpios
TTwdavopivr] pixP L
7r ^ >T

sion be harboured.'
Kaff wpav\

Odvaros io~xv-

betimes,

tempes;

tret...M4xpiS dv, e'nrev, vpeis ai yvvalnes

e.g.

according to its usual meaning Job v. 26, Zech. x. 1. It is com-

tUtctc,

and Strom,
tci

iii.

KaKelva Xeyovai

irpbs

(p. 539 sq) ^aXcopyjv et-

xn]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
Kcti

237
a? oyc
oy'k

avrov
ceN
10 angBh.

\f]\^6iue6a
dcJ)0AAMdc

Tek 67rayye\ias
e?AeN,

hkoy-

o^Ae

oyAe

eni

KApAiAN

ANepoanoy
(SaviXeiav

XII.

'GKSe^co/ULeda

ovv
kcli

Kad' cipav
SiKaiocvvt],

ty\v

tov
Safxev

Oeov
Tt]v

ev

dyairt]
rrjs

eirei^r]

ovk

ol-

tfjuepav

e7rpaveias

tov Oeov.
tlvos,

e7repcoriPei
tov Qeov] add. ;
;

Tf]6ek
A;
eirel
;

yap avros

Kvpios
A;
is

vtto

irore
A.
twos]

AC

avrov S.

C, or so probably S. ewepurr) 6 els]

13 ein<paveias] eTncpaviaa
epcjT-rjdels

C.

14

viro

AC

tQ)v airoo-Tokwv S.

The

addition

unfortunate, for the questioner was

Salome

see

the lower note.

feei]

AC;

venit (a present) S.

prjpeva, <v irpoTepov e'pvrjcrOrjpev

iii.

{Strom.

6, just

quoted)

(pepeTai 8e, olpai,

ev t<5 tear AlyvnTiovs evayyeXioa' (pad y yap otl avros elnev 6 crodTrjp, HX6ov KaTaXvaai ra epya rfjs 6rp\elas...o6ev eiKOTCos irep\ avvreXeias prjvvaavTos tov

of our Lord's utterances as reported in the authentic Gospels, though entirely in keeping with the tone of Graeco-

Egyptian speculation.

Epiphanius

thus describes this apocryphal gospel (Haer. lxii. 2, p. 514) 7roXXa ToiavTa cos
ev Trapaf5vo~T(> pvaTrjpi(od(os
e'/c

Aoyov,

r)

2aX(6prj

(pr)o~i'

Me^pi
;...

t'lvos 01

npoaodTrov

avdp(07TOL

dnoOavovvTai

irapaTeTrjprj-

tov

pevcos dnoKpLveTaL 6 Kvpios, Mexpis av tiktghtiv ax yvvalK.es... ti 8e; ov^i na\

The only external fact which can be tested

o-(OTrjpos dvacpepeTai.

(2)

ra

e^fjs

twv

7rpbs

SaXcoprjv elprjpevoiv
rj

the reference to Salome as childless is in direct contradiction to the canonical narratives.

erncpepovcTLV 01
tt)v

ndvTa pciXXov

tco

Kara

This contradiction

aXr]6eiav evayyeXacw

aTOL-^rjaavTes

Kavovi; (papevrjs yap avrrjs,

enoirjaa pr)

KaX&s ovv
Xeycov

however might be removed by an easy change of reading, KaXais ovv av

enoirjo-a for

TeKOvo~a...dpeLfieTai

KaXas ovv

eTroir)oa.

The

6 Kvpios, Uacrav cpdye ftordvrjv, tt)v 8e

niKpiav e%ovcrav

One of the pr) (pdyys. sayings in the last passage is again referred to in Exc. Theod. 67, p. 985, orav
o ctcottjp

Egyptian Gospel was highly esteemed by certain Gnostic sects as the Ophites (Hippol. Haer. v. 7, p. 99), by the Encratites (Clem. Alex. Strom.
11.

npbs SaXoiprjv

Xeyrj pe"xP l Tore

eivai
ariv.

BdvaTov d^pis av at yvvaxK.es tikt<oThere is nothing in these pas-

cc), and by the Sabellians EpiThe Encratites phan. Haer. I.e.). especially valued it, alleging the pas-

had read

sages to suggest that Clement himself this gospel (unless indeed, as has occurred to me, we should read rt 8e ovx k.t.X. for rt 84 ov^l
L
;

sages above quoted as discountenancing marriage and thus favouring their own ascetic views. This was
tian

k.t.X.

in

Strom,

iii.

pressions Xeyovai, to imply the contrary though it is generally assumed that he was ac;

and the exolpai, cpaai, seem

9),

possibly the tendency of the EgypGospel, as is maintained by

quainted with it. Of the historical value of this narrative we may remark: (1) The mystical colouring of these
sayings
is

Schneckenburger {Ueber das Eva?ig. der JEgypt. Bern 1834, p. 5 sq) and Nicolas {Evangiles Apocryphes p. 119 sq) but the inference is at least doubtful. Clement of Alexandria
;

quite alien to the character

refuses to accept the interpretations of the Encratites and though his own
;

2 38

THE EPISTLES OF
r\

S.

CLEMENT.
gctai

[xn

avTOv
eloo
ooc

fiaariXeia,

elirev "Otan

ta Ayo n, kai to

to

ecco,

kai

to

ApceN
oe

mta
In

thc

GhAgiac, oy'tg

ApceN
jjLv

oy'tg

GiHAy.

Ta Ayo
kcci

io'Ttv,

OTav

AaXai-

eavToTs
eit]

dXrjdeiav,

iv Svci

(rcjofjuxo'iv

avvTCOKpi-

Tft)5

fjua
u>s

^v^t],
to &rw]

kcci

to

e'loo

ooc

to
2

ecoo,

tovto
A.

sq to $fw

AS

ra

2a>

ws

r<x &ra>

C.

drjXeias] dyfKiaa

5i?o 5]

5tfo

C.

4 eaurois]
still

clvtokt

A;

wtffoV S,

which represents

are sometimes fanciful,

all

the

passages quoted may reasonably be explained otherwise than in an Encratite sense.

the MSS be correct, it must be aspirated avrols, and this form is perhaps less unlikely than in the earlier and

genuine epistle (see the notes there

This quotation has a special interest as indicating something of the unknown author of our Second Epiof his quotations cannot be referred to the canonical
stle.

on

9, 12, 14, etc.).

iv.

The

occurs in Ephes.

expression 25 AaXeire d\ij-

As

several

Oeiav Ka<jTos ptTa. rov tt\t]o~Iov avrov. to ea> cos to eVco] Perhaps 5.

meaning

originally

'when

the outside

Gospels (see 4, 5, 8), it seems not unnatural to assign them to the apocryphal source which in this one instance he is known to have used. This suspicion is borne out by a fact to which I have called attention above. One of our Lord's sayings quoted by him ( 9) bears a close resemblance to the words as given in the Excerpta Theodoti; and we have just seen that the Gospel of the

corresponds with the inside, when men appear as they are, when there is no

hypocrisy or deception.' The pseudoClement's interpretation is slightly but not essentially different. This clause is omitted in the quotation of Julius Cassianus {Strom, iii. 13, p. 553, quoted above), who thus appears to have connected to. dvo h closely with to appev p,eTa ttjs 6rj\cias and interpreted the

expression
v.

Egyptians was quoted in this collecThus our pseudo-Clement tion. would seem to have employed this
apocryphal
3.

See Hippol. Haer.

voia,

similarly. 18 (p. 173 sq)

kcu eo~Tiv dpcrevo6r]Xvs dvvapis Kai eVi-

gospel as a principal authority for the sayings of our Lord.

bvTs...ecrTi,v

o6ev aKXrfkois avTiaToi^ovcnv. ovv ovtg)s kcu to cpavev

TTjv Qr/Xeiav iv iavTa>,

Jv an

avTatv, ev bv, hvo evpicrKeadcu, dpcrevoBrj-

Ta dvo

de >] i.e.

when peace
So the Seneca

\vs xg>v

a pas-

and harmony

shall reign.

opposite is thus expressed in { de Ira iii. 8 Non tulit Caelius adsen-

sage quoted by this father from the Great A?inou7icement of the Simonians. may perhaps infer from a comparison of Cassianus' quotation with our pseudo-Clement's, that Cassianus strung together detached sentences, omitting all that could not be interpreted to bear on his Encratite views. Compare pseudo-Linus de

We

tientem
contra,

et
tit

exclamavit,

Die aliquid
comp. Plato

duo simus'

191 D 6 spots .. .iiuytipwv noirjcrai ev K Svolv KCU laaaadai tt\v (pvcriv rrjv Rel. av6p(x>iTivr)v (quoted by Lagarde

Symp.

Jur. Eccl.
4.

eavTois]

p. 75). ' to
iv.

one

another] as
iii.

Pass. Petr. Apost. (Bigne's

Bid/. Patr.
1.

Magn.
fece-

e.g. Ephes. Pet. iv. 8, 1

32, Col. 10. If the

13,

16,

p.

72 E) 'Unde Domi:

reading of

nus in mysterio dixerat

Si

non

XIl]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
tt]v
yfrv^rjv

239

\eyer
to)5 kcli

fia Xeyei.
r\

\eyei to ecrco, to Se e^co to goobv Tpowov ovv gov to ctojua (paiveTai, ov-

^rvyr]

gov

SrjKos eo'Tto ev toTs

GhlAeiAC,
5 to

KaXoh

epyois.
GfiAy,
'w S.

Kat

TO ApCN
dval]
co]

M6TA THC
A;
dvo C.
;

OyT

ApCGN

OyT

iavrdis.

^w] ws

to 6rw

AC

to ?<rw ws rd

6 to eW, to 5e

AS

to

ea> to 5e drjXiaa-

&rw C.

7 ourws]

ourw C.

8 StjAos]

A
ritis

S^Xt; C.

9 drjXeias]

A.

dextram

sicut sinistram et sinis-

was more

closely allied to that

of

tram

sicut dextram, et quae sursum sicut deorsum et quae ante sicut

retro,

non cognoscetis regnum

to

Dei,'

Cassianus than to that of Clement. At the same time I have shown above (1. p. 408) that the statements of

which 'appears
version
of
this

contain another

Epiphanius and Jerome, who speak

of Clement as teaching virginity, do not refer to this epistle, as many sup-

saying'

(Westcott

Introd. to Gospels p. 427). 8. StJAosJ The lexicons give onlyone instance of this feminine, Eurip.

Med.

197 StJAoj

rjv

KdTacrTao-is.

Com-

pare TeXeiov in Ign. Philad. 1. Kai to apacv k.t.A.] This sup9. posed saying of our Lord was interpreted by Julius Cassianus, as forbidding marriage. Whether this was its true bearing, we cannot judge, as the whole context and the character of this gospel are not sufficiently

And the references elsewhere pose. in the epistle to the duty of keeping the flesh pure ( 6, 8, 9, 14, 15) are as applicable to continency in wedded
life. Comp. e.g. Clem. 26 yapov vopiTevi...is ayveiav navTas ayei. This saying of the Egyptian Gos-

as in celibate
iii.

Horn.

pel, if
all

it

had any

historical basis at

known.

It

might have signified no

that 'in the
is

(which may be doubted), was perhaps founded on some utterance of our Lord similar in meaning to
iii.

kingdom of neither marrying nor giving in marriage (Matt. xxii. 30),' or that the distinctive moral excellences of each sex shall belong to both
heaven there

more than

S. Paul's ovk evi apcrev Kai 6rj\v, Gal. It is worth observing that 28.

Clement of Alexandria, in explaining the saying of the Egyptian Gospel, refers to these words of S. Paul and
explains

Clement of Alexandria, answering Julius Cassianus, gives the following interpretation of the passage The male represents 6vp.6s, the female im.6vp.ia, according to the well-known
equally.
:

them

and
pol.

eniOvpla.

similarly of the 0vp6s See also the views of

the Ophites on the apo-evodrjkvs (Hip-

Haer.

v. 6, 7),

whence

it

appears

that they also perverted S. Paul's lan-

Platonic distinction; these veil and hinder the operations of the reason
;

guage to their purposes. The name and idea of apo-ev6drp\vs had their
origin in the cosmical speculations

they produce shame and repentance they must be stripped off, before the reason can assume its supremacy ; then at length aTroo-Tacra tovSc tov
;

embodied
cogn.
pol.
i.

in

heathen
vi.
5,

mythology
21,

see Clem. Horn.

69,

12,

Clem. Re-

Athenag. Suppl.
v.

Hip-

axni^ciTos

<u

6rj\v, ylfvx*]

diaKpiveTai to appev Ka\ to peTaTL0Tai els evao-Lv, ov6e-

Haer.

14

(p.

128).

Tepov ovo-a. It appears from the context that our preacher's interpretation

It is equally questionable whether the other sayings attributed to our Lord in this context of the Egyptian

240

THE EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

[xn

tovto \eyet,
Tavrct

iva dSeXcpos i$wv dSeAcprjv fovdevf (ppovrj tl Trepl ccvtov dpceviKOv, irepl avTrjs drjAvKOV, /x^Se (ppovrj
vpLtov

ttoiovvtwv,

<pr\criv',

eAei/Wrcu

r\

fiacriAeia

tov 7rarp6s
XIII.
vrjylsco/uLev

fjiov.

'AheAcpol
7Ti

fovvf

rjSri

iroTe

jULeTavorjo-w/uev
ecr/uev
rj/ucov

to

dyadov
A
is

fxecrrol

yap

ttoWyjs
irpo-

dvolas kcu 7rovripias.

1

e^aAei^soonev d(p'

ra

tovto] After this

is

word
I.

mutilated, and the remainder of the so-called

ovdei> (ppovrj] oi>8ev (ppovel

epistle

wanting; see

p. 117.

C.

2 prjde]

soror vidcbit fratrem S. 5 'A5eX0oi ovv] 'A5eX0oi [p.ov] S, omitting ovv. As S commonly renders a5e\<pol alone by TIK fratres met, it is

add.

qnum

tite views.

Gospel have any bearing on EncraThe words ' so long as women bear children' seem to mean nothing more than so long as the human race shall be propagated,' and I came to abolish the works of the female' may have the same sense.
'
'

Winer
is

lv. p.

599

sq.

The sentence
must be second clause,
(ppovrj

elliptical,

and words
in

understood
prjde
k.t.X.

the

[adeXcpr)

Idovcra dde\(pbv]

Similar words, it will be seen, but I are supplied in the Syriac attribute this to the exigencies of
;

The

ftoTavrjv,

clinching utterance, nao-av (pdye be iriKpiav e\ovaav pr) rrjv 4>dyr)s, which has been alleged as

translation, rather than to ence in the Greek text

translator

had.

any differwhich the Gebhardt ingeni;

showing decisively the Encratite tendencies

of

the

gospel,

appears to

me

to

pretation.

admit of a very different interIt would seem to mean

ously reads prjd' rjde but r)de...avTov does not seem a natural combination of pronouns here. It does not follow that 3. <pr)a'iv\
the preacher
is

very much the same as S. Paul's navTa poi e^eaTiv dXX' ov ndvTa crvp<e'pet, and to accord with the Apostle's
1.

quoting the exact

to
cprjalv

words of the Gospel according

the Egyptians; for

may mean

injunctions respecting marriage.

ovdev]

The

previous editors,
(ppovel,

nothing more than 'he says in effect,' 'he signifies.' See e.g. Barnab. 7
ovTco, cpr]<TLV, 01 OekovTes

while substituting ppovrj for

pe Idelv

ac.t.X.,

have passed over ovdev in silence. But with ppovrj we should certainly

The reading ovdev expect prjdev. can only be explained by treating ovdev drjXvKov as a separate idea, should entertain thoughts which
'

a passage which has been wrongly understood as preserving a saying of Christ elsewhere unrecorded, but
in

which the writer

before.

is

really giving

only an

explanation

gone
occurs

have no regard to her sex,' so as to isolate ovdev from the influence of

Xva
;

many
6,
is

what has use of cprjcriv times elsewhere in

of

This

Barnab.

10,

11,

12,

where the
repent are full

but the order makes this ex-

meaning
XIII.

planation very difficult. The grammars do not give any example of the use of ov (ovdev) which is analogous ; see Kiihner 11 p. 747 sq,

indisputable. 'Let us therefore

and be

vigilant: for

now we

of wickedness. Let us wipe out our former sins and not be men-pleasers.
;

XIIl]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
kcli

241

repa d^apr^ara,
fiev.

jueTavotio-avres k \fsvxijs crcodcu-

Kal

fxri

yivia^eBa
dpecrK6LV,
llva

dvBpunrdpe&KOC

/urjSe

deXco/uev

10 ixovov
eirl

eavroh

d\\d
to

Kal to??
Si

e^co
/urj

dvdptoTrois
/3\ao-(pti-

rij SiKaioo-vvrj,

ovofjia

tj/uLas

fifjrai.

Aeyei yap Kal 6 Kvpios Aia ttantoc to onoma moy

l'

BAAC(|)HMe?TAI 6N TTACIN TO?C e0NCIN' KOI TToXlV OyAI A

uncertain whether the translator has fiov in his text.

ON

11 rb 6vofxa] add.

domini S.
/ietrai]

faas] S
St' Vfxas

mas

C.

12 Kal]

om. C.
Si'

13
6u]

p\a<r<f>r,-

add.

S.

Taaiv] om. S.

irdXiv Oval

81b C.

See

the lower note.

Yet we must approve ourselves by our righteousness to the heathen, lest God's Name be blasphemed, as
the Scriptures
is it

'our

fellow- Christians,'

as

rightly

warn us. And how blasphemed? When the Ora-

explained here by Harnack; comp. tco dyanav 4 eavTovs, 12 XaXcofiev eavToh dXr)6eiav, but not 1 5.

&

cles

of

God command one

rots ea> dvSpconois]

the heathen.
ea>

thing,

For the expression

note Colossians
11.
iv. 5.

ol

see the

and we do another:

for then they

When

treat the Scriptures as a lying fable. for instance God's Word tells

to

ovofia\

'the
'

Name'

so

Tertull.

Idol.

14

ne nomen blas-

us to love those that hate us, and they find that, so far from doing this, we hate those that love us, they laugh us to scorn, and they

phemetur.'

this absolute use, ner in which (as

For other instances of and for the manhere) translators

blaspheme the holy Name.'

5.

and transcribers supply the imagined defect, see the note on Ign. Ephes. 3.
Aid navTos k.t.X.~\ From the 111. 5 Ta8e Xeyei 6 Kvpios, At' vfids 81a navTos to ovofid fxov /3Aa12.

ovv]

This particle cannot stand

the vocative, and indeed is omitted in the Syriac. Perhaps ovv is a corruption of fiov, as
after

LXX

Is.

ddeXcpol
;

o-qbrjp.e'iTai

iv toIs eQvecnv.
vfids,

The

Syriac

occurs several times, 9, 10, 11 or the scribe has here tampered with the connecting particles, as he has
fxov

translator inserts 6V
irda-Lv
;

and omits

but these are obvious altera-

tions to

conform

to the familiar

lxx

done elsewhere ( 7 aare ovv, ddeXcpol fiov), and in this case has blundered. 6. vrjyj/ofiev em k.t.X.] 2 Tim. ii. 26
avav7j\lfQ>o-iv...els
I

of Isaiah.
Kal -rrdXiv Oval 13. k.t.X.] I have adopted the reading of the Syriac here, because the Greek text is obviously due to the accidental o-

to

eKeivov
els

OeXrjfxa,

Pet.

iv.

v^are

7rpoo~evxds,

Polyc. Phil. 7
7.

vrj(f)ovTS 7rpbs

ras evxds.

e^aXfiyp-cofieu]
iii.

Harnack quotes

Acts
vfxcov
<).

enio-Tpiy\raTe

19 jj.eTavoTiaa.Te ovv Kal els to e ^aXeicpdrjvai

letters (perhaps homceoteleuton), a common phenomenon in our MS. On the other hand it is hardly conceivable

mission

of some

owing

to

Tas afxapTias.
dv6pc07rdpecrKoi\ Ephes. vi. iii. 22. See also the note
6,

Col.

on
i.e.

dvdptonapecrKe'iv Ign. ' 10. one eavTols]

Rom.

2.

another]

reading Syriac out of the shorter reading of the Greek. The Syriac reading however is not without its
of

that any scribe or translator could have invented the longer

the

CLEM.

II.

16

242

THE EPISTLES OF
TO

S.

CLEMENT.

[xiii

BAAC(t)HM6ITAI

ev

tco

fJLt]

ONOMA MOy' V TLVL Troieiv v/mas a PovXo/ulcll. TOV

O'TO/JiaTO'S Y\\XLOV

^\a(T(pf]\XelTai\

CLKOVOVTCL K
a)s

TCL

yap, TOV QeOV, XoyLCL

edvrj
5

tcl

/ueydXa dav/md^ei' eireiTa, Karafxadovra to, epya rifJLtov otl ovk ecriv cl^lcl tlov pr]juaTcov tov Xeyo/uev, evdev eU fiXacrcpr] \xiav TpeirovTaL, XeyovTes
kclI

KaXd

elvai

fJivdov
rj/ucov

tlvcl

kcu

irXavnv.

brav yap

dicovcrtoo'iv

otl XeyeL 6 Geo? Oy X^P IC Y^in ei Ar^TTATe TOyc aYattochmtac ymac, aAAa X^P ic YMiN ei Ar^nATe Toyc
Trap
i

ev

t'ivl]

add. 8e S

comp.
4

3.
&reiT<x]

3 r/p&v]
S, the

S; vpQv C.

add. 8e S.

1 u/xas & fiovXopai] y]\m% d \4yofiev] S. 7 pvdov tcvo] add. delirii

word being doubtless added

to bring out the force of pvdov.

v/jlwv

9 dXXd]
is

add. t6t S.
difficulty.

10 exdpovs] add.

S.

The

addition of pronouns

very

If the first quotation Aid

is

3.

rd Xoyia tov Geov]

;

synonyme

iravrbs
5,

taken from Is. lii. whence comes the second Oval

k.t.X.

for the Scriptures

k.t.X.?

The explanation seems

Is.
lii.

to

comp. Rom. iii. 2, Heb. v. 12; Clem. Rom. 19, 53, The point to be observed 62, etc.
is

be,

that

itself

was very

frequently quoted in the early ages Oval 6V bv (or oY ov) k.t.X. (see instances collected in the note to Ign. Trail. 8), though there is no authority for it either in the LXX or
in the

an eva?tgelical record

that the expression here refers to see the next

:

note below. Thus it may be compared with the language of Papias, Euseb. H. E. iii. 39 Ma.T6aios...crvveypay\raTo
to. Xoyia, which must have see been nearly contemporaneous 071 Supernatural Religion p. Essays 170 sq. Similarly our author above
;

Hebrew. Our preacher therefore seems to have cited the same passage in two different forms the first from the LXX, the second from

the familiar language of quotation supposing that he was giving two

distinct passages. 1. ev tlvi k.t.X.]

4.

quotes a gospel as ypcxpr/. eVeira k.t.X.] Apost. Const,

. .

ii.

o tolovtos

.ftXacrCprjpiav npocreTpiylre tco

kolvco Trjs eKKXt]cria.s

Koi

Trj

didctcrKaXta,

This

is

no longer

cos prj

noiovvTcov eKelva a Xeyopev eivat

K.T.X.

any part of the quotation, but belongs

to the preacher's explanation. however put the words into the

KaXa
8.

He has
mouth
:

Xeyei 6 Geos]

'

God saith? The

of

God

Himself, after his wont

e.g.

12 TaVTCL vpCOV 7TOIOVVTCOV K.T.X., 14

TrjprjaaTe ttjv

adpKa

k.t.X.

The

read-

passage quoted therefore is regarded As the as one of to. Xoyia tov Geov. words of our Lord follow, it might perhaps be thought that the expression
Ae'yei

ing of the Syriac, prj noielv -qpas a Xeyopev, is obviously a correction to overcome this difficulty. For other

Geos refers not to the

Divine inspiration of the Gospel, but to the Divine personality of

Christ, of
ovtcos
del

examples where
his
3, 9-

this

explanations

preacher begins with ev rim see

whom
fjpas
Trepl

the writer says

(ppovelv

nepl

Irjcrov

XpiaTov

cos

Geov.

But, not to

xiv]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
kai

243
otclv
clkov-

ioexOpoyc
(rooo'iv,

toyc

micoyntac
Tt]v

ymac"

TavTa
Trjs

6 av/md govern/

V7T6p(3oArjv

dyadoTrjTOS*

otclv he idcoa-iv otl ov jjlovov tovs /uicrovvras ovk

TrtoixeVy

dya-

d\X

otl ovSe

tovs dycnriovTas,

KaTayeXtocriv

rifxwv, Kai @\ao'<ptiiJLiTai

15

to

ovo/ua.

XIV.
7raTpos
Trjs,

''CrfcTTe,

ctdeAcpoi,

ttolovvtss
e/c

to

6e\r]fjLa

tov
7rpto-

tjjucdv

Oeov iao/ueda

Trjs eKKArjcrias

rfs

Ttjs 7rveviuiaTiKfjs, Ttjs irpo tj\iov kclI a-e\f]vr\s

;

eKTta-

common

in S and which occur below.

have not thought it necessary to record several instances 13 otl] om. S, perhaps owing to the exigencies of

translation.

14 Kai]

om.

S.

/SXatr^T/^etrcu] add. ovv S.

to ovopa]

add. rov XptcrroO S.

mention that such a mode of speaking would be without a parallel in

the early ages of Christianity, the preceding to. \6yia tov Qeov determines the sense here.

partake of the spiritual archetype,

we must preserve
in its purity.

the fleshly copy

is

This flesh

of

life

and immortality,

if it

capable be united

Ov x^P ls from Luke

k.t.X.]
vi.

loose quotation 32, 35 el dyanaTe tovs

;

to the Spirit, that is to Christ.

And

ayarrSvTas vpas, nolo, vplv x^P ls sarriv ...nXrjv dyanaTe tovs e^Bpovs vpaiv...
Kai eo~Tai 6 fxicrdbs vpa>v rroXvs.

the blessings which await His elect are greater than tongue can tell.' 16. This docttjs npcoTris k.t.A.] trine of an eternal Church seems to

For the
19, 20.

use of xP~ comp.

1
*

Pet.

ii.

11. dyaSoTrjTos] goodness* in the sense of 'kindness,' 'beneficence,' as dyaBorroielv in the context of St Luke (vv. 33, 35). This substantive does not occur in the N. T., and only

be a development of the Apostolic teaching which insists on the foreordained purpose of God as having elected a body of men to serve Him

from
i.

all

eternity;

see esp. Ephes.

3 sq o evXoyijcras rjpas iv rrdar] evXoyla TrvevpaTiKfj iv rols irrov-

rarely (Wisd.
xlv. 23) in
'

vii.

26, xii. 22, Ecclus.

;

paviois

iv

Xpioro),

the

LXX

the form com-

rjpas iv avT(o rrpb

KaTafioXrj

KaBa>s ieXeaTo s koo~ pov

monly used being dyaBcocrvvrj. If we do God's will, we XIV.

shall

...irpoopLo-as rjpas els vlodecriav k.t.X.,

be members of the

spiritual Church; if not, we belong to that house which is

eternal, shall

a den

a passage aptly quoted by Bryennios. The language of our preacher stands midway in point of development, and perhaps also about midway in
point of chronology, between this teaching of S. Paul and the doctrine of the Valentinians, who believed in

The living Church is Christ's body. God made male and female, saith the Scripture. The male
of thieves.
is

Christ,

The
us

the female the Church. Bible and the Apostles teach that the Church existed from

an eternal aeon * Ecclesia,' thus carrying the Platonism of our pseudoClement a step in advance.
17.

eternity. Just as Jesus was manifested in the flesh, so also was the Church. If therefore we desire to

sion
lxxi

This expresprobably taken from Ps. (lxxii). 5 o-vp.Trapap.evel rw i]Xlo)

rrpb r/Xiov k.t.X.]
is
1

244

THE
Se
/urj

EPISTLES OF
7roit](T(i)jJL6v

S.

CLEMENT.

[xiv

fievw iav
etc

to

OeXtj/ua

Kvpiov, iao/meda
d

Trjs

ypacpfjs

Trjs

\eyovo~rjs

'EreNf-'GH

oTkoc
CLTTO

moy
Trjs

CTTh'AAION

AHCT03N.
Tfjs

WCTT6

OVV
tva

aip^TlCTli^Qa
arwQcofxev.

iKKXticias

faqs

eiuai,
ex
its

ovk

o'lOfjiai
3

7 K ttjs ypcMprjs rrjs \eyoij<Tr]5~\

de quibus scriptum est S.

ware

ovv]

C; wore,

ddeX<pot [pov] S, omitting ovv.

See above, p. 240.

eKKkrjo-ias

Kai

Trjs aeXrjvrjs yeveas yeveSv ver. 17 npb tov tjXlov biapevel to ovopa avrov; for though in these

npb
ib.

dnoppoias

eniyetov

which

and

passages, as the

Hebrew shows, npb

a
different
rfjs

Celsus had attributed among other absurdities to the Christians, he writes, to\o. eXrjcpdr] dnb tov vno tlvcov
Xeyeadai
Kai
eKKkr)o~Las

has or ought to have

twos

inovpaviov

meaning (Aquila
o-eXrjvrjs,

els

np6o-<onov

Symmachus

epnpoadev

ttjs

yet it was commonly so interpreted, as appears from Justin

o-eXrjvrjs),

KpeiTTOvos alSvos anoppoiav eivai And see the tt)v eni yfjs eKKXrjcriav. passages quoted in the notes on
to.

(BifiXLa

k.t.X.

and

dvTiTvnov.

Hil-

Dial.
ovtos
rfkiov

64
(i.e.
rjv,

(p.

288)

anode iKWTai...oTi

6 Xptcrros) Kai npb tov in proof of which statement

;

genfeld quotes Clem. Alex. Strom. Tr) s ovpavlov iv. 8 (p. 593) e * K "

eKKXrjo-Las

r]

eniyeios (this father

has
sq,

he

cites

comp.

the passages just quoted ib. 45 264) os Kai npb (p.

just before cited Col. iii. 18 sq),

at

Ephes.
ib. vi.

v.

21
(p.

13

793)
$6r)s

ea>o~(p6pov kcu aeX-qvqs

76 (p. 302) Arian. i. 41

and
(1.

r\v, 34 (p. 252), so Athanasius c.

evTavQa

Kara, ttjv eKKXrjo-iav

npoKonai

...piprjpara,
KaKeivrjs
r)v

oipai,

dyyeXiKrjs

p.

351)

ft

Se Kai,

&s

yjsaWei Aavld ev too e(38opr)Koo~Ta> np<or<p y^aXpa, Hpb tov rjX'iov diapevet to

Tvyxdvovatv dvapeveiv (paalv at ypacpai tovs kot

Trjs

olKovopias

tx^os K.T.X.
2.

ovopa avTOv, Ka\ npb Trjs o-eXrjvrjs els yeveas yevewv} na>s eXdpfiavev o el\^v del k.t.X. Similarly too in his Expos,
in Psalm, lxxi

e\ Trjs

ypacprjs k.t.X.]

loose

expression,

meaning 'of those persons

in

described
Syriac
1 1

the

Scripture'.

The

he explains the two expressions, vv. 5, 17, npb and npb KaTafioXrjs Kocrpov aloivcov Meanwhile Eusebius respectively. Coirnn. in Psalm, ad loc. {Op. v. p. 800 ed. Migne) had mentioned and
(1.

p. 897)

translator

accordingly.
eniKeKXrjTai
k.t.X.,

The
to

paraphrased passage is Jer. vii.

pov, ov

has

pr) crnrjXaiov Xt/cttcoi/ 6 olkos

ovopd pov en avrtu to which also our Lord alludes

13, Mark xi. 17, Luke For the application here
ii.

(Matt. xxi.
xix.

rejected this
Trjs

meaning
TOVTeo~Ti

ov yap npb

46).

aeXrjvqs,
o~e\rjvr)v,

np\v

yeveaSai
Kai

comp. Apost. Const,

3.

17.

tt)v

aXX

eva>niov toanep
o~eXrjvr]s.

coo-re

ovv]

A
'

pleonasm which
;

epnpoadev rjyovpevos rfjs For the idea see esp.

ii.

Hermas
C

Vis.

4 Tis ovv eaTiv;

elnov
'

(pr/pl.

H 'EkkX^o-uz,
Aia
ri

cprjcriv.

ovv

avrco,

ovv

npeo~(3vTepa; "On, (prjaiv, ndvTcov nparrj 81a tovto npeafivTepa, koa 81a eKTio~6r) Tavrrjv 6 Koapos KaTrjpTiaBrj, quoted by

our author repeats elsewhere 4, 7. choose alpeTiaapeBa] prefer a common word in the lxx. In the N.T. it is found only Matt. xii. 18, in a quotation from Is. xlii. 1, where however it does not occur in See Sturz Dial. Mac. 144. the LXX.
l

'

',

Bryennios.
vi.

Comp.

also Orig.

c.

Cels.

35,

where speaking of the phrase

4. ttjs >>>7s] Harnack writes 'Iudaeorum synagoga est ecclesia mor-

xiv]
5

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
v/mas

2 45
c:coMA

$e

dyvoeiv
\eyet
ApCN

otl
r\

KK\rjo~ia

^cocra

6CTIN
to ON

XpicToy'
ANGpGOTTON

yap
KAI

ypa<prj

'EnomceN
60TTLV

Oedc

GhAy*
kcci

TO CLpCeV

6
ol

XpKTTOS,
diroo'TOpt/SXfa]

to

6rjAv

rj

6KK\t]a-la*

otl tcl fli(3\ia Kal

Kal otl] atque etiam S.

8 to drjXv]

/ecu

to drjXv S.

ra

add.

prophetarum
tis
'.

S.

The contrast however is not between the Synagogue and the Church of Christ, but between mere
external

a rough synonyme for the Old and NewTestaments respectively. Though the Apostolic and Evangelical writings are elsewhere in this epistle treated as ypa<pal ( 2) and even as \6yia tov Qeoii ( 1 3), being thus co-

membership
spiritual

in the visible
in the

body and
5>

communion

celestial counterpart.
(Ttofxa o~tlv

23 rfj avrov;
xii.
iii.

tKKkrjaiq,

rjris

XpLo~Tov\ Ephes. i. earlv to o~d>pa

iv.
5,

comp.

ib.

4,
1

12

sq,
x.
ii.

16,
17,

ordinated in point of authority with the Old Testament, yet the term to. ftifiXia, 'the Books', is not yet

v. 23, 30,

12
15.

27,
6

Rom.

xii.
i.

Cor.
24,

extended to them.

Col.

18,

19,

similar expressions for the

For somewhat Old and

6.

'TLTToL-qo-ev

k.t.X.]

Gen.

i.

27

7roLr}(rev

Qeos

top

eticopa

Qeov

noLr)o-sv

avOpomrov, /car' avrov' apcrzv Kal

New Testaments in early writers, see the note on Ign. Philad. 5. The exact mode of expression is however
unique.
1

The

Syriac
'

translator's

6fjXv

tion

The applicainoirjaev avrovs. seems to be suggested by S.

Paul's treatment of this portion of the Mosaic account, Ephes. v. 31 sq; where, after representing the Church

is the obvious gloss of a later age. But what Books of the Old Testa-

books of the prophets

as the body and spouse of Christ, and quoting Gen. ii. 24, he says, t6
p-vcrrripiov

ment and what Apostolic writings had the preacher in view? (1) As regards the O. T. the answer
is

tovto peya eariv

'

ya>

be

context.

partly supplied by his own In the first place the history

Xeyco els Xpiaroj/ Kal [ets] ttjv kkXt}~ aiav.

8.

of creation in
plated.

Genesis

is

contemalto-

Such treatment was

kol

otl\

Some words have

the
I.

evidently dropped out in here: see the introduction,

sq.

MS
144

p.

gether in accordance with the theological teaching of his age. Anastasius of Sinai (Routh's Re I. Sacr. 1. p.
15
;

The lacuna

is

conveniently sup-

plied by Xeyovo-iv 77X01/ after aucodev, as I have done. This seems to me

860, Migne) says, HairLov tov iravv tov 'lepanoXirov TOV v TCO CTriO~TT)0L(p Kal
p.
<pGLTl]0-aVTOS,
ttjs 'AXeai/dptcov tepecoy, kol 'App<oi>Lov o-o(pcoTatov, tq>v apyaitov Kal npwToav avi/adcov

comp. Anastas. Op.

more obvious solution of Bryennios, who would attach this otl to the preceding vpas ayvoelv, and
better than the

KXijpevTo?

liavralvov

understand merely
or the
like.

(paal or diddcricovcn

i^rjyijTcov,

etj

XpiaTov

Kal

ttjv

Syriac translator omits the otl and inserts a Xeyovo-i or some similar word. This is
clearly

The

an arbitrary correction.
kol ol

to. /3i/3Xia

anwroXot] This

is

iKKXrjaiav iraaav ttjv ei-aqpepov vorjo-dvTcov. We might almost suppose that Anastasius was here alluding to our pseudo-Clement, if he had not in a parallel passage (p. 962

246

THE EPISTLES OF
ok

S.

CLEMENT.

fxiv

\ol ty]v 6KK\r](riav ov vvv eivai,

$fj\ov~\'
rjv

dWa
kcli
rjfjiepcov

avwdev ^Xeyovciv,
tj/uoov,

yap

irvev fiar iky],

6 'lyo-ovs
*lva

icpa-

vepcodri
r\

Se

eV

icryaTiav

tcov

fj/zas

(rcocri'

eiacA.rio'ia Se 7rvevfxaTLKY] ovcra icpavepcodrj ev ty\

ov vvv] add. dicunt S.
Xeyovcriv

aapKi

77X01/]

om.

CS

see the lower note.

(de) spiritalis est, is

i us /cat 6 'Irjaovs rj/Auv, e0az>epc60?7 8e k.t.X.] / t/er

ems autem

qui

est testis christus

dominus

noster,

manifestatus est atitem, etc. S.

ri/xe-

Migne), where he

is

again enume-

rating ancient interpreters who explained the statements respecting

a confirmation of his view in 7roXet Qeov covtos 'lepovaaXrjfjL enovpavim...

navqyvpei Kai eKKXrjaiq npcoroToKOiV cmoyeypap,p.evcov iv ovpavois (xii. 22, 23). Again such words as Apoc. xxi. 9, 10,
ttjv vvp.(pr]v ttjv

paradise in Genesis as

els rrjv

Xpio-Tov

eKKkrjaiav dvaepepopeva, specified KX77writes again firjs 6 Srpco/xarcvs.

He

yvvcuKd rov

dpviov...

(p.

964), 'admirabiles
.

quos diximus
.

ttjv
ex.

ay lav

'lepova-aXrjp,

Karafiaivovo-av

interpretes. .decreverunt. .duos quos-

dam

paradisos...terrestrem et caelestem, qui cernitur et qui intelligitur, sicut etiam est Christus
caelestis simul et terrestris, congruenter typo duarum ecclesiarum^ terrenae, inquam, et caelestis civitatis Domini virtutum etc.' (a passage which illustrates the language of our

esse

suit his
1.

rov ovpavov euro rov Qeov, would purpose admirably.

ov vvv k.t.A.]
i

not

now

for the

first

For
i.

the beginning*. this sense of avu>6ev see Luke

time, but

from
5
;

3,

Acts xxvi.

comp. Justin Dial.

eKrjpvcro-eTo,

24
ib.

(p.

242) aa-nep avcoOev

(p.

preacher respecting the Church) and he himself accordingly maintains that whatever is said of Adam and
;

286) on avcodev 6 Geoy... yevvaer&ai avrbv ep.eXXe, where it is an explanation of npb eo>o-(p6pov eyevvqad

63

ere.

Harnack compares

Gal.

iv.

26,

Eve applies
besides the

to Christ

(e.g. pp. 999, 1007, 1027, 1050).

and the Church But

H exaemeron, our preacher

but the opposition to vvv here suggests the temporal rather than the local meaning of aveodev.
etc.,
2.

6 'irjaovs

77/i.coi/]

SC. nvevfiariKos

may have been thinking of other parts

of the O. T., such as Ps. xliv (xlv), in which 'the queen' was already
interpreted of the Church (Justin Dial. 63, p. 287). So too he would

qv,
is

SO that 6

'irjcrovs,

not

77

eKKXrjo-ia,
:

the nominative of ecpavepcodt] comp. 9 Xpioros 6 Kvpios, 6 acoaas yp-ds, a>v to ivpQirov nvevpa, iyevero p,ev
erapi;

kol

ovtcos

77/Liay

eicdXearev.
I

For
i.

not improbably have the Song of

ecpavepcodrj

8e

k.t.X.

COmp.

Pet.

Solomon

in his

mind.

As regards the 'Apostles' (2) again his context indicates his chief
reference.

The

Epistle to the Ethis

it

npoey voterpevov fiev npb KaraftoXfjs koo~[xov, (pavepcodevTOs de en ecr^arou (v.l. eV^arcoi/) tcov XP "' V(OV 6Y V/JLCLS K.T.X.
Xpterrov
3.

20

phesians seemed to him more especially to inculcate But he would find

iff eaxarcov tcov rjpepa>v\

'

when
7

doctrine.

elsewhere.

the days 'at the

xlix.

were drawing to a close end of all things'; a not

f

There are some indications that he was acquainted with the Epistle to the Hebrews and, if so, he would see
;

uncommon lxx
1,

expression,

Gen.

28, x.

Deut. 14, Hos.

iv.
iii.

30
5,

Dan. ii. Mic. iv. 1 and

(v.l.),
;

xiv]
5

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
y\\xlv

247
TY\pr\crr\

Xpi&TOv, StiAoixra
ev ty] crapKL

oti, eav tls

rjiutov

avrrju

Kal

jurj

(pdeiprj,
r\

d7ro\t]\frTaL
clvtyi

avTrjp ev Tto

7rvVfjLaTi too dyioo'

yap aap^

dvTiTwrros ecrTiv

tov

TrvevjJiaTOS'

ovdeh

ovv to olvtitwkov (pdeipas to

pQv] temporum S. 7 clvtLtvttos] C ; typus S, and so to ovt'itvitov just below; but this is probably owing to the poverty of the language.

so 2 Pet.
correct
qpepaiv. 4. ev

iii.

3,

reading
rfi

but in Heb. i. 2 the is eV eVyarov tu>v

Arian. 28
6\6ypa(pov

(i.

p. 116) TrpoeK.6p.ive
'

x e 'P a

from
aapKL XpiaTov] When Christ bodily external form, the
this

written avQevTiKjqVy i. e. first to last by his own hand '.

The

avTiTvirov is the material,

tem-

took

Church did the same. Moreover

external form might be said to be ev TJj aapKi avrov, since the Church
exists
5.

porary manifestation, the imperfect and blurred transcript o>i the original comp. Synes. Epist. 68 (p. 217) toIs
:

Ta%vypa(pois
Tore

to.

avTiTviva

dovvai

tcov

by union with Him.

'

ypa(pevTcov
c.

T-qprja-r]

avT-qv]

keep her pure

Athan. Apol.
t<5 auTLTV7rco

eWraa, Epist. in Arian. 85 (1. p. 158)

and undented', i.e. so far as concerns his own conduct as one member
of the body.

tov Oeiov ypdp.pa.Tos.

true,

For

dvTiTvrrov,

thus contrasted with the

tcov

The

believer in his

own

heavenly and
dvTLTV7ra

special department is required to do that which Christ does throughout

dXrjdivcov,

comp. Heb. ix. 24 where the

the context
to.

dvTLTV7ra are defined in

the whole, Ephes.

evbot-ov
tt)v
rj

v.

27

Trapao-Trjo-cu
pi)

as

to.

vTrobeiypara tcov ev toIs ovpavols

d\r]6ivd as avTa

KK\r]o-Lav,
k.t.X.

e^ovaav

and the

enovpdvia.

cnvTkov
6.

pvTiba

aTroA^-v/Aerai avT-qv]

i.

e.

by being

See also the anonymous Valentinian in Epiph. Haer. xxxi. 5 (pp. 168, 169)
avTLTVTros tov npoovTos 'KyevvrjTov, dvTLTV7TOV TTjS TVpOOVO"q$ TCTpadoS.

incorporated in the Church.

8.

celestial, spiritual

And

to dvTiTvrrov] 'the counterpart, or copy\ The Platonic doctrine of

more

especially for the pseudo-Cle-

ideas

underlies
is

these

expressions.

ment's teaching here compare the Valentinian language, Iren. i. 5. 6

b
drj

The
it

av$evTLKov

the eternal, spiritual

:

kcu civto eKicXijcrLav elvat Xeyovaiv,

ttjs

archetype, the original document, as

were, in God's own handwriting comp. Tertull. de Monog. 11 'in

clvt'ltvitov

avco

In such senses
relatively
rist
;

ovt'itvitov

'EKKXrjaias. depreciates

and with

this

meaning

Graeco authentico', 'the Greek original', before it was corrupted by tranipsae auscription thenticae literae eorum', 'the autoDig. graph letters of the Apostles
;

the material elements in the eucha-

were commonly called by the

dvTiTvna.

de Praescr. 36

'

fathers

of

the

body and
14,
s.v.

blood of Christ, e.g. Apost. Const, v.

vi.

'

30, vii. 25

see Suicer Thes.

avTiTv-aov is

xxviii. 3. 12

nondum apertum
quod
cum'
si

totum,
is

'exemplo quidem aperto est testamentum; authenticum patefactum est apertum', where 'authentic.

On

the other

hand

some-

the original, and 'exemplum'

times opposed to rvnos, as the finished work to the rough model, the realization to the foreshadowing, in which case it extols relatively; comp.
1

the copy; Julius in Athan. Apol.

Pet.

iii.

21.

248

THE EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

[xiv

avdevTUcov fiera\Y\y^eTai.
(j)oi,

Tr)pY]<raT6
el

Trjv

dpa ovv tovto Aeyei, aSe\a~dpKa \va tov irvevfJiaTOS juera-

\a/3^re.
Kal to
vfipiGev
\]s6TCtl

Se Aeyo/mev eivai Trjv crdpKa ty\v eiacArio'iav

TTvedfJia

Tr\v

XpiffTOV, dpa ovv 6 vffplaas ty\v o"apKa 6 toiovtos ovv ov /ULeraXr}eKKXtja-iav

.

TOV
r\

TTVeVfJLCLTOS,

O SO'TLV 6 XplGTOS.
^oorjv

TOO"aVTr\V

Svvcctcli

o~dp avTY\ /uLeTaAafielv

avTrj

Kal ddavaaiav,

KoAArjdevTOs
epeiTreiv

tov

TrvevjULaTOs

tov dyiov,
a

ovte
d

tls

SvvaTai

ovtb

\a\rjo~ai

htoimac6n

Kypioc

Toh efcAe/croIs avTov. XV. Ovk oio/uiai he otl

irepl

I0

/uwcpdv avfjifiovAiav eiroir]tis ov /ULeTavoricei,

airoXrjxj/eTai,

a-dfJLf]v
i

iyKpaTEias,
CS.
In

rjv

7roirja-as
it

fj.eTa\-r)\p eraC]

C however

was

first

written

and

fiera is

written above by the same hand.

vPpi<ras...T7)v e/ocX?7criaj>]
is

See the note on

QCkoiroveiv below, 19.

46

qui contumelia affecit camem suam contumelia affecit carnem christi ecclesiam S. This might possibly represent 6 v(3picras ttjv adpKa the words in brackets \tt)v Idiav, tov xptaroO ttjv adpKa] vfiptaev, ttjv eKK\r}(riav,
having been omitted in
1.

C by

homoeoteleuton

but

am

disposed to regard
it

it

as

apa ovv

k.t.X.]

This apparently

Christ,

whereas just above

has re-

refers not to

what has immediately preceded, but to an application which the preacher has made of an evangelical text several chapters before, 8

presented the relation of the earthly Church and Christ to the heavenly Church and Christ. The insertion
in the Syriac does not remove the See the criticism of Phodifficulty.
tius

apa ovv tovto Xeyei

ayvrjv k.t.X.
It is

Trjprjo-aTc tt)v aapica

almost impossible
of

however

to

trace the connexion

writer's sentiments,

on the inconsequence of this quoted above on

/xeraXa/3eIi/]

thought in so loose a writer. ttjv o-apKa] as being the body 3. of Christ. This language does not occur in S. Paul, for in Ephes. v. 30 4k ttjs o-apKos avTov is an interpolation.
relation of Christ to the Church represented by S. Paul as that of the head to the body, whereas here it is that of the spirit to the body, so
is

1.

7.

tive, as e.g.

Acts xxiv.

With an accusa25, and corn-

monly
this

in classical writers.

On
294

the

different sense of the

two cases with

II.

The

verb see Kiihner

p.

sq.

propriety of the change here will be obvious. Similarly to avOevtikov p*Ta\r)tyzTai above,
8.

The

that

equivalent to flesh \ Altogether our preacher seems to be guilty of much confusion in his metaphor in this context; for here

'

body

'

is

'

tov TrvevpaTos tov

1.

ayiov]

See

above,
is still 9.

p. 125.

The language here

in 9.

more unguarded than

iemeiv\ 'express'; Clem.

r/Toipaaev]

Rom.
the

the relation of flesh to spirit represents the relation of the Church to

48.
a.

reference

to

xv]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
Kai

249

dWd
fJLMrdds

eavTov

cwaei

Ka/uLe

tov

o'v/uLflovAevo'avTa.
yjyv^rjv

yap ovk eo"Tiv /uiKpos

diroa'Tpey^ai
eis

7r\av(i)fjievr]v

Kai

15 d7ro\Kvfxevt]V

to

crcodrjvai.

TavTt]v

yap

expfxev Tr\v avTi/uia'diav a7ro$ovvai tw Qeco tcq KTicravTi tjjuids, edv 6 Aeyeov Kai aKOvcov fxera 7rio'Tecos Kai dyairr]^

Kal \eytj Kai aKOvrj.

aafxev ZiKaioi Kai
20

i/uLjueivco/uLev

ovv

i(j)

oh

7ricrTev-

bcrioi,

\va /meTa

7rappricrias

aiTwiuev

tov Qeov tov AeyovTa

AaAoyntoc coy epa> iAoy n^peiMi* tovto yap to prj/ma /uLeyaXrjs ectiv eirayyeXias crj/ueTov eToi/uoTepov yap eavTov Aeyei 6 Kvpios ek

"Eti

to SiSovai tov aiTOvvTOs.

TOcravTt}? ovv xpticrTOTrjTOs

17 6
fierd

11 eiroirjffdiuirjv] add. v/uuv S. merely a paraphrastic rendering of S. Xeyuv Kai a/coiW] S translates as if it had read 6 re Xeywv kcu 6 anotiuv. iricrreus Kai dydir-qs] cum caritate et cum fide S, transposing the words.

On

the

repetition of the preposition see above,

to 8i86vai tov ahovvTos] in Mud ut det petitionem ejus qui petit ab ipso S, thus supplying a substantive to govern tov ahovvTos and mistaking the sense. 23 TocravTrjs .fieTaXap-^dvovTes]
I.

p. 137.

22

ets

. .

quoniam igitur hac jucunditate

et

bonitate dei jucundamur S.

same passage of which part has been already quoted by our preacher at the end of 11. See the note on Clem. Rom. 34. XV. 'He, that obeys this exhortation to chastity, will save both
self

Kal aeavTov crao-as Kal tovs aKovovrds

o~ov. See also below, 19. Harnack quotes Barnab. 1 paXXov avyxaipco

ifxavTco

sXttl^cov

o-codfjvai,
.

oti

dXTjdais

/3Xe7rco iv vp.lv eKKeyvuei/oi/.

.nvevpa.

himand the preacher. It is no small recompense to convert and save a perishing soul. Faith and love are the only return that speaker and
hearer alike can
Creator,
to our belief, for

14. picrBos k.t.X.] James v. 20 6 etr*o-Tpeyj/as dpapTcoXov e< nXdprjs odov avTov ato ere l yjrvx^v eKdavaTov k.t.X. 16.
dvTip.io-6Lav]

favourite

word

make

to
let

God

their

with our author, especially in this connexion; see the note on 1.

19. diKaioi Kal 00-101] See on 1, 5. 20. "En XoXovvtos k.t.X.] Is. lviii. 6 Qeos elo-aKovcreTai arov, Ztl XaXovv-

So therefore

us be true

God promises an
9

immediate response, declaring Himself more ready to give than we to We must not grudge ourselves ask. these bounties of His goodness for as the rewards of submission are
;

tos

<tov epel 'iSov ndpeipi. Comp. Afiost. Const, iii. 7, where, as here, it

is

great, so the

punishment of disobedi-

ence
11.

is

great also.'
o'iopaC]

The word has

oc-

curred. twice already in this writer

quoted e'pco (though with a v.l.), probably (as Lagarde points out) from a confusion with Is. lxv. 24 en XaXovvrav avrav e'pco, Tt eo-Tiv; So too in Iren. iv. 17. 3, it is given ^dicam but epel in Justin Dial. 15 (p. 233).
1

6, 14.
13.

23.
i

al eavTbv k.t.X.']

Tim.

iv.

16

'more prompt

tov alrovpTos] SC. els to alrelv to give than the asker

250

THE EPISTLES OF
/urj

S.

CLEMENT.

[xv

/uLeTaActjULfiavovTes

(pdovricrajfjiev

tlov dyadcov.

bcrr}v

yap

tjdovrjv

iauToTs Tv-^elv toctoveyei tcc prj/uiaTa TavTct

toIs

7roir]<jaG'iv

avTa, TO&avTtjv KaTCtKpicrtv ^X eL T0 * ?

Xafiovres
ov

irapaKOvcraaiv\

XVI.
/uiKpai/
eis

''(Oare,

dheXcpoly

d<pop/uLrjv

to

/meTavorjcrai, Kctipov
ijjuids

eV*

tov

KaXeaavTa
tj/ULcis.

e^ovTes 7TLG'Tpe\ls(t)iuLv Qeov, ews en eyo\iev tov

irapahe^OfJievov

iav yap TaTs r\hv7radeiais

rjjuoov

tovev

tcms aTTOTajZoofjieda Kai ttjv ^\rvyr\v

1

viKricrco/uLev

toctovtuv]

C; tolovtuv

(?)

S.

5 dde\<poi] add. dyawrjToi S.

8 irapar

dex6/J.evov] irarcpa dexoixevov

(IIPA for IIAPA)

C; patrem qui

accipit S.

'I^-

aov] domini nostri iesu christi S.

is

16 Kpelcrcruv vr/areta irpoaevxTis]

C;

to ask'; as in the Collect

'more

ready to hear than we to pray'. The Syriac translator has misunderstood

the sense.

On this word, which was highly distasteful to the Stoics, see Wyttenbach on Plut. Mor. 132
a Biblical word.
C. It

occurs at least as early as

vii. 5. 74.

XVI. Therefore let us repent and return to God betimes. If we conquer our appetites and desires, we shall obtain mercy of Jesus. For be assured, the day of judgment is at hand as a heated furnace shall it be the heavens shall be fused and
' ; ;

Xenophon, Cyr.
9.

a7roTai;<0p,eda]

See on

6.
iv.
I

II.

epxcTai K.r.A.] Mai.

tcvcs] This though both
I

Idov

q pie pa <ipx*Tai Kaiopievr) as Kkifiavos.

13.
is

rupt,

obviously corour authorities

are agreed.

think that for tivcs

we

the earth shall be as melting lead; and all the deeds of men shall be revealed. Almsgiving is a token of

should probably read [al] bwapms, the expression being taken from Is. xxxiv. 4 * a * Tcacijo-ovTai ndaai al dvvdpieis tg>v

repentance.
prayer,

Fasting

is

greater than

ovpavwv

comp. Aftoc. Petr.

7 (p. i65,Blondel)

and almsgiving than both.

in
Ka\

Macar. Magn.
TanrjcreTai

iv.

Love covereth a multitude of sins, and prayer delivereth from death. Blessed is he that aboundeth in these For almsgiving removeth things. the burden of sin.' So Rom. XajSovres^ d(f)opp.r]v 5. vii. 8, n. Conversely d^op^v 81dovai, 2 Cor. v. 12, I Tim. v. 14, Ign.
Trail.
6. i'xop.V
8.

Tvdora

bvvapus ovpavov.

Where

the

MS was

torn and letters

had dropped out, it might easily be read tincc Comp. 2 Pet. iii. 7, 10, Orac. Sib. iii. 689 sq, Melitoy^W. 12,
p. 432 (Otto).

Though the

existing text

Kaipov

e'xovres]

So

* s

eW

Kaipov pieravoias, 9 Kaipov tov laOfjvai.

7.

^Xfxev
is

tov

napadexop-evov]

It

yet

the Kaipos evTrpoadeKTos (2 Cor. vi. 2). Not rjdvnaOeiais] See again 17.

might be explained with Harnack and Hilgenfeld by the common belief in several heavens (comp. e.g. Orig. c. Cels. vi. 23), I can hardly think that our Clementine writer would have expressed himself in this way, even if he had believed that some of the heavens would be spared from the
conflagration.

The

pseudo-Justin

xvi]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
fjir]

251
irovripasy

10

tw
t]ot]

irotelv

tcls

eTTidujULLas
'lt](rov.

avTrjs

Tas

/U6Ta-

Xtj^o/meda tov eXeous

h

rivcocKere he oti Ipxgtai

kAiBaimoc

HMepA

Trjs

Kpicrecos

00c

kaiomcnoc,
y\

kai
COS

takh'contai
JULOXl/3o9 15 Kpv<pia

\TLves\
7TVpl

twn oypANoaN,
TrjKOfJLei/OS,
KCtl

Kcu

irdcra

yfj

7Tl

TOT6

<pCtVtj(TeTai

TCC

Kal (pavepa
cos

epya tcZv
he

dvdpoo7rcov.

kclXov

ovv

e\e?]fjLocrvvr]

[xeTavoia

dfxapTias*

Kpeurcrcov

vt]<TTia

7rpo(rev^fjs,
bonum jejunium,

eXerifiocrvv^
;

d/uLCporepcov

ai-atth
out.
1

Ae ka-

but probably jD has dropped oratio, S would bring the Syriac into conformity with the Greek.
add. melior (Kpdavcov) S.

This insertion
7 eXeripoavvT) 5e]

to this
14.

Quaest. adOrthod. 74 probably refers passage see I. p. 178 sq.

:

/x6At/3of]

This seems to be the

correct form in the

lxx

generally,
22,

signs a more important work to prayer than to almsgiving. These two facts combined throw doubt on the It would seem integrity of the text. as though some words had been transposed and others perhaps omitted.
16.
cos
i

Exod.

xv.

10,

Num.

xxxi.

Job

xix. 24, etc.

poXifios and pbXifi80s are certified by their occurrence

Both

perdpoia apapr ias]

is
5

in metre.

ance from sin

good

if

(is repentthe text be

exhaus15. Kpixfiia Kai cpavepa] tive expression comp. Wisd. vii. 21 ocra re iari Kpvnra Kal ep(pavf) eyvutv.
:

An

for the sense will hardly ; allow us to translate 'as being re-

correct

pentance from
eXerjpoavvTj

sin'.

suppose that
its

KaXov ovv

K.r.X.]

If there is

no

cor-

here
'

has

restricted

ruption in the text of this passage, it offers another illustration of the criof Photius on our pseudoClement, Bibl. 126, quoted above, This however may be doubt 1.

ticism

as in every almsgiving passage where it occurs in the N.T. See Ecclus. xl. 17. dpcporepcou]
',

sense of

24 vnep
rai,

dpcporepa
Kal

iX^ponvirq pvaedpcporepa

where however the

ftorjdeia

ful.

preacher seems to be thinking of Tobit xii. 8, 9 dyaQbv

TTpo<TVXV pera vrjcrreias Kal eXcr/poavKal Troir}o~ai biKaioo-vvrjs ...KaXbv vrjs
iXerjpoauvrjv
iXerjpoo-vvrj
77

The

are ddeXcpol
6Xtye<as.

ds

Kaipbv

drjcravpiaai

-^pvcrlov'

yap k 6avarov pverat Kai avrrj dnoKaOapiei Traaav apapr lav, where the first sentence as read in S is
dyaObv
tvpoo-(V)(r}

Taken from I Pet. where it is doubtless a quotation from Prov. x. 12. See the note on Clem. Rom. 49, where also it is quoted. There can be no doubt that
aydnr) be k.t.A.]
iv. 8,

pera.

vrjareias

Kal

iXcrjpoavvr] perd diKaiocrvvrjs vnep

dp-

Here the very same function (porepa. K Oavdrov pveaOai, which our text assigns to prayer, is assigned to almsMoreover our text having giving. stated that almsgiving is greater than

prayer

immediately afterwards

as-

context it refers to passing over without notice, and so forgiving, the sins of others; nor is there any reason for interpreting it otherwise as adopted by S. Peter or by the genuine Clement. In James v. 20 the expression KaXvyj/ei nXijOos dpapriSv seems still to be used of the sins of others, but in the sense of

in the original

252

THE EPISTLES OF
davaTOv pveTcu.
7rAt]pris'

S.

CLEMENT.

[xvi

AynTei ttAh9oc AMApTiajN*

$rj(rea)s
e/c

TTpocrev^t]

Se K KCt\fj$ <TVVl7ras

juaKapios

evpedeis

ev

tovtols

eXetifjiocrvvr)

yap
i^

KOiKpurfJia

dfxap-

ticls yiverai.

XVII.
jurj

MeTavorjcrcojuev

ovv
el

6\ti$

tls

rjjULcov

TrapaTToXriTai.
TTpaaaijofxev,
Trpdo~o~(i)fj.ev]

\va Kai
7 iVa

tovto
kolI

gltto

yap twu eidwAwv

;

Kapdias, tva ivToXcis e^ofievy

diroa'Trdv

tovto

Similar omissions of tva appear in

so apparently S Kal tovto -Kpo.o~o~oii.ev (om. tva) C. in 48 e^o/xoXoyrja io/jlcu (where S is correct),

AC

and

in

itself in

ii

11 Kop.icrufji.eda

(adversus) S, as
12 irpoaix LV xa '
'

if

wpos:

but

Tr<-o~Teveiv]

10 7rept] C ad (where AC are correct). perhaps does not represent a different reading. S; Trto-Tevetv Kal irpoo~e'x eiv C. 14 els oXkov diraX;

it

burying them from the sight of God, wiping them out by the conversion and repentance of the sinner'.

o-weldrjo-is

41.

For Kadapa

see the note Clem. Rom. avveidrja-LS see Clem.

is

Rom.
2.

On
ing

the

other

seems certainly

hand our preacher to take it as mean-

45 with the note. eK Oav&Tov pverai] This

said

own

atones for a multitude of o?is as it is taken by some sins

',
:

of i\eqp.oavvr) in Tobit iv. 10, xii. 9 (already quoted) and of diKaioa-vvr), which also signifies 'almsgiving', in
;

and so too Clement of Alexandria is hardly consistent with himIn Strom, ii. 15 (p. 463) he exself.

modern commentators
Tertull. Scorp. 6.

Prov. x. 2, xi. 4 but not of irpoaevxijSee the note on KaXbv ovv k.t.X. above. 3. iv] Comp. Ecclus. 1. 6 o-eXrjvr)
;

TtKrjpTqs iv r)p:epais.

plains

it

of

God's

love

in

Christ
;

eXerjpioavvr)

yap

k.t.X.]

Prov. xvi. 6
Kal
TricrTecnv
xii. 30 comp.

which forgives the sins of men whereas in Qnis div. salv. ^Z (p. 959) he takes it to mean that love,
repent and put away his own sins and so apparently in Strom, 27 (p. 423). Origen In Lev. Horn. ii. 5 (11.
i.
;

(xv.

27)

iXer)p.oavvais

d-TOKadaipovTai dp,apTtai, Ecclus.

iXeripLOO~vvq i^CkdcrtiTai dpiapTias
'.

working in a man, enables him to

Dan.,

iv.

24 ras dpLapTias
dpiapTias]
i.

o~ov iv iXe-jf

pLoavvais XvTpaxrai (Theod.).

Kov(fiio-pt,a

e.

removes

190) refers it to the sins ; but the turn which

p.

man's own he gives to

the load of sin', as with Bunyan's So 3 Esdr. viii. 83 a-v, Kupilgrims. pie, 6 Kovfpiaas Tas dpiaprias rjp.Sv,

shown by his quoting Luke vii. 47 dcpecovTai avTtjs ai dp.apTiai ai 7roXXat, on rjyarvqan explanation which re<Tv noXv moves the doctrinal objection to this
the passage
is

comp. Ezr.
avop.ias.

ix.

13 iKoixpicras

rjp.cov

ras

in juxtaposition

lest

XVII. 'Let us therefore repent we perish. For, if we are com-

though the exegetical argument against it from the connexion of the passage in its original coninterpretation,
text (Prov. x. 12)
1.

still

remains.

manded to convert even the heathen from their idolatry, how unpardonable would it be to allow the ruin of a soul which has once known the true God Therefore let us assist
!

Kakfjs

<Tvvei8T]aeois]

Heb.
is

xiii.

18.

A commoner

expression

dyaOrj

the weak, that may be saved.

we and they

alike

And

let

us not give

XVIl]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.

253

Kai KaTti%eTp, irocrw \iaXKov ^V)(r]v Y\&t\ 'ywaxTKOvarav tov Qeov ov Sel d7roWvcrdai ; (rvWdfitojULev ovv iavToIs
10 Kai

tovs d&devovvTas dvayeiv

a7ravT6s
%

irepl

to dyadov, oVojs
d\\r\\ovs
Kai

(TioQcojjLev

Kai
/urj

eTTiaTpey^wfjiev

vovdeTrja'cojUiei/.

Kai

iaovov dpri BoKw/uev Trpoartyeiv

jj/xas vrro

Kai 7ri<TT6veiv ev
jivTepcoVy

tw

vovdeTelcrOai

Ttov Trpecr[xvr]-

dWa

Kai otclv ek oIkov aTraWayw/uLev,

XayQpev] C; domutn dimissi fuerimus et cessaverimus ab omnibus S. The variation might easily be explained by an omission in C owing to homceoteleuton, but it is

more probably a periphrastic rendering of S to express the readai: see above, 1. p. 136 sq.

full force

of aVaXXdr-

heed only while we are listening

also

to

the instructions of our presbyters, but

to our Let us also meet together more frequently, and thus endeavour

when we have departed

homes.

of the Greek MS, Ka\ tovto 7rpdo"o~opv must be taken as parenthetical so far as regards the structure, and we so that dnoobev this command cnvav will then be governed by iv'
' ;

to

make

progress in the
will

commanddeclared

rokas e%o[iev.
o-vXXdfioopev k.t.X.] Let us therefore assist one a?wther, that we may elevate the weak also as concerning
9.
'

ments of the Lord.

that

He has

He

come

to gather together

all nations and languages. Then the unbelievers shall see His glory and shall bewail their past obstinacy. Their worm shall not die ; and their sufferings shall be a spectacle to all

that which is good\ This may be the meaning, if the text is correct; but it would seem as though some verb

had

fallen out after Kai.

For

iavrols

men.
to

Meanwhile the righteous,

see-

see the note on 13; and for dvdyeiv

ing their torments, shall give glory God, because there is hope for His true and zealous servants.'
5.

comp. Clem. Rom.

11.
K.a\

49.

7TLo-Tp4y\ra)pev\ to

be con-

nected with

crvXXdficopev,
ottcds,

and not
as
it

MeTavoijo-oopev

k.t.X.]

The

ex-

made dependent on
12.
ym)

is

pression [xeravoelv e okrjs \rrjs] Kapdias has occurred already 8, and will occur again 19 comp. also 9
;

punctuated by Bryennios.
povov
apTL
k.t.X.]

This

clearly

peravoijo-ai ej elXiKpivovs Kapdias.

6.

us
the

is

shows that the work before a sermon delivered in church

;

Tvapaivokr)Tai]
i.e.

'perish

by

comp.

19 p-era rov Qeov ttjs dXr)6eias

way]

'unexpectedly, through care-

lessness, without sufficient cause'; as e.g. Lucian Gy7n.1i. 13 6pa> ovdevbs

dvayivaiCTKco vplv evrev^iv k.t.X. tcov 7rpo-(SvTepctiv] 'the 13.

pres-

peydXov eveKa 7rapa.7roWvp.6vas, Nigr. 13 hihoiKa prj 7TapaTTokr]Tai pera^v Xovopevos, Hermot. 21 7rept6\^ei pe
TtapanoXopevov. ivrokas exopev]
It

byters] who delivered their exhortations after the reading of the Scrip-

tures; see the rbv Qcov k.t.X.

was our Lord's

;

command, Matt, xxviii. 19 sq comp. Mark xvi. 1 5. If we adopt the reading

on 19 perd This sermon itself was obviously such an exhortation but the preacher, doubtless himself a 'presbyter', puts himself in the posinote
;

tion of

his

hearers

and uses the

254

THE

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
ical
/urj

[xvn
clvtl-

/uovevw/mev Ttov
7rape\K03fjie6a

tov Kvpiov evTaXfjLaTWPy

diro
tcov
koct/ullkcov

7ri6v/ULi(jov 9

dWa

irvKVOTepov 7rpo<repxd}JL6voi 7reipco/uLeda irpoKOTTTeiv ev tclZs evToXdis tov Kvptov, iva iravres to clvto (ppovodvTes
3

crvvriyfjievoi

wfiev

eW

Tt\v

ijorjv.

eiirev
;

yap

6
KAI

KvplOS

'Ep)(OM<M

CYNAr^r?N
Se

HANTA

TA

6 N H

(byAAC

rAcoccAc*

tovto

Xeyei ty\v

rifjiepav

Trjs

67ri<pavia$
kcctci
kcli

auTOV, 6t6 eXdcov XvTpa)o~eTai *7/xas 6kclcttov kai oyontai thn AoIan avTOV epya avTOV,
KpCtTOS 01 CLTTLO'TOLy
3 irpoaepx6fJ.POi]

to.

to
(3a- IO

KCtl

^CVlO'dtlO'OVTai

lSoVTS TO

; Trpoaevxbpevoi S. 7 rrjv ypLtpav] supei' (de) die S. to Kpdros] gloriam epis in robore et potestate S. This again might be explained by an omission in C owing to the repetition of similar beginnings of words, tt)v doijav avrov [/caret rr\v bvvaixiv (or rr\v icxtV)] /cat to Kpdros It is more probable but such an expression in Greek would be very awkward.

TTjp 56aj>

avrov

/cat

therefore that robur

et

potestas

is

a double rendering of to Kpdros.

The

preposi-

third person,

by a common form of

speech, to avoid egotism: comp. e.g. Clem. Rom. 63 rjcrvxao~avTs ttjs paraias o~rao'Ois...icaTavT^o'copV. ' be 1. dvTL7rape\K(Dfxe6a]

6 Kvpios] 5. Perhaps meaning 'Christ', as Harnack takes it, referring to 3, where Is. xxix. 13 seems to be put into the mouth of

dragged
\

our Lord.
6.

comp. off in the opposite direction* Pers. Sat.v. 154 'duplici in diversum The lexicons do scinderis hamo'.
not give this word.
2.

"Epxopiai k.t.X.]

From

Is. lxvi.
eQvrj

18
kol

epyo/Liai

crvvayayeiv rxavra ra
fjovo~i
is

ras yXcoaaas, kol

rr]v

kol

oyj/ovrai

bo^av pov.

There

nothing cor-

KoapiLKcov

eVitfu/xtcoz/j

The

ex-

pression occurs Tit. ii. 12. The word not found in Koo-puKos is apparently the LXX, and only once besides (in a somewhat different sense) in the

N.T., Heb.
3.

ix. 1.
'

ing

TTVKvorepov npoo-epxopevoi] more frequently \ i.e. 'to

comthis

responding to (pv\as in either the Hebrew or the LXX; and our preacher must have got it from the familiar combination of 'nations and tongues' in Daniel, e.g. iii. 7 navra to. eBvt} (pvXai Kal yAcocrcrai in the LXX. tovto Se Ae'yet] but by this he 7. means ' see the note on 8.
'

place of meeting', or perhaps 'to the presence of God' (comp. Heb.

x.
1,

ttjv

r\pipav

k.t.A.]

The same
12,

ex-

22,

Clem. Rom.

23,

29).

On

pression has occurred see the note on enicpavetas.

8.

where

injunctions to more frequent services, see the note on Ign. Eph.

these

Xvrptoaerai]

It is

called rjpepa
iv. 30.

anoXvT p co a e oas in Ephes.

For

13 anovda^re nvKvorepov
6ai
;

o-vvepx^o--

comp.

ib.

Polyc. 4 nvKvorepov

other passages, where curoXvTpa>o-is refers to the final redemption, see

avvayoayai yivicrOcocrav.

The

Syriac

Luke

xxi. 28,

reading however

may be

correct.

eKiiaTov

/c.r.A.]

Rom. viii. 23. As only those who

XVIl]

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
tw
'ltio~ov
KCll

255

ci\eiov tov KOGfJiov ev OTL

(TV
VjS

KCLl

OVK

r\h6lfJL6V

\eyovres, Oval tjpuv, OVK e KlO'TeVO\XeV , KCLl

r

ovk eireiQ6\xeQa toTs 7rpeo-(3vTepois

rjfjiiv

roh dvayyeWovciv
c

Trepi

Trjs crcoTtipias tj/uicov'

kcci

O ckgoAhI aytoon oy

TeAeyTHcei
eic

kai

to nyp aytoon
cApKi'.

oy

cBec9HC6TAi kai contai

Kivrjv

opAciN

ttach

T7]V

r\\iepav
tj/uTv

Kplcrecos,

OTav o^sOVtcli tous ev TrapaXoyicafxevovs ras evToXds

Se

\eyei acre (it) aravTas

Tt]s
kcii

'Iqcrov

Xpi&TOv.

ol

SiKaioi

V7rpayr](rai/Tes kcci

v7rojULeivavTes tcls (Sacra(1)

tion (in place of the conjunction)

translator read
tently wrote
/caret

may

then be accounted for in two ways;

The

Kpdros for
1.

for

above, p. 181.
Koafxov]

Syriac transcriber inadverThe latter explanation seems to be more probable: see 11 tov 10 iddvTes] C; eldores (from i5o|res) S.
/cat

to Kpdros; or (7)

mundi hums
Xeyovres]
et

S.

See the note on

19 ev rtp KoafAip.

ev to? Tt^ctoO]

om.

S.

tunc dicent S.

17

y)\uv\

v/juv

C.

be released are contemplated, different grades of I do not see sufficient happiness. reason for doubting the genuineness
shall
this

must imply

dfxapriais vp.u>v, ib. ver. aeo~6e otl eyco el pi,

28 rare yv<o1 xiii. 9 wa

elfii.

7riarevar]Te...0TL

eyco

The

Of

\vTp(0O~TO.l.
9.

A continuation oyj/ovTai] quotation from Isaiah, the intervening words being a parenthetical explanation. See also Matt, xxiv. 30, Rev. i. 7.
Ka\

preacher seems to be alluding to this language of our Lord, as recorded by St John.

14.

of the

o-Ka>\r]fj k.t.X.]

From

Is. lxvi.

24,

the last verse of the prophet.

see the note there.

Our preacher has already quoted

this passage, 7
17.
;

shall be a^vidOrja-ovraL] mazed\ as 1 Pet. iv. 4, 12. The

10.

'

see

',

6rav oy\rovTai\ ' when men shall the nominative being sug-

active ^evi^ovra,

perplexing ', amazThis ing', occurs in Acts xvii. 20. sense is found in Polybius and from See also the note his time onward.

'

'

on
4

gevio-p.6v,

to

(SaaiXeiov]
'

Ign. Ephes. 19. the kingdom

'

gested by the preceding els opao-iv For the future indicaTrao-T] o-apKL. tive with orav see Winer xlii. p. 388 but no dependence can be placed on the MS in such a case.
;

'

or
6.

18. Trapa\oyio~ap.evovi\

'

played false
cheat
'

sovereignty

We

see the note on

ev
tg>

with
Cerai
vii.

'

',

attempted

to

see

must understand

'iqcrov

Ign. lilagn. 3 tov doparov ivapaXoyi-

'in the

as in the
s. v.

hands, in the power, of Jesus', common idiom elvai ev tlvl

see Rost u.
iv
i.

Palm
i

Griech.

Worterb.
see

See 4 Esdr. (with the note). 72 with Bensly's note (p. 63). 19. evTrpayrjo-avres] If the reading
'

2. b.

12.

o~v 77s]
viii.

Thou wast He';

esp.

John
ey<o

on

24 edv /xiy TXio~Tevo~r]Te elfxi, anoQavelo-Qe ev rails

be correct, it must mean 'having been virtuous and not (as elsewhere) 'having been prosperous';

comp.

dLKaLonpayelv.

2^6
vovs
Kcti

THE EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
^p'V^fj's,

[xvn
otclv

[XKTr\cravTe^ tcls ij$v7radeias 777s

kcli

BeacrcovTai tovs dcTTO^fjcrai/Ta^

tcov

apv^cafjievovs
07ra)9

Sid

\oywv

fj

$ia

twv

epycov tov

'Irjarovv,

koXcl-

XpvTai SeivaTs fiacravois Trvpl dcrfiecrTU), ecrovTcti So^av diSovres TW Qew ccvtcov, XeyovTes oti ",o~Tai i\7rh
Tto SeSovXevKOTi Oeco

bAt]s Kaphias.

XVIII.

Kai

rifJieis

ovv yevcv/ueda

sk

twj/ ev%apifJLYl

OTTOVVTCOV, TtoV Se^OvXeVKOTCOV

Kpivojuevcov
vov

TW

0ft),

KCtl

TWV
10

do'eficov.

Kai

yap auTos
TreipacrfJiOVy
et
~

7ravdajULapTO)\o

Kai
1 81a]

jjLt]7T03

(pvywv tov
4
Trvpl)

dAA' sti wv ev
add. ev dyaWidaei S. 10 (pvywv']
15
'ivrev^iv']

t)

did S.

C
7

igne S.

%aovro.i\
[fiov]

5 didovres]

Sbvres C.

ov v

~\

add. d8e\<pol

S.

(pevyuv
1.

C; S has

OvD
'

which perhaps represents <pvy6v.

or
military

C;

See the note on 16. missed the see 1 Tim. mark', ''gone astray' The word i. 6, vi. 21, 2 Tim. ii. 18.
i]dv7ra8eias]
2.

engines,

or

the

like.

dcrrox^o'avTas]

metaphor here is probably military comp. 2 Mace. xii. 27

;

The

evBdbe

dpydvwv

Kai

/3eXeoi>

7roXXai
vi.

is

not

uncommon

in Polybius

and
12,

napadio-eis,
to. (3e\r)

and see Ephes.

16

later classical authors.

4.

7TVp\

a(r/3eVro>]

Matt.
17.

iii.

The

tov TTOvrjpov [to] TT7rvpo3peva, preacher finds himself ev dpcpi-

Mark ix.

43,

Luke

iii.

For the

re-

/36\o),

the

enemy having environed

his engines of war.

ference of pseudo-Justin to this statement see 1. p. 178 sq. XVIII. 'Let us take our place with those who, having served God,
will

him with

12. diKaioavvrjv BicoKeiv] A phrase occurring in the Pastoral Epistles, 1 Tim. vi. 11, 2 Tim. ii. 22 (comp.

join

in

this

thanksgiving.

Rom.
kav
if I

ix. 30).
'

myself, though I am still surrounded by the temptations of the devil, yet

that
strive to follow after righteousness, I may escape the judgment to

eyyvs]

at all

events
'.

near,

cannot actually reach it For this use of Kav comp. Ign. Ephes. 10 Kav ck t&v epycov, with the note.

come.'

XIX.
word
vii.

The 7rav6afiapTai\6s] not given in the lexicons.

9.

is

sisters,

'Therefore, brothers and have exhorted you to give

Compare
18,

7rav6afiapTr}r6s Aftost.

Const,

heed to the Scriptures, that ye may save both me and yourselves. Your
hearty repentance and earnest pursuit of salvation is the return which I ask for my trouble. Your zeal will thus stimulate all the young

Barnab. 20 (where the MSS agree in writing it without an aspirate), navrdbiicos

1 1
.

Philo de Creat. Pr. 3

'

(11. p.

362).

opydvois]
\

the

instruments,

engines'

comp. Ign. Rom. 4. The word does not occur in the N. T. and in the lxx it seems to be ap;

who have any regard

And
are

let

for godliness. us not be annoyed when we

admonished and
sin.

plied only to

musical instruments,

from

turned away Half-heartedness and dis-

xix]
fxecrois

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
toTs

257
cr7rovSdtco
ty\v

opydvois
StwKeiv,

tov

SiafioXov,
lo"xy(ra)

iKaio<jvvy)v

ottcos

kclv

iyyvs

avrrjs

yevecrdai, (pofiovfievos tvjv Kplcriv ty]v /ueWovo-av.

XIX.
15

f/

(x)crTe,

d$e\<pol

Kal

dSe\(pal 3
vfjuv

jueTa
eis

top

Qeov

Trjs

dXrideias dvayivcoo-Kto

evTevpiv

to

irpocre^eiv toTs yeypa/uL/uLevois, llva Kal eavTOvs crcoo'fjTe kcu top dvayivodO-KOVTa ev v/uuv /ULio-dou aWio

yap

v/uas

to

\AtTavor\crai

fariv diSovTas.
sitpplicationem,

e 6A779 KapSlas crwTrjpiav iavTofc Kal tovto yap 7roirjcravTes gkottov iraviv
admonitionem S;
See 1. p. 141. S clearly a gloss. ij tov dvayivwvKovTa h> vpuv] me qui lego k6ttov C. This reading of S 19 <tkotov] S
;

id

est,

governs rrjs dX-qdeias by hrev^iv. vobis verba (or oracula) dei S.

was anticipated by Bensly, Gebhardt, and Hilgenfeld.

wrong

and and our understandings are darkened by our lusts. Let us pracbelief obscure our sense of right
;

KaXav TovTcov
C.

fiifxtjaecos TroieiTai

Orig.

Cels.
t)ia

iii.

Kal

T(ov

5 Ka * ? dvayvcoapaTOiv els avTa 8u]yijo~ea)v irpoTpeels

tise righteousness.

Blessed are they

irovTes pev enl ttjv

tov Qeov toov

who obey

these precepts. They may suffer in this world, but they will Let reap the fruit of immortality.

oXcov evo~e(3eiav
ttj

ko.1

Tas o~vv8p6vovs Tav;

operas, diroTpeirovTes t)e k.t.X. Apost. Const, ii. 54 p*Ta tyjv dvdyvGoaiv Kal
yj/aXpcodiav Kal tt)v enl Tats

godly man be sorrowful, he suffer now. An eternal life in heaven awaits him, where he shall live in bliss with the fathers, and where sorrow shall have no place.'
not the
if

tt)v

ypa-

cpah 8it)ao~KaXiav.

See also the notes

195.
ttjs

on

17

/xj)

p,6vov d'pTi k.t.X.

p.

introduction,

and the For the exsee

pression

Geoff
Trjs

dXr]6eias

14.

ddeXcpol Kal ddeX(pal]

Comp.
6vya-

20.

So Barnab.

viol

kcu

3 TOV Trarepa Its use 20).

dXrjdeias

(comp.

here as a synonyme

Jur. Eccl. p. 74 (Lagarde). uera tov Qebv k.t.X.] i.e. 'After you have heard the voice of God
repes, Rel.

for the Scripture is explained

by the
to.

preacher's language above 13, Xoyia tov Qeov, Xeyei 6 Qeos.

'

in

the

Scriptures

',

as

it

is

rightly

15.

evrevgiv]

appeaV
Apol.
i.

entreaty
1

''

';

The serexplained by Bryennios. mon or exhortation followed immereading of the Scriptures in the weekly gatherings of the early Church Justin Apol. i. 67 avveXevats yiveTai Kal to. a7rop,vr]povevp-ara twv a7roo~ToXa)v r) to. crvydiately
after
:

as e.g.

Justin

(p.

53),

the

Joseph. Ant. xvi. 2. 5, Philo Vit. iii. 32 (1. p. 172), and so most For frequently in classical authors. its commoner sense in Christian

Moys.

supplication to God the note on Clem. Rom. 63.

'

writers,

',

see

ypdppaTa
/le^pis

t<x>v tt poCpr/Toiv

eyxoapel'

dvayivaaKeTai, eha, rravcrapevov tov

16. tva
18.

ko.1 k.t.X.]

Comp. Ezek.iii.2l.
See the note

peTavofjcrai k.t.X.]

dvayivao-KovTos, 6 npoeaTas t)id Xoyov Trjv vovQeo~iav Kal TTprtKXrjO'iv Ttjs tuv

17.

CLEM.

II.

17

258
toTs veois
KCLl

THE EPISTLES OF
6r](TOfJLev

S.

CLEMENT.

[xix

toIs fiovAojuevois wept ty\v eixrefieiav

KCtl
\XY\

XptJCTTOTflTa TOV QeOV (piXoTTOVelv. a^Sws e^w/xei/ Kal dyavatcrtofJiev ol ao"o(poi, otciv
TY]V

tis
Tt\v
5

r\fj.a^

vovdeTrj Kal 67ricrTp(pt]

diro

Trjs

dSiKias

eis

SiKaioorvvriv.
o"KOfjLv Bid

iviore

yap

irovripa

Tf]V $i\jsV)(iai>
rffJitoVy

TrpacaovTes ov yivcoKal din(TTLav Tt}v evovcav ev

Aianoian
vtto
Sl-

Toh
TCOV

(TTrjdeo'LV
7ri6viULl(jOV

Kai ecKOTicMeGA thn

jULaTCtlCOV.

TU)V

TTpd^COfJieV

OVV Tt]V
ol

K<xio(Tvvr)V

'iva

ek TeAos crwdwiuev.
toIs

/uctKapioi
kclv

tovtois
10

vTraKOvovTes

irpocrTay fiao'LV
amorem
first
:

oXiyov xpovov

2 abiXoiroveTv'] manifestent
p. 656.
it

The

scribe of

has

so as to be read (pLXowove'iv.
5 iviore] S;

laboris S see Michaelis in Castell. Lex. Syr. written (piXoaofielv, but has afterwards corrected See p. 206. 3 ol dVo0oi] C ; tanquam illi in-

sipientes S.

hia C.

rep k6o-[jux)]

S; add. Tovrip C.

have

the less hesitation in striking out tovtu) here because the general tendency of S is to insert the pronoun, not to omit it, in this connexion e.g. 5, 19, 38, 60, ii. 18.
:

The correction was obvious, even before the reading dddvarov] S ; 5e ddvarov C. and the only question was whether to read tov 5' dddvarov or of S was known
;

2.

(piXoTrovelv]
rrjv

Ecclus.

Prol.

toov

rfi

diavola

comp. Clem. Rom. 36

fjpd>v.

77

Kara

epprjvelav

7re(pLXonovr]pev(ov.

aavveTos Kai eo~KOTCopevrj Bidvoia

IO.
1

The word occurs

of the best age.
3.

in classical writers

prj

dyavaKTolpev]
e'0'
fj

Clem.
ovbels

Rom.
6<pe[Xei

56

Traiheiav

oXiyov xP vov K.r.A.] Comp. 6 oXiyov apTi, el deov, XvTrr/For devres, v. IO oXiyov naOovras. KamnaQelv see 2 Tim. ii. 9, iv. 5,
Pet.
i.

dyavciKTclv.
ol ao-o<f)oi]

James
'fools that

v.
i.

13
8,

comp. avyKaKonadelv,
3.

we are\

for

Tim.

ii.

this is the force of the article;

01

d<ovovres (with the note).

v. 15.

aao(pos comp. Ephes.

It

comp. For seems

12. Kapirov Tpvyrjaovo-iv] Hos. x. 12 cnveipaTe eavrols els dtKaLOo-vvrjv, rpv-

yqaare
13.

not

Bible (except Prov. ix. 8 in A, where there is nothing corresponding in the Heand is not very common brew)
to

occur

again

in

the

Kapnbv ^cofjs. avrbv k.t.A.] See Hippol. de Univ. p. 69 (Lagarde) fj ra>v

pLciicdpios

els

narepaiv
rore

ducaicov re opoopevrj o\j/is ttciv-

elsewhere.
6.

peiBia avapev ovtcov ttjv perh 10 tovto to xtop' '" avrnvavaiv kol alcoviav

diyjrvxlav]

Sityvx&iiev.

As above 11 prj See the notes on Clem.

ava(3icdO-tv...aXXa Kal ovtoi [ol o.8ikol] TOV TCOV TTttTepoOV XP 0V KCiL TOVS

Rom. 1 1, 23. To the references there given add Barnab. 19 ov p,rj o^i^'o-j/s norepov eo~rai rj ov.
o-KOTio~ne6a k.t.A.] From Ephes. iv. 17, 18, iv fxaTatoTrjTi tov vo6s av7.

biKaiovs
6

opoocri,

Kal

eV

avTob tovtch

KoXao p,evo 1.. .kcu

and lower down
(pcovrjv

to

acopa.. .dvvaTos
7roielv,

Qeos avaj3ia}0-as dBdvarov

ovtcos

dnocpBey^ovTai XeyovTe y, AiKaia o~ov

fj

Totv,

eo-KOToofievoi

(V.

1.

io~KOTicrievoi)

Kpiais,

and again

rn Trvp aafiea-Tov

xx]
KctK07ra6r}(rod(Tiv

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
ev

259
f

tw

koc/uco,

tov ddavarov
jurj

j/i

>

Trjs

ava-

(TTacrecos Kapirov Tpvytiffovaiv.

(refiris,

ovv AvTreiadoo 6 ev/uctKapios

eav

eirl

tois vvv \povois TaAai7rcoprj'

clvtov dva/ueveL %p6vos

eKelvos dvco /uera tcov rraTepiav

15 dvaftujoGas, ev(ppav8ricrTai eis

tov dAv7rr]TOV

aicova.

XX.
(T6T(t),

'A\\a

jurjSe

Kivo ty\v Siavoiav

v/utov

TapacrKCtl

OTL

(3\67TO/U6U

TOVS

dfi'lKOVS

TrAoVTOVVTCtS,

TriVTevooixev (TTevoxwpov/uievous tovs tov Qeov SovAovs. Kai dSeA(f}ai m Qeov (^covtos ireipav ddAov/uev, ovv, dSeA(pol
20 Kai yv/mva^ojueda
rbv dOdvarov.
for

tw

vvv (Jiw \va

tw

/ueAAovTi CTecpavoo

For another instance of the same error comp.

itself.

$6 Oavdrov yvwaeus
.

ddapdrov yvwaews in S
;

12 rpvyrjaovcnv] delectabtintur: .in S,

its

i.e.

Tpvcprjaovcnv
Tpv(p-q, 10,

for the

same word (DD2) and

ii.

derivatives are used to translate

to xpopos

and rpvcpr], ivrpvcpdv 2 Pet. and punctuates after irarepoiv.

fir]

13.

14

e/ceu/os]
. .

S attaches

this

16

p.r)5e

eKelvo

.TapaaaeTU)]

CS

(but

S has

TjfxQv)

Tapaaaerco

Tnarevofxev C.

r-qv Kapdiav v/j.Qu 19 Qeov] otl deov S.

Rup

783.

18

TrtaTevoj/j-ev]

8iapevei.

.o~

KooXrji; Se tis

e/invpos K.r.X.

be the glory
16.

for ever.'

(comp. 17). These resemblances suggest that our Clementine homily

was known
15.

to this writer.

dvafiiaxras] 2
r/jJias

Mace.
tcov
corjs

vii.

O7ro-

prjde e<elvo K.r.A.] This passage is quoted loosely and with some omissions in the Sacr. Parall. (MS Rupef.), which bear the name

'AXXa

Oavuvras
els

vnep

avTOv
rjpas

vop.ccv

alcoviov

dvafilcocriv

ava-

(rrrjcrei.

akvTrrjTov] ''inaccessible to sorroiv\ comp. Clem. stronger than uKvttov Horn. xi. 17 vvv r\pCiv tov aXvnov
;

of Joannes Damascenus, Op. II. p. 783 (Le Quien) see above, I. p. 193 sq. It will be seen that in the quotation the original words are altered, so as to conform to well-known scriptural
;

passages
eKelvo

e. g.

aicova KXrjpovojJLrjcrai.

Kapdiav vpcov
Ttjv

is

p,rj TapaaaeTco substituted for

ttjv
p.r)8e

XX. Be not dismayed, if you see wrong-doers prospering, while the Beservants of God are straitened. lieve it, this present life is the arena of our conflict the crown will be awarded in the future. Our reward If it were so, is not instantaneous. then the pursuit of it would be a matter of traffic and not of piety.' To the one invisible God of truth, who sent us a Saviour and through Him manifested truth and life to us,
'

bidvoiav
xiv.
1,

vp.cov

Tapaaaero),
evaefieiav

after
is
1

John

27

and

substituted

for

6eoo~e(SeLav,

after

Tim.
19.

vi. 5.

Trtlpav]

For the accusative

e.g.

after
viii.

dOXelv
p.

comp.

Plato

Leg.
;

830 A, Plut. Vit. Demetr. 5 and for such accusatives generally see Kiihner II. p. 264. For an elaborate
application see 7.

'

of

the

same metaphor

17

260
dco/uev.

THE EPISTLES OF
ovhek tcov
clvtov.
h^LKaicov
el

S.

CLEMENT.
eAafiev,

[xx

Taxyv Kapirov
fjacrdov

dXK
6
kcli

e'/cSe^erca

yap tov

tcov

^iKctiwv

Geo?
ov

(rvvTO/uioos aVeo^Soi/,

evdecos epuropiav ijaKov^ev

deocrefieiav

eSoKOv/uev

yap

eivai

diKaLOi,

ov

to
5

ei/<re/3es

d\\d to

dela Kpicris

Kal $ia tovto KepfiaXeov SiWKOVTes' Kal e'/36/3\a\j^ev 7rvevjua fir ov SiKatov,

pvvev

SecriuLols.
fjLOvap

dopdrw, irarpl rf]S d\r}6eias, tov a-coTrjpa Kal dp^tiyov ia7roo-Ti\avTL r\\xiv
dcbdap&ias,
1

Tw

Qeco

Ttp
Ttjs

Si

ov Kal ecpaveptoaev
;

n\xiv

ty\v

d\t]6eiav 10

fxws just

Ta%tV] C Rup below.

celeriter {tclxv) S,

4 ov deoaefieiav]
<re/3es]

CS

3 avvTofiws dtredidov, evdeus] ov to] CS ovk evai^etav Rup.

7
(in

using the same adverb which renders cvvtoCS evdews diredidov Rup.
;

ov did to

Rup.
8
Trjs

5 ev-

C Rup

deoaepes S.

deapoh] S

deapos C.

dXydeLas]

add. domini nostri iesu christi

apposition) S.
ii.

r)piv

tov aioTrjpa Kal dpxn-

4.

Oeoaefieiav]

See

Tim.
'

10.

have mistaken the sense.

Bryennios

occurs occasionally in the LXX. on ac81a tovto k.t.X.] i. e. 5. count of these sordid motives Divine judgment overtakes and cripples the spirit of a man, seeing that it is not upIt

says p,r) ov diKaiov, tovtco-tiv, ddliccos, but it is not clear what he means.

Hilgenfeld
justi

reads

plains 'Christiani
bantur'.

Seo-povs, and exnon omni ex parte

right,

and loads

it

with chains'.
its

The

word fiXcuTTeiv is used especially of Divine vengeance surprising

victim,

persecutionem gentilium patieHarnack, misled by the aorist, says 'auctor diabolum respicere videtur, quern

tamquam avaritiae

checking and maiming him in his mid career; e.g. Horn. Od. i. 195 dXXd vv tov ye 6eo\ ftXaiTTovcri KeXevOov,
ib. xiv.

principem

auctorem hie infert (?)... censuit igitur, diabolum jam hoc temet

178 tov 6V

tis aOavaroiv /3Xa\|/-e

(ppevas,

Xen. Symp. viii. 43 rjv pr) Qebs /3Xa7rr?;, Plut. Vit. Cacs. 45 virb Qeov paXio-Ta (3XaTTTop.ev(o tt)v yvcoprjv in Lycurg. c. eoiKats k.t.X., Trag. Leocr. p. 1 59 otov yap dpyr) dacpovcov fi\curTr) Tivd, tovt clvto npaTOV, ea(p(ppev&v tov vovv tov ecrOXov and so frequently. Sordid k.t.X., motives bring their own punishment
atpeirai

pore catenis onustum esse'. He might have quoted Wolsey's warning to Cromwell in Henry VIII, By that
l

sin fell the angels'. T&) povco Qea> dopaTco] 8.

I

Comp.
3.

Tim.
irciTpX

i.

17 dopaTd povco Qea>.

ttjs dXrjdeias]

As
'

in
1

So

also 6 Qebs

Trjs

dXrjOelas

9.

The
'

Syriac translator takes the Truth here to denote Christ Himself (John
xiv. 6)
vtto

in a judicial blindness (/3Xa7rrei TrvevThe aorist here has its common /xa).

comp. Orig. c. Cels. viii. 63 tov Qeov koI ttjs povoyevovs avTat
;

dXrjdeias.
iii.

gnomic
136 sq.

sense,

and
:

propriate tense

the most apsee Kiihner 11. p.

is

39)

So Papias (Euseb. H. E. speaks of Christ's personal

disciples as receiving

commandments

Previous editors seem to

an

avTr)s ttjs aXi]Seias.

xx]
Kcti Tt)v

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
eirovpaviov
d/urjp.
salvatorem
vitae et salutis nostrae S.
is

261

^corjp 9

clvtco

rj

So^a ek tovs aiwvas

Tiav aicovcov,
you
tt)S

dcpdapcrias]

et principem

11

^urqv]

C;

delectationem

(XDD12) S; which word elsewhere

i

above, 19) or of dir6\av<ns (see

/ecu

20).
et

avTig

77

a rendering of Tpv<p-q (see 56^a] atque etiam jesu christo

(i.e.
77

domino nostro cum spiritu sancto gloria

to Kpdros) S.

honor

et

imperium

56a koX

rj ti/jlt]

9.

tov acoTrjpa k.t.A.]

(rcoTTJpa

Acts

v.

31

pias.

Comp.

Epist.
v. 1)

Vienn.

17

(in
^cafjs

dpxnyhv Kal
ill.

compared with
'.

Euseb. H. E.
tov Qeov.

dpxqybv

rrjs

15 tov
ii.

dpxqybv

rrjs farjs

see also
o~cottj-

Heb.

IO tov dp^rjyov

Trjs

The lacuna

in the

Alexandrian Manuscript.

Page

264
Page

THE EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

THE ALEXANDRIAN MANUSCRIPT.

Page

265

266
Page

THE EPISTLES OF
a.7rof3e[l3\r)iA\vovs
u))(6r)(rav
1 1
...

S.

CLEMENT.
6
7
.

Page
[eSt]-

i37- io

154.

[/<pt]p,a.

.K.aTej3[rf\crav
. .

w[v]tS
/xavet

#d[i/aros

77-01-

viro

avo[/xw]i/
'

12 [dv] oo~ to
JJLOiV

. . .

vtto

7ra[pa] vo-

8 aJvrous...o"Tpa[Tid aiVjov
9
77yo^/x,e[vot

Aly]v7TTOV

. . .

3 [u]7TO TWV.
1

[a]viXr](})6T(i)V

[dva/?d]rai

138.

[eJuKAeak... [ti] yap

[QftXyjOr]
[77]

10 [amalv
11
[epu#p]aV. .[to o-KXj^puj/^vat
.

'Avavtas

!39-

1 1

[7ra]vapeTO)
)|

!55- I2 dcri>[vTou]s

12 13

So[a

t]?...T(3t/ ai[wi/wi/

13 [rd

o~>7p.]eta

[Kail.. Atyv-

a\fX7]v... [o]t

Se

v7ro[/x]e-

\7rT0v]

vovres

14 [tov

#] epaVovros

[ M]a>i)-

140. 150.

[/<]oAA.?7#to/Ai/

cra)[s]

4
5

3 evpe[#?7vai] [d eos- Seto/xe]#a. .a7r[d

.

15 16 17

[o']

So-7rdT?7s
. .

[ot>]Sei/.

[e] ofxoXoy uoSai

rov eXe] ovs

[eupe^wp-ev]
.

[d ]kA.KTOS

6 av^pw^tV^s]
7

.7rdo~a[t

airo

18 e^o/xoXoy^o-o[p,]ai

'ASdpTj e(os...7rap^[A^oi/]
.

20

7r[a]Xii/

151-

8 TeA.eia)^er[rs]

e^o[vcrti/]
. . .

21 at[ve]o-eo)s

g <^ai/ep[(o^oroi/]rat
A.[ctas]

(3a<ri-

156.

7rio-racr[0

rd]s

4
5

[Kat yK]Ku<pare

10 toi
1 1
1

[e]o{>...eto-e/\.[0T]

oaov

6cr\ov\
.

[eov t9 a]vdfxv7]cnv ra [ypdc/>op.i/] aVa/W[i/ovTOS er av [to s

.rav-

#u[p,ds]

. .

77p,p[a?]

eils... Trott-

13 [ck] twv
vota L
1

^kwv
.
.

14 [7rpocr]Tayp,aTa

e[v

d]po-

Teo-o-epJaKOvra

....

reo-[o-epd-

Kovrja
8
[/cat Ta7retv]a>o'et...avToi/

5
1

d^)^i7[vat]
d[<f)f\B7]<Tav
7reKa[\.v]<f>6r)(rav
. , .
. .

[d

152.

eds]
.d[yr]p]
[M<jov]o-77 M.(x)varj. . .[to tcv^os]

3 a/xapria[v]

aur[o{5]

ivrevOev

4 ^[yejvero
6
c

10 [d A.ad? 0"]ov...[Aty^7TTo]v
157- 11 K
[ty}<s 6$ov] [eVoi^o-a]!/ 12 [Kat et7re] v. XeXdXrj^a 7rpos] 13 [ewpaKa] tov Xaov
.
. .

7yp,[wv]...a[tco]i/a)/
[otjIi/

153-

7 'Ocra

7rap[7recra]p.v

. .

8 \ro\v avn/<[et^e]i/oi>...[a^)6Qrjvai 77P1V]

14 [eortv

ct]

KXr)porpd)(r]Xo<;

9 otTi[v]es dp^y[ot]

[p,e it;oX\eOpevcra.L

10 cyv[>f]^crav
1543 tw[v] 7rapa7TTU)[JLaTU)v

i5

e^a[A.u//co

t\6 6vofxa...v7ro-

Kd\ro)6evj

THE ALEXANDRIAN MANUSCRIPT.

Page

267
oVav

Page
[ere ets

157. 16

e]0yos...[Kat

7roA.]t>

167.

u/x[ti>

0A.u/'is]...y[ap,

17 [Kat

t7rev

M]ankn7?...Kvpte
168.
I

7rt]KaA.eo"770"^

[a<es t^V]

[ovk cto-a]Kovcro//,at... 17^77(TOV(Tlv\

165. 15

[to (nrep/xa

<rov~\

rd Se

tkvol
2

...[to 7ra/x/?o]Tavov

evpy]\aov(Ti v\... [toi/

/

16

i\evcr[r)

Se kv Ta](^a)...wpt-

3 oe

<j)oj/3ov .... 7rpoet Xa[i/TO

/xo[?
1

Kara
.

ouSe]

KatJpoV. .coo"[7rep ^/WJi'ia

cri;[vKo//.i]o-#to"a
...

4 7rpo(re^Lv j3ovXals]...iiJLOv[s
eXey^ovs]
5 t^[s eavTwi/]
. .

18

dya.7rr)-

[TOt 7T0CT05]

[Kat rrjs
.

19 T[ot?

7raiSeu]o/AVois

... oe-

6 eauTto v]

7t\7](t9t] cro j/[Ta t

ctto^tov Trarrjp

At
until

this

point the

ms breaks

off

20 yap]
2
1

a'ya#09...7raiSe[uet] ets

t[o iXe^rjOrjvai
7r[at]Setas

185. 15
1

...A.o]t7rov...eos [Kat]
[7ra] 0-779

6
1

22

[t^s] o-Tao-ea>5

186.
...

[to]v Kijptoi'
[et]s A.aov...[i^]u^T7
.

166.

V7TOTa[y^]T
^t;t

7rat[Sv]-

3 /x,yaXo[7r]p7res

[7r]to-Tti/

Kap.i/^ar[Tes]

2l8.

4
5

o'<etA.o[p.ei/]

.T[oVTOtg]

4 ai>#aS[eta]i/
5
Tc? iroifivLip [**']

[auToV] Kat
To[t>s] dv6pu>7rov<;

6
7

8
167.

7rpo^o~o/xa[t

S[ta]

7rpao"0"oV[T<o 1/]

9 v/xt]v...[8 v/xa]s

8
,.V7rrjKOv-

p,o[v]...yw,o[v]

10

e7r[etS^

eKaAow].

9
2 21.

^M
8ovXeve[ti/]...8[oi;X]iJeti/

aa[T Kat e tret] vol/

11
01)

14

[7rpoo-ei'xTe]
\
5 V
"I

7ro[ttT

15 acrvfx<f)0^p]ov

Tag
1

e/xasj

225.
.

(TTC<f)a[v]<j)6rjvaL

6/x[ot?

eAey^ots]

to tya-

2 3 5- lr

[povi/ Kayco]
1

T [ ??] eTrayyeXta 12 TaXai7ra)p[ot]...7rpo[^]TtK6s

a7ra)A.et

[a,

7rtyA.ao"oJp,at

. .

13

eto-

[iv]

\rfVLKa

14 t[^] Kap8ta...7ra[vTa]
Kat
1

14 aV]
1

(05

px^Tat...oAe^po[5 av ajcf>LKr]Tai
77

7ra[Te]pwi/

239.

#[opi;/3os

Se]

K[a.TaiytSi

6 e[w] 8 iv t[ois] KaXots

1

240.

tovt\o...

Here the ms

ends.

THE

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

the Constantinopolitan Corrigenda in the collation 0/

MS

[C].

Page

48.
70.
72.

8
I

aAA.' v#ea>s

ovpavoi (om.
TrapaTcOci^iva
ovroos

ot)

3
74.

3
I

93.
96.

ttov

Kaipov Kat ovv rts

fjuapds koI

(om.

re)

/xe#as re Kat

125.

4
7

evapeaTetTOi

tw

0<i>

ev$e\X.r)(rp:ov

143.

12
3
5

aAAa

7;

7rpoo-KXto"ts

156.

koAojs (om.

Kal)

Trpos dvafxvrjO-LV

TRANSLATIONS.

,/..

THE EPISTLE OF
TO

S.

CLEMENT

THE CORINTHIANS.
Church of God which sojourneth in Rome to the Church of God which sojourneth in Corinth, to them which are called and sanctified by the will of God through

THE
our

Lord Jesus

Christ.

Grace to you and peace from Al-

mighty God through Jesus Christ be multiplied. I. By reason of the sudden and repeated calamities and reverses which are befalling us, brethren, we consider that we
have been somewhat tardy in giving heed to the matters of dispute that have arisen among you, dearly beloved, and to
the detestable and

unholy sedition, so alien and strange to the elect of God, which a few headstrong and self-willed persons have kindled to such a pitch of madness that your

name, once revered and renowned and lovely in the sight of all men, hath been greatly reviled. For who that had sojourned

among you
faith
? ?

did not approve your most virtuous and stedfast

Christ

tion of

Who did not admire your sober and forbearing piety in Who did not publish abroad your magnificent disposiWho did not congratulate you on your hospitality
?

For ye did all things without perfect and sound knowledge ? and ye walked after the ordinances of God, respect of persons, submitting yourselves to your rulers and rendering to the older

men among you

the honour

which

is

their

due.

On

the

272

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
and

young too ye enjoined modest and seemly thoughts:

the
less

women ye

charged to perform all their duties in a blame-

and seemly and pure conscience, cherishing their own husbands, as is meet and ye taught them to keep in the rule of obedience, and to manage the affairs of their household in
;

seemliness, with all discretion.

ye were all lowly in mind and free from arrogance, yielding rather than claiming submission, more glad to give than to receive, and content with the provisions which God supplieth.
2.

And

And
in

giving heed unto His words, ye laid them up diligently your hearts, and His sufferings were before your eyes.
a

Thus
of the

profound and rich peace was given to

all,

and an
also

insatiable desire of doing good.

An
;

abundant outpouring
full

and, being upon and with a pious confidence ye stretched out your hands to Almighty God, supplicating Him to be propitious, if unwillingly ye had committed any sin. Ye had conflict day and night for all the brotherhood, that the number of His
Spirit
in excellent zeal

Holy

fell

all

of holy counsel,

elect

Ye

might be saved with fearfulness and intentness of mind. were sincere and simple and free from malice one towards

another.

you.

Ye mourned

Every sedition and every schism was abominable to over the transgressions of your neighbours

ye judged

Ye repented their shortcomings to be your own. not of any well-doing, but were ready unto every good work. Being adorned with a most virtuous and honourable life, ye
performed all your duties in the fear of Him. The commandments and the ordinances of the Lord were written on tJie
of your hearts. All glory and enlargement was given unto you, and 3. that was fulfilled which is written My beloved ate and drank
tables
;

and was enlarged and waxed fat and

jealousy and envy, [and] tumult, war and captivity.
strife

kicked.

Hence come
and

and

sedition, persecution
stirred up, the

So men were

mean

against the honourable, the ill-reputed against the highly-reputed, the foolish against the wise, the young against the elder. For
this

cause

rigliteousness

and peace stand

aloof,

while

each

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
man
in the faith

273

hath forsaken the fear of God, and become purblind of Him, neither walketh in the ordinances of His

commandments nor
Christ, but

liveth according to that which becometh each goeth after the lusts of his evil heart, seeing that they have conceived an unrighteous and ungodly jealousy,

through which also death entered into

4.

the world.

pass after certain days that Cain brought of the fruits of the eartJi a sacrifice unto God, and A bcl he also brought of the firstlings of the sheep
it

For so

is

written,

And

it

came

to

and of

their fatness.

A nd

God

looked tipon
sacrifices

A bcl

and upon

his

gifts, but unto

Cain and unto his

He gave

no heed.

And

Cain sorrowed exceedingly, and his countenance fell. And God said unto Cain, Wherefore art thou very sorrowful'? and

wherefore did thy countenance fall ? If thou hast offered aright and hast not divided aright, didst thou not sin ? Hold thy peace. Unto thee shall he turn, and thou shalt ride over him. And

Cain said unto Abel his brother, Let us go over unto the plain. And it came to pass, while they were in the plain, that Cain

up against Abel his brother and slew him. Ye jealousy and envy wrought a brother's murder.
rose

see, brethren,

By

reason of

jealousy our father Jacob ran away from the face of Esau his brother. Jealousy caused Joseph to be persecuted even unto death, and to come even unto bondage. Jealousy compelled

Moses it was

from the face of Pharaoh king of Egypt, while said to him by his own countryman, Who made thee a
to flee

judge or a decider over us?

Wouldest thou slay me, even as yesterday thou slewest the Egyptian f By reason of jealousy Aaron and Miriam were lodged outside the camp. Jealousy

brought Dathan and Abiram down alive to hades, because they made sedition against Moses the servant of God. By reason
of jealousy

David was envied not only by

aliens,

but was

persecuted also by Saul [king of Israel]. But, to pass from the examples of ancient days, let us 5. come to those champions who lived very near to our time. Let
us
set

before

us

the

noble examples which

belong to our
18

generation.

By
IT.

reason of jealousy and envy the greatest and

CLEM.

274
most righteous good Apostles.

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
of

pillars

the

Church were persecuted, and

Let us set before our eyes the

contended even unto death.

There was Peter who by reason of unrighteous jealousy endured not one nor two but many labours, and thus having borne his testimony went to his appointed place of glory.

By reason of jealousy and strife Paul by his example pointed After that he had been out the prize of patient endurance. in bonds, had been driven into exile, had been seven times
stoned, had preached in the East and in the West, he won the noble renown which was the reward of his faith, having taught

righteousness
farthest

bounds of the West

unto the whole world and having reached the and when he had borne his
;

testimony before the rulers, so he departed from the world and went unto the holy place, having been found a notable
pattern of patient endurance. 6. Unto these men of holy lives was gathered a vast multi-

tude of the

elect,

who through many

indignities

and

tortures,

being the victims of jealousy, set a brave example among ourselves. By reason of jealousy women being persecuted, after
that they had suffered cruel and unholy insults fas Danaids and Dircae-J-, safely reached the goal in the race of faith, and received

a noble reward, feeble though they were in body.

Jealousy hath estranged wives from their husbands, and changed the saying of our father Adam, This now is bone of my bones and
flesh
cities
7.

of my flesh. Jealousy and and uprooted great nations.

strife

have overthrown great

dearly beloved, we write, not only as admonishing you, but also as putting ourselves in remembrance. For we are in the same lists, and the same contest awaiteth us.

These

things,

Wherefore

let

us forsake idle and vain thoughts

and

let

us

conform to the glorious and venerable rule which hath been handed down to us and let us see what is good and what is
;

pleasant and what is acceptable in the sight of Him that made Let us fix our eyes on the blood of Christ and underus. stand how precious it is unto His Father, because being

shed for our salvation

it

won

for the

whole world the grace

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
of

275

Let us review all the generations in turn, repentance. and learn how from generation to generation the Master hath
given a place for repentance unto them that desire to turn
repentance, and they that obeyed were saved. Jonah preached destruction unto the men of Nineveh but they, repenting of their sins, obtained pardon of
to
;

Him.

Noah preached

God by
8.

their supplications

and received

salvation, albeit they

were aliens from God.

The

ministers of the grace of

Spirit spake concerning repentance. universe Himself spake concerning repentance with an oath For, as I live, saith the Lord, I desire not the death of the sinner,
so

God through the Holy Yea and the Master of the

;

much as
of

his repentance ;
ye,

ment: Repent
the sons

added also a merciful judghouse of Israel, of your iniquity; say unto

and
sins reach

He

My

even unto the

Though your heaven, and though they

people,

from

the earth

be redder than scarlet

and

blacker than sack-cloth,

and ye turn

unto

Me

with your whole heart

and say

Father,

And
clean.

in

I will give ear imto you as unto an holy people. another place He saith on this wise, Wash, be ye

Put away your iniquities from your souls out of My sight. Cease from your iniquities ; learn to do good ; seek out judgment ; defend him that is wronged : give judgment for the orphan, and execute righteousness for the widow ; and come and let us reason together, saith He ; and though your sins be as crimson, I will make them white as snow ; and though they be as scarlet, I will make tliem white as wool. A nd if ye be willing and will hearken
unto Me, ye shall eat the good things of tlie earth ; but if ye be not willing, neither hearken unto Me, a sword shall devour you ; for

mouth of the Lord hath spoken these things. Seeing then that desireth all His beloved to be partakers of repentance, He confirmed it by an act of His almighty will.
the

He

9.

Wherefore
;

let

us be obedient unto His excellent and

glorious will

and presenting ourselves as suppliants of His

mercy and goodness, let us fall down before Him and betake ourselves unto His compassions, forsaking the vain toil and the Let us fix strife and the jealousy which leadeth unto death.

182

276

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME

our eyes on them that ministered perfectly unto His excellent Let us set before us Enoch, who being found righteous glory.

obedience was translated, and his death was not found. Noah, being found faithful, by his ministration preached regeneration unto the world, and through him the Master saved the
in

living creatures that entered into the ark in concord.

was found faithful He in that he rendered obedience unto the words of God. obedience went forth from his land and from his through
10.

Abraham, who was

called the 'friend/

kindred and from his father's house, that leaving a scanty land and a feeble kindred and a mean house he might inherit the

promises of God. For He saith unto him Go forth from thy land and from thy kindred and from thy father's house unto the
;

and I will make thee into a great nation, and I will bless thee and zvill magnify thy name, and thou A nd I will bless them that bless thee, and I will shall be blessed. curse them that curse thee ; and in thee shall all the tribes of the earth be blessed. And again, when he was parted from Lot, God Look up with thine eyes, and behold from the said unto him place where thou nozv art, unto the north and the south and the sunrise and the sea ; for all the land which thou seest, I will give it unto thee and to thy seed for ever ; and I will make thy seed as
land which I shall show
thee,
;

the dust

of

the earth.

If any man can count

be counted.

the dust

of the earth,

then

shall
led

thy seed also

And

again

He

saith

Abraham forth and said unto him, Look tip unto the heaven and count the stars, and see whether thou canst count them. So shall thy seed be. And Abraham believed God, and it was
reckoned unto him for righteousness. For his faith and hospitality a son was given unto him in old age, and by obedience he
offered

God

him a

sacrifice

unto

God on one

of the mountains which

He showed

him.

For his hospitality and godliness Lot was saved from 11. Sodom, when all the country round about was judged by fire and brimstone; the Master having thus foreshown that He forsaketh not them which set their hope on Him, but appointeth unto punishment and torment them which swerve aside. For

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
when
his wife

277

had gone

forth with him, being otherwise-minded

and not
that she

in accord,

became a
all

she was appointed for a sign hereunto, so pillar of salt unto this day, that it might

that they which are double-minded and they which doubt concerning the power of God are set for

be known unto

men

a judgment and for a token unto

12.

all

the generations.

For her

faith

and hospitality Rahab the harlot was

For when the spies were sent forth unto Jericho by Joshua the son of Nun, the king of the land perceived that they were come to spy out his country, and sent forth men to
saved.
seize them, that being seized they

might be put to death. So the hospitable Rahab received them and hid them in the upper chamber under the flax-stalks. And when the messengers
of the king

said, The spies of our laud entered them forth, for the king so ordereth : then bring she answered, The men truly, wJiom ye seek, entered in unto

came near and

in uuto thee

me, but they departed forthwith

and are journeying on

the

way ;

and she pointed out to them the opposite road. And she said unto the men, Of a surety I perceive that the Lord your

God
you
come

delivereth this city unto you;

for the fear and

the

dread of

is

fallen upon the inhabitants thereof.

When

tJierefore it shall

to

And
us.

it, of my father. they said unto her, // shall be even so as thou hast spoken unto Whensoever therefore thou perceivest that we are coming, tlwu

pass that ye take

save

me and

the house

shalt gather all thy folk beneath thy roof,

and

they shall be saved ;

for as many as shall be found without the house shall perish. And moreover they gave her a sign, that she should hang out

from her house a scarlet thread, thereby showing beforehand that through the blood of the Lord there shall be redemption unto all them that believe and hope on God. Ye see, dearly
beloved, not only faith, but prophecy, is found in the woman. Let us therefore be lowly-minded, brethren, laying 13.
aside
all

arrogance and conceit and folly and anger, and

is

let

us do that which
not
tJie

written.

ivise

man

boast in

For the Holy Ghost saith, Let his wisdom, nor the strong in his
;

strength, neither the rich in his riches

but he

tliat

boasteth let

278

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
may
all

Mm

boast in the Lord, that he

rigJiteousness ;

seek

Him

out,

and do judg-

ment and

most of

remembering the words of

the Lord Jesus which He spake, teaching forbearance and longsuffering for thus He spake Have mercy, that ye may receive
:

mercy
shall

forgive that
so shall

it

may

be forgiven to you.

As

ye

do, so

it

be done to you.

As

ye

give, so shall it be

given unto you.

As ye judge,
shall be

ye

be judged.
yoit.

As ye show

kindness, so shall
mete, it

kindness be showed unto

With what measure ye

measured withal to you. With this commandment and these precepts let us confirm ourselves, that we may walk in obedience to His hallowed words, with lowliness of mind. For
the holy word saith, Upon
that
is

whom

shall

look,

save upoji him

gentle

and

quiet
it

and feareth Mine

is

oracles ?

14.

Therefore

right

and proper, brethren, that we

should be obedient unto God, rather than follow those

in

who

arrogance and unruliness have set themselves up as leaders

in

mon
and

abominable jealousy. For we shall bring upon us no comharm, but rather great peril, if we surrender ourselves

recklessly to the purposes of

men who

launch out into

is

strife

seditions, so as to estrange us from that which

right.

Let us be good one towards another according to the comFor it is written passion and sweetness of Him that made us.

The good shall

left
it.

be dzuellers in the land,

and

tJie

innocent shall be

on

it ;

And

but they that transgress shall be destroyed utterly from / saw the ungodly lifted up on high again He saith
;

and
not.

exalted as the cedars of Lebanon.

And

I passed
for

behold he

and I sought innocence and behold Keep

was
not ;

out his place,

upriglitness ;

by, and and I found it

tJiere

is

remnant for

the peaceful man. Therefore let us cleave unto them that practise peace 15. with godliness, and not unto them that desire peace with dis-

simulation.

For

He saith in a certain place

but their heart
is

This people honoureth

Me

with their

lips,

far from me ; and again,

They blessed with

their mouth, but they cursed with their heart.

And

again

He

saith,

They loved

with their tongue they lied unto

Him with their mouth, and Him ; and their heart zuas not

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
upright with
this cause

279

Him,

neither were they stedfast in

lips be

Let the deceitful

against the righteous.

His covenant. For made dumb, which speak iniquity And again May the Lord utterly destroy
;

all the deceitful lips, the tongue that speaketh

proud

things, even

them that

say,

Let us magnify our tongue ; our

lips are our

own ;

who
him

is lord,

over us ?
the

For

the misery

groaning of

in safety ;

poor I will now arise, saith I will deal boldly by him.

of the needy and for the the Lord. I will set

16. For Christ is with them that are lowly of mind, not with them that exalt themselves over the flock. The sceptre

[of the majesty] of

in the

God, even our Lord Jesus Christ, came not

pomp of arrogance or of pride, though He might have done so, but in lowliness of mind, according as the Holy Spirit spake concerning Him. For He saith Lord, wJto believed our
;

report f

and

to

whom was
in

the

arm of

tJie

Lord

revealed?

We

announced

Him

His presence.
There
is

As

a child was He, as a root in

form in Him, neither glory. And we beheld Him, and He had no form nor comeliness, but His form was mean, lacking more than the form of men. He was a man of stripes and of toil, and knoiving how to bear infirmity : for His face is turned away. He was disho?wui'ed and held of no account. He beareth our sins and sujfereth pain for our sakes : and we accounted Him to be in toil and in stripes and in affliction. And He was wounded for our sins and hath been afflicted for our The chastisement of our peace is upon Him. With iniquities. His bruises we were Jiealed. We all we7it astray like sheep, eacli man went astray in his own path : and the Lord delivered Him over for our sins. A nd He openetJi not His mouth, because He is afflicted. As a sheep He was led to slaughter ; and as a
a thirsty ground.
no

lamb before his shearer is dumb, so openeth He not His mouth. In His Jiumiliation His judgment was taken away. His generation

who

shall declare?
the

For His
of

life is

taken

away from
come
to

the

eartJi.

For

iniquities

my

people

He

is

death.

And I

will give the wicked for

His

burial,

and

the rich

for

His death ; for He wrougJit no iniquity, neither zvas guile found And the Lord desireth to cleanse Him from in His mouth.

280
His
seed.
stripes.

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
for
sin,

If ye

offer

your soul

shall see a long-lived

And
to

the Loi'd desireth to take

soul, to

show

Him

light

and

to

away from the toil of His mould Him zvith understandis

ing,

justify a fust One that

shall bear their sins.

a good servant unto many.

And He
and

Therefore

He

shall inherit many,

delivered unto deatJi,

because His soul was and He was reckoned among the transgressors ; and He bare the sins of many, and for their sins zuas He And again He Himself saith But I am a worm delivered up. and no man, a reproach of men and an outcast of the people. All they that beheld me mocked at me ; they spake zvith their lips ; they wagged their heads, saying, He hoped on the Lord ; let
shall divide the spoils of the strong ;
;

Him
Ye

deliver him, or let

Him

save him, for

He

desireth him.

see, dearly beloved, what is the pattern that hath been given unto us for, if the Lord was thus lowly of mind, what
;

should

we

do,

who through Him have been brought under

also of

the

yoke of His grace ? Let us be imitators 17.

them which went about

in

goatskins and sheepskins, preaching the coming of Christ. We mean Elijah and Elisha and likewise Ezekiel, the prophets,
report.

and besides them those men

also that obtained a

good

called

Abraham obtained an exceeding good report and was the friend of God and looking stedfastly on the glory
;

of God, he saith in lowliness of mind, But I

am

dust
;

and

ashes.

Moreover concerning Job also

it

is

thus written

And

Job

was

righteous

and

unblameable, one that zvas true

and honoured
tJwugli his

God and
life be but

abstained

from
is

all

evil.

Yet he himself accuseth

in all

himself saying,

No man

for a day.

from filth ; no, not Moses was called faithful

clean

His

Jwuse,

the

and through his ministration God judged Egypt with Howbeit plagues and the torments which befel them.
though greatly
glorified,

he

also,

yet spake no proud words, but

said,

when an oracle was given to him at the bush, Who am I, that Thou sendest me ? Nay, I am feeble of speech and slow of And again he saith, But I am smoke from the pot. tongue. 18. But what must we say of David that obtained a good

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
report
heart,
?

281
after

of

whom God
the

said,

/ have found a man

My

David

anointed him.
me,

of Jesse: with eternal mercy have I Yet he too saith unto God Have mercy upon
son
;

Thy great mercy ; and according to Thy compassions, blot out mine iniquity. Wash me yet more from mine iniquity, and cleanse me from my sin. For I acknowledge mine iniquity, and my sin is ever before me. Against Thee only did I sin, and I wrought evil in
God, according
to

the multitude of

Thou mayest be justified in Thy words, and mayest conquer in Thy pleading. For behold, in iniquities was I conceived, and in sins did my mother bear me. For behold

Thy

sight ;

that

Thou hast loved truth

the

wisdom hast Thou showed unto me. hyssop, and I shall be made clean.
shall become whiter than snow.

dark and hidden things of Thy Thou shall sprinkle me with

Thou shall wash me, and I Thou shalt make me to hear

of joy and gladness.

rejoice.

The bones which have been humbled shall

sins,

Turn away Thy face from my

and

blot out all

mine

from Thy

away presence, Thy Holy Spirit from me. Restore unto me the joy of Thy salvation, and strengthen me with a princely spirit. I will teach sinners Thy zvays, and godless men shall be converted unto Thee. Deliver me from bloodguiltiness, God, the God of my salvation. My tongue shall rejoice in Thy righteousness. TJwu shalt open my mouth, and Lord,
and
take not

a clean heart within me, iniquities. renew a right spirit in mine inmost parts. Cast

Make

God,

and

me

not

my

lips shall declare

sacrifice,

Thy praise. For, if Thou, hadst desired I would have given it : in whole burnt-offerings Thou

wilt have no pleasure.

sacrifice

unto

God

is

a contrite spirit ;

a contrite and humbled heart

19.

God

will not despise.

and the submissiveness of so many and so great men, who have thus obtained a good report,
therefore

The humility

hath through obedience

made

better not only us but also the

generations which were before us, even them that received His oracles in fear and truth. Seeing then that we have been partakers of

great and glorious doings, let us hasten to return unto the goal of peace which hath been handed down to

many

282

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME

us from the beginning, and let us look stedfastly unto the Father and Maker of the whole world, and cleave unto His

splendid and excellent gifts of peace and benefits. Let us behold Him in our mind, and let us look with the eyes of our soul unto His long-suffering will. Let us note how free

from anger
20.

He

is

towards
are

all

His creatures.
direction

The heavens

moved by His

and obey

Him

in peace.

Day and night accomplish the course assigned to them without hindrance one to another. The sun and the by Him,
moon and
in

the dancing stars according to His appointment circle harmony within the bounds assigned to them, without any

swerving aside. The earth, bearing fruit in fulfilment of His will at her proper seasons, putteth forth the food that supplieth

abundantly both men and beasts and all living things which are thereupon, making no dissension, neither altering anything

which

Moreover, the inscrutable depths of the abysses and the unutterable statutes of the nether regions are constrained by the same ordinances. The basin of the boundless

He

hath decreed.

sea,

gathered together by His workmanship into its reservoirs, passeth not the barriers wherewith it is surrounded; but even

as

He

ordered

it,

so

it

doeth.

For

He

said,

So far

sJialt

thou

come,
is

and

thy waves shall be broken within thee.

for

The ocean which

it,

impassable

men, and the worlds beyond

are directed

by the same ordinances of the Master. The seasons of spring and summer and autumn and winter give way in succession
one to another
in peace.
fulfil

The winds

in their several quarters

;

at their proper season

their ministry without disturbance

and the everflowing fountains, created for enjoyment and health, without fail give their breasts which sustain the life of men.
Yea, the smallest of living things come together in concord and All these things the great Creator and Master of the peace.
all

universe ordered to be in peace and concord, doing good unto things, but far beyond the rest unto us who have taken

refuge in His compassionate mercies through our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be the glory and the majesty for ever and ever.

Amen.

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
21.

283

Look

ye, brethren, lest

His

benefits,

turn unto judgment to all of us, if Him, and do those things which are good and well-pleasing in His sight with concord. For He saith in a certain place, The
Spirit of the

which are many, we walk not worthily of

Lord

is

a lamp searching the

closets

of the

belly.

Let

is, and how that nothing escapeth Him of our thoughts or our devices which we make. It is right therefore that we should not be deserters from His will. Let us rather

us see

how

near

He

and boast

give offence to foolish and senseless men who exalt themselves in the arrogance of their words, than to God. Let us
fear the Lord Jesus [Christ], whose blood was given for us. Let us reverence our rulers let us honour our elders; let us instruct
;

our young our

men women toward

in the lesson of the fear of God.

Let us guide

that which

is
;

their lovely disposition of purity

good let them show forth let them prove their sincere
:

affection of gentleness

of their

them make manifest the moderation their silence let them show their love, tongue through
;

let

not in factious preferences, but without partiality towards all them that fear God, in holiness. Let our children be partakers of the instruction which
lowliness of
is

in Christ

let

them

learn

how

mind

prevaileth with God, what power chaste love

hath with God, how the fear of Him is good and great and saveth all them that walk therein in a pure mind with holiness.

For

He
is

is

the searcher out of the intents and desires

whose

breath
22.

firmeth
us
:

in us, and when He listeth, He shall take it away. Now all these things the faith which is in Christ confor He Himself through the Holy Spirit thus inviteth

Come,

my

children, hearken unto me,

is

I will

teach

you
life

the

fear of

the

loveth to see

What man good days? Make

Lord.

he that desireth

and

thy tougtie to cease

and thy lips and do good.

But
the
the face

that they speak no guile.

Seek peace and ensue it. are over the righteous, and His ears are turned to their prayer.

from evil, Turn aside from evil The eyes of the Lord

of the Lord is upon them that do evil, to destroy their memorial from the earth. The righteous cried out, and

Lord heard him, and

delivered

him from

all his

troubles.

284

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
and
the

Many
liver

are the troubles of the righteous,

all.

Lord
tJie

shall destripes

him from them

Then again

Many

are

of

the sinner, but them that set their hope on the

Lord mercy

shall

compass about.

and ready to do good, hath compassion on them that fear Him, and kindly and lovingly bestoweth His favours on them that draw nigh Wherefore let us not be unto Him with a single mind.
23.

The

Father,

who

is

pitiful

in

all

things,

double-minded, neither let our soul indulge in idle humours Let this scriprespecting His exceeding and glorious gifts. Wretched are the doubleture be far from us where He saith
;

minded, which doubt in their soul, and say, These things we did liear in the days of our fathers also, and behold we have grown old,

and none of
selves unto

these things

tree ;

Ye fools, compare yourhath befallen us. take a vine. First it sheddeth its leaves, then

a shoot cometh, then a leaf, then a flower, and after these a sour berry, then a full ripe grape. Ye see that in a little time the fruit of the tree attaineth unto mellowness. Of a truth quickly and suddenly shall His will be accomplished, the
scripture also bearing witness to
it,

saying;

He

shall come qitickly

and shall

not tarry
tlie

and

the

Lord

shall come suddenly into

expect.

His

temple, even

Holy One, zvlwm ye

Let us understand, dearly beloved, how the Master 24. continually showeth unto us the resurrection that shall be hereafter
;

whereof

when He

raised

He made the Lord Jesus Christ the firstfruit, Him from the dead. Let us behold, dearly
its

beloved, the resurrection which happeneth at Day and night show unto us the resurrection.
asleep, and day ariseth Let us mark the on.
;

proper season.

The night falleth the day departeth, and night cometh fruits, how and in what manner the

sowing taketh place. TJie sower goeth forth and casteth into and these falling into the earth the earth each of the seeds
;

dry and bare decay

then out of their decay the mightiness of

the Master's providence raiseth

them

up,

and from being one

is

they increase manifold and bear fruit. Let us consider the marvellous sign which 25.

seen in

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

285

the regions of the east, that is, in the parts about Arabia. There is a bird, which is named the phoenix. This, being the only one of its kind, liveth for five hundred years and
;

when
should

it

hath
it

now reached
maketh
spices,
it

the time of

its

dissolution that

it

die,

for itself a coffin of frankincense

and myrrh

and the other

it

into the which in the fulness of time

entereth,
is

and so

dieth.

But, as the flesh rotteth, a certain

worm

engendered, which is nurtured from the moisture of the dead creature and putteth forth wings. Then, when it is
it taketh up that coffin where are the bones of its and carrying them journeyeth from the country of parent, Arabia even unto Egypt, to the place called the City of the

grown

lusty,

Sun

and

in

the day time in the sight of

it

all,

flying to

the

altar of the Sun,

layeth

setteth forth to return.

them thereupon and this done, it So the priests examine the registers
;

of the times, and they find that

it

hath come when the

five

hundredth year
26.

if

completed. then think it to be a great and marvellous thing, the Creator of the universe shall bring about the resurrection

is

Do we

of

them that have served Him with

holiness in the assurance

of a good faith, seeing that He showeth to us even by a bird the magnificence of His promise ? For He saith in a certain
place
;

And

Thou shall

raise

I went

to rest

and

slept,
;

me up, and I will praise Thee ; and I was awaked, for Thou art with me.
Thou shall
raise this

And

again Job saith

And

my flesh

which

hath endured all these things.

hope therefore let our souls be bound unto Him that is faithful in His promises and that is righteous in His judgments. He that commanded not to lie, much more for nothing is impossible with God shall He Himself not lie
27.

With

this

save to
us,

lie.

Therefore

let

our faith
all

in

Him

be kindled within
universe

and

let

us understand that

things are nigh unto

;

By

a word of His majesty

can destroy it. hast Thou done ? or who shall

a word

He

He compacted the Who shall say

resist the
listeth,

Him. and by

Him, What might of His strength ?

unto

When He

listeth,

and as

He

He

will

do

all

things

and

286

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME

nothing shall pass away of those things that He hath decreed. All things are in His sight, and nothing escapeth His counsel, seeing that The heavens declare the glory of God, and the fir-

day,

mament proclaimeth His handizvork. Day uttereth word unto and night proclaimeth knowledge unto night ; and there
let

are neither words nor speeches, whose voices are not heard. 28. Since therefore all things are seen and heard,
fear

us

Him, and forsake the abominable lusts of evil works, that we may be shielded by His mercy from the coming judgments. For where can any of us escape from His strong hand ? And what world will receive any of them that desert m
from His service
place face ?
;

Where shall I
If I ascend

For the holy writing saith in a certain go, and where shall I be hidden from Thy

into the heaven,

Thou art

there

if

I depart

into the farthest parts

of

the earth, there is

I make my bed
shall

in the depths, there is

shall

Thy
one

Spirit.
flee,

Thy right if Whither then

from

hand ;

one depart, or where

?

Him

that

embraceth the universe

29.

Let us therefore approach Him in holiness of soul, lifting up pure and undefiled hands unto Him, with love towards our gentle and compassionate Father, who made us an elect

For thus it is written When the Most portion unto Himself. divided the ?iations, when He dispersed tJie sons of Adam, High
:

He fixed

of the nations according to the number His people Jacob became the portion of of the Lord, and Israel the measurement of His inheritance. And in another place He saith Behold, the Lord taketh for
the boundaries

the angels

of God.

Himself a
the

natio?i out

of the midst of the nations, as a

threshing-floor
;

man

taketh

firstfruits

of

his

and

the

holy of holies

shall come forth from that nation.

30.

Seeing then that

us do
all

God,

let

are the special portion of a Holy that pertain unto holiness, forsaking things

we

evil-speakings, abominable

and tumults and hateful

pride
to
;

and impure embraces, drunkennesses lusts, abominable adultery, hateful

For God, He

saith, resisteth the

the lozvly.

Let us

proud, but giveth grace therefore cleave unto those to whom

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
grace
is

287
in

given

from God.

Let us clothe ourselves

con-

cord, being

from

all

lowly-minded and temperate, holding ourselves aloof backbiting and evil speaking, being justified by works
;

He that saith much shall and not by words. For He saith hear also again. Doth the ready talker think to be righteous? Blessed is the offspring of woman that liveth bat a short time.
Be
not tJwn abundant in words.
:

Let our praise be with God,

hateth them that praise themselves. Let the testimony to our well-doing be given by others, as it was given unto our fathers who were righteous.

and not of ourselves

for

God

cursed of
are with

Boldness and arrogance and daring are for them that are acGod but forbearance and humility and gentleness
;

them that are blessed of God.

Let us therefore cleave unto His blessing, and let us see 31. what are the ways of blessing. Let us study the records of the Wherefore was things that have happened from the beginning.
not because he wrought Isaac with confidence, righteousness and truth through faith ? as knowing the future, was led a willing sacrifice. Jacob with

our father

Abraham

blessed

Was

it

humility departed from his land because of his brother, and went and the twelve tribes of Israel were unto Laban and served
;

given unto him.

32.

If

any man

will

consider them one

by one

in

sin-

cerity,

he

shall

understand the magnificence of the

gifts that are

For of Jacob are all the priests and levites who given by Him. minister unto the altar of God of him is the Lord Jesus as
;

concerning the flesh

in the line of

of

him are kings and

rulers

and governors

Judah yea, and the rest of his tribes are held in no small honour, seeing that God promised saying, Thy seed shall be as the stars of heaven. They all therefore were glorified
;

and magnified, not through themselves or their own works or the righteous doing which they wrought, but through His will. And so we, having been called through His will in Christ Jesus,
are not justified through ourselves or through our own wisdom or understanding or piety or works which we wrought in holi-

ness of heart, but through faith, whereby the Almighty

God

288
justified all

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
;

men

that have been from the beginning

to

whom
idly

be the glory for ever and ever. What then must we 33.

Amen.
do,

brethren
?

Must we

abstain from doing good, and forsake love never allow this to befal us at least but
;

May
let

the Master

us hasten with

For the instancy and zeal to accomplish every good work. Creator and Master of the universe Himself rejoiceth in His
works.

For by His exceeding great might He established the heavens, and in His incomprehensible wisdom He set them in

order.

And
it,
;

the earth

He
it

roundeth

and

He

set

separated from the water that surfirm on the sure foundation of His
it

own will and the living creatures which walk upon manded to exist by His ordinance. Having before
sea and the living creatures therein,

He com-

created the

He

enclosed

it

by His own

all, power. work of His intelligence, He formed man in the impress of His

Above

as the

most excellent and exceeding great with His sacred and faultless hands

saith
ness.

own image. For thus God Let us make man after our image and after our likeAnd God made man ; male and female made He them.
;

So having them and

finished all these things,

said, Increase

He

praised

them and blessed

all

and

multiply.

We

have seen that

the righteous were adorned in good works. Yea, and so the Lord Himself having adorned Himself with works rejoiced.

Seeing then that we have this pattern, let us conform ourselves with all diligence to His will let us with all our strength work
;

the work of righteousness.

34.

The good workman

receiveth the bread of his

boldness, but the slothful and careless

work with dareth not look his em-

It is therefore needful that we should be ployer in the face. zealous unto well-doing, for of Him are all things: since He forewarneth us saying, Behold, the Lord, and His reward is befoi'e His

face, to recompense each

He exhortaccording to his work. eth us therefore to believe on Him with our whole heart, and
man
and our confidence be in
His
will
;

to be not idle nor careless unto every

Him

good work. Let our boast let us submit ourselves to

of His angels,

let

us

mark the whole host

how they

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

289

For the scripture saith, stand by and minister unto His will. Ten thousand times ten tJiousands stood by Him, and thousands of
thousands ministered unto
holy
is

Him and they

:

cried aloud, Holy, holy,

the

Lord of Sabaoth ;

all creation is full of

His

glory.

Yea, and

let

us ourselves then, being gathered together in con-

cord with intentness of heart, cry unto

earnestly that

Him

as from one

mouth

we may be made
For

glorious promises.
not heard,

He

partakers of His great and saith, Eye hath not seen, and ear hath

and

great things
35.

He

How
!

hath not entered into the heart of man, what hath prepared for them that patiently await Him. blessed and marvellous are the gifts of God, dearly
it

beloved

Life in immortality, splendour in righteousness, truth in

boldness, faith in confidence,

all

temperance

in sanctification!

And
?

these things

fall

under our apprehension.

What

then, think

ye, are the things preparing for

them that patiently await Him

The

Creator and Father of the ages, the All-holy

their

One Himself

knoweth

number and

their beauty.
in

Let us therefore con-

tend, that

we may be found

the

number

await Him, to the end that

gifts.

we may
;

of those that patiently be partakers of His promised

?

But how
faith

shall this be, dearly beloved

If our

mind be

fixed

through

towards

God

if

we

seek out those things which

are well pleasing and acceptable unto

Him

such things as beseem His faultless

truth, casting off

will,

we accomplish and follow the way of

;

if

from ourselves

all

unrighteousness and

ini-

quity, covetousness, strifes, malignities and deceits, whisperings and backbitings, hatred of God, pride and arrogance, vainglory and inhospitality. For they that do these things are hateful to

God

unto them.

and not only they that do them, but they also that consent For the scripture saith But unto the sinner said
;

God, Wherefore dost thou declare Mine ordinances, and takest covenant upon thy mouth ? Yet thou didst hate instruction, and

My

away My words behind thee. If thou sawest a thief, thou didst keep company with him, and with tJie adulterers thou didst set thy portion. Thy mouth multiplied wicked7iess, and thy tongue wove deceit. Thou sattest a7id spakest against thy brother, and
didst cast

against the son of thy mother thou didst lay a stumbling-block.

CLEM.

II.

19

290

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME

These things thou hast done, and I kept silence. Thou thoughtest, unrighteous man, that I should be like unto thee. I will convict
will set thee face to face with thyself. Now understand ye these things, ye that forget God, lest at any time He seize you as
thee,

and

lion,

and

there be none to deliver.

tliere

The

sacrifice

of praise shall

glorify

Me, and
This
is

is

the

way wherein I

will

show him

the

salvation of God.

the way, dearly beloved, wherein we found our salvation, even Jesus Christ the High-priest of our offerings, the
36.

Guardian and Helper of our weakness.

Through Him
;

let

us

look stedfastly unto the heights of the heavens through Him we behold as in a mirror His faultless and most excellent

through Him the eyes of our hearts were opened through Him our foolish and darkened mind springeth up unto [His marvellous] light through Him the Master willed
visage
;

that

we should

taste of the

immortal knowledge

Who

being the

brightness

He

of His majesty is so much greater than angels, as hath inherited a more excellent name. For so it is written
;

His angels spirits a? id His ministers a flame of but of His Son the Master said thus; Thou art My Son, fire; 1 this day have begotten Thee. Ask of Me, and I will give Thee
maketli
the Gentiles

Who

for Thine

inheritance,

and

the ends of the earth

for

Thy

possession.

And

again

He

saith unto

Him

Sit Thou on

My
feet.

right hand, until

I make Thine enemies a

?

footstool

for Thy

Who
His
37.

then are these enemies

They

that are wicked and

resist

will.

Let us therefore

enlist ourselves, brethren,

with

all

earn-

estness in His faultless ordinances.

Let us mark the soldiers

exactly,

that are enlisted under our rulers,

how

how

readily,

how

All are not submissively, they execute the orders given them. nor rulers of thousands, nor rulers of hundreds, nor prefects,
rulers of
fifties,

and so

forth

but each

man

in his

own rank

executeth the orders given by the king and the governors. The great without the small cannot exist, neither the small without
the great.
is

There

is

a certain mixture in

all

things,

and therein

utility.

Let us take our body as an example.

The head

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
without the feet
is
:

291

head are nothing necessary and useful

saved.
38.

nothing so likewise the feet without the even the smallest limbs of our body are
;

for the

whole body

but

all

the

members

conspire and unite in subjection, that the whole body

may

be

So

in
let

our case

let

the whole

body be saved
his

in

Christ

Jesus, and

each

man be

subject unto

neighbour, ac-

cording as also he was appointed with his special grace. Let not the strong neglect the weak and let the weak respect the Let the rich minister aid to the poor and let the poor strong. give thanks to God, because He hath given him one through
;
;

whom

be supplied. Let the wise display his wisdom, not in words, but in good works. He that is lowly in mind, let him not bear testimony to himself, but leave testimony to be borne to him by his neighbour. He that is pure in
his

wants

may

the flesh, let

him be
his

so,

and not boast, knowing that

it is

Another

continence upon him. Let us consider, brethren, of what matter we were made who and what manner
;

who bestoweth
we

of beings

were,

when we came

into the world

from what a

sepulchre and what darkness He that moulded and created us brought us into His world, having prepared His benefits afore-

hand ere ever we were born.

Seeing therefore that we have all these things from Him, we ought in all things to give thanks to Him, to whom be the glory for ever and ever. Amen.
39.

Senseless and stupid

and

jeer and mock

at us, desiring that

exalted in their imaginations. or what strength hath a child of earth

and ignorant men themselves should be they For what power hath a mortal ?
foolish
?

For

it is

written
breath

There

was no form
voice.

before

mine

eyes ;

only

I heard a

and a

Shall a mortal be clean in the sight of the or shall a man be unb tameable for his works? seeing Lord;
then ? that

What
is

His servants, and noteth some His angels. Nay, the heaven is not clean in perversity against His sight. Azvay then, ye that dwell in houses of clay, whereof, He smote them even of the same clay, we ourselves are made.
distrustfid against
like

He

a moth,

and from

mom

to

even they are no more.

19

Because

292

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
themselves,

they could not succour

they perished.

He

breathed

upon them and they

the

died, because they

had no wisdom.
the foolish

But

call

thou, if perchance one shall obey thee, or if thou shalt see one

of

holy angels.

For wrath

killeth

man, and envy

throwing

slayeth

him

that is gone astray.

A nd I have
was
they
be

seen fools
eateti
tip.

out roots, but forthwith their Jiabitation

tJieir

Far

be

sons

inferiors,
wJiicli

from safety. and there shall

May

mocked at

tJie

gates of

be none to deliver them.

For

the tilings

are prepared for them, the righteous shall eat ; but they themselves shall not be delivered from evils.
40.

Forasmuch then as these things are manifest beforehand,

and we have searched into the depths of the Divine knowledge, we ought to do all things in order, as many as the Master hath

commanded

us to perform at their appointed seasons. Now the offerings and ministrations He commanded to be performed with care, and not to be done rashly or in disorder, but at fixed

times and seasons.

And where and by whom He would

:

have

them performed, He Himself fixed by His supreme will that all things being done with piety according to His good pleasure
might be acceptable to His
their
at the
will.

They

therefore that

make

offerings appointed seasons are acceptable and for while they follow the institutions of the Master blessed
:

they cannot go wrong. For unto the high-priest his proper services have been assigned, and to the priests their proper
office
is

trations

are

appointed, and upon the levites their proper minislaid. The layman is bound by the layman's
in his

ordinances.
41.

Let each of you, brethren,

own

order give thanks

unto God, maintaining a good conscience, and not transgressing the appointed rule of his service, but acting with all seemliness.
every place, brethren, are the continual daily sacrifices offered, or the freewill offerings, or the sin offerings and the
in

Not

trespass offerings, but in Jerusalem alone.

offering
is

And

even there the

not

made

in
;

the court of the altar

every place, but before the sanctuary in and this too through the high-priest and

the aforesaid ministers, after that the victim to be offered hath

TO THE CORINTHIANS.

293

been inspected for blemishes. They therefore who do any thing contrary to the seemly ordinance of His will receive death as
the penalty.

Ye

see, brethren, in

ledge hath been vouchsafed unto

us, so

proportion as greater knowmuch the more are we

exposed to danger.
42.

The Apostles
;

received the Gospel for us from the

Lord

Jesus Christ
Christ
is

Jesus Christ was sent forth from God. So then from God, and the Apostles are from Christ. Both
of the will of

therefore

therefore received a charge,

God in the appointed order. Having and having been fully assured through the resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ and confirmed in the
came
forth with

word of God with

come.

assurance of the Holy Ghost, they went the glad tidings that the kingdom of God should
full

So preaching everywhere in country and town, they appointed their first-fruits, when they had proved them by the Spirit, to be bishops and deacons unto them that should believe. And this they did in no new fashion for indeed it had been
;

written

times

concerning bishops and deacons from very ancient for thus saith the scripture in a certain place, I will
tJieir

appoint
43.

bishops in righteousness

and

their deacons in faith.

in Christ

And what

marvel,

if

they which were entrusted

with such a work by God appointed the aforesaid persons ? seeing that even the blessed Moses who was a faithful servant
in all

His house recorded

for

a sign in the sacred books

all

things that were enjoined

upon him. And him also the rest of the prophets followed, bearing witness with him unto the laws For he, when jealousy arose conthat were ordained by him.
cerning the priesthood, and there was dissension among the tribes which of them was adorned with the glorious name, commanded the twelve chiefs of the tribes to bring to him rods
tied

And he took them and them and sealed them with the signet rings of the chiefs of the tribes, and put them away in the tabernacle of the testimony
inscribed with the

name

of each tribe.

on the table of God.

And

the keys, and likewise also the doors.

having shut the tabernacle he sealed And he said unto them,

Brethren, the tribe whose rod shall bud, this hath

God

chosen to be

294
priests

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
morning came, he even the six hundred thousand men,
and opened the

and

ministers unto

Him.

Now when

called together all Israel,

and showed the

seals to the chiefs of the tribes,

And the tabernacle of the testimony, and drew forth the rods. rod of Aaron was found not only with buds, but also bearing
fruit.

What
it.

think ye, dearly beloved

Did not Moses know

beforehand that this

knew

would come to pass ? Assuredly he But that disorder might not arise in Israel, he did thus, to the end that the Name of the true and only God might be glorified to whom be the glory for ever and ever. Amen.
:

our Apostles knew through our Lord Jesus Christ that there would be strife over the name of the bishop's office.
44.

And

cause therefore, having received complete foreknowledge, they appointed the aforesaid persons, and afterwards they provided a continuance, that if these should fall asleep, other
this

For

approved men should succeed to their ministration. Those therefore who were appointed by them, or afterward by other

men

of repute with the consent of the whole Church, and have

ministered unblameably to the flock of Christ in lowliness of

mind, peacefully and with borne a good report with

sin for us, if

all
all

these

modesty, and

for long

time have

men we

consider to be unit

justly thrust out from their ministration.

For

will

be no light

we

thrust out those

who have

offered the gifts of

Blessed are those the bishop's office unblameably and holily. who have gone before, seeing that their departure presbyters

was

any one should For we see that ye have displaced certain persons, though they were living honourably, from the ministration which they had respected f blamefruitful

and

ripe

for

they have no fear

lest

remove them from

their appointed place.

"j-

lessly.

45.

Be ye
that

contentious,

brethren,

and jealous about the

things

pertain

unto

salvation.

Ye have

searched

the

scriptures, which are true, which were given through the Holy Ghost and ye know that nothing unrighteous or counterfeit is
;

written in them.

Ye

will not find that righteous

persons have

been thrust out by holy men.

Righteous men were persecuted,

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
but
it
;

295

was by the lawless they were imprisoned, but it was by They were stoned by transgressors: they were slain by those who had conceived a detestable and unrighteous jeaFor what lousy. Suffering these things, they endured nobly. must we say, brethren ? Was Daniel cast into the lions' den by
the unholy.

them

that

fear

God

Or were Ananias and Azarias and

by them that professed worship of the Most High ? Far be
fire

Misael shut up in the furnace of

the excellent and glorious
this

from our thoughts.

?

Who

things
stirred

Abominable

men

then were they that did these and full of all wickedness were

up upon them that served God in a holy and blameless purpose, not knowing that the Most High is the champion and protector of them that in a pure conscience serve His excellent

to such a pitch of wrath, as to bring cruel suffering

Name

unto

whom

be the glory for ever and ever.

Amen.

But
and

they that endured patiently in confidence inherited glory

honour

they were exalted, and had their names recorded by

God

in their

memorial

for ever

and

ever.

Amen.
therefore,
;

46.

To

such examples

as
is

these
written

brethren,

we

also ought to cleave.

For

it

Cleave unto the saints,

for they that cleave unto

tJiem
;

shall be sanctified.
the guiltless

And

again
the

He

saith in another place

With

man

thou, shalt

be guiltless,

and with

tJie elect

thou shalt be

elect,

and with

Let us therefore cleave to the crooked thou shalt deal crookedly. and righteous and these are the elect of God. Whereguiltless
:

fore are there strifes

and wraths and factions and divisions and

war among you

Christ and one Spirit of grace that was shed upon us ? And is there not one calling in Christ ? Wherefore do we tear and rend asunder
?

Have we not one God and one

the

members of

Christ,

and

stir

up factions against our own

body, and reach such a pitch of folly, as to forget that we are members one of another ? Remember the words of Jesus our

Lord

for

He

said,

Woe
were

unto that man.

It were

good for him

zvere

if he Jtad not been born, rather than that he should offend one

of Mine

elect.

It

better

for him that a mill-stone

hanged about him, and

lie

cast into the sea, than that he should

296
pervert one of
it

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
Your
division hath perverted

Mine

elect.

many
and

hath brought

many

to despair,

many
still

to doubting,

all

of us to sorrow.
47.

And
first

your sedition

continueth.

Take up the
wrote he

epistle of the blessed Paul the Apostle.

the Spirit concerning himself you and Cephas and Apollos, because that even then ye had made Yet that making of parties brought less sin upon you parties.
in
;

What Of a

unto you

in the

beginning of the Gospel

truth he charged

for

ye were partisans of Apostles that were highly reputed, and of a man approved in their sight. But now mark ye, who

they are that have perverted you and diminished the glory of your renowned love for the brotherhood. It is shameful, dearly
beloved, yes, utterly shameful, and unworthy of your conduct in Christ, that it should be reported that the very stedfast

and ancient Church of the Corinthians,

for the

sake of

one or two persons, maketh sedition against its presbyters. And this report hath reached not only us, but them also which
differ

from

us,

so that ye even heap blasphemies on the

folly,

Name
peril

of the Lord by reason of your

for yourselves.

and moreover create

48.
fall

Let us therefore root

down

out quickly, and let us before the Master, and entreat Him with tears, that
this

He may show Himself propitious, may restore us to the seemly and

to our love of the brethren.

and be reconciled unto

us,

and

pure conduct which belongeth

this is a gate of righteous;

For
is

ness opened unto

righteousness, that

This

is the

written life, as Open me the gates of I may enter in thereby and praise the Lord. gate of the Lord ; the righteous shall enter in thereby.
it

Seeing then that

is

many

in righteousness,

gates are opened, this is that gate which even that which is in Christ, whereby all
in

are

path in holiness and righteousness, performing all things without conLet a man be faithful, let him be able to expound fusion.
direct
their
let

blessed, that

have entered

and

a deep saying, let him be wise in the discernment of words, him be strenuous in deeds, let him be pure; for so much the more ought he to be lowly in mind, in proportion as he

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
seemeth to be the greater and he ought to seek the advantage of all, and not his own.
;

297

common

49.

Let him that hath love

Christ.

in

Christ

fulfil

the

commandbeauty?

ments of

Who

can declare the bond of the love of

tell

God? Who is sufficient to The height, whereunto love

joineth us unto

the

majesty of
is

its

God;
is

unspeakable. Love love covereth a multitude of sins; love

exalteth,

endureth

all

things,

long-suffering in
in

all

things.

There

is

nothing coarse, nothing arrogant

visions, love

love.

Love hath no
all

di-

maketh no
all

seditions, love

doeth

things in con;

cord.

In love were

the elect of

love nothing is well-pleasing to us unto Himself; for the love which

God made God in love

:

perfect

without

the Master took

He had
for

toward

us,

Jesus

Christ our Lord hath given His blood for us

by

the will of
lives.

God,

and His
50.

flesh for

our

flesh,

and His

life

our

Ye
is

see,

dearly beloved,
is

how

great
its

and marvellous

a thing

love,

and there

no declaring

perfection.

Who

is

sufficient to

vouchsafe
that

it

be found therein, save those to whom God shall ? Let us therefore entreat and ask of His mercy,
in love,

we may be found blameless

:

factiousness of men. All the generations from

standing apart from the Adam unto this day

have passed away

manifest
written
:

love dwell in the abode of the pious

in the visitation of the

but they that by God's grace were perfected in and they shall be made
;

kingdom of God.
little

For

it

is

Enter

into the closet

for a very

while, until

Mine

anger and
day, and

My

will raise you, from your tombs.

if

wrath shall pass away, and I will remember a good Blessed were we, dearly
the

beloved,

we should be doing
love, to the

commandments
sins

of

God

in

concord of
us.

end that our

written
;

may

through love be
is tlte

forgiven are forgiven,

For

it

is

Blessed are they wJiose iniquities

whom

the

and ivhose sins are covered. Blessed Lord shall impute no sin, neither is guile

man

to

in his mouth.

This declaration of blessedness was pronounced upon them that have been elected by God through Jesus Christ our Lord, to

whom

be the glory for ever and ever. Amen. For all our transgressions therefore which we have com51.

298

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME

mitted through any of the wiles of the adversary, let us entreat that we may obtain forgiveness. Yea and they also, who set themselves

up

as leaders of faction

and

division,

common ground of hope. For such as walk in

that they themselves should
fall

ought to look to the fear and love desire

into suffering rather than their

neighbours; and they pronounce condemnation against themselves rather than against the harmony which hath been handed

down to to make

For it is good for a man us nobly and righteously. confession of his trespasses rather than to harden his

was hardened who made sedition Moses the servant of God whose condemnation was against clearly manifest, for they went down to hades alive, and death
heart, as the heart of those
;

shall be their shepherd.

Pharaoh and

his host

and

all

the rulers

of Egypt, their chariots

and

their horsemen,

were overwhelmed

in the depths of the Red Sea, and perished for none other reason but because their foolish hearts were hardened, after that the

signs

and the wonders had been wrought

in the

land of Egypt

by the hand of Moses the servant of God.

52.

The

Master, brethren, hath

He

desireth not anything of

any man, save

;

need of nothing at all. to confess unto

Him. For the elect David saith / will confess unto tJie Lord, and it shall please Him more than a young calf tJiat groweth Jioms and hoofs. Let the poor see it, and rejoice. And again He saith Sacrifice to God a sacrifice of praise, and pay thy vows
;

to the
tion,

Most High : and and L will deliver

call

upon

Me

in the

day of thine

afflic-

thee,

and

thou shalt glorify Me.

For

sacrifice unto

God

is

a broken

spirit.

For ye know, and know well, the sacred scriptures, 53. dearly beloved, and ye have searched into the oracles of God. We write these things therefore to put you in remembrance. When Moses went up into the mountain and had spent forty
days and forty nights in fasting and humiliation, unto him Moses, Moses, go down quickly hence, for
;

God

said

My people

whom

land of Egypt have wrought iniquity : they have transgressed quickly out of the way which thou didst command unto them : tJiey have made for tliemselves molten
thou leddest forth

from

the

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
images.

299

/ have spoken unto thee once and twice, saying, I have seen this people, and behold it is Let Me destroy them utterly, and I will blot out stiff-necked. tJieir name from wider heaven, and I will make of thee a nation
the Lord said unto
;

And

him

great
said
;

and wonderfnl and numerous more than

Nay, not
Forgive of the book of the living.
so,
!

this.

And Moses
!

Lord.

this people their sin, or blot

me

also out

O
is

mighty love

un;

surpassable perfection

The

servant

bold with his Master

he asketh forgiveness for the multitude, or he demandeth that himself also be blotted out with them.
54.

Who

therefore

is

noble

among you

Who

is

com-

Let him say If by passionate ? Who is fulfilled with love ? reason of me there be faction and strife and divisions, I retire,
;

depart, whither ye will,

:

and

do that which

is

ordered by
its

the people

only

let

the flock of Christ be at peace with

appointed presbyters. for himself great renown

He

that shall have done

this, shall

duly win

in Christ,

and every place

will receive

him

for the earth is the

Lords and

the fulness thereof.

Thus

have they done and will do, that live as of God which bringeth no regrets.
55.

citizens of that

kingdom

But, to bring forward examples of Gentiles also many kings and rulers, when some season of pestilence pressed upon
;

them, being taught by oracles have delivered themselves over to

death, that they might rescue their fellow citizens through their own blood. Many have retired from their own cities, that they

might have no more

seditions.

We

know

that

many among

our-

selves have delivered themselves to bondage, that they

ransom

others.

Many have

sold themselves to slavery,

might and re-

ceiving the price paid for themselves have fed others. women being strengthened through the grace of God

Many
have

performed
city

many manly deeds. The blessed Judith, when the was beleaguered, asked of the elders that she might be
to

suffered

exposed herself to peril

go forth into the camp of the aliens. So she and went forth for love of her country
;

and of her people which were beleaguered and the Lord deTo no less livered Holophernes into the hand of a woman.

300
peril did

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
who was
perfect in faith, expose herself, that

Esther

also,

she might deliver the twelve tribes of Israel, when they were on For through her fasting and her humiliation the point to perish.

and she entreated the all-seeing Master, the God of the ages the humility of her soul, delivered the people for He, seeing whose sake she encountered the peril.
;

56.

Therefore

let

us also

make

intercession for

them that

are in

any

transgression, that forbearance

and humility may

be given them, to the end that they may yield not unto us, but unto the will of God. For so shall the compassionate remembrance of them with God and the saints be fruitful unto them,

Let us accept chastisement, whereat no man ought to be vexed, dearly beloved. The admonition which we give one to another is good and exceeding useful for it joineth us unto the

and

perfect.

will of God.

For thus saith the holy word

The Lord hath

over nnto death.
scourgeth

indeed chastened me,

and hath
loveih

not delivered
chasteneth,

For whom
son

the

Lord

He

me and

every

whom He
in mercy,

receiveth.

For
reprove

the righteous,

it is

said, shall chasten

me

and shall

me; but

let

not
;

tJie "\

mercy \ of sinis

ners anoint

my

head.

And

again

He

saith

Blessed

the

man

whom

the

Lord hath

reproved,

and

refuse not thou the admonition

of the Almighty. For He causeth pain, and He restoreth again : He hath smitten, and His liands have healed. Six times shall

He

from afflictions : and at the seventh no evil In famine He shall deliver thee from death, shall touch and in war He shall release tliee from the arm of the sword. A ud from the scourge of the tongue shall He hide thee, and tlwu shalt not be afraid when evils approach, Tlwu, shalt laugh at tJie and wicked, and of the wild beasts thou shalt not unrighteous
rescue
thee
thee.

be afraid.
shalt

thy house shall be at peace: and the abode tabernacle shall not go wrong, and thou shalt know that of thy
is

For wild thou know that

beasts shall be at peace

with

thee.

Then

thy seed
tlie field.

A nd

many, and thy children as the plenteous herbage of thou shalt come to tJie grave as ripe corn reaped

in

due season, or as the heap of the threshing floor gathered

together at the right time.

Ye

see,

dearly beloved,

how

great

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
protection there
for
is

301
:

for

being a kind father He chasteneth us, to the end that may obtain mercy through His holy chastisement.
57.

them that are chastened by the Master we

Ye

therefore that laid the foundation of the sedition,

submit yourselves unto the presbyters, and receive chastisement unto repentance, bending the knees of your heart. Learn to submit yourselves, laying aside the arrogant and proud stubbornness of your tongue.
little
roll,

in the flock of Christ

than to be had

in

it is better for you to be found and to have your name on God's exceeding honour and yet be cast

For

out from the hope of Him.

For thus

saith

the All-virtuous

Behold I will pour out for you a saying of My breath, and I will teach you My word. Because I called and ye obeyed
;

Wisdom

not, sels

and I

held,

out words

and ye heeded

not

but

made

My
;

countliere-

of none

effect,

and were

disobedient unto

My

reproofs

fore I also will laugh at your destruction, and will rejoice over you when ruin cometh upon you, and when confusion overtakcth you

and your overthrow is at hand like a whirlwind, or when anguisJi and beleaguer ment come upon you. For it shall Evil men shall be, when ye call upon Me, yet will I not hear you. seek Me, and shall not find Me : for they hated wisdom, and chose not the fear of the Lord, 7ieither woidd they give heed unto
suddenly,

My
own

counsels,

but mocked at

My

reproofs.

Therefore they shall

eat the fruits

of

their

own way, and

because they shall destroy

shall be filled with their

babes, they shall be

ungodliness.

For

wronged

slain,

and

inquisition

the ungodly.

But he

that

heareth

Me

shall dwell safely trusting in hope,

all evil.

and

shall be quiet

from fear of
58.

Let us therefore be obedient unto His most holy and glorious Name, thereby escaping the threatenings which
were spoken of old by the mouth of Wisdom against them which disobey, that we may dwell safely, trusting in the most Receive our counsel, and ye holy Name of His majesty.
shall

For as God liveth, and the regret. Lord Jesus Christ liveth, and the Holy Spirit, who are the faith and the hope of the elect, so surely shall he, who with
have no occasion of

302
lowliness of

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
instant in gentleness hath without regret-

mind and

fulness performed the ordinances and commandments that are given by God, be enrolled and have a name among the number

of

them

that are saved through Jesus Christ, through

whom

is

the glory unto

59.

Him

for ever

and

ever.

Amen.

But

if

certain persons should be disobedient unto the

through us, let them understand that they will entangle themselves in no slight transgression and but we shall be guiltless of this sin. And we will danger

words spoken by

Him

and supplication, that the Creator may guard intact unto the end the number hath been numbered of His elect throughout the whole that world, through His beloved Son Jesus Christ, through whom
ask, with instancy of prayer

of the universe

He

called us

from darkness to

light,

from ignorance to the

full

knowledge of the glory of His Name. [Grant unto us, Lord,] that we may set our hope on Thy Name which is the primal source of all creation, and open the

we may know Thee, who alone abidest Holy in the holy ; who layest low the insoHighest lence of the proud ; who scatterest the imaginings of nations ; who settest the lozvly on high, and bringest the lofty lozv ; who makest rich and makest poor ; who killest and makest alive ; who alone art the Benefactor of spirits and the God of all flesh who lookest into the abysses, who scannest the works of man the Succour of them that are in peril, the Savio?cr of them that are in despair ; the Creator and Overseer of every spirit who muleyes of our heart, that
in the high,
;
; ;

tipliest the

men

nations upon earth, and hast chosen out from all those that love Thee through Jesus Christ, Thy beloved

Son, through
us, didst

whom Thou
us.

didst

instruct

us,

didst

sanctify

honour

We

be our help and succour. have mercy on tribulation

;

beseech Thee, Lord and Master, to Save those among us who are in
the
;

lowly

lift

up the
;

fallen

show Thyself unto the needy

wanderers
prisoners
all
;

people raise up the weak

;

of

Thy

heal the ungodly feed the hungry

convert the
release

our

comfort the faint-hearted.

Let

the

Gentiles

know

that

Thou art

God

alone,

and Jesus

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
Christ
is

303
the sheep of

Thy

Son, and

we arc Thy

people

and

Thy

pasture.
60.

Thou through Thine

operations didst

make

manifest

the everlasting fabric of the world. Thou, Lord, didst create Thou that art faithful throughout all generations, the earth.

righteous in
cellence,

Thy judgments, marvellous in strength and exThou that art wise in creating and prudent in esta-

blishing that which Thou hast made, that art good in the things which are seen and faithful with them that trust on

Thee, pitiful and compassionate, forgive us our iniquities and our unrighteousnesses and our transgressions and shortcomings.

Lay

not to our account every sin of

Thy

servants and Thine

handmaids, but cleanse us with the cleansing of Thy truth, and guide our steps to walk in holiness and righteousness

and singleness of

heart,

and
sight

to

do such
in

and

well-pleasing in

Thy

and

things as are good the sight of our rulers.

Yea, Lord, make Thy face to shine upon us in peace for our good, that we may be sheltered by Thy mighty hand and
delivered from every sin by Thine 7ipliftcd arm. And deliver us from them that hate us wrongfully. Give concord and peace to us and to all that dwell on the earth, as Thou gavest
to our fathers, when they called on Thee in faith and truth with holiness, [that we may be saved,] while we render obedience to Thine almighty and most excellent Name, and to our
rulers

and governors upon the earth. 61. Thou, Lord and Master, hast given them the power of sovereignty through Thine excellent and unspeakable might, that we knowing the glory and honour which Thou hast
given them
sisting

may
will.

Thy

submit ourselves unto them, in nothing reGrant unto them therefore, O Lord, health,
that

peace, concord,

stability,

they

may

administer the go-

vernment which Thou hast given them without failure. For Thou, O heavenly Master, King of the ages, givest to the sons of men glory and honour and power over all things that

Do Thou, Lord, direct their counsel acare upon the earth. to that which is good and well-pleasing in Thy sight, cording

304
that,

S.

CLEMENT OF ROME
in

administering

peace and gentleness with godliness the

power which Thou hast given them, they may obtain Thy O Thou, who alone art able to do these things, and favour.
things far

more exceeding good than these

for us,

we

praise

Thee through the High-priest and Guardian of our souls, Jesus Christ, through whom be the glory and the majesty unto

Thee both now and Amen.

62.

for all generations

and

for ever

and

ever.

As touching

are

most

useful for a virtuous

those things which befit our religion and life to such as would guide

[their steps] in holiness

and righteousness, we have written

fully

For concerning faith and repentance and genuine love and temperance and sobriety and patience we have handled every argument, putting you in remembrance, that ye ought to please Almighty God in righteousness and
unto you, brethren.

and long-suffering with holiness, laying aside malice and pursuing concord in love and peace, being instant in gentletruth

ness

even as our fathers, of

whom we
their

Him, being lowly-minded towards

Creator and towards
these things the
writing to
all

spake before, pleased Father and God and

put you in mind of
well that

men.

And we have

more

gladly, since

we knew

we were

men who

are faithful

diligently searched into

63.

and highly accounted and have the oracles of the teaching of God.
heed to so great and

Therefore

it is

right for us to give

many examples, and to submit the neck, and occupying the place of obedience to take our side with them that are the
so

leaders of our souls, that ceasing from this foolish dissension

we

may

attain unto the goal

which

lieth before us in truthfulness,

For ye will give us great joy render obedience unto the things written by and gladness, ye us through the Holy Spirit, and root out the unrighteous anger of your jealousy, according to the entreaty which we have made
keeping aloof from every fault.
if

in this letter. And we have also sent and prudent men that have walked among us from youth unto old age unblameably, who shall also be witnesses between you and us. And this we have done that ye might

for

peace and concord

faithful

TO THE CORINTHIANS.
know
that

305

we have

had, and

still

have, every solicitude that

ye should be speedily at peace. 64. Finally may the All-seeing

God and Master

of spirits

and Lord of
through

all flesh,

who chose

the Lord Jesus Christ, and us

Him

for a peculiar people, grant

unto every soul that

faith,

is

called after

His excellent and holy

Name

fear,

peace,

patience, long-sufTering, temperance, chastity and soberness, that they may be well-pleasing unto His Name through our High-

and Guardian Jesus Christ, through whom unto glory and majesty, might and honour, both now and and ever. Amen.
priest

Him

be

for ever

send ye back speedily unto us our messengers Claudius Ephebus and Valerius Bito, together with Fortunatus
65.
also,

Now

peace and with joy, to the end that they more quickly report the peace and concord which
in

may
is

the

prayed

for

and earnestly desired by

us, that

we

also

may

the

more
all

speedily rejoice over your good order. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you and with

in all places who have been called by God and through Him, through whom is glory and honour, power and greatness and eternal dominion, unto Him, from the ages past and for ever and ever. Amen.

men

CLEM.

II.

20

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.

BRETHREN, of God, as

we ought

so to

of the Judge of

think of Jesus Christ, as And quick and dead.

:

we ought not to think mean things of our Salvation for when we think mean things of Him, we expect also to receive mean things. And they that listen as concerning mean things do wrong; and we ourselves do wrong, not knowing whence and by whom and unto what place we were called, and

how many things Jesus What recompense sakes.

or

Christ

endured
shall

to

suffer

for

our

then

we
to

worthy of His own mercies do we owe to Him many

what

fruit

gift
!

give us ?

unto

Him ?

And how
;

For

He

bestowed the

light

upon us
us,

He

spake to

us, as

a father to his sons

He

saved

when we were
?

Him? which we received

give to

perishing. praise then shall we or what payment of recompense for those things

What

we who were maimed

in

our understanding,

and worshipped stocks and stones, gold and silver and bronze, and our whole life was nothing else but the works of men
;

death.

While then we were thus wrapped

in

darkness and

oppressed with this thick mist in our vision, we recovered our sight, putting off by His will the cloud wherein we were wrapped.

For

He

had mercy on
in us

us,

and
error

in

having beheld

much

and

His compassion saved us, perdition, even when we

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
had no hope of
salvation, save that
not,

307

He

called us,

when we were

which came from Him. For and from not being He willed

us to be.
2.

Rejoice, thou barren that bearest not.

Break out and

cry,

thoti that travailest

not; for more are

the children

of the desolate

than of her that hath the husband.

barren that bearest
not,

In that
:

He
for

said, Rejoice, thou

He

spake of us

our Church was

barren, before that children were given unto her.

He

said, Cry aloud, thou that travailest not,

And in that He meaneth this

;

Let us

not, like

women

in travail,

grow weary of

offering

prayers with simplicity to God. Again, in that He the children of the desolate are more than of her that hath the

up our said, For

husband,

He so spake, because our people seemed desolate and forsaken of God, whereas now, having believed, we have become more than those who seemed to have God. Again another
scripture saith,

/ came
it

not to call the righteous, but shiners.

is

He

meaneth
For

this; that
is

right to save

them

that are perishing.

this indeed

a great and marvellous work, to establish, not

those things which stand, but those which are falling. Christ willed to save the things which were perishing.

So

also

And He

saved many, coming and calling us when

perishing.

we were even now

bestowed so great mercy on us; first of all, that we, who are living, do not sacrifice to these dead gods, neither worship them, but through Him have known the
3.

Seeing then that

He

Father of

truth.

What

else

is

this

not to deny

Him

through

whom we
is

knowledge to Him ward, but have known Him ? Yea,

He

Himself

saith,

Whoso

confesseth

Me,

Him
if

will
verily

confess
shall

before the Father.

This then

our reward,

we

Him through whom we were saved. When we do that which He we confess Him
confess
?

But wherein do
saith

and are not

disobedient unto His commandments, and not only honour Him with our lips, but with our whole heart and with our whole mind.

Now He
lips,

saith also in Isaiah, This people Jionoureth

is

Me

with their

but their heart

far from Me.

20

308
4.

AN ANCIENT HOMILY
Let us therefore not only
:

Lord, for this will not save us for He saith, Not every one that saith unto Me, Lord, Lord, shall be saved, but he that doeth righteousness. So then,
call

Him

brethren, let us confess

Him in our works, by loving one another, not committing adultery nor speaking evil one against by another nor envying, but being temperate, merciful, kindly. And we ought to have fellow-feeling one with another and not
to be covetous.

By

these works let us confess

Him, and not

by the
God.

contrary.

And we
cause,
if

For

this

ought not rather to fear men but ye do these things, the Lord said,

Though ye be gathered together with Me in My bosom, and do not My commandments, I will cast you away and will say unto you, Depart from Me, L know yott not whence ye are, ye workers of
iniqtiity.
5.

Wherefore, brethren,
will of

let

us forsake our sojourn in this

world and do the

Him

that called us, and let us not be

afraid to depart out of this world.

For the Lord

saith,

Ye shall

But Peter answered and said be as lambs in the midst of wolves. unto Him, What then, if the wolves slwuld tear the lambs'? Jesus said unto Peter, Let not the lambs fear the wolves after they are dead; and ye also, fear ye not them that kill you and are not able
do anything to you; but fear him that after ye are dead hath power over soul and body, to cast them into the gehenna of fire.
to

And

world

ye know, brethren, that the sojourn of this flesh in this is mean and for a short time, but the promise of Christ is great and marvellous, even the rest of the kingdom that shall be and of life eternal. What then can we do to obtain them, but
in holiness

and righteousness, and consider these worldly things as alien to us, and not desire them? For when we desire to obtain these things we fall away from the righteous path. 6. But the Lord saith, No servant can serve two masters. If

walk

we
us
:

desire to serve both

For what advantage

God and mammon, it is unprofitable for is it, if a man gain the whole world and
age and the future are two enemies.

forfeit his soul?

Now

this

The one speaketh

of adultery and defilement and avarice and

BY AN
deceit,

UNKNOWN AUTHOR.
We

309
cannot

but the other biddeth farewell to these.

must bid farewell to the one and hold companionship with the other. Let us consider that it is better to hate the things which are here, because they are

therefore be friends of the two, but

mean and
which are

for a short

time and perishable, and to love the things

there, for

do the

will

they are good and imperishable. For, if we of Christ, we shall find rest but if otherwise, then
;

nothing

shall deliver us

from eternal punishment,

if

we should

disobey His commandments.

Ezekiel,

And

the scripture also saith in

rise up, they
if

Though Noah and Job and Daniel should

But

shall not deliver their children in the captivity.

even such

righteous

men

as these cannot

their children, with

shall we, if we keep not our and undefiled, enter into the kingdom of God ? baptism pure Or who shall be our advocate, unless we be found having holy

by what confidence

their righteous

deeds deliver

and righteous works

7.

So
is

then,

my

brethren, let us contend,

knowing that the

nigh at hand, and that, while many resort to the corruptible contests, yet not all are crowned, but only they that have toiled hard and contended bravely. Let us then contend
contest
that

we

all

may

be crowned.

Wherefore

let

us run in the
let

straight course, the incorruptible contest.

it

And

us resort to

in

if

throngs and contend, that we may also be crowned. And we cannot all be crowned, let us at least come near to the

crown.

ought to know that he which contendeth in the corruptible contest, if he be found dealing corruptly with it, is first flogged, and then removed and driven out of the race-course.

We

think ye ? What shall be done to him that hath dealt For as concerning corruptly with the contest of incorruption ?

What

them that have not kept the seal, He saith, Their worm die, and their fire shall not be quenclied, and they shall
spectacle unto all flesh.
8.

shall not
be

for a
are

While we are on

earth, then, let us repent: for

we

For in like manner as the clay under the craftsman's hand. if he be making a vessel, and it potter, get twisted or crushed in

310

AN ANCIENT HOMILY
it

his hands, reshapeth

fiery oven,

again

but

if

he have once put

it:

it

into the

he shall no longer

mend

so also let us, while

we
the

are in this world, repent with our whole heart of the evil things

which we have done

Lord, while

in the flesh, that

we may be saved by
For
after that

we have yet time

for repentance.

we

have departed out of the world, we can no more make Wherefore, brethren, if we there, or repent any more.

confession
shall

have

done
the

the will of the

Father and kept the flesh pure and guarded

of the Lord,

commandments
who

we

shall

receive

life

eternal.
is

For the Lord

little,

saith in the Gospel,

If ye kept not that which

is

shall give unto

lie

you that which

this,

great ?

For I say

unto you that

which

is

faitJiful in

tlie least, is

much.

So then

He meaneth

Keep

the flesh

faithful also in pure and the

seal unstained, to the

end that we

may

receive

life.

not any one of you say that this flesh is not 9. judged neither riseth again. Understand ye. In what were ye saved ? In what did ye recover your sight ? if ye were not in
let

And

this flesh.

We

God come

for in

ought therefore to guard the flesh as a temple of like manner as ye were called in the flesh, ye shall
If Christ the
flesh,

also in the flesh.

Lord who saved

us,

being

first spirit,

then became

and so

called us, in like

manner

also shall

we

in this flesh receive

our reward.

Let us therefore

love one another, that

we

all

may come

unto the kingdom of

While we have time to be healed, let us place ourselves in the hands of God the physician, giving Him a recompense. What recompense ? Repentance from a sincere heart. For He
God.
discerneth
heart.
all

things beforehand and

knoweth what

is

in

our

our

lips

Let us therefore give unto Him eternal praise, not from only, but also from our heart, that He may receive us as
said,

sons.

For the Lord also

of

These are

My

brethren,

which do
Father

the ivill
10.

My

Father.

Wherefore,

my

brethren, let us

do the

will of the

which called
virtue,
flee

us, that we may live; and let us the rather pursue but forsake vice as the forerunner of our sins, and let us from ungodliness, lest evils overtake us. For if we be dili-

BY AN

UNKNOWN AUTHOR.

gent in doing good, peace will pursue us. For for this cause is a man unable to attain happiness, seeing that they call in the fears of men, preferring rather the enjoyment which is here than

For they know not how great the promise which is to come. torment the enjoyment which is here bringeth, and what delight And if verily they were the promise which is to come bringeth.
doing these things by themselves alone, it had been tolerable: but now they continue teaching evil to innocent souls, not knowing that they shall have their condemnation doubled, both
themselves and their hearers.
11.

Let us therefore serve God

if

shall

be righteous; but

not the promise of

in their heart

in a pure heart, and we we serve Him not, because we believe God, we shall be wretched. For the word of
:

prophecy also saith

Wretched are

tJie

double-minded, that doubt

and say, These things we heard of old in the days of our fathers also, yet we have waited day after day and have
seen none of them.

compare yourselves unto a tree ; First it sheddeth its leaves, then a shoot cometh, after take a vine. this a sour berry, then a full ripe grape. So likewise My people

Ye fools

had tumults and

afflictions

Wherefore, my things. but endure patiently in hope, that

reward.

but afterward they shall receive good brethren, let us not be double-minded
:

we may we

also

obtain our

For faithful
in

is

He

that promised to
If therefore

pay

to each

man

the recompense of his works.

shall

righteousness

the sight of God,

we

shall

have wrought enter into His

kingdom and

shall receive the

promises which ear hath not

in

heard nor eye seen, neither hath it entered into the heart of man. 12. Let us therefore await the kingdom of God betimes

love and righteousness, since we know not the day of God's For the Lord Himself, being asked by a certain appearing.

person when His kingdom would come, said, When the two shall be one, and the outside as tJie inside, and the male with the female,
neither male nor female.

Now
and
in

the

two are

one,

when we speak
shall

truth

among

ourselves,

two bodies there

be one

soul without dissimulation.

And by

the outside as the inside

He

312
meaneth
outside
this
:

AN ANCIENT HOMILY
by the
let

inside

He meaneth
in

the soul and by the

as

the

body.

Therefore

like

manner
its

appeareth, so also

thy soul be manifest in

thy body good works.

And by
meaneth

the

male with the female, neither male nor female, He this; that a brother seeing a sister should have no

thought of her as of a female, and that a sister seeing a brother should not have any thought of him as of a male. These things if ye do, saith He, the kingdom of my Father shall come.
13.

Therefore, brethren, let us repent forthwith.

is

Let us be
folly

sober unto that which

good:

for

we

are

full

of

much
let

and
let

wickedness.

Let us wipe away from us our former

sins,

and

us repent with our whole soul and be saved.

And

us not be

found men-pleasers. only, but also those

that the
saith,

Neither

let

us desire to please one another

men

that are without,

by our
us.

righteousness,

Name

be not blasphemed by reason of

For the Lord

Every way My Name is blasphemed among all the Gentiles ; and again, Woe unto him by reason of whom My Name is blasWherein is it blasphemed? In that ye do not the phemed.

For the Gentiles, when they hear from things which I desire. our mouth the oracles of God, marvel at them for their beauty and greatness then, when they discover that our works are not
;

worthy of the words which

speak, forthwith they betake themselves to blasphemy, saying that it is an idle story and a delusion. For when they hear from us that God saith, It is no

we

thank unto yon, if ye love them that love you, but this is thank unto you, if ye love your enemies and them that hate you ; when
they hear these things, I say, they marvel at their exceeding goodness but when they see that we not only do not love them that hate us, but not even them that love us, they laugh
:

us to scorn, and the

14.

Name

is

blasphemed.

Wherefore, brethren, if we do the will of God our we shall be of the first Church, which is spiritual, which Father, was created before the sun and moon but if we do not the will
;

of the Lord,

be of the scripture that saith, My house was made a den of robbers. So therefore let us choose rather to be of
shall

we

BY AN
the Church of
life,

UNKNOWN AUTHOR.
we may be
saved.

313
I

that

And
is

do not supthe

pose ye are ignorant that

the living Church

the Church.

body of
Books

Christ: for the scripture saith,

God made man, male and female.

is

The male

is

Christ and the female

And

the

and the Apostles plainly declare that the Church existeth not now for the first time, but hath been from the beginning for she
:

was
in

spiritual, as

our Jesus also was

spiritual,

but was manifested

might save us. Now the Church, was manifested in the flesh of Christ, thereby being spiritual, showing us that, if any of us guard her in the flesh and
the
last

days that

He

defile

her not, he shall receive her again in the Holy Spirit: for this flesh is the counterpart and copy of the spirit. No
therefore,

man

when he hath

defiled the copy, shall receive the

is

original for his portion.

This therefore
flesh, that
is

what

He

meaneth,

brethren

Guard ye the

But

if

we say

that the flesh

ye may partake of the spirit. the Church and the spirit is Christ,

then he that hath dealt wantonly with the flesh hath dealt wanSuch an one therefore shall not partake tonly with the Church.
of the
tality
spirit,

which
this

is

Christ.

So excellent
its

is

the

life

and immorif

which

flesh

can receive as

portion,

the

Holy

be joined to it. No man can declare or tell those things which the Lord hath prepared for His elect. Now I do not think that I have given any mean counsel 15.
Spirit

respecting continence, and whosoever performeth it shall not repent thereof, but shall save both himself and me his counsellor.

For

it

is

perishing soul, that it may be saved. which we are able to pay to God

no mean reward to convert a wandering and For this is the recompense

who

created us,

if

he that

speaketh and heareth both speak and hear with faith and love. Let us therefore abide in the things which we believed, in righteousness and holiness, that we may with boldness ask of

God who
I am

saith,

Whiles thou art

this

still

speaking,

will say, BeJwld,

:

here.

For

word

is

the token of a great promise

for

the Lord saith of Himself that

He

is

more ready

to give than

he that asketh to ask.

Seeing then that we are partakers of so

314
great kindness,
let

AN ANCIENT HOMILY

us not grudge ourselves the obtaining of so many good things. For in proportion as the pleasure is great which these words bring to them that have performed them, so
also
is

the condemnation great which they bring to

Therefore, brethren, since

them that

have been disobedient.

1

6.

opportunity for
turn again unto

we have found no small repentance, seeing that we have time, let us

God

that called us, while

if

we have

still

One
be

that receiveth us.

For

we

bid farewell to these enjoyments

and conquer our soul

in refusing to fulfil its evil lusts,

we

shall

But ye know that the day of partakers of the mercy of Jesus. judgment cometh even now as a burning oven, and the powers of the heavens shall melt, and all the earth as lead melting on the
fire,

and then

shall

Almsgiving therefore
sin.

appear the secret and open works of men. is a good thing, even as repentance from
but prayer out of a good Blessed is every man that For almsgiving lifteth off the burden
sins>

Fasting

is

better than prayer, but almsgiving than both.

And
is

love covereth

a multitude of

conscience delivereth from death.

found
sin.

full

of these.

of

17.

of us perish
that

Let us therefore repent with our whole heart, lest any by the way. For if we have received commands,
this also

we should make
idols

our business, to tear

men away
it
!

from

and

to instruct them,

how much more

is

wrong
There-

that a soul which

fore let us assist

knoweth God already should perish

one another, that we
is

may

also lead the

weak
all

upward

as touching that which

:

good, to the

end that we

may And
we

be saved
let

and

let

us convert and admonish one another.

us not think to give heed and believe

;

now

only, while

admonished by the presbyters but likewise when we have departed home, let us remember the commandments of the Lord, and not suffer ourselves to be dragged off the other way
are

by our worldly

but coming hither more frequently, let us strive to go forward in the commands of the Lord, that we all having the same mind may be gathered together unto life. For
lusts
;

BY AN
the

UNKNOWN AUTHOR.
gather
togetJier all the nations, tribes,

315

Lord

said,

/ come

to

and

languages.

Herein
shall

He

when He
works.

come

speaketh of the day of His appearing, and redeem us, each man according to his

And the
shall

unbelievers shall see

His glory and His might

and they

world given to Jesus, saying,

be amazed when they see the kingdom of the Woe unto us, for Thou wast, and

we knew

it

not,

and believed not

and we obeyed not the

salvation.

presbyters when they told us of our worm shall not die, and their fire shall
shall be for a spectacle unto all flesh.

And

Their
they

not be quenched,

and

He

speaketh of that day of

judgment, when men shall see those

lives

and dealt

falsely with the

among us that lived ungodly commandments of Jesus Christ.

But the righteous, having done good and endured torments and hated the pleasures of the soul, when they shall behold them
that have

done amiss and denied Jesus by

their

words or by

their deeds,

how

that they are punished with grievous torments

in unquenchable fire, shall give glory to God, saying, There will be hope for him that hath served God with his whole heart. Therefore let us also be found among those that give 18.

thanks,

among

those that have served God, and not

among

the

ungodly that are judged. For I myself too, being an utter sinner and not yet escaped from temptation, but being still amidst the engines of the devil, do my diligence to follow after righteousness,
that
I
I

may

prevail so far at least as to

come near unto

it,

while

fear the
19.

judgment
I

to come.

Therefore, brothers and sisters, after the

God

of truth

hath been heard,

read to you an exhortation to the end that ye may give heed to the things which are written, so that ye may save both yourselves and him that readeth in the midst of
you.

For

ask of you as a reward that ye repent with your

life

whole heart, and give salvation and

doing
toil in

to yourselves.

For

this

we

shall set a goal for all the

young who

desire to

the study of piety and of the goodness of God. And let us not be displeased and vexed, fools that we are, whensoever any one admonisheth us and turneth us aside from unrighteous-

3l6

AN ANCIENT HOMILY.
For sometimes while we do
evil things,

ness unto righteousness.

we

not by reason of the double-mindedness and unperceive which is in our breasts, and we are darkened in our underbelief
it

standingby our vain

that

lusts.

Let us therefore practise righteousness

we may be saved unto the end. Blessed are they that obey these ordinances. Though they may endure affliction for a short
time in the world, they will gather the immortal fruit of the Therefore let not the godly be grieved, if he be resurrection. miserable in the times that now are a blessed time awaiteth
:

him.

He

shall live again in

heaven with the

fathers,

and

shall

have rejoicing throughout a sorrowless eternity. Neither suffer ye this again to trouble your mind, that 20.

we see the unrighteous possessing wealth, and the servants of God straitened. Let us then have faith, brothers and sisters. We are contending in the lists of a living God and we are trained by the present life, that we may be crowned with the future. No righteous man hath reaped fruit quickly, but waiteth For if God had paid the recompense of the righteous for it. speedily, then straightway we should have been training ourselves in merchandise, and not in godliness for we should seem to be we were pursuing not that which is godly, but righteous, though
;

that which

is

gainful.

And

for this cause Divine

judgment over-

taketh a spirit that is not just, and loadeth it with chains. To the only God invisible, the Father of truth, who sent
forth unto us the Saviour

whom
life,

also

He made

and Prince of immortality, through manifest unto us the truth and the heavenly

to

Him

be the glory for ever and ever.

Amen.

II.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
and life of Hippolytus are beset with and perplexing questions on all sides. Of what country thorny was he a native ? Where and how did he spend his early life ? Under what influences was he brought in his boyhood and adolescence ? Was

THE

PERSONALITY

he a simple presbyter or a bishop ? If the latter, what was his see ? Of the works ascribed or attributed to him, how many are genuine? What were his relations to the Roman See ? Was he guilty of heresy
or of schism?
If the

one or the other, what was the nature of the

differences which separated him? Was this separation temporary or permanent? Was he a confessor or a martyr, or both or neither? What was the chronology of his life and works ? More especially, at

what date did he die?

Has

there, or has there not,

been some con-

fusion between two or three persons bearing the same name? What explanation shall we give of the architectural and other monumental

records connected with his

name ?

These questions started up, like the fabled progeny of the dragon's teeth a whole army of historical perplexities confronting us suddenly and demanding a solution when less than forty years ago the work

entitled Philosophumena

was discovered and published to the world.

To most
which

follows.

of these questions I shall address myself in the dissertation The position and doings of Hippolytus are not uncon-

nected with the main subject of these volumes. In the first place; whereas the internal history of the Church of Rome is shrouded in thick darkness from the end of the first century to the beginning of the
third,

from the age of Clement to the age of Hippolytus scarcely a here and there penetrating the dense cloud at this latter moment ray the scene is suddenly lit up with a glare albeit a lurid glare of light.

the

Then again; we have some reason

western
list

for

believing

that

earliest

of the

Roman

bishops

may

have been drawn up by Hip-

3l8

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

polytus himself, and it is almost absolutely certain that the first continuator of this list, in whose work the earliest notice of Hippolytus

occurs outside his

p.

own

writings,

was a contemporary

(see above,

i.

The questions asked above have not indeed in 255, p. 259 sq). very many cases any immediate connexion with the matters with which
we are directly concerned; but they hang very closely together one with another, and this seemed a fit opportunity of placing before the reader the results, however briefly, yet with some sort of completeness,
of the investigations and discoveries which have been stimulated by the publication of the Philosophwnena.
%
1.

ANCIENT REFERENCES TO HIPPOLYTUS.

Following the course which I have pursued in other cases, I shall here gather together the ancient documentary evidence and traditions relating to Hippolytus, considering that I shall best consult the con-

my readers as well as my own, by so doing. At the head of these are placed the references from Hippolytus himself to his own life and writings. In so doing I shall take the liberty of assuming provisionally the

venience of

Hippolytean authorship of several writings, deferring the reasons for so assigning them till the proper occasion. The cross-references from the one to the other in these writings are the most important and unsuspicious evidence of authorship. I shall also include some notices of Gaius the Roman presbyter, a contemporary of Hippolytus

because the two are frequently confused in ancient authorities so much so as to arouse the suspicion that Gaius was only another name for Hippolytus, and that he had no distinct personality. This question
also I shall discuss presently.

These notices will be cited in the discussions which follow as AR, with the number and letter, and (where necessary) the page.
1.

Hippolytus
i.

[c.

a.d.

230].

(a)

Refutatio Haeresium

prooem.

(p. 2, Miller).

OvSeva /AvOov twv

Kai
to.

Trap* "JZWrjcri vevojxicrfJLevaiv

irapany^riov

'.

TriaTa

yap

aawTaTa

avriov Soy/xaTa -qy-qriov Sia Trjv v-TrepfidWovcrav

twv

alpe-

tlkiov yuavtav, ot Bid to (tuhttolv a7roKpv7TTiv re

vofJLL(r6r)(Tav

7roAAots eov

cr(3eiv'

mv

koll

7raXat

ra apprjTa eavTwv [xv(TTYjpia /JLerpiUiS rd Boy/xara ee#e/xrjBev

tie0a, ov

Kara \en-rov

e7riSiavT<?,

aAA' aSpo/xepws eA.eyavT?,

duiov

-qyr)ad[Xvoi to. apprjra clvt&v 19 <c3s ayctv, oVcos BC aivty/xarwi/ r/fxiov k$fAV(DV

ra Bo^avra

avTOi<?

alcrxyvOevTes

fir/TroTe

kcu rd dpprjra eei7rovTes

yvco/x^s

a#eous

eTrtSet^co/xcv, 7rav<ro)i/Tat [ti] tt/s

dkoytarov

kcu dOcfxtrov iiri^ei-

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
prj(T(ii<s.

319
e7rtctKtav

aXX'

C7rct

opco

fxrj

8v<r<s)7rov[AVOv<s

avrovs

rrjv 77//,Tpav

fAY)Be

\oy l^o/ao/ovs, ok eos

77

/xaKpo0v/At vtt

aviw

/^Xao-^/xov/Aevos, O7roas ^

atSecr^evrcs fxeTavorjcroya-LV

7rt/xetVavT? 8tKaia>9 Kpt0(3crt, /3tao-#ei? 7rpot/u

Sct^wv avT(3i/ ra diropprjTa fxvaryp ta...TttvYa 8e ercpos ovk eXey^ct ?) to ev KK\r)(TLa 7rapa8o#ev ayiov TrvevfJia, ov tv^ovtcs Trporepoi ot a7roo"ToXot /xeTe-

wv Tenets StaSo^ot Tvyxavovres ttJs tc avr^s ^apiTO? jxT^ovt^ apxteparetas T Kat 8t8ao"KaXtas Kai, cfapovpol rfjs
800-av rots op0a>s 7re7rto-TVKoo"tv
KKXr]cria<s
(TL(i)7rU}fJLCV

XeXoytcyx-ei/ot

ovk

6<f>6aXfiio

wcrTa^o/xev

ouSe

Xoyov

opBov

K.T.X.
is

This extract

the remaining extracts, from the edition of

(3)
i?<?/".

taken from the text of Diel's Doxographi Graeci (Berolin. 1879); Duncker and Schneidewin.
vi.

Zfaw.
Kat

42

(p. 202).

6 /xaKaptos 7rpo-/?vTepos Etprivaios irappr)CTLaiTpov t<3 eXey^w 7rpoo"VX0ets ra rotavra Xouo"/xaTa Kat a?ToXvrpajo"ts i^eOero, aSpo/JLpe<JTpOV 17TGJV a 7rpd(T<TOV(TLV, OtS CVTV^OVTC? TtVS aVTWV TJpVrjVTCLL OVTCOS
7raptX^^>evat, aet dpveio-Oau (xavOdvovres.
Sto <povrts 77^.tv yeyev^Tat aVpta.

Kat yap

ySecrrepov kiritflrrjaai Kat avevpetv XcTTTO/Aeptos,

Kat v t<3 7rpcoTO) Xovrpio

7rapa8tSoao"t k.t.X.

(<:)
cX

i?^ Zfa^.

vi.

55

(p.

221

sq).

7rapaTt#evat /xot ovk eSoev, ovra cfiXvapa Kat acrvo-Tara, 1787; tov (jlolko.piov TrpcarfivTepov Etprivatov Setvws Kat 7re7rov?7//-eva>s ra 8o'y//.aTa avVcoi/ Ste-

Kat avrwv ecf>vpyjfJLaTa [7rapeiXr]cf)afjLv] 7ti8iki/vVts Xeyan-os, 7rap' ov avrovs Ilv^ayopetov <tXoo-o</uas Kat acrrpoXoytov TTeptepyias ravra o"^)TeptaafJLevovs eyKaXetv Xpto~T<3
(?)

ravra 7rapa8e8(OKvat.

i?^ Haer.

ix. 6, 7 (p.

278

sq).

7rept atpeo-ecov ytvojxevov r\pxv ayaJvos firjOiv yc ave^eXeyKTOv KaTaXt7rovo~t, 7reptXei7reTai vvv o />teyio"TOS aywv, KBcr)yijcra(r6ai Kat 8teXcyat ras e(' 77/Atv e7ravao-Tao-as atpeVets, 8t' tov Ttvcs dp-aOels Kat

IIoXXov rotVvv tov

7raow

roXjxrjpol 8tao"Ke8avvvtv i7re\ipy]crav ttjv iKKXrjartav, p,iyi<nov

rdpa^ov Kara

7ravra tov koc/xov iv

7rao*t

rots 7rtcrTOts i/JL/3aXXovrs.

Sokcl yap inl rrjv

ap^yov
ap^at,

tojv

KaKwv

yevofJLivrjv yviOfjLrjv op/JLiycravTas SteXey^at, rtVe? at

ravV^s

07T(os

vyvwo"TOt at Kcf>vd8e<s avrfjs aTracn yevofxevat KaTacfapovrjOwai.

Tcyev^rat rts ovojxan N017T05,

atpecrtv ck
tcoi/

ovtos elcrrjyija-aTO yevei 2/>tvpvato?. ov Sicikovos Kat fxaOrjTrjs ytVcrat 'E7rt'HpaKXetVov 8oy//.aT(ov
raJ
t>J

yovos Tt9 rovvo/xa, 6s

Pw/xij i7riSr)ixrjcras e7reo-7retpe tt;v dOeov yvw/xrjv.

Kat /3ia) Kat rpo7ra) aXXoTptos t^s eKKX^o"tas, eKpalxaOr)TV(ra<s KXeo/aevr^?, Tvvc ro Soy/xa, Kar Ka'0 Katpov Ze^>vptvov 8t7retv vo/xt^ovros tt^v iKi<Xr}criav,

av8pos tStwTOV Kat atcr^oKcpSovs*

o^ve^oopet rots 7rpoo"tovo"t

[6s]

tu

Kep8et Trpoo-^epo/xevw 7ret^o/xevos

tw KXeo/xevet

fAaOrjTeveaOou, Kat avros viroavpo-

320
/xevos

EPISTLES OF
tw XP 0V(
e>7r '
i>

S.

CLEMENT.
avvaywv lcttov
twi/ kolkwv

T(*

avfd

(^pf^rjTO, o-v/x/?ovXov kcli

ovtos avTw KaXXtorov, ov tov fiiov kol rqv e<evpe#to-av atpecriv

eKOrjcrofxaL.

[jlT

ov ttoXv

tovtidv Kara

StaSo^v

Ste/xetve

to StSacrKaXetov KpaTvvo/xevov

Kal eVav^ov Sid to crvvatpeo~0at avVots tov Zec/>vpu/ov Kat tov KdXXto~TOv,
KCLLTOl
TJfJLWV

/X^ScTTOTC

Wy^O)pr) 0~ aVT (OV

dXXd

7rXciOTTaKtS

a.VTlKa$0~T(X)T(t)V

7rpos avTOvs Kat SteXey^dvTtov /cat a/covTas /3tao~atiev(ov tt^v aX?7#iav o/xoXo-

yetv
yovv,

oc 7rpo5 /xev
ju,t

wpav atSov/xevot Kat v7ro t^s dXrjOaas crwayo/xevot uifxoXoov 7roXv Se eVt tov avVoV fiopfiopov aVCKvXlOVTO.
ix.

(*)

.ff^ Haer.
et

(p. 280).
v<j)

AXX

Kat 7rpoTpov eKKetTat

77/xtoV

ev Tots <tXoo-oc/>ov/x'vois

So'a

HpaKXetTOv, aXXa ye

SoKet TrpocravaTrapa^Oyjvai Kat vvv, oVtos Std tov eyytfxaurj-

ovos eXey^ov c/>avpak 8t8a^^(oo"ti' 01 toi'tov vo/xiovt<? Xptorov etvat Tas, ovk ovra?, aXXa tov ctkotci^ov.

(/)

Ref. Haer.

ix.

11

13

(p.

284

sq).

Tavrrjv Trjv atpeo-iv eKpaTvve KaXXtcrros, avqp ev KaKta 7ravovpyos Kat

7roiKtXo5 7rpog 7rXavr;v, Orjpio/xevos tov Trjs
lTrio~KOTrfj<;

Opovov.

tov ZetfyvpivoVj

avSpa
7Tl6(j)V

iSitoT^v

Kat dypdfxp.aTOv Kat aireipov

twv

iKKXrjcrLaorTLKwv opoov, or

Sofxao't Kat dTraiTY)a~criv aTretp^/xevats i^yev eis o i/3ovXiTO, ovtcl Scopo-

X7y7TTr;v Kat c/>tXdpyvpov,

eVet^ev act CTaVeis e/x/?aXetv dva/xeo-ov

vo-Tepov
KepKa>7retoi9

twv

aSeXc/xiov,
</)tXtav

avTos Ta

dfJicfiOTepa fx4p-q

Xoyots Trpos cavTOv

KaTao"Kvaa)v, Kat toi? ttev

aX^etav [Xeywv
8'

KaT' tStav o/xota] </>povovcrt 7rore

o'ttota)?,

Ta

o/xota c/>povetv [Xeyoov] rjrraTa, TrdXiv

av Tots Ta 2a/3eXXtov
ev

6v

Kai avVoV i0~Tr)o~ 8vvap.evov KaTopOovv.

yap tu

vc/>

t/ucov irapaivtiaOai

ovk icKXrjpvveTO, ijviKa Se crvi> ra KaXXtitrra) e^uova^ev, V7r avTov aveo-eteTo 6 8e 7rpos to Soy/xa to KXcojucVovs pc7retv <f>do~KOVTO<s Ta ottota cfapoveLV.
tot
/xev ti}v

iravovpyiav avTov ovk evoet, av#ts 8e eyvto,

tus

St^y^cottat

/xct'

ov 7roXv.

avTov 8e tov Zcc/>vptvov 7rpoaya>v Brj/iotrCa tirade Xeyctv 'Eyw otSa eva cov Xpto"Tov 'I^o-ovv, Kat 7rX>;v avTov erepov ovSeva ytvrjTov Kat iraQf)7tot Se

tov

T>yv o-Tactv cv

Xeywv Ov^ o IlaTTyp direQavev, aXXa o Ytos* ovtws a7ravo-Tov tw Xaa) SuT^prjorev ov Ta vorj p.aTa yvovTCS ^/xets ov o-vvc^odavTov
T77

povptev, cXcy^ovTcs Kai dvTtKa^to"Tattvot VTrep T17S dX^^etas' 09 15 a7rovotav

^coptov 8td to 7rdvTas

v7roKptcret crvvTpr^etv, ^ttd? Se ov, a7reKaXet

tovtov toi/ /3tov tov evSo/xv^ovvTa avT(3 tov. >;/>ids St^eovs, e^e/xwv 7rapa ^Stav SoKCt v;/xtv aya7r^Tov eK^ecr^at, C7ret KaTa tov avTov ypovov rjpuv eyeyovct, 07ro>9 8td tov <f>avfjvaL tov toiovtov tt^v avao~Tpocf>rjv ve7rtyva>0"Tos Kat Ta^a
Tots vovv e^ovcrtv VTJ6r)S ykvrprai
ep.apTvpr)o~ev
e7rt
rj

hid tovtov 7rLK^ipr)p.ivr) atpecrt?.

ovtos

^ovcrKtavov e7rap^ov ovtos

'Pw/xt/S' o Se Tpo7ros t^s avTov

/xapTvptas TotocrSe t/v

Oikct^s eTvy^ave Kap7roc/>opov tivos dvSpos tovtoj d Kap7roc/>opos, aT S77 ws o"apos otKtas.

7rto"TOv
7rtoTa),

ovtos K t^s Kat\prjp.a ovk

oXtyov

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Ka.T7ri<TTV(TV,
TLKrjs'

321

eVayyeiXaitevos KepSos 7rpocroto-eiv eK 7rpayiaTiag Tpa7ret69 Xa(Swv TpaVe^av eVexetp^o'ev ev rrj Xeyo/xevry 7ricrKivf) 7rov7rXtKrj, (o

ovk oXtyat TrapaOrJKaL tw XP '^ e7rto-Tev#?/o-av V7ro )(rjpo)V Kat a8eX<a)v 7rpod 8e ea<fiavio~a<; ra iravra rjiropzi. ov ravra (T)(rjfxaTL tov Kap7TO(opov.
7rpaavTOS ovk eXt7rev 05 dirayytiXrj tw Kap7ro(dpu)' o Se (^77 aVatTetv TavVa avvtSaiv d KaXXtcrros Kat tov irapa tov 8eo~7rdTOv Xoyovs Trap avVov.
KtvSvvov
v<j)opitifA,vo<s,

dirihpa rrjv

<f>vyr}v

Kara BdXacrarav
avaywy^v,

7roiov/Avos*

os

evpwv 7rXoTov ev to> IIopTa) Itoi/xov 7rpog

avtpr) TTAvaofJivo<;.
dirayytiXrj
to)

o7rov eVvy^ave 7rXeov,

aAA ovoe

ovtco? Aatfetv oeovvqTaf

ov yap eAt7rev 09

Kap7ro<dp<o to yeyev^/xevov.
[tx]

6 Se e7rtO"Tas Kara toj/ Xt/xeva

eVetpaTO
fJL0~(i)

erri

to 7rXotov opfxdv KaTa

tte/r^vv/zeVa'

TO) Xlfxivt.

TOV Se

7TOp#/U.eCOS /?paSvV0VT0<? tStoV TTOppdiOtV

tovto Se ^v eoros ev 6 KaXXtOTOS

tov SecrTroT^v,

o$v ev

tw

7rXota)

tfiv Kat ec^aTa Tavra Xoyto~a/zevos eppuf/ev kavTov

Kat yvovs eavTOv crvviXrjcf>6aL, r]<J>Lor)o-c tov oi Se els ttjv 6dXao~o~av.

o~Kdcf>r]

vavYat KaTa7T^8^cravT5

eis to.

aKOVTa avTov avetXovTO, twv Se

a7rd

Trjs yfjs /xeyaAa fioiovTW kou ovtojs t<o SeaTroTy irapahoOeis 7rav^0rj eis tt}v 'Pco/a^v, ov d Seo-iroTrjs et< iricrTpivov KaTeOero. \povov Se SteA#dvTos, 0J5
o~vfJi/3aLvei

ytvecrOai,

TrpocreXOovTes

aSeX<ot

irapeKaXovv

tov Kap7ro<opov,

07ra)9

eaydyr) Trjs KoXaVecos tov SpaTrer^v, <f>do~KovTes clvtov o/xoXoyetv e^etv d Se Kapnocj>6pos, oj? evXa/^s, tov /acv tStov irapa tuti xprjfxa an ok ec/xevo v. 7roAAot yap avrw a7TKAatovTO t<3v 8c TrapaOrjKwv (fipovTt^etv eXeyev a^etoeiv,

AcyOVTC?, OTl T(3 aVTOV TTpOCT)(7]fXaTL iTTLO~TeVaaV

o*av

TW KaAAtCTTO), d
d 8e
/xrjSkv

7re7riO"TVKl-

Kat Tretc^ets eKeAcvcev e^ayayctv avTOv.

/xt)

e^wv a7ro8t8ovat,

Kat 7raAtv a7ro8t8pao-Ktv

i7Tvor]o-,

8vva/xvos 8td to <f>povpeicrOai, tx v7] v Oavdrov

cos
C7rt

Kai cra/3/3aT(o o~Kr){pdfXVO<i a7rtevai

'IovSat'wv o-vvrjyfxivoiv,
V7r'

xP eojcrTa,>> wp^crev

7rt

tt;v
ot Se

o-uvaywy7)v twv

kol crras KaT0"Tao-taev avT(3v.

i[A<j>opr]-

KaTao"Tao-tao-^evT5
iirl

avTOv, ivv/3picravTes avTov Kai 7rA^ya?

tt^s

cravTes ecrvpov
8e Ta8evwcrKeiv,

tov <PovcrKLavdv Zirapypv ovTa

TroAeto?.

arreKpivavTO

'Pw/xatot avve^wpyjo-av -qpuv tovs naTpioovs vofxov^ 8^/xocria avayt-

outo?

Se

7rio"eA#wv

KwAve KaTao"Tao"ta^cuv

tj/jlwv,

tfatriov

ctvat

tov 8e ^ovo-Ktavov 7rpd (3ij[JLaTO<; Tvy^avovTO? Kat Tot? vtt' IovXptcTtavos. 8atoov Xeyo/tcvot? KaTa tov KaAAurrov ayavaKTOvvTo?, ovk cAt7rev d a7rayd 8e o-7revcras C7ri to fSrjpia tov yctAa? tw KapTTO^dpo) Ta 7rpao-o"d/xeva.
lirapxov ifioa' Aeo/xat, Kvpt ^ovo-Ktave,
Xpto-Ttavd?, d<f>op/xrjv Se
a7roSet^(o.
/xtJ

crv

avT(5 7rtb"Tve, ov

yap

eo-Tt

^Tet OavaTOV xjyqjxaTa jxov 7roAAa d<f>avLO~as, <o? twv Se 'IovSatwv v7ro^oAi)v tovto vo/xicravT(ov, (05 ^tovi/to? tov
tjj

/3do)v

Kap7ro<dpov TavTYj tov Zirdpypv.

7rpo^>ao"et e^eAeo-^at
vtt'

avTov, /xaAXov

i7ri<f>6ovo)<;

KaTeet9

6 8e Ktvry^et?

avT(3v, /xacrTiywcras

avTov eSooKev

/xeTaXXov SapSovta?.
iq

/xeTa ^pdvov Se Tpo)v eKet ovtwv fiapTvpiov, OeXrjcracra

MapKta epyov

ti

aya^dv ipydo~ao~6ai, ovo~a

OvtKTopa, dvTa

<J>l\60o<;

7ra\XaKrj Ko/xdSov,

7rpocrKaXecrap.V7] tov /xaKaptov

lirio~Koirov Trjs

eKKX^cta? KaT

CLEM.

II.

21

322

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
6 8e Travriov dva-

Klvo Kaipov, irrrjpojTa, Ttve? etev ev

^apSovca ttapTvpes.

Sovs ra ovofxara, to tov KaXXtcrrov ovk eScoKev, ct8cos rd TToX/x^/xeva 7rap' avTov. TV^ovcra ovv rrjs a^tcocrecos 77 MapKta 7rapa rov Ko//.d8ov, St'Scocri rrjv
aTToXvaifxov lTTiarToXr)v 'YaKtv0a> tivi cnrdSovTL 7rpecr/3vTepco, os Xa/?cov 8te7rXevo*V eis

r^v 2ap8ovtav,

/cat a7roSov<

rep /car' eKtvo

Kaipov

rijs

^wpa?

cVt-

rpo7TvovTi a7reXvcre totj? p-aprvpa? TrXrjv rov KaXXtcrrov.

Kat SaKpvcov lk4tV Kou avTO? tv^civ aVoXvcrecos.
6o<;

o 8e yovv7TTcov

Svcruyn-rjOeLS

ovv 6 'YctKtvTatrcrdtievog

atot rov k-KirpoTrov

<f>ao~KOiv

6piif/a<s

ctvat

MapKta?,

avrcp to aKtvSvvov o 8c

7reto*#eis a7reXvcre

kcu tov KaXXtcrTov.

ov 7rapaye7}V,

VOfAZVOV O OvLKTUtp TTCLVV TJ^BtTO 7Tt TCp yeyOVOTt, CtAA' 7Tt t5o-7T/\ay^V05
tfcrvxacre'

cpvXacrcrdp-cvos 8c tov V7ro 7toXXojv dvetSov (ov

yap

r)v

/xaKpdv rd
7rett7ret

vif avrov TToXjjL7]fxiva), tri 8e Kat tov Kap7rocpdpov avTt7rt7rrovTO?,

avrov Kara/xiveiv ev
KOLfirjo-tv

AvOeiio, optcras avTco fxrjvtalov tl

eKTpoc^g.

fxeO*

ov

Zecpvptvos

crvvapattevov
kokco, Kat

avrov

o-^oyv

7rpd<?

T77V

Kardarao'tv

tov

KXrjpov, eTL/xrjcre r<2

KOL/JLrjTrjptov

tSta>

Karecrrrjo'ev.

tovtov piCTayaycov oVd tov 'AvOclov eh to act crvvcov Kat', Ka#co? <p#ao~ag TrpoetTrov, vVo-

Kptcret avToV Ocpairevuiv, e^cpavtcre ya^TC Kptvat rd Xeyo'/xeva Svvattevov /a>;t voovvTa t^v tov KaXXtcrrov kirifiovXrjv, iravra avrcp 7Tpos a yjScro o/jliXovvtos.

ovto) /xerd rrjv tov

Ze^vptvov tcXcvt^v

vo/aicov

TCTv^/cevat ov iOrjparo, tov

^a/?eXXtov

a7rcocrev co? /x^

cppovovvra dp#cos, 8cSotKcos e/xe Kat votucov ovrco

8vvacr#ai aTrorpLif/aaOaL rrjv 7rpo? Tas cKKX^crtas Karrjyopiav, cos /at} aXXorptcos ?/v ovv yorys Kat 7ravovpyos Kat 7ri XP 01 ^vvripTrao-e 7foXXovs. cppovcov.

e^cov Se Kat tov tov eyKCtp-evov ev T77 KapSta, Kat evOeuiS /x^Sev cppovcuv, atta

8e Kat atSov/xevos Ta aXr/Bf} Xcyetv, Sta to hrj/xocrLa

77/xiv

dvaStovTa

t7Ttv,
coq

SlOcol ecrTC, aAXa Kat

7rapa/?avTa tt^v 7rpwTr)v

Stct

to v7ro tov ^a/?eXXtov cv^vco? Karrjy op etaOai

ecpcvpev atpecrtv TotavSe,

7tio~tlv,

avTov ctvat
TTvevfjca

vtov,

aotatpeTov

avTov Kat rrarepa ovo/xaTi fxkv ovk aAAo etvat TraTepa, aAAo oe

Aeycov tov Adyov KaXov/xtvov, cv Se ov to

vtov, cv

oe

Kat to avTO

V7rapxctv Kat tcx 7ravTa yep.eiv tov (9ctov 7rvev/xaTO? Ta tc avco Kat KaTW Kai v ctvat rd cv t^ TrapOivio aapKoiOev 7rvcv/xa ov^ erepov Trapd rov irarkpa, aXXa Kat tovto ctvat to elprjfjLtvov ov 7rtcrTcvts on cyco ev ev Kat to avTO.
tcu

av0pa)7ros,

to 7raTpl Kat d TraTrjp cv etcot tovto ctvat tov vtov, to 8c cv tcu

;

ttev
vtc3

yap

/8Xc7ro/xevov, 07rcp

ecrTtv

yoip-qOh' 7rvev/xa tovto ctvat

tov irarkpa' ox yap,

ev

cfarjoriv,

epco

Svo Oeovs, irarepa Kat vtov,

aXX

cva.

d yap
cvcocra?

avTco

yevdttcvo? TraTrjp

TrpocrXa^o/xevo? t^v

aapKa

iOeoTTOLrjcrev

cavTcu, Kai. cVot^cTev cv, co? KaXetcrt^at irarepa Kat vtov cva 0edv, Kat

tovto ev

ov 7rpoaoi7rov
vtco*

fxr)

8vvao~0ai ctvat 8vo, Kat ovtcos tov irarkpa crvp,7rc7rov^evat tco

eKc/)vyetv t>;v et?

ov yap ^eXet Xeyctv tov Ttaripa ireirovdivai Kat ev etvat 7rpocrco7rov tov iraripa j8Xacrcp^p.tav d avd^TO? Kat 7roiKtXo5, o avco KaTco

crKc8aa>v ^8Xacrc/7/xta9, tva fxovov

et9

Kara

tyj<z

dXr)9tia<z Xeyctv

8oktj, 7totc yacv

to 2aj8eXXtov Sdy/xa

ett7rt7rrcov,

7totc

Sc ets to

co8otov ovk atSetTat.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Totavra o yorjs roXpirjcras crvvecrrrjcraro 8tSao-KaXetov Kara
ovtcos 8tSaas,
iTrcvorjcre,
/cat

323
rrjs

eKKX-^crtas

7rp(oros

Xeywv
/cat

Tracriv vir

ra 7rpdg ras ^Sovas Tot? aV#pw7rots cvyxwpetv avrov acpUcrOai ap,apTias. o yap Trap* erepoy rivl
ei

crvvayopievos

Xeyop-evo? Xpto-navo?
et

ti av apiaprrj, (pacrtv, ov XoyteTat

cr^oA.^.
/cat

avTw

77

apapria,

7rpocrSpap,ot T77

tov KaXXtcrrov
ap.a re

ov t<3 opw ape-

<TKop,VOL

ttoWol

o~vvuhy)0~Lv 7rc7rX^yoT5
erri

V7ro 7roXXa)v

atpeVewv
v<f>

aTrofiXrjOevres, Ttves 8e /cat

/caTayvaJcrei eKJ3XyjroL rrjs lKKX-qo~ia<;

-qpLuiv

yevd/xevot, Trpoo~)((x)prjcravT<; avrotg

eVX^vvav to
rt,
et

8tSao-KaXetoy avrov.

ovtos
p,>7

iSoyfxaTLcrev O7r<os ei eVto~K07ro<;

koltclt 16 ecr 6 ai.
C7rt

afxaproi

Kat 7rpds

^avarov,
/cat

8eti/

8tyap,ot
yapiOLrj,
</>ao-/coov

/cat

tovtov r)pavro Totyattot KaBiarao~6aL

e7rto"/co7rot

/cat

irpca/3vTpoi

Sta/covot

19

/c/V^povs-

ct

8e Kat tis eV K.Xrjpu> toy

pceveiv

rov roiovrov iv tw KXrjpu) 009 /xr; r}p:aprr}Kora' eVt tovVw elprjcrOou to vtto rov arrocrroXov prjOev crv rt? et o Kpivoiv dX;

Xorpiov oIkcttjv
Xe'yecr^atkXtjo-lo.

aXXa

Kat TrapafioXrjv rutv

iai/ta)v

7rpo?

tovto
tt?

ecpr/
e/c-

acpeTe rd ^t^a'via o-vvavetv tu

aptapravovras.
yeyoveVat, eV
17

crtra),

TOvrecrTtv eV

tov<

aXXa

Kat

KKXr)(TLas

e<f>->]

Kat /cvVts

r^v klJ3o}tov rov Nwe ets o/xotwtta Kat Xvkoi Kat KopaKeg Kat Trdvra rd

KaOapd Kat dxdOapra'

7rpo? tovto 8vvaTos
171/

ovtod cpdo~K(DV 8etv etvat eV eKKXr]o~ta d/xoto)?* Kat oo~a

crvvdyetv ovtms yjppirjvevo-ev, ov ot aKpoaral yaOevTes

rot? 8oyp,acrt 8tap.eVovo"ti' ep:7ratovTeg eavTOts re Kat 7roXXoTs, toy toS 8t8ao~Ka-

Xetw crvppeovcriv oxXol.

810 Kat TrXrjOvvovrai yaupiiu/xevot

e7rt

d^Xois Sta ra?

rjoovds, as ov crvve)(i6prjo-v 6 XptO"T05*

Ka>Xvovo"t,
<f)do~KOVTe<;

ov KaTacfipovr}cravT<; ovSkv a'/xapretv avrov acpUvat to 15 evSoKovcri. Kat yap Kat yvvat^iv
YjXtKia.

iireTpeif/ev, et

avavSpot etev Kat

ye eKKatotvTO avacta ^ eavTwv

aj/

a^tW

p^ry

/3ovXolvto KaOatpeiv Sta to voxtt/xtos yapiyjOrjvaL, e^etv eVa 6V

alprjviDVTai

avyKOLTOv, LT olKerrjv etTe iXevOepov, Kat tovtov KptVetv avTt avSpo? p:^
vdp,u) yeyapLrjpivr]v.

evOcv rjp^avTO e7ri^etpeti' 7rtcrTat Xeydxtevat aTOKi'015

c/>ap-

xtaKOt? Kat 7repiSeoyxtcr#at 7rpo5 to

p-T^Te

Ta o~vXXap:f3avop.va KaTa/3dXXeiv, Sid to

ck SovXov fSovXeoSat e^etv tIkvov p^rjTC e evTeXov?, 8ta tt}v o~vyyeVetav Kat v7repoyKOv ovatav. opart eU oo~r]v ao-e/3etav i^iopyjaev 6 avop,o<i xtot^etar Kat cpovov iv tw avTw St8ao"Ktoi/' Kat 7rt tovtois TOtg roXpaqp.aatv eavTOv? ot

airr]pv6piacrp.voL KaOoXiKrjv eKKX^crtav aTTOKaXeti/ e7rt^(tpovo"t, Kat Tires vopx-

^ovtc? ev Tzparri.lv o~vvrpk\ovo~iv avTOts.

e7rt

tovtov

7rpcoTo>9 reroXpirjraL Sev-

Tepov avTOts

^8a7TTto"p,a.

TavTa

p,ev

ovv d OavpLacrnararos KaXXtcrTOS o~vveo~T7]aaro, ov Stauei'et to

(pvXdaarov rd Wrj Kat r^v TrapaSocnv, pvq StaKplvov
rio~i

8tSao"KaXetoi/

Set
01/0-

KOti/a>vtv, 7racrt

8 aKptVws 7rpoa<pepov rrjv KOLviovtav' acp ov Kat t^v tov

p,aTOs pLTeo~^ov iTTLKXrjcTLV KaXcicOat 8ta tov Trpoiroo~rarr}o~avra

twv TotovTwi/

epywv KaXXto*TOv KaXXto-Ttavot. Tovtov Kara Trdvra rov Kocrpiov

Sir))(r)6eLO"r)<; rfj<$

SiSao-KaXuxs, eViSwi' tt^v

7rpayp.aTtav av^p SdXto? Kat a7rovota<? yep,a>v, 'AXKt^ta8r;s Tts KaXovpievos,

21

324

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
tv(f>vi<TTpov iv Kv/3eiai<?

oiKiov iv 'A7ra/X6ia rfjs %vptas,

yopyoVepov eairroV kcu

rfj 'Vio/xy (jjipuv

Kpivas tov KaXXio-TOV, iirrjXOe

fiifiXov two., c/xxo-kwv tolvttjv

aVo

^rjpuiv rrjs

Ilap0ias TTapeiXr)<f>vai Tiva avSpa Si/caiov HX^acrat.

(g)
1.

Ref. Haer. x.

15

(p. 310).

TaSc ev(mv
iirLTOfJLr)

iv rrj Sc/carry tov

Kara 7raow aipeo-cwv cXcyxoir

2.

iravroiv Ttov ^iXoco^xov,

3.
4.
5.

iTTLTO/xr} 7rao"(ov

[twv] aipeVccov,
o T^g aXrjOetaq Xoyos.
tcuv

/cai C7rt 7rao"t, tis

tov

Xa(3vptv6ov

aipecrewv

ov

/5ta

8iapp?7avTS,

aXXa

/xov<p

eXey^w dXrjOeias 8vva/aei 8iaXvVavTe?,

Sci(.v K.T.X.

a7ro7rpocri/UV tVi t^v T175 dXrjOeta^

(/$)

i?<?/^

Zfa*?-. x.

6 (p. 311).
Tct TroivTuiv

%VfjLTrcpL\aj36vT<i

tolwv

twv

7rap'

EXX^o"t coc/xov ooy/xaTa ev

Tccrcrapcri (3i(3X.lols, to.

Se tois atpecriapxat? cv 7TVTe, vvv tov 7repi

aXr^aas

Xoyov

v a cViSci^op-ev, dvaK<f)aXaiovfXvoL 7rpcoTOv

Ta

7racri

ScooK^p-eva.

(i)

Ref. Haer.

x.

30

(p.
a>v

331).
kou Ta o'vo'/xaTa KT$ifi0a iv eVepaig fiifiXois.

^Ho*av Se ovtoi
(k)

6/3 ^17,
x.

Ref. Haer.

32

(p. 334).

Ei

cf>iXofxa6r)(rova'L ko1 ras tovtwv ovo~iaq koX Ta? aiTias Tty? KaTa Tra^Ta
Tn,r)TT]crov(riv,

S^/uovpyias

eto-ovTat

cvTU^ovTcq

rj/xiov

jSt/JXu)

Trcpaypvarrj

Ilepl t^5 tov 7ravTo? ovirta?'

Ttas, as ov yvovTes "EXXiyves KOjx\fju>

to 8c vuv iKavov civai eK#cr#ai Ta? at-

tw Xoyw Ta

/xepr^

tyjs KTicrew?

e8d^ao"av

tov KTiVavTa ayvo770*avTs.

(/)

^
koli

.fffor. X.
7rept

34

(p. 338).
dXrjOr}*;

Toiovtos o
fiapoL,

to Oeiov
zeal
/cat

Xoyos,

(S

av6pu)7TOL

EXX^ves T Kal fiap-

XaXSaioi tc

AluioTTts,

KcXtoi t

'Ao"0"vptot, AiyvTTTioL tc Kal Ai/^ves, TvSoi tc /cat 01 o"TpaTV7yovvTC5 AaTtvot, 7ravTS tc 01 tt^v EvpcoTrr/v

Acriav T

Aifivrjv KaTotKOvvTes, 015 o-vp./?ovXos

eyw

ycvofxai, <juXav 6puirov

Xoyov V7rap^0)v (AadrjTrjs Kal c/>iXav#p(07ro5, oVux; 7rpoo"8pa/xovT< n-ap' 17/x.wv, Tt? o ovtws 05.

SiSa^^^TC

2.

Chair of Hippolytus

[c.

a.d.

236

?].

The
It is

date of the statue of Hippolytus will be discussed hereafter. sufficient to say here that it must have been erected within a few

He is seated on a chair, of which the base is years of his death. inscribed on the back and two sides. The inscription on the back,
which
is

curved,

is

here marked A.

It

stands on the right-hand side

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

325

of this curved back to one facing the same way as the statue, and is The left-hand side of the back was without any inscription. mutilated.

The
the

right and left sides (the spectator still facing are straight, are here marked B, C, respectively. The positions of the inscriptions may be seen from the engravings of For the inscriptions themselves see the chair in Fabricius I. p. 36 sq.

inscriptions

on the

same way), which

also Boeckh-Kirchhoff Corp. Inscr. Graec.

8613

(iv. p.

280).

A.

[npoc toyc ioyAa]ioyc

[nepi oikonom]iac
[eic
[eic

toyc ^JaAmoyc thn er]r^CTpiMy90N ynep toy kata 100

ANHN
eyAireAioY kai aho

kaAyycooc
nepi )(ApiCMAT03N

10

ATTOCTOAlKH TTApAAO
CIC

XpONIKOON

KAI

npoc gAAhnac npOC HATOONA

ce

15

h kai nepi TOY nANTOC

npoTpennKoc npoc
BnpeiNAN

AnoAeilic xpoNoaN

TOY nAC)(A

20

KATA 6N TOO niNAKI

OOAAI
IC

nACAC TAC
(J)AC

f\>&

nepi 6y

kai capkoc ANACTACeOOC

25

nepi TArA0oy KAI

noOeN TO KAK0N
In
1.

TraTOjva

is

Kara

to.

remaining letters might be part of -fias or -/j.ias or -vias. In 1. 14 In 1. 20 Kara is apparently an error for obviously an error for TrXarwpa. and not for icada (as taken by Kirchhoff). In 1. 21 if the first word is cor2 the
is is

rectly read wdai, the second

an itacism

for

ets.

326

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

B.

eToyc a BaciAciac AAelANApoy AyTOKpATopoc ere N6TO H Al TOY TTAC)(A lAOIC ATTpeiAlAIC CABBaTOO M

BoAlMOY MHNOC rGNOM6NOY 6CTAI TOIC eiHC 6T6CIN KA9

OOC YTTOT6TAKTAI

6N TO) TTINAKI ereNCTO Ae 6N TOIC TTApCO

XHKOCIN

KAOCjOC
Aei

C6CHM6I00TAI AHONHCTIZecOAl Ae

oy an eNnecH KypiAKH

After this follow the tables for the calculation of the Passover ac-

The times of the celebrations of cording to a cycle of sixteen years. the Passover mentioned in the Old Testament are noted by the side
of the respective days from the eSoAoc down to the ttaOoc xpiCToy. Seven cycles are given so as to exhibit the relations of the days of the

week

to the days of the

month.
C.
GT6I

AAelANApOy KAICApOC TOO A ApXH

Al ai

KYplAKAl TOY HAC^A KATA 6TOC

Ae TTApAKeNTHceic AHAoyci thn AicnpoeL

Then
Easter

follows a table in which the days of the

falls

month on which

are given for 112 (i.e. 16x7) years, i.e. from a.d. 222 Day The 8U to a.d. 333, calculated in accordance with the above cycle.
irpo

c is the bissextum,

and the

irapaKtvrrjo-eis

('marks in the margin')

table

here

promised though the leap-years are marked by SS.

3.

are

omitted

by the carelessness of the stone-cutter,

in

the

previous

of cycles

EUSEBIUS
25.

[c.

A.D. 325].

(a)

Histor. Eccles.
8'

ii.

Ot'Scv
'Pooyutatcov

rjrrov koX iKKXrjariao-TLKds dvrjp, Td'ios ovd/xart, Kara Z<f>vp?vov

Srj

ycyoj/ws 7rtcrK07rov 6s

IIpo/cAw
8r]

tt^s Kara.

<Ppvya$

7rpoicrTa//.eVa>

yvwixrjs

iyypd(f>uis

8ta\e^^is

avra

ravra

irept

twi/

roirwv,

evOa

twv

eiprjfxevwv a7rocrroX(oi/

'Eyw
aTrekBtiv

Se
7rt

rd Upa (TKYjvujpLara Karo.riBc.irai, cf)tj(TLV' ra rpoiraia rwv a7ro<XToA.a>v e^w Seiai. ectv yap OiXtjays rov BariKavov rj 7ri rrjv 686v rrjv 'Ocrrtav, eup^creis rd rpo-

iraia tcov ravrr)v ISpva-ajxevwv rrjv eKKXtjcrtav.

(I?)

Hist. Eccl.
rov%

hi. 28.

Kara
KrjpivOov

SeSrjXoifxivovs

7rapetXr](fiafJiv.

Tatos,

xpovovs eTepas cupe'creoos dp\rjy6v yeviaOai ov c/xuj/as rjSrj rrponpov TrapariBtijxai, iv

7repi

rrj <f>epo(Xvr)

avrov

QrjrrjcreL

ravra

rov avrov ypa<er

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
'AXXd
Kat

327
aVocrToAov /xeyaAov
SeScty/xeras
etvat
if/evho-

K>7ptv#os

St

aTTOKa\v\\/iov
a>s
81'

oJg

viro

yeypa/x/xevwv TcpaToAoytas
/xevos
7rcta"ayt,

r/plv

ayye'Awv avTto
e7rtyetov

Aeyojv ttTa

tt/v

avacrTacrtv

to

/Jacrt'Aetoi/

tov XptcrTOv, Kat 7raAtv

iro\LTVOfXvr)v

i7n0vixtaL<s
Kail

Kat ^Soi/atg cy
VTrapyoiv

IcpovcraAry/x t>}v crapKa

SovAcvetv.

i)(6po<s

Tats

ypa<ats

tov

0eov

aptOfJiov ^(tXtovTaeTtas ev yaftcp eopT^s 0eAu>v 7rAavaV Aeyet ytvecrOai.

(c)

Hist. Eccl.

iii.

31.

Kat

ev T(3 Tatov 8e, ov /xtKpw 7rpoo~9ev ifAvrjaOrj/xtv, 8taAoya> IIpoKAos,

7TpOS 6V 7TOttTO

T^V

,7]T7]<TLV,

7Tpl

T^S

<>tAt7r7TOV

Kat

TOJ1/

6vyO.Tp(l)V CLVTOV

TeXevrrjs crvvdho)v tois eKTeOeionv ovtid

<f>r](TLV

MeTa tovtov
7To'Xet
TTr)

8e 7rpo<^r/Tt8e9 recrcrapeq at <I?iAt7r7rov yeyevrjvTOLL iv 'Iepa-

KaTCt

T^J/

'A<7taV O

T0l^)OS

aVTOJI/

(JTtV

6Kl,

Kat o tov 7raTpos

avTOJV.
(^/)

.#/. .#/. vi. 20.

ai^Spes,

H-K^ta^ov Se KaTa tovto 7rAetovs Aoytot Kat KK/\^crtao"TtKot

Kat
67rto"TO/\a9,

aw

ds 7rpos
et<>

aAAvyAovs Stc^apaTTOv,
i^>vXdy6r]o~av iv
rfj

eTt

vGi/

crw^o/xcVas

cvpctv

eviropov.

at Kat
tt}v

ry/xas

/car

AlXtav

/3i/3XLO$r)Kr} 7rpos

tov
<x<fi

Tr/i/tKa8e
rjs

avVo#t SteVovTos iKKXrjcriav 'AAe^avSpov iTnaKevaaOetcrr],

vAas t^s /xctcx ^etpas V7ro0eo~cuis 7rt TavVo crvvatovtwv Br?pvAAos o~vv 7rto"ToAats Kat avyypafx/xaTOiv yayetv SeSvvr]p,eOa. 7rto"K07ros 8 oirros 771/ twi/ KaTa 8ta(opovs cfuXoKaXtas KcnaXiXonrev.
Kat auTOt Ttis
Bocnrpai/ 'Apa/^toJ-"
ecrrtos eKK/\>/o"ta9.
e7rt

oocravVojs

8e Kat
"ty/xas

IttttoAvtos,

ere'pas 7iov

Kat avVos 7rpo-

?;A# 8c ets

Kat Tatov AoytarraTov avSpos 8taAoyos

'Pw/x^s KaTa Zetfrvplvov 7rpos IIpoKAoj/ tt?? Kara <l>pvyas atpe'crcojs V7repfxa^ovvra KeKivtjfxivos, iv a> tojv 8t' ivavrtas rrjv 7rept to crvvTaTTeiv kouvols

ypac^as 7rpo7reTeiaV Te Kat ToX/xai/

Kat

e7rto"TO/xt^a)i/

tojv

tov

tepov a7roaToA.ov
/xt;

ScKaTptwi/ fxovoiv 7rto"ToXwv fxvrj/AOvevei, ttjv 7rpos EySpatovs

avvapiOfiTJaaq

Tats

AotTrats

7ret

ets

Stvpo

irapa

Pto/xatwi/

Ttcrtv

ov

vojxi^rai

tov

aTToaroXov rvyxavzLV.
(e)

Hist. Eccl.

vi.

22.

Totc 8<7Ta Kat

Kat to
<$>rjv

I7T7to/\vtos (rvvTOLTTisiv fxerd

7rAetOTwv

aAAwv

V7rojxvr]fJidTO)v

nepi TOY TTACYA

7T7roL7]TaL crvyypa/x/xa, ev

tojv ^povwi/

dvaypae7rt

eK^e^tevos Kat Ttva Kavova eKKaiScKaeT^pttSos 7Tpt tov 7racr^a TrpoOels

to 7rpwTov ctos AAe^av8pov avTOKpctTopos tovs xpovovs 7reptypao/)et.

Aot7roSv

tojv 8e

avTov <TvyypafJL/AdTQ)v rd
GIC

ets

7;yaas

eA^c'vTa

ecrTt

Ta8e'

eic

THN

6iAHM6pON,
eic

TA M6TA

THN

6lAhM6pON,

npOC

MApKl'oONA,

to acma, eic MepH toy iezeKiHA, nepi toy n^cxA, npoc ATTACAC TAC Aipc'ceiC 7rAetcrTa tc a>\Aa Kat 7rapa. 7roAAots cvpots av
o~a>o/xeva.

328
4.

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
[a.D.

LlBERIAN CHRONOGRAPHER

354].

(a)

Depositio

Martyrum

(see above,

i.

p. 251).

Idus Aug.

Ypoliti in Tiburtina et Pontiani in Calisti.

is

There
(see
i.

is

reason to believe that this notice

264) and

not later than a.d. 335

p. 250,

may have been much

1.

earlier.

(b)

Catalogus Episcoporum (see above,

et

p. 255).

Eo tempore Pontianus
deportati
[a.d. 235].

in

Sardinia

Yppolitus presbiter exoles sunt episcopus in insula nociva, Severo et Quintiano cons.

This notice in
263).

all

probability dates from about a.d. 255 (see

1.

p.

5.

Epiphanius
205).

[c.

a.d. 375].

Haeres. xxxi. 35

(p.

'H/xeis Se dpKtaOevTts rols re Trap' rjixdv Xe^Oilcriv oAiyois kcu rots vtto

t&v

rrjs

a\r]6eta<s

crvyypacj><i)v

toutojv

Aegean'

re

koli

avvTa^Odcn, kcu

opojvres otl

aAAoi

7re7rovrJKa.cn,

cf>r]/ju

Se KXrj/xrjs kcu Etp-^i/atos kcu 'IttttoXvtos

kcu aAAoi 7rAioi>9, oi kcu OavfxacTTO)^ rrjv kolt avTcov TveTroiitrvrcu avaTpo7rrjv,

ov

7rai/v tl

tw
f

KOLfxaTU) TrpocrBzivcu, oj? 7rpot7roi/, yjOeXrjcra/xev,

LKavio6evTes rots

Trpotipr]fxivoi i

avSpacn
6.

k.t.A.

Apollinaris?
Nov.
Collect.
1.

[c.

a.d. 370].

Mai
'

Script.
.

Veter.

p.

173.
l7T7ro Autos

KiroXivapiov ..Evcre/3ios o ITcu/<(iAou kcu

ayiojraTOs

IttI-

o-kottos Vwfxrjs a7reiKaovo-t ttjv 7rpoKL/j.evrjv

tov ^af^ov^oSovocrop opacrcv

rrj

rov

7rpo(fir)TOV

Acu/i^A

otttolct la.

comment on Daniel
(p.

given below

ii. 34 in a Catena; see Lagarde p. 171. Reasons will be 431 sq) for questioning the ascription to Apollinaris.

7.

Damasus

[a.d.

366

384].

(a)

Ins crip tio in Coemeterio Hippolyti.

HIPPOLYTVS FERTVR PREMERENT CVM JVSSA TYRANNI PRESBYTER IN SCISMA SEMPER MANSISSE NOVATI TEMPORE QVO GLADIVS SECVIT PIA VISCERA MATRIS

DEVOTVS CHRISTO PETERET CVM REGNA PIORVM QVAESISSET POPVLVS VBINAM PROCEDERE POSSET CATHOLICAM DIXISSE FIDEM SEQVERENTVR VT OMNES SIC NOSTER MERVIT CONFESSVS MARTYR VT ESSET HAEC AVDITA REFERT DAMASVS PROBAT OMNIA CHRISTVS

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
This inscription
is

329

preserved in a
S.
is

Corbei, and afterwards of sylloge of inscriptions, and

1

S. Petersburg ms (formerly of Germain des Pres) which contains a

described in Bull, di Archeol.

Crist.

88 1,

p. 5 sq.
11.

The

sylloge

is

printed in

De

Rossi's Inscr. Christ. Urb.

Rom.
same

p.

82,

where also
26

this particular inscription,

Bull.

I.e.

p.

sq.

A full account of 72 sq) it is described. which appears on fol. 24 sq, is given in the It is headed In gco ftgpolito martgrae, and by
(p.

an error of the scribe the

last line

of another inscription, belonging to

the martyr Gordianus (see pp. 14, 39), 'Praesbiter ornavit renovans In 1425 the reigning Pope vicencius ultro' has been attached to it. Martin issued an order that marble and other materials might be

taken from the desolate and ruined suburban churches to construct the

pavement of S. John Lateran and accordingly De Rossi has found and deciphered three fragments of this very Damasian inscription from
;

the cemetery of Hippolytus

basilica.
(b)

embedded

in the

pavement of

this distant

Inscriptio altera in eodem Coemeterio.

laeta deo

Et

plebs sancta can at qvod moenia crescvnt renovata domvs martyris [hipp]oliti RNAMENTA OPERIS SVRGv[NT AVCTORE DAmJaSO

Natvs
1

qvi antistes sedis a[postolicae] NCLITA PACIFICIS FACTA ES[t HAEC AVLA TRIVMPHIS] S ERVATVRA DECVS PERPETV[AMQUE FIDEM]

HAEC OMNIA NOVA QUAEQVE VIDIS LE[o PRESBYT]ER HORNAT,

where the
'

first six lines give an acrostich Leonis, and quaeque is Damasus is described as contracted into qq in the inscription itself. natus antistes,' because his father had been exceptor, lector, levita,
'

sacerdos,' as
Crist.
1

Damasus wrote
p.

in

88 1,

48);

and thus he himself was, as

another inscription {Bull, di Archeol. it were, born to his

future high office in the Church.

This inscription is given by De Rossi in the Bull, di Archeol. Crist. It was found in the vestibule 1883, p. 60 sq (comp. ib. 1882, p. 176). leading to the crypt of S. Hippolytus.
8.

HlERONYMUS

[A.D.

378

400]

(a)

De

Vir. III. 59.

urbis episcopo, id est, sub Antoadversus Proculum, Montani sectatofilio, disputationem rem, valde insignem habuit arguens eum temeritatis super nova pro-

Gaius sub Zephyrino,

Romanae

nino, Severi

phetia defendenda, et in

eodem volumine

epistulas

quoque Pauli

trede-

33

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

cim tantum enumerans quartam decimam, quae fertur ad Hebraeos, dicit non eius esse; sed apud Romanos usque hodie quasi Pauli apostoli

non habetur.

(b)

De

Vir. III. 61.

Hippolytus,
scire

non potui in ratione paschae et temporum canone scripsit et usque ad primum annum Alexandri imperatoris sedecim annorum circulum,
quern Graeci

cuiusdam ecclesiae episcopus

nomen

quippe urbis

KKAiAeKATHpiAA vocant, repperit, et Eusebio, qui super eodem pascha decern et novem annorum circulum, id est, ewcaKcuSeKaccomposuit, occasionem dedit. Scripsit nonnullos in scripturas commentarios, e quibus haec repperi in Hexaemeron, in Exodum, in Canticum Canticorum, in Genesim, in Zachariam, de Psalmis, in Esaiam,
rrjptSa
:

de Daniele, de Apocalypsi, de Proverbiis, de Ecclesiaste, de Saul et Pythonissa de Antichristo, de Resnrrectione, contra Marcionetn, de Pascha, adversus
,

Hereses, et ttpocomiAi'an de Laude Domini Salvatoris, in qua Huius aemulatione praesente Origene se loqui in ecclesia significat

O vines

Ambrosius,
praebens
ei

quem de
est

Marcionis heresi ad veram fidem correctum

dixi-

mus, cohortatus

Origenem

in

scripturas commentarios

scribere,
et librari-

septem

et

eo amplius notarios eorumque expensas

orum parem numerum, quodque his maius est, incredibili studio cottidie ab eo opus exigens. Unde et in quadam epistula epyo&iwKT-qv eum
Origenes vocat.
(c)

Epist. xxxvi.

6 ad

Damasum
sumus
et

(i.

p.

169, Vallarsi).
significaret in figura

Quoniam autem

polliciti

de eo quid

adjungere, Hippolyti martyris verba ponamus, a quo et Victorinus noster non plurimum discrepat ; non quod omnia plenius executus sit, sed quod possit occasionem praebere lectori ad intelligentiam latiorem ,
1

Isaac portat imaginem Dei Patris, Rebecca Spiritus Sancti, etc'

After this follows a long quotation from Hippolytus in which the history of Esau The letter was written a.d. 384. is figuratively explained.

and Jacob
(d)

Epist.

xlviii.

19 ad

Pammachium

(1.

p. 232, Vallarsi).

Scilicet

nunc enumerandum mihi qui ecclesiasticorum de impari

etc.

numero
bius,

disputarent, Clemens, Hippolytus, Origenes, Dionysius, Euse-

Didymus, nostrorumque Tertullianus, Cyprianus,

is

defending himself against a charge of misinterpretation affecting the odd Jerome and even days in the account of the Creation in Genesis. This letter was written A.D.
393(e)

Epist. lxx. 4 ad

Magnum

(1.

p.

429, Vallarsi).

Hunc

[Clementem] imitatus

Origenes decern scripsit Stromateas,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Christianorum
et

331

et philosophorum inter se sententias comparans...Scripsit Miltiades contra Gentes volumen egregium. Hippolytus quoque et Apollonius, Romanae urbis senator, propria opuscula condiderunt.

Jerome
tions

is defending himself against the charge of desecrating theology by from secular literature. This letter was written A.D. 397.

illustra-

(/)

Epist. lxxi. 6

ad Lucinium

(1.

p.

434, Vallarsi).

De
ristia,

sabbatho quod quaeris, utrum ieiunandum sit; et de euchaan accipienda quotidie, quod Romana ecclesia et Hispaniae
;

observare perhibehtur, scripsit quidem Hippolytus vir disertissimus carptim diversi scriptores e variis auctoribus edidere.
This
letter

et

was written

in the year following the preceding, A.D. 398.

(g)

Epist. lxxxiv. 7

(1.

p. 529).

Nuper
lavit,

Hexaemeron illius [Origenis] compisententias Basiliique sequeretur. ut magis Hippolyti

sanctus Ambrosius sic
letter is assigned to A.D. 400.

This
(/i)

Comm.

in Daniel,

ix.

24

(v. p.

689).
est
ita;

Hippolytus autem de eisdem hebdomadibus opinatus 'Septem hebdomadas ante reditum populi etc.'
(/)

Comm.

in Matt.

i.

praef. (vn. p. 7).

Legisse
viginti

me
;

fateor ante

qumque

annos plurimos in Matthaeum Origenis volumina...et Theophili Antiochenae urbis episcopi

commentarios
etc.

Hippolyti quoque martyris et Theodori Heracleotae,

This commentary was written A.D. 398.

(k)

Chronicon

11.

p.

179 (ed. Schone).

et

Geminus presbyter Antiochenus

Arabiae Bostrenus
clari scriptores

Hippolytus

et Beryllus

episcopus

habentur.
6.

notice under Ann. Abr. 2244, Alexandr.

9.

RUFINUS [tA.D.

410].

Hist. Eccl.

vi.

16.

Unde
nostri
et

et

nos, ut

fateamur quod verum

est,

totius

huius

operis

historiae

conscribendae materiam

sumpsimus.

Erat ergo

inter caeteros et

Beryllus scriptorum praecipuus, qui et ipse diversa opuscula dereliquit. Episcopus hie fuit apud Bostram Arabiae urbem maximam. Erat nihilominus et Hippolytus, qui et ipse aliquanta

scripta dereliquit episcopus.

$$2

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

This passage corresponds to H. E. vi. 20 of Eusebius (see above, p. 327). The may be passed over. This extract alone is given here, because its looseness has apparently been the occasion of much error respecting the
rest of Rufinus' translation

see of Hippolytus.

10.

Prudentius

[c.

a.d. 407].
(p.

Peristephanon

De

Passione S. Hippolyti

440

sq,

ed.

Dressel).

Innumeros cineres sanctorum Romula

Vidimus,

in urbe

Christi Valeriane sacer.

Incisos tumulis titulos et singula quaeris Nomina? difficile est ut replicare queam.
5

Tantos iustorum populos furor inpius hausit,

Cum
Plurima

coleret patrios Troia

litterulis

Roma

deos.

signata sepulcra loquuntur Martyris aut nomen aut epigramma aliquod. Sunt et muta tamen tacitas claudentia tumbas

10

Marmora, quae solum significant numerum. Quanta virum iaceant congestis corpora acervis,
Nosse
Sexaginta
licet,
illic

quorum nomina

nulla legas.

defossas mole sub

didicisse

una

Relliquias memini me
15

hominum

Quorum

solus habet

comperta vocabula Christus,

.amicitiae.

Utpote quos propriae iunxit

Haec dum lustro oculis, et sicubi forte latentes Rerum apices veterum per monumenta sequor; Invenio Hippolytum, qui quondam schisma Novati
20
Presbyter attigerat, nostra sequenda negans,

Usque ad

martyrii provectum insigne Lucida sanguinei praemia supplicii.

tulisse

Nee mirere, senem Munere ditatum

25

perversi dogmatis olim catholicae fidei.

Cum

iam vesano victor raperetur ab hoste, Exsultante anima carnis ad exitium,

Plebis

amore suae multis comitantibus

ibat;

Consultus,

quaenam

secta foret melior,

Respondit
30

Fugite, o miseri, exsecranda Novati

Una

Schismata; catholicis reddite vos populis. fides vigeat, prisco quae condita templo est; Quam Paulus retinet, quamque cathedra Petri.
venerabile martyr docui, docuisse piget Cerno, quod a cultu rebar abesse Dei.
:

Quae

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
35

333

His ubi detorsit laevo de tramite plebem,

Monstravitque sequi, qua via dextra vocat, Seque ducem recti, spretis anfractibus, idem
Praebuit, erroris qui prius auctor erat
Sistitur
:

insano rectori Christicolas tunc

40

Ostia vexanti per Tiberina viros.

Illo

namque

die

Roma

secesserat, ipsos

Peste suburbanos ut quateret populos. Non contentus humum celsae intra moenia

Romae

45

Tingere iustorum caedibus assiduis. Ianiculum cum iam madidum, fora, Rostra, Suburram, Cerneret eluvie sanguinis affluere
:

Protulerat rabiem Tyrrheni ad littoris aram, Quaeque loca aequoreus proxima Portus habet Inter carnifices et constipata sedebat Officia, exstructo celsior in solio.

50

Discipulos fidei, detestandique rebelles Idolii, ardebat dedere perfidiae.

Carcereo crinita

situ stare

agmina contra

55

Iusserat, horrendis excrucianda modis. Inde catenarum tractus, hinc lorea flagra

Stridere

Ungula

fixa cavis

virgarum concrepitare fragor. costarum cratibus altos

et lacerare iecur.

Pandere secessus

Ac iam
60

lassatis

iudex tortoribus ibat

In furias, cassa cognitione fremens. Nullus enim Christi ex famulis per tanta repertus Supplicia, auderet qui vitiare animam.

Inde furens quaesitor ait Iam, tortor, ab unco Desine si vana est quaestio, morte agito.
: :

65

Huic abscide caput; crux istum

tollat

in auras,

Viventesque oculos offerat alitibus; Has rape praecipites, et vinctos coniice in ignem Sit pyra, quae multos devoret una reos.

En
70

Tibi,

quos properes rimosae imponere cumbae,

;

Pellere et in medii stagna profunda freti

Quos ubi susceptos rabidum male

suta per aequor

Vexerit, et tumidis caesa labarit aquis.

75

Dissociata putrem laxent tabulata carinam, Conceptumque bibant undique naufragium. Squamea coenoso praestabit ventre sepulcrum

334
Haec

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

Bellua consumptis cruda cadaveribus. persultanti celsum subito ante tribunal

Offertur senior nexibus implicitus.

Stipati

circum iuvenes clamore ferebant

:

80

Si foret

Christicolis esse caput populis exstinctum propere caput, omnia vulgi Pectora Romanis sponte sacranda deis.

Ipsum

Insolitum lethi poscunt genus, et nova poenae

Ille

85

Inventa, exemplo quo trepident alii. supinata residens cervice, Quis, inquit,

Dicitur? affirmant dicier Hippolytum.

Ergo

sit

Hippolytus, quatiat, turbetque iugales,

feris dilaceratus
:

Intereatque

equis.
freni
:

Vix haec
90

ille

duo cogunt animalia

Ignara, insueto subdere colla iugo Non stabulis blandive manu palpata magistri, Imperiumque equitis ante subacta pati
:

Sed campestre vago nuper pecus e grege captum, Quod pavor indomito corde ferinus agit.
95

Iamque reluctantes sociarant vincula bigas, Oraque discordi foedere nexuerant. Temonis vice funis inest, qui terga duorum
Dividit, et

medius tangit utrumque

in

latus,

Deque iugo
100

longum

se post vestigia retro

Protendens trahitur, transit et ima pedum. Huius ad extremum sequitur qua pulvere summo

Cornipedum
Crura
viri

refugas orbita trita vias ; innectit laqueus, nodoque tenaci

Astringit plantas,

cumque rudente

ligat

105

Postquam composito satis instruxere paratu Martyris ad poenam verbera, vincla, feras
Instigant subitis clamoribus atque
flagellis,

Iliaque infestis perfodiunt stimulis.

Ultima vox audita senis venerabilis haec

est

no

Hi

rapiant artus;
alacres,

tu rape, Christe,

animam.

Prorumpunt

caeco et terrore feruntur,

Qua sonus
Incendit

atque tremor, qua furor exagitant.

:

Nee
115

feritas, rapit impetus, et fragor urget cursus volucer mobile sentit onus.
:

Per

non ripa retardat per saxa ruunt aut torrens oppositus cohibet. Fluminis,
silvas,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Prosternunt sepes et cuncta obstacula rumpunt
Prona, fragosa petunt
;
:

335

ardua

transiliunt.

Scissa minutatim labefacto corpore frusta

1

20

Carpit spinigeris stirpibus hirtus ager. Pars summis pendet scopulis ; pars sentibus haeret
Parte rubent frondes
;

parte madescit humus.

Exemplar
125

sceleris paries

habet

illitus,

in

quo

Multicolor fucus digerit omne nefas. Picta super tumulum species liquidis viget umbris, Effigians tracti membra cruenta viri.
vidi, optime papa, Purpureasque notas vepribus impositas. Docta manus virides imitando effingere dumos

Rorantes saxorum apices

130

Luserat

et

minio russeolam saniem.

ruptis

Cernere

erat,

compagibus, ordine nullo

per incertos sparsa iacere situs. Addiderat caros gressu lacrymisque sequentes,

Membra

135

Devia quo fractum semita monstrat iter. Moerore attoniti atque oculis rimantibus ibant,
I lie

Implebantque sinus visceribus laceris. caput niveum complectitur, ac reverendam

et ulnas

Canitiem molli confovet in gremio.

140

Hie humeros truncasque manus et brachia Et genua et crurum fragmina nuda legit.
Palliolis

etiam bibulae siccantur arenae, Nequis in infecto pulvere ros maneat.

Siquis et in sudibus recalenti aspergine sanguis

Insidet,

145

Nee iam densa

hunc omnera spongia pressa rapit. sacro quidquam de corpore silva

Obtinet, aut plenis fraudat ab exsequiis. Cumque recensitis constaret partibus ille

Corporis integri qui fuerat numerus,

150

Nee purgata aliquid deberent avia toto Ex homine, extersis frondibus et scopulis: Metando eligitur tumulo locus Ostia linquunt
;

Roma
Haud
155

placet, sanctos

quae teneat cineres.

procul extremo culta ad pomoeria vallo Mersa latebrosis crypta patet foveis. Huius in occultum gradibus via prona reflexis
Ire per anfractus luce latente docet.

Primas namque fores

summo

tenus intrat hiatu

S3 6

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

Illustratque dies limina vestibuli.

Inde, ubi progressu

1

60

Nox
Quae

facili nigrescere visa est obscura, loci per specus ambiguum,

Occurrunt caesis immissa foramina

tectis,

iaciunt claros antra super radios. Quamlibet ancipites texant hinc inde recessus

165

Attamen

Arcta sub umbrosis atria porticibus excisi subter cava viscera montis
:

Crebra terebrato fornice lux penetrat.

Sic datur absentis per subterranea solis

Cernere fulgorem, luminibusque frui. Talibus Hippolyti corpus mandatur opertis,

170
Ilia

Propter ubi apposita est ara dicata Deo. sacramenti donatrix mensa, eademque
sui martyris apposita,

Custos fida

Servat ad aeterni spem vindicis ossa sepulcro, Pascit item Sanctis Tibricolas dapibus.

175

Mira

loci pietas,

et

prompta precantibus ara

Spes hominum

placida prosperitate iuvat.

Hie

corruptelis animique et corporis aeger Oravi quoties stratus opem merui. Quod laetor reditu, quod te, venerande sacerdos,

180

Complecti licitum
scio

est,

scribo
;

Hippolyto Posse dedit, quod quis postulet, annuere. Ipsa, illas animae exuvias quae continet intus, Aedicula argento fulgurat ex solido.
185
Praefixit tabulas dives

me

debere

quod haec eadem, Deus cui Christus

manus aequore

laevi

Candentes, recavum quale nitet speculum. Nee Pariis contenta aditus obducere saxis,

Mane
190

Addidit ornando clara talenta operi. salutatum concurritur omnis adorat

:

adusque obitum. Conglobat in cuneum Latios simul ac peregrinos Permixtim populos relligionis amor. Oscula perspicuo figunt impressa metallo ; Balsama diffundunt fletibus ora rigant.
Pubis; eunt, redeunt,
solis
;

195

lam cum

se renovat decursis

mensibus annus,
cogi,

Natalemque diem passio

festa refert,

Quanta putas studiis certantibus agmina Quaeve celebrando vota coire Deo?

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Urbs augusta suos vomit effunditque
200
Quirites,

337

Una

et patricios

ambitione

pari.

Confundit plebeia phalanx umbonibus aequis Discrimen procerum, praecipitante fide.

Nee minus Albanis

205

acies se Candida portis

Explicat, et longis ducitur ordinibus.

Exsultant fremitus variarum hinc inde viarum

Indigena et Picens plebs et Etrusca venit Concurrit Samnitis atrox habitator et altae

Campanus Capuae, iamque Nolanus adest. Quisque sua laetus cum coniuge, dulcibus et cum
210
Pignoribus, rapidum carpere gestit iter. Vix capiunt patuli populorum gaudia campi, Haeret et in magnis densa cohors spatiis.

Angustum

tantis illud specus esse catervis

est,

Haud
215

dubiurn

Stat sed iuxta aliud

ampla fauce licet pateat. quod tanta frequentia templum

Tunc

adeat, cultu nobile regifico,

Parietibus celsum sublimibus, atque superba

Maiestate potens, muneribusque opulens.

Ordo columnarum geminus laquearia

220

tecti

Sustinet, auratis suppositus trabibus:

Adduntur

graciles tecto breviore recessus,

Qui laterum seriem iugiter exsinuent. At medios aperit tractus via latior alti
225

Culminis exsurgens editiore apice. Fronte sub adversa gradibus sublime tribunal
Tollitur, antistes praedicat

unde Deum.

Plena laborantes aegre domus accipit undas,

Arctaque confertis aestuat in foribus,

230

Maternum pandens gremium, quo condat alumnos Ac foveat fetos accumulata sinus.
bene commemini, colit hunc pulcherrima Roma Idibus Augusti mensis, ut ipsa vocat Prisco more diem quern te quoque, sancte magister,
Si

Annua
235

festa inter

dinumerare velim.

Crede, salutigeros feret hie venerantibus ortus, Lucis honoratae praemia restituens.
Inter solemnes Cypriani vel Celedoni, Eulaliaeque dies currat et iste tibi.

CLEM.

II.

22

33^

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

240

Sic te pro populo cuius tibi credita vita est, Orantem Christus audiat omnipotens.
Sic tibi de pleno lupus excludatur ovili,

Agna nee
Sic

tuum capta gregem minuat. gramineo remanentem denique campo Sedulus aegrotam pastor ovem referas.
ulla

me

245

Sic,

cum

lacteolis caulas

compleveris agnis,

Raptus

et ipse sacro sis

comes Hippolyto.
a.d. 421].

11.

Palladius

[c.

Hist. Lausiac. 148 {Patrol. Graec. xxxiii. p. 1251, Migne).

'Ev

aAAa)

/3i/3AiSapiu)

i7TLyeypafXfxev(jo

IinroXvTOV

tov

yvwpifxov

twv

a7rocrToAcDV tvpov St^yrj/Jia tolovtov.

iv tt} KopivOio k.t.X. Evyei/ecrraTT; tis kcu upaioTarr] irapOivos V7rrjpx^v

12.

Theodoret
54

[a.d.

446].

(a)

Dialogus

(iv. p.

sq, Schulze).

toy Apoy innoAYTOY enicKonoY Aotoy toy eic to Kfpioc noiMAiNei

kcu ki^wtos Se Ik ,vXwv k.t.X.

kai

MApTYpoc,

ck toy

Me*

toy aytoy eK toy Aof"OY toy ANNAN.

v

6IC

TON

cAkanan

kai

thn

Aye

Stj

fxot,

a>

%a/jLOvr}X,

k.t.X.

toy aytoy K toy Ao'roY toy

AiyV7TTO) fXV
(b)

eic

thn apxhn toy hcaioy-

TOV KOCT/XOV a7TtKa(T K.T.X.

ii

Dialogus

(iv. p.

130

sq).

toy ap'oy InnoAYTOY enicKonoY kai MApTYpoc, e toy Aotoy toy eic thn toon taAantoon Aianomhn.
Tovtovs Se Kai tovs frepoSd^ovs
(firjo-euv

av tls ytiTVtav k.t.X.

toy aytoy eK tvc npdc BaciAiAa tina eniCToAfic.

'A7rap^v
VKpO)V K.T.X.

ow

tovtov Aeyci

twv

KeKOL/xyjixiviov,

aT TrpoiTOTOKOv tiov

toy aytoy K toy AoroY toy THN ANNAN.

KOLL

6'C

ton

cAkanan
19

kai

eic

Sid

TOVTO TplS KdLpol

TOV

ZvLCLVTOV

TTpOTV7TOVVTO

aVTOV TOV

auiTrjpa. k.t.X,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Toy aytoy
Ta'Ahn.
'O tov aVoAwAoTa K
yrjs 7rp(OT07rXaO"T01/
av6p(JL>7TOV
B'

339

6K

toy

Ao'roy

toy

eic

THN 0)AHN THN MK.T.X.

toy aytoy 6K thc epMHNGi'AC toy

Ovtos d 7rpo\6u>v
els

yaAmoyi(f>avepoi$r]

tov ko<t[aov co5 Kat av0po)7ros

C
I

k.t.X.

TO? AYTOY K TOY AOTOY

"Ep^eTat
(c)
i-rrl

TON

Kf

Y^AMON.

ras ovpavtas 7ruAas, ayyeAot avVo3 o~woSvovo"t k.t.X.

iii

Dialogus
Ari'oy

(iv. p.

232

sq).

eniCKonoY rrpoc BaciAiAa tina eniCTOAfc.

Kirapyrjv
i/Kp<3i>

toy

innoAYTOY
tovtov

kai

MApTYpoc*
are

thc

ovv

Acyei

twv

KeKOifiY]ix4vu)v,

npuiTOTOKOv

twv

/C.T.A.

toy aytoy 6K toy Aotoy

vowp to ayiov k.t.A.
(^)

eic

toyc Afo Ahctac.

crtufxa

A/xcfioTepa Trapecr^e to tov Kvptov

t<3

koct/au), at/xa

to

tepoi/

kcu

Haereticae Fabulae

ii.

3 (iv. p. 330).

koto, tovtov SI [tov

aAAa

crvv ckci'vois

KypivOovj ov ixovov ol irpopp-qBivTes avveypouf/av, Kat Tatos Kat Atovvcrtos 6 rfjs AXeav$piov 7rtcrK07ro9.
ii.

(e)

Haereticae Fabulae
6o'8otos
Se

5 (iv. p. 331).

Kat

7T(f>povr}ij}<5

d BvoVtio<; d ctkutcv? TavVa tovtoj [tw 'ApTetiwvt] tovtov 8c o Tptc/xaKaptos BtKTwp eTepa? rjyr]o~aTO cftpaTptas.
IrriaKOTTOs a7rKrjpv^v, cas 7rapa;(apaat ireipaOevTa Trjs kkXt)-

t^s
o~ias

Pay^s
Ta

Sdy/xaTa.

KaTa

tt/s

tovtcov

atpeVews

CMIKpoc crweypa^
aAA' 6 x a P aKT VP
TOtoVSe ev
crvveypaij/e,

AABfpiNOoc,
eAey^et

ov Ttves

Optyevovs VTroXap.fiavovo-L
etTe

TTOLrjp.a,

tovs

AeyovTas.
Sitjyrjfxa.

8e eKetvos

etTC

aAAos

avTw St^yetTat
(/)

NaTaAtov
iii.

c^r; Ttva, k.t.A.

(iv. p.

Haereticae Fabulae
TOVTooj/
[tcov

340

sq).

NtKoAatTcuv] Kat 6 7rpoppr}0d<s ovvtypaif/c KXrj/xrjs Kat Etp^i/atos Kat 'Qptyevrjs Kat I7T7toAvtos 7rto*K07ros Kat /xdpTvp.
(g)

KaTa

Haereticae Fabulae
T17S

iii.

3 (iv. p. 342).

KaTa Se IIpoKAou

avTrjs atpecretos

[t^s

Kam

<l>pvyas] irpocrTaTtv-

o-avTos o-vveypa\j/ Tatos,

{Ii)

ov Kat 7rp6o-$ev
(iv. p.

iixvt]0'6r)[Xv.

Epistolae 145
01

1252).
IyvaTtos Kat E[oAvKap7ros Kat Etp^vatos 01 irXtiovs ovk apvtepetov 7rpoAa//,7roixrt

Kat
Kat

tovtu)v

7rpco"^fTepot
l7T7roAvTos,

Iodctivo? Kat

div

(jlovov,

aAAa

Kat

twv p.aprvpwv

StaKoa^xovcrt %op6v.

22

34-0

EPISTLES OF
13.

S.

CLEMENT.
492

Gelasius

[a.d.
:

496].

Bibl. Patr.

vm.

p.

704 (Lugdun.)

see Lagarde, p. 90 sq.

HIPPOLYTI EPISCOPI ET MARTYRIS ARABUM METROPOLIS IN MEMORIA

HAERESIUM; Hie procedens

'

in

mundum Deus

et

homo

apparuit

etc.'

14.
(a)

Andreas of Cesarea

[c.

a.d.

500

?].

In Apocalyps. Synops. (Cramer's Catena,

rr}<i

p. 176).

LTept Se rov OtOTrveocrTQV

/3l(3\ov 6 Iv ayt'019 Bao-tAetoq kou

/cat

o #ios rov \6yov

/cat

KvpiAA.09 kcu IIa7rias kcu Filprjvouos

TpyyopLos Me#dStos kou

I7T7toXvto5, ol ii<K\r](TLaio~TiKOL 7raTpS, fyiyyvoi 7no~Tu>o-ao~6ai.

(b)

In Apocalyps.
oe
ayt'ois

xiii.

1.

Tots

Mc^oStco

koI

lTnroXvTio

kou

erepois

cts

avrov
tov

rov
fiiov

dvTiypio~TOV

to

irapov Orjpiov

c^etA^TTTat,

Ik rfjs TroXvTapdyov

tovtov

6a\do~o~r)<; /cat 7roXvKv/xovo^

i^epxdfxevov k.t.A.
xiii.

Hippolytus is also quoted on Cramer's Catena, p. 385).

18 and on

xvii.

10

(comp.

15.

Liber Pontificalis

[c.

a.d. 530, a.d.?].

On

the two recensions of the Liber Po?itificalis and their respective

1.

dates see above,

p.

303

sq.

A.
(a)

Relating

to S.

Hippolytus.

Vita Pontiani [a.d. 230

235]

1.

pp. 62, 145 (Duchesne).

Eodem tempore Pontianus episcopus et Yppolitus presbiter exilio sunt deputati ab Alexandro in Sardinia insula Bucina, Severo et Quintiano consulibus.
The same
I-

in both recensions, but 'deportati' for 'deputati' in the later (see above,

p. 255)-

The
minus.

date of the exile does not

fall

during the reign of Alexander, but of MaxiI.

The
is
'

text of the Liberian Catalogue has 'insula nociva' (see above,

p. 255),

which

doubtless correct (see Duchesne's note, p. 146); but there was an island ' Bucina' or Bucinna,' one of the ^Egates; Pliny JV. H. iii. 8, 92, Steph. Byz. s.v. The latter however wrongly calls it a city of Sicily.
'
'

(b)

Vita Gregorii

III

[a.d.

731

741]

1.

p. 419.

Item in ecclesia beati Genesii martyris tectum noviter restauravit; ubi et altare erexit in nomine salvatoris Domini Dei nostri etc.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
(c)

341

Vita
et

Hadriani

[a.d.

772

795]

1.

p. 511.

Simul

rentium, Pari modo

cymiterium beati Yppoliti martyris juxta sanctum Lauquae a priscis marcuerant temporibus, noviter restauravit.
et

ecclesiam beati Christi martyris Stephani, sitam juxta

similiter restauravit.
11.

praedictum cymiterium sancti Yppoliti,

(d)

Vita Leonis

III

[a.d.

816] 795

p. 12.

Fecit

autem hisdem almificus pontifex

in

in

basilica

beati Yppoliti

martyris

civitate

Portuense vestes de stauraci duas,

unam

super

corpus
(e)

ejus et aliam in altare majore.

Vita Leonis

7F[a.d. 847

855]

11.

p.

115

sq.

Ipse vero a Deo protectus et beatissimus papa multa corpora sanctorum... infra hujus alme urbis moenia congregavit mirifice. Nam et corpora sanctorum martyrum 1111 Coronatorum sollerti cura inquirens
repperit; pro

quorum

desiderabili
in

amore basilicam quae sanctorum fuerat

nomini consecrata...
quidem, cum suis recondens locavit.
ib.
11.

splendidiorem pulcrioremque statum perduxit...

eorumque sacratissima corpora cum Claudio, Nicostrato... Ypolito familiis numero xviii... pariter sub sacro altare

p.

125.

Obtulit et in ecclesia beati Ipoliti martiris, qui ponitur in insula

Portuensi, que nuncupatur Arsis, vestem de fundato habentem madias ex argento textas 1, vela de fundato numero nil.
There seems to be some confusion between
p. 38.

gam-

this notice
{v. I.

and the

last in

Dollinger

We read

of 'insulam quae dicitur Assis

1.

Hostia,' Vita Silvestri

is

p. 184.
it

The

island

quod est inter Portum et between the two branches of the Tiber
Arsis),

clearly

meant; but why

was

so called, does not appear; see Duchesne's note,

p. 199.

B.
(a)

Relating

to S.

Laurentius.

Vita Silvestri [a.d.

fecit

314

335]

1.

p. 181.

Eodem tempore
Laurentio martyri
via

[Constantinus Augustus] basilicam beato Tiburtina in agrum Veranum supra arenario

cryptae et usque ad corpus Laurenti martyris fecit gradus ascensionis et In quo loco construxit absidam et exornavit marmoribus descensionis.
purphyreticis
et

desuper

loci

conclusit

de argento,
1,

et

cancellos de

argento purissimo
crypta posuit etc.
(a)

ornavit, qui

pens.

lib.

et

ante ipsum locum in

Vita Xysti
fecit

III

[a.d.

432

440]

1.

p.

233

sq.

Item

Xystus episcopus confessionem beati Laurenti martyris

342 cum columnis

et
lib. l,

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

porphyreticis et ornavit platomis transendam, et altare confessionem sancto martyri Laurentio de argento purissimo, pens,

Absidam
Fecit

cancellos argenteos supra platomas purphyreticas, pens. supra cancellos cum statua beati Laurenti
lib. cc.

lib.

ccc.

martyris

argenteam, pens.

autem basilicam sancto Laurentio, quod Valentinianus Augustus

concessit, ubi et optulit etc.

(c)

Vita Pelagii //[a.d. 579

590]
795]

1.

p. 309.

Hie fecit supra corpus beati Laurenti martyris basilicam a fundamento constructam et tabulis argenteis exornavit sepulchrum ejus.
(d)

Vita

Hadriani

[a.d.

772

1.

p. 500.

Fecit in aecclesia beati Laurenti martyris foris muros, scilicet ubi sanctum eius corpus requiescit, vestem de stauracim; et in aecclesia

maiore aliam

similiter fecit

vestem.

Nam

et

tectum eiusdem beati

et trabes eius confracte,

Laurenti bassilicae maiore, qui iam distectus erat

noviter
ie)

fecit.

ib.

p. 504.
foris

In ecclesia vero beati Lauren tii martyris atque levite

huius civitatis

muros

Romae
505.

fecit vela etc.

(/)

ib. p.

Item ipse ter beatissimus praesul in basilica maiore, quae appellatur sancte Dei genetricis, qui aderat iuxta basilicam sancti Laurentii martyris adque levite ubi eius sanctum corpus requiescit, foris muros
huius civitatis
(g)
ib.

Romae,
508.

obtulit vela

de stauracim

etc.

p.

quae ducit ad sanctum Laurentium foris muros a eadem basilicam noviter construxit. Hie idem almiporta usque ficus vates eandem basilicam sancti Laurentii martyris ubi sanctum eius corpus quiescit, adnexam basilicae maioris quam dudum isdem
et porticus

Immo

in

Immo et praesul construxerat, ultro citroque noviter restauravit. aecclesiam sancti Stephani iuxta eas sitam, ubi corpus sancti Leonis episcopi et martyris quiescit, similiter undique renovavit una cum
cymiterio beatae Cyriacae seu ascensum eius.
(A)
ib.

p.

511.

Fecit autem idem praesagus antistes in confessione beati Laurentii

foris

muros imaginem ex auro purissimo eiusdem beati Laurentii effigies continentem,

in

modum

evangeliorum,

etc.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
1 6.

343

Cyrillus of Scythopolis
1.

[c.

a.d. 555].

Vita S. EutJiymii p. 82 (Hippol. Op.

p. ix sq,
kolto.

Fabricius).

"Etous
Xpovovs

7r/x7TTov

k^TjKOdTOv

TTpcu<o<TLO(rTov

tovs

crvyypacpevTas
yvoipifxov tojv

V7TO tgjv aytcov irartpwv

IttttoXvtov tov 7raXaiov

km

O.ir0(TT0\(JiV

KOU EiTTLcfiaVLOV TOV K/U7TpiCOTOU K.T.A.

17.

Gregory of Tours
30
(1.

[c.

a.d.

577].

Hist. Franc,

i.

p.

47

sq, ed.

Arndt

et Krusch).

Sub Decio vero imperatore.-.Xystus Romanae ecclesiae episcopus et Laurentius archidiaconus et Hyppolitus ob dominici nominis confessionem per martyrium consummati sunt.
l8.

EUSTRATIUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE
II.

[c.

A.D. 578].

Adv. Psyclwpannychitas 19 (Hippol. Op.

p. 32, Fabricius).

Aerei toi'nyn InndAyTOc 6 MApTyc kai eni'cKonoc en toj AeyTepco Aorco eic ton AanihA toiayta.
ToVe
\x\v

pooMHc

ovv

(rvo~Toi<s

Aaptas a/xa rots Xonrols

8l

vfxvov k.t.X.

19.

Stephanus Gobarus
(p.

[c.

a.d. 575

600?].
NtKoAaou

Photius Bibliotheca 232

v

291
t

b).

Eti Se

7rota5 v7roXt]i(/ets t<j)(V

l7nro\vTO<s Kat E7rt^>avios irepi

tov evos

t<x>v

Slolkovujv koX otl tcr^vpws avTOV KaTaytvoJO'KOvcrLV, k.t.X.

ttjv 7rpos

"Otl 'ImroXvTO'; Kat Etp^vatos

ovk Zkzlvov eivai
TtVas
<j>ao~L.

E/3patous iirLcrToXrjv TLavXov

vTvoXrj\p.t%

et^ev o aytwTaTos 'IttttoXvtos irtpi t^s

twv

MovTavto~Ta>i/

atpecrea)?, Kat TtVas o ev

ay tots

t^s Nucrcr^s Tprjyoptos.

a.d. 620].
p.

20.

Leontius of Byzantium
iii.

[c.

(a)

De

Sectis Act.

(Patrol. Grace, lxxxvi.

12 13, Migne).

ec Tots xpoVots Tots aVo T179 ytwrj crews tov XptoTou /xe^pt 'Eyevoi/TO 8e vera vTtVov StSao~KaAot Kat 7raTepes ot'6V Iy^anos o tt^s /3ao"tAetas Kat piapTVS, 'Iovcrrtvos KAt^^s Kat <tAoVo<os eo(opos, Etpryi/atos,

Kw

'ItTTToAvTOS e7rtO*K07TOt
^.

Poo/x,^*,,

K.T.X.
i

(Z>)

Nestorium
a[-ioy

et

Eutychem Lib.

(#>. p.

131

2).

toy

innoAyToy eniCKonoy

ka'i

MApTypoc eK toon

eyAoricoN toy BaAaam.

Iva Sct^^ to crvvap,<f>OTepov e^wv ev eavrw k.t.X.

344
21.
p. 12
f

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
[c.

Chronicon Paschale

a.d.

630].

sq (ed. Bonn.).
tolvvv
6
rrj<s

l7r7roAuTOS

evo~ej3uas
Trjs

/xaprus,

Ittlo-kottos

yeyoi/ws
ATT AC AC

tov

KaXov/xivov

TLoprov

ttXyjo-lov

'Poo/x^s,

eN

TUj

npdc

TAC

AipeceiC CYNTATMATI
7rao-^a o

eypaxj/ev eVt

Aeews outw?.
Aeyet yap outcos
'
'

'Op<2 fxev ovv otl <iAovet/aa<; to epyov.

liroirjo-^.

to

Xpto"TO? tot

rfj

rffxepa

kcll

7ra#ev

8to
/*?;

Kot//.e

Set,

bv rpoirov o
otl
a)

Kvptos

i7TOLr}(TCv,

ovtw 7rotLV

7T77\dvr]TaL 8e

yivuxTKuiv

Katpw
yjv

hrao-^v 6 Xptoros ouk ecpayt to Kara vo/xov irao-ya, ovtos yap koll to TeXtLOVfxevov Trj iopLorfxevrj rjfxepa. 7racr)(a to 7rpOKeKr)pvy/xVov
kol ttoXlv 6 olvtos

to

eN

tco npooTCp Aorto

toy nep) toy apoy

HACX^ Cyrrp^MMATOC
OvSe
ei/

Ctp^KCV OVTOJ5*

Tots 7rpcorois ouSe ev tois eo-^aTOis k.t.A.

Wordsworth (pp. 51, 267) ascribes this passage to Peter of Alexandria, and so apparently did Bunsen (Wordsworth p. 51, Dollinger p. 19) in his earlier work, but in The his second edition (1854) he does not say anything of the kind (1. p. 420).
authorship of Peter of Alexandria could only be maintained on the supposition that the whole passage after the mention of his name (p. 4) is his; but this is impossible for two reasons; (1) The writer quotes from the great Athanasius the luminary of the
'

Alexandrian Church
(2)

'

(p. 9),

who was

only a very

little

child

when Peter

flourished

uses such language as deurapdivov koX /caret aKrjdetav deoroKov Maptas (p. 10), better case might be made which would be an anachronism in the mouth of Peter.

He

out for Athanasius, but the author

himself.

is

probably the writer of the Chronicon Paschale

22.

Concilium Lateranense
p.

[a.d.

649].

Labb. Cone. vn.

287 (ed. Coleti).

kai

toy ahoy ittttoAytoy erricKonoY nepi 6eoAoriAC Aotoy.

To #eAetv Z\u
ib.

MApTYpoc

ck

toy

eos, ov to

fxrj

OiXeLv, k.t.X.

vn. p. 293.
kai

toy AriOY ittttoAytoy enicKonoy eic to ttac)(a elurHceoac.

'OAos
rjv [ivj ttcLctl koll

MApTYpoc

ck

thc

vavTa^ov,

ye/xiVcts 8c to ttov k.t.A.

23.

Anastasius Apocrisiarius

[a.d.

665].
p.

Epist.

ad

Theodos. Gangren. {Patrol. Lat. exxix.

664

sq,

Migne).

Praeterea misi ad praesens cum hac epistola mea Deo honorabilibus vobis...rotulam habentem testimonia ex dictis sancti Hippolyti episcopi

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Portus

345

Byzantii nobis

ac martyris Christi Dei nostri...Hunc quippe librum antequam passi fuissemus delatum, cum hunc totum vellemus transcribere, subito juxta consuetudinem suam insistentes adversarii latronum more rapuerunt, et non valuimus ex ipso plusquam

Romani

haec octo testimonia

tollere.

M6N0C

toy ATioy innoAYTOY eniCKonoY KAI MApTYpOC THC pOOMHC,

kai

ndpTOY, htoyn toy X\AAh6IAC, 6K TOY KATA

toon

Bh'poonoc

hAikoc

(v.

1.

hAiki'oonoc)

AipeTiKOON
v

nepi
a-PXVi

GeoAoriAC kai CApKooceooc kata CTOixeioN

"Aytos, aytos, aytos Kvptos o"a/3aa)0, dcnyrjTio
cfujjvfj

AdroY,

fiowvTa ra

o"epa<t//, toi>

coV Soacoov
'A7rtpo8uva/xa)

yap OeXrjaei rov eov

k.t.X.

24.
(a)

Anastasius Sinaita

[c.

a.d.

680].

Hodegus 23 {Patrol. Graec. lxxxix. p. 301, Migne).

innoAYTOY eniCKonoY
kai A(j)OApci'AC AdroY.
EcrovTai,
{b)
<f>rj(TLV,

pooMHC
ol

eK

toy

nepi

ANACTAceooc

kv ty}

aWcTaVei

avOpmiroL k.t.X.

Quaestiones 41

(p. 592,

Migne).

InnoAYTOY eK toy
Kat nov iraaa
{c)
77

eic

to acma acmatoon.
;

7rAouo~ta avrrj yyaJcrts

irov Se to. fxvaTypta k.t.X.

Quaestiones 48 (p. 604, Migne).

eic

innoAYTOY 6K toy
Twv yap
K.T.X.

ton AanihA.

cnSrjptov KvrjfAiov tcov vvv e7nKpaTOV(j<jiv 7rt to, l\viq twi/ ttoSwv

25.
(a)

Pseudo-John of Damascus
11.

[c.

a.d. 700?].

Sacra Parallela Rupef. {Op.

p.

787, Lequien).

toy ahoy innoAYTOY pooMHC.

Taura Se
(b)
ko.t

dvdyKrjv e^o/xev SirjyrjaaaOcu, ottws Tyv vVoVotai/, k.t.X.

11.

Sacra Parallela Rupef. {Op.

p. 781).

innoAYTOY eniCKonoY poaMHC nepi ypiCTof

XpicTOY-

kai

toy anti-

dXXd Tovrmv
26.

kv 7rpooi/x,ta) ets

Soav eov

elp^fjiivoyv.

Germanus of Constantinople

[c.

a.d. 720].

Reru/u Eccl. Contempt. {Patrol. Graec. xcviii.

Tovto Kat
l7T7roAvTOS
Pco/atis

p.

417, Migne).
kv Tots

Kat o ayto?

KuptAAos Xiyovcriv

->

46
tov

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

7rept

KvTLypLo-Tov Aoyots avruiv iv tw eaKto-;(i\ioo-Ta> 7rei>TaKocrtoo-TO)

erei rrjv

fxeWovaav irapova Lav tacaOat.

p.

See Overbeck Quaest. Hippol.

30 sq.

27.

Pseudo-Chrysostom

[a.D.

?].

De

Psendo-prophetis (Chrysost. Op. vin. app. p. 79).

IIov IyyaTtos ro tov eov OLKrjTyptov; irov o Atovvo-tos to 7rcTeti/ov tov

ovpavov; irov l7T7roAvTos o yA-VKirrctros Kai evi/ovo"TaT09

This work
this
is

very passage
it

is

manifestly spurious. a sufficient evidence.

The

We

reference to Dionysius the Areopagite in have no means of ascertaining its date

;

but

was evidently many generations

later

than Chrysostom.

28.

Georgius Syncellus
p.

[a.d.

792].

(a)

Chronographia
tepos

674

(ed. Bonn.).
e7rio"K07ros

'IttttoAvtos

<tAocro(/)os

IIopTOV tov Kara

tyjv

'VwfATjv

o"(oSpa Sta7rpe7T(3s rjvOet iv tyj ko.t(x

O-VVTOLTTOiV

XptoToV

<tAocro<ta, 7rAetcrTa

if/v)(u)<J)\.rj

\C TC yap THN elAHMCpON KAI 6IC TA V7TOfXV7] p.aTa. M6TA THN e^AHMepON, 6IC 7T0AAA T TOON TT pO H TOO N, MAAlCTA lezeKiHA kai AanihA toon Mer^AcoN, eVt fxrjv eic ta acmata kai eic a'AAac hantoiac ttaAaiac kai neac rp^cpAC, *" ^s Kat e 'C THN 6N TTATMCp TOY OeoAOTOY ATTOKAAYYIN, npOC MApKl'oONA Kai TAC AOITTAC AipeCeiC, Kat TON el K Al Ae K A6TH p KON TOY HAC)(A
(J)
I

KAN ON A

i^iOtTO 7repiypai^as

ets

to npioTov eVos 'AAe^aVSpov tov Wajx/xaias

tovtov, Kat o"vvto/xo)S

yeyoi/e,

(fiavat OeocfrpaSrjs 7roTa/xos tyj iKKk-qcrta ^coi/twj/ vafx,a.T(ov

tov /xapTvpiKov

7repL6ep.vo<s o~Tcf>avov rrpos t<3 tcAci.

(b)

Chronographia
yap oAtyov
eTTifAvrjo'OeLS,

p.

685

(ed. Bonn.).

7raVv
TraTcpoiv

7rept

twv Kara tovctSs tovs xpovovs tepwv Kat fxaKapcmv

^Tpoj/xaTeoiS,

KA^/xei'TOS Aey ofxivov

I-mroXvTov

tov

lepofXapTVpos, 'A^ptKavov tov

Spetas, Kat aAAwv.

laTopLKov,

Atoj/vo-tov

tov /xcyaAov 'AAeai/-

29.

NlCEPHORUS
1,

[f A.D.

828].

Atitirrhetica

ii.

13 (SpiaY. Solesm.

p. 347).

toy a[-|'oy ittttoAytoy eniCKonoY nopTOY kai MApTYpoc Ik TOY KATA BHpOONOC KAI Y AlKl'oONOC TOON AipeTIKOON A6[~0Y V
V Q-PXV
'Aytos, ayto?, ayto?.
ov'SeVa Ao'yov
^7

To yap aVetpov KaT

TpoVoi/ k.t.A.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
;o. o
l

347

Georgius Hamartolus

[c.

a.d. 8io].

Chronicon

iii.

134, p. 336 (Migne, Patrol. Graec. ex. p. 521).

Kat 6 #etos 'Itttto'Avtos 'Pco/x^s 7rept tov Krjpvy/xaTos
aVoo-To'Acoi/
8teia>v
ccjirj'

Ov
kou

fxrjv

Se

aAAa

t^s TeAetaxrews twv

'Itoayv^s [Se]

6 a8cAc/)ds iv
ets

'laKco/?ov Kr)pvcr(T(iiV iv rfj 'A(rta tov

Aoyov [tov

evayyeAtov]

i(DpLO~6r)

HaTfJuo
v

tyJ

vrjao)

vno Aop,Tiavov

/focrtAecos

'Poo/x^s,

Ko.KO.Bev

irakiv

Ec/>eo"oi/

K T179 eoptas dvaKXrjOels v7ro

Nep/?a Kat to kot

avTov evayyeAtoy
ov to

crvyypai^attei/os,

lv9a koI

rrjv

a7TOKaXvij/tv

#eacra/xevos eYeA.evTT/crei',

Xeiipavov

<Qt]rr\Q\v

ov^

evpidrj.

31.
(#)

Photius

[c.

a.d.

850].

Bibliotheca 48.

Ai/cyrwo-^r; 'Icoo-r/7rov
ffrofievov

nepi TOY TTANTOC, o eV aAAois dviyvoiv cVtypanepi thc toy ttantoc aiti'ac, ev aAAois 8e nepi thc toy
OYCi'aC
t(TTi

TTANTOC
7rpos
/cat

8e

ev

8vo"t

AoytStots.

SeLKvvai
Kai 7rept

8e

iv

avrots

eavrov CTacria^ovTa IIAaTOJi/a,

ai'ao"Tao-cos

eAey^et

8e

if/v)(r}<s

koX vXrjs

Tas

oik etas

7rept

'AAKtvow aAoycos T Kat i^evSws etTrovTa, aWeto-ayet 8e tovtcoi/ twv V7ro#cre(ov 8das, SetKvvct tc irptafivTepov
8oaet 8e crvyKeicrdat tov dvOpoiirov

'EtWyjvwv 77oW<j) to IovSatW yeVos.

ov 7ri'ev/xaT09 avTats Ae^ecrtv ovtw
KvptcoTepov

Ik 7rvpds Kai yrjs Kat v8aTOS, Kat eVt ck 7rvev/xaTOS, 6 Kat xpv^rjv ovofxa^ei.
7rept
cftrjai.

Tovtov to
7ravTos
p.eAovs

aVeAo/xevos

a/xa

t(3

aio/xaTL

7rAao~e,
tu>

Kat

8ta

o-vix7r\ao~$kv

dpOpov iroptiav avTui KaTecrKevaaev' Kat 81a uavTos StiKvov/xevoy tw avrip et8et tov
Kat
Tiyj/

aco/xaTt

j3Xe7rofjivov
8t'
a>i>

o"top,aTOs TeTvVcoTai,

over lav Se ifru^poTepov virdpyeL 7rpds to, Tpta,

to crw/xa crvvrjpfxoo'TaL. QvTOi fxkv ovv aVatrtws t^s tc twi/ 'IovSatcor

7rept

dvOpuarov c/>vo~toAoytas

TavYa
7rept

et7rtov

Kat T17S

aAA^s avrov

7rcpt

T17?

Kocr/xoyovtas Kc/)aXata)8w?.

tovs Xoyovs ao"K^o"eco9, 8i$L0~i ko1 7rept ttevTOt Xptcrroi) tou dXrjOivov

eov

cog eyytCTa ^eoXoyet, kXtJctlv tc avr^v dvacfrOeyyofxevos Xpto-Tov, Kat Tr^v K 7raTpos d<f>pao~TOv yevvrjaLV a/xe/X7TTWs avaypd^nnv. "O Tivas tews Kat attc/)i8o^etv, ok lajcrv/Vov etTy to ctvvt ay/xotlov, dvaTrio~euv. ovSkv
rjpujiv

8e to ttJ? c/>pacrea)5 ai>T(3 Trpos to. v7rdAot7ra tou aV8po5 a7roSet.

Evpov

8c

ei/

7rapaypac/>ats 6Vt ovk

'Pto/x??

ecrTtv

o*

Xdyos
c/>ao"t

'I(ocr?y7rov,

aAAa Tatov

Ttvos TrpeafivTepov iv

$LaTpLJ3ovTO<;,

ov

avvTa^at Kat

ton AaTrjs

ByP'N0ON*
tovs

ov Kat 8taAoyos c/>epTat 7rpds ripoVAov Ttva {nrep/xa^ov

8e

twv

MorTavto-Twi/ atpeVetos.
/xi/

KaTaXeicftOivTOS tov Adyov c/)ao"t ai/e7rtypac/)OV tovs 8e 'Iovo-Ttvov tov /xapTvpos, aAAovs 8e Icoo-^7tov eVtypai/fai,
ojo-Trep

Etpr/vatov,

Kat toV

A.aj3vpiv$6v

Tti/es

iireypaif/av

'OpiyeVovs.

e7rct

34 8
Tatou idTL
avTOs ev
Tvovy]jxa

EPISTLES OF
rfj

S.

CLEMENT.

dXrjOeta tov

toj re'Aet

tov Aa/?vptvt9ov AdyOV.

crvvTeTaxoTOS tov AafivptvOov, cos Kat 8te/xapTvpaTo eavTov etvat tov nepi
t 8'

THC TOY TTANTOC OYCIAC

jxol

CTfpOS Kai OVX OVTOS

etTTtV,

OV7TCO

yeyovev evSrjXov.

tovtov tov Ta'tov

7rp ecr/3 vVepdv

c^acrt yeyevrjo-Qai Trjs

Kara

Viojxrjv eKKATycrtas

eVt OvtKTopos kcu Ze<vptvov Ttov apxtepeoov,

c9/ojv

X a P~
Xoyov

TovrjOrjvou 8e avTOV
tStcOS

Kat

Ittlctkottov.

trwra^ai 8e Kat
Kat

CTepov

KATA THC ApTeMGONOC

MovTavov

AipeC60:>C,

KATA TTpOKAOY
77

8e GT7TOV-

8acrrov

cr7rovSatav StaAe^tv cruvTera^ei/at, eV

Tpio*Kat8e/ca /xovas

7rtcrToXas dpt6/xLTat IlavAov, ovk eyKptvcov tt^v 7rpos 'E/3patovs.

()

Bibliotheca 121.

ITTTTOAyTOY
'

KATA AipeCCGON BlBAlAApiON.

'IttttoAvtoV fxa6r]Ty<s
Kara,
atpe'cretov
A/3',

Avey viocrOr]
Avtos.
77V

/3t/3At8apiov

Se

Etp^vatov

o 'l7T7ro-

Se to crvvTay/xa
p>)(pL

dp)(rjv 7roiovp.vov

Aocrtt^ricriv

t9eavovs, Kat

Notitov Kat No?7Ttaviov 8taAap./3avov.

TavVas 8e
c

eAey^ots v7ro/3Xrj9rjvai o/uAovvtos Etp^vatov, wv Kat crvvoij/iv 6 l7T7rdAvT0s 7rotov/xevos To8e to /?t/3At'ov c/>?io~l o-vvTeraxevat. T77V Se <pacrtv cracks ecrTt Kat wrocre/AVOs Kat a-rrepnTos, et Kat 7rpos tgV 'Attlkov ovk e7rto~Tpec/>Tai
Aoyov.

Aeyet Se

aAAa

Ttva t^s a/cpt/^etas Aet7rd/Aeva,

ecrTt

Kat

oti

?;

7rpds

E/3patovs

kTvto-ToXrj

ovk

tov (nroo-ToXov IlavAov.

fXifX7]o~LV

Ae'yeTat Se ovtos

Kat 7rpoo"op.tAetv Tip Aaco KaTa

'Optyevovs, ov Kat arvvr)0r]s /xaAtcrra

Kat epacrr^s tioV Adytov vVr/pxev,

fAvr] jjlolt icrai

cos

Kat Trporp e'ti/acri9ai au'rdv tt)v Oei'av vtto-

Kat v7roypac/>eas eTrra Ta^vypac^ovs ypatfcyv, eyKaTaoTTicras avVcp Kat erepovs toctovtovs ypa<ovTas eis KaAAos, cov r)v Kat t^s Sa7rav?is avTOS ^opTyyos* Kat TavYa v7r>7pTovp.evos avTtp a7ratTtv avTov a7rapatT^T0JS to epyov,
i
ox)

Kat

tpyoStojKT^v ev

jata

tojv

ctticttoAojp'

7rapa

Optyi/ous

KXrjOrjvai,

7rAeto"Ta 8e Kat outos Aeyerat crvyyeypac^ei/at.

(<:)

Bibliotlieca 202.

ittttoAytoy

epMHNeiA*
KaTa
Aeti/

kai
e

kai eniCKonoy MApTYpoc eic ton ICT Y kai antixpi'ctoyAdroc nepi XP

AanihA
Aavt^A.
et7retv,

'Avyj'tocr077

l7T7roAvTOi e7rtO"K07rov Kat [xapTvpos epfxrjveLa ets

ttAt^j/

tw

/xev ou 7rottTat tt}v aVa7rrvtv,

'

tov

voui' ye,

cos

cVos

7roAAa fxivTot dp^atOTpo7ra)s Kat ouk ets to vcrTepov St^KptyStoaAA' eKetvcov ovk av et7y StKatos Adyov vTrep^etv toi)s yap fxivov KaTaAe'yet. dpxrjv t^etuptas KciTafiaWofAtvovs ov 8tKas a7ratTetv tcov 7rapeip.eVcoi/, a'AA'
ou TrapaTpk^i
'

dyairdv /xaAtora a^T^s tc t^s eTrt/^oA^s Kat ec/>' 6o-oi> av KaTaXrj\f/e(x)<; tojv to Se tt^v tov 'AvTt^pto"Tor napovcrLav, k<x$ v\v 8tacTK07rov/xeVcov 7rpo^topotry.
Kai
rj

8eo/xeVois

tov alcrOrjTOv koo/xov To)8e crvvTe'Aeta tCTaTat, /XT^'Se Tots /xaOrjTais tov ScoT^pos (nroKaXvif/avTOs, etTa auVcov TavTrjv 7revTaKocrtots

eTecTtv a7ro

XpioTov

V7ra)($i/Ta TTeptypai/zacr^at,

coo"avel tojv

aVd

7rpwT7/s tov

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Koo-fxov KaTafioXyjs e^aKicr^iXtwv
icj><TT(ivai,
ct7r6(f>acris

349
rrjv StaXvcriv

ctwv crvvTeXovfxeviov, kcu

avrov
i]

tovto kcu c^epp-OTcpas av elr} tov irpocnqKOVTOs yvaj/jirjs, kcu aAA. ovk lirnrvoia*; ttJs avuiOtv SteXey^ei. dv0poi7TLvr]<; ayyotas,

r/

Se

<f>pdo~i<;

avrw to craves on
01,'

jxaXtcrTa olKCiovfxtvr) irpeiroi av epp^veta,

ei

kcu

tovs 'Attikous

tl /xdXa Occt/jlovs 8i>o"(07TtTat.

^wavcyvwV^
TOy, ^v
oj
rj

re

avrrj

avrov Kal erepos Aoyos nepi XpiCTOy KAl ANTIvpiCtwv Xoywi/ tSea 8ta7rpe7Tt, Kat to tojv vo-qpidroiv

aTrXovcrrtpov re Kal apyaiorpoirov,

32.
I?i

CECUMENIUS

[c.

A.D.
p.

990?].
173).

Apocalyps. Praef. (Cramer's Catena

C

IIpoS TOVTOt? KCU l7T7roXvTiO T(3 'Pw/X^S 7rpOOpa> N

TH TOf

6IC

AANIHA

epMHNeiA Aoroy.
33.
(a)

ZONARAS
267).

[c.

A.D.

1120?].

AnnaL

vi.

(p.

'Ev $t tw 7rpo5 "EAA^vas avTot!

TTepi

Ao'ya), 69

kata TTAatoonoc

eiriyeypcwrrai

THC TOY HA NT OC
7ravT9

AITi'ac, ov Kat o aytog 'IgjoVj/^s Aap-acrK^vo? /xveiav

avrio
/3lJ3Xcj)

7rewoLrjTaL
cfiTjcrf

iv rfj TrovrjOeicrr)

rrj

KaXovfxevr) TiapdXXrjXa,

ravrd

yap

StKatot tc Kat aStKOt evcoViov

xii.

rou eov Aoyov,

k.t.X.

{b)

AnnaL

15 (p. 620).
Trjs

ToVe Ovpfiavov

iTncrKOirfjs

rrjs

'Pw/xatwv ttoAcoj? 7rpoeoT ottos Kal

'iTnroXvTOS yjvOei avrjp tepwraTOS Kat crocjuaTaroq Ittlo-kottos tov koto. 'Pcjp^v

Tloprov

yevo/xei/og,

6s Kat 7roAAa crvyypa/jL/xaTa

crvveypdif/aTO,

oidcfaopa

T77S

Delias ypa<jirj<;

e^y^cra/xevo?.

34.

SUIDAS

[c.

A.D.

1 1

OO

?].

p. 1058, ed. Bernhardy.

'IttitoXvtos

Kat

6tC

ovTos eypa\f/v eic TAC opACCIC Toy AanihA TAC TTApOIMIAC COAOMOONTOC.
'

v7rop,T>7/xa

3.5. 1

NlCEPHORUS CALLISTUS [c
iv.

A.D.

1300].

Eccles. Hist.

31.

Tot? 8e Kara ^evrjpov xpo'vots Kat 'Itttto'Autos o IIopTov rrjq 'Pco/x^q Kat S?7 7roAAwv VTVoixvqfxaTOiv ctwtgjs e7rto-K07ro5 yeyoi/co? aKfxd^wv rjv.
avT(5 yeypaup,eVa>y, Kat to

nepi TOy TTAC)(A eKTwerai

Kat Ttva

cruyypap,p-a, ev

a>

twj/
rot;

vpovojv

dvaypacj>r}v
irrl

eK^e/xevo?

Kavova eKKatSeKacT^ptbos

7rept

7racrxa irpoOels

to 7rpcoTov tro? 'AAedVopou 7reptypa^>et tou? ^poVoix?.

350
to.

EPISTLES OF
jxrjv

S.

CLEMENT.
/3ifi\iOV
61 C

ye

clvtov avyypdfXfxara

ravrd etoV

THN GlAHMepON'

M6TA elAHMepON' aVTlppyjTLKOS npOC MApKl'oONA* IC TOACMA TOON ACMATGON" 6IC M6pH TOY ieZKIHA* nep'l TOY nACyA* cyntatma npdc ttacac tac Aipeceic jStoi^eXearaTov' nepi thc aAAa 7rAetcrra. HApOYCl'AC TOY ANTIXpi'cTOY' TTGpi AN ACTAC600 C Kat
hepov 6IC TA
eic ZA)(Api'AN
-

nep'i

yaAmoon

eic

ton

hcai'an'

eic

ton Aanih'A"
kai
*v

nepi AnoKAAyyeoac" nepi nApoiMiooN* nep'i caoyA nepi enAiNOON toy Kypi'oy i-'mcon ihcoy XP icto Y'
fiptyei/oi>s
wjXiXrjcre.

nyOooNOC
*s

^apovros

rtva Se tiov crvyypa/jifiaTOiV

/xerd

iinX^if/tfJia

^cov,

tw

7rept

Xptcrrov
jxw/xov.

fxaprvpia)
il~

Tavra

TcAetoo^ets

rov

T779

ayvotas
Oetais

a7TTpti//aTO

wv

<a<xt /cat

'Qpiyivrjv dp-^rjv efr^Kevat rats

67rt/3aAAtv

ypa<ats.

roaavTa Se Kat ra 17T7toAvtou

36.

Ebed-jesu

[c.

a.d.

1300].
in. p. 15).

Catalogus
c

c. vii

(Assemanus Bibliotheca Orientalis

K*.lcaflt>

Ku'ptos l7T7rdAi)TOS fJLdprvs

Kat e7TtcrK07ros eypouf/e j3l(SXlov
TTpl OlKOVOfALOLS

JttfluLaj

QAr^

T-2tt

^-^rtw

paflo
;

r^LACLPjftaAr^O

KCU

p[J,r)VLaV

nT
.

rtO^ft

t^AiCUTaSSfl
r^4cL^-\

Aavt^A tov

/xtKpov Kai Sovcravvas

^^ Q

Ar^-kl^

Kat K^>aAata Kara Tatou

Kat aVoAoytav v7Tp t^s a7TOKaAv-

Kat tov cvayyeAtou 'Iuoavou

^14>>CL^
T** \, <v> *^

(^0\Q\QT^Q
i<LmjjlX.

to a7rocrroAov Kat evayyekicrrov.

^J e\^f\

Though
thought
its
it

this Catalogue was originally written in Syriac, I have worth while to translate the passage into Greek, so as to show

correspondences with other lists of Hippolytus' writings. There can be no reasonable doubt that otKovo/xtas (ver. 3) is the right translation, the corresponding Syriac word being an ordinary
rendering of otKoi/o/xta in its technical sense referring to the Incarnation; see Payne Smith's TJies. Syr. s. v. p. 818. The expression 'the little Daniel,' if the epithet be correctly so translated rather than 'young,'
occurs again Bibl. Orient, iv. p. 6, where Assemani explains it of the apocryphal additions to Daniel, i.e. the history of Susanna, the Song of the Three Children, and Bel and the Dragon, though Susanna is

mentioned separately

in the

preceding

line.

On

the other

hand Wright

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

351

{Catal. of Syr. of Brit. Mus. i. p. 19) gives an account of a ms containing the prophets of the Old Testament and other matter, which between Susanna and Baruch has Daniel the youth (so he translates
'

MSS

it)

concerning our Lord and the end of the world.'

37.

Inscriptions relating to reliques.

{a)

Inscriptio in Basilica S. Laurentii.

CONTINET HOC TEMPLUM SANCTORUM CORPORA PLURA A QUIBUS AUXILIUM SUPPLEX HIC POSCERE CURA CUM XISTO JACET HIC LAURENTIUS IGNE CREMATUS ET PROTOMARTIR STEPHANUS LEVI TA BEATUS POST HOS IPOLITUS COLLIS RE
IO

LIGATUS EQUORUM CUM NUTRICE SUA CUM CUNC TA PLEBE SUORUM ROMANUS MILES TRIPHOMIA

VIRGO CIRILLA
ET QUADRAGINTA QUOS PASSIO

20

CONTINET ILLA SACER DEFUNCTOS JUSTINUSQUE QUI TUMULABAT CIRIACE VIDUA QUE SANCTOS CLAM RECREABAT
CUJUS MATRONE FUIT HEC
POSSESSIO CARA
IPSIUS

NOMEN SPECIALITER

30
'

OPTINET ARA MARTIR IRENEUS QUI TECUM MARTIR ABUNDI DECEDENS SPREVIT FALLACIS GAUDIA MUNDI YLARUS ET ZOSIMUS PELAGIUS HIC RETINENTUR
TERTIUS ET XISTUS CUM MULTIS
QUI RETICENTUR

35 2

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

This inscription was found in the narthex of the lower basilica of

S.

Laurentius in 1853. It is given in De Rossi Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1 88 1, The alternate (shorter) lines are in red. It belongs to the p. 87.
century.

xmth

For the reference

itself,
1.

in
is

'

passio

ilia'

see below, p. 473.

In the inscription is XLARVS.

(b)

13 miles

written milex,

and

in

1.

29 ylarvs

Inscriptio in Ecclesia S. Silvestri.

IN N DNI

HEC EST NOTICIA NATALICIORUM SCORUM HIC REQUIESCENTIUM

VIII

MENSE AUGUSTO DIE

NA

SCORTJ

QUIRIACI LARGI ET SMARAGDE ARCHEL DIE XIII M SS NA SCI YPPOLITI,

where

ss

means mensis

suprascripti

(i.e.

August).

This table of
ago,

the inscription, relating to the male saints, was

known long

and

will

be found in Muratori Nov. Thes.

%i inn.

p.

mcmlxvi.

dni. haec. not. nat.

sc[arum] hic requiescent[ium] * *

D.
VIII.

MENSE AUG.
D.

N.

SCAR.

MEMMIAE

ET JULIANAE VIII. M. SS. N. SCAE ARTHEMIAE

XII.

D.

M.

SS.

N.

SCAE CONCORDIAE

MENSE
PISTIS.

SEPT. D. XXX. N. SCAR SOFIAE

HELPIS. ET. AGAPE

OCT. D. XIII. N. SCAE

MENSE
D.
D.

CONCHYLE

XVIII.

M. SS N. SCAE TRIFONIAE
SS.

XXVIII. M.

N.

SCAE CYRILLAE

recently by

female saints, has been pieced together Rossi; see Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 39 sq. These were the reliques taken from the demolished and rifled

This

table, relating to the

De

suburban cemeteries and placed by Paul

his

between

a.d.

757

761

in

monastery of

S. Silvester in Capite.

^8.

Itineraries.

These extracts are taken from De Rossi Roma Sotterranea 1. p. The sq, where the documents are described and their dates fixed. extracts are on pp. 178, 179.
144

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
(a)

353

Itinerarium Codicis Salisburgensis [a.d. 625

638].

et pervenies ad S. Ypolitum martyrem sub terra in cubiculo, et Concordia mulier eius martyr qui requiescit ante fores, altero cubiculo S. Triphonia regina et martyr, et Cyrilla filia eius et martyr, quas meditus Decius interfecit uxorem et filiam,

Postea illam viam demittis

et S. Genisius martyr.

Postea pervenies ad ecclesiam

S.

Laurentii

ibi

sunt
et

est

magnae parvum cubiculum

S.

basilicae

duae

in

quarum

extra

quis speciosiorem et pausat, ecclesiam in hoc occidentur. Ibi

ille

pausat
lapis

Abundius
tollent

quern

Herenius martyr Via Tiburtina ; et ibi est digito multi homines nescientes quid faciunt.
et

Et

in altera ecclesia

sursum multi martyres pausant.

Prima

est

Cyriaca

sancta vidua et martyr, et in altero loco S. Justinus, et iuxta eum S. Crescentius martyr, et multitudo sanctorum, longe in spelunca deorsum S. Romanus martyr. Postea ascendes ad ecclesiam S. Agapiti
martyris et diaconi
In
1.

S.

Syxti papae.
'

4 for 'meditus' read

'

Messius

'

in
'

1.

probably
read
'

in

occidente,' even if
is

This
(b)

greater correction is not needed. the itinerary attached to William of Malmesbury's Gesta Regtim

quarum quae some

speciosior est

pausat

and

6 for 'in quarum... pausat read in 1. 7 occidentur should be

'

'

'

Anglorum.

Epitome Libri de Locis Sci7ictorum Martyrum [a.d. 635 645]. Juxta Viam Tiburtinam (prope murum civitatis ecclesia est S.
Januarii

multum

episcopi et martyris, honorabilis martyrum

S.

eademque

via) ecclesia

est

S.

Agapiti
fuerat

corporibus.

Et prope eandem viam

eius

ecclesia est

Laurentii
basilica

maior, in qua

corpus

primum
est

humatum,
requiescit.

et

ibi

nova mirae pulchritudinis, ubi ipse modo

altare

Ibi

quoque sub eodem

:

Abundus

depositus et

foris in portico lapis est, qui

aliquando in collo eiusdem Abundi pendebat in puteum missi ibi Hereneus, Julianus, Primitivus, Tacteus, Nemeseus, Eugenius, Justinus, Crescentianus, Romanus sunt sepulti,
S.

et

Cyriaca,

S.

Simferosa, et

Justina
in

cum

multis

martyribus sunt

sepulti.

Inde

in

boream sursum
sua
tota

monte

basilica S. Hippolyti est,

iacet.

ubi

ipse

cum
fuit

familia

xviiii

martyres
et
S.

Career

ibi

est in

quo
filia

Laurentius.
:

Ibi est Triphonia uxor Decii Caesaris et

Cyrilla

eius

inter utrasque

Concordia

Geneseus,

et

multi

martyres
In
1.

ibi sunt.
2,

1,

the words in brackets are in a later hand.

In

1.

read 'sepultae'.

(c)

Notitia

Portarum Viarum Ecclesiarum

[a.d.

648

682].

hanc viam
Et
ibi

Sexta porta et via Tiburtina, quae modo dicitur S. Laurentii, iuxta iacet S. Laurentius in sua ecclesia et Habundius martyr.

prope

in altera ecclesia

pausant hi martyres, Ciriaca, Romanus,

CLEM.

II.

23

354

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

Justinus, Crescentianus, et ibi non longe Ipolitus vel basilica S. Ippocum familia sua pausat, id est xviii [v. I. xxviii]. Et ibi lyti, ubi ipse

requiescunt beata Triphonia uxor Decii et

nutrix eius.
(d)

filia

eius Cirilla et

Concordia

Et

in altera parte viae illius est ecclesia Agapiti martyris.

[after a.d. 750].

Topographia Einsiedlensis
foris

In via Tiburtina
Laurentii.
(e)

murum

in sinistra S. Ypoliti, in dextera S.

Liber Mirabilium Urbis

in agro

Romae
S.

[later,

various recensions].

Coemeterium

Verano ad

Laurentium.

39.
(a)
1.

Western Service Books.

Littirgia

Sacramentarium Leonianum (Muratori

Romana

Vetus

p. 400).

Idibus Augusti.

NATALE SANCTORUM HIPPOLYTI ET PONTIANI.

Tibi enim, Domine, festiva solemnitas agitur, tibi dies sacrata celebratur, quam Sancti Hippolyti martyris tui sanguis in veritatis tuae
testificatione profusus magnifico
(b)

nominis

tui

honore
11.

signavit.
p. 112).

Sacramentarium Gregorianum (Muratori

Idibus Augusti.

NATALE SANCTI HIPPOLYTI.

Da nobis, omnipotens Deus, ut beati Hippolythi martyris randa solemnitas et devotionem nobis augeat et salutem.
(c)

tui

vene-

Missale

Mixtum Mozarabicum

(Patrol. Lat.
sibi

lxxxv.

p.

816

sq).

Hunc

[Laurentium] Hipolitus
to the

dum

traditum asservaret custodia

militari etc.

With more
But
1

same

effect.

So again
to

p. 818.

SANCTI HYPOLITI SOCIORUMQUE EJUS.

this

document has been added

e. g.

from time to time, and contains saints of the

3th century,

Thomas Aquinas.

(d)
1

Breviarium

Gothicum

Sanctorale

(Patrol.

Lat.

lxxxvi.

p.

134

sq).
xiii.

Aug.

In festo sancti Hippolyti Martyris.

Ferreis percalidus unguibus artifex

Armat

spiniferi spicula cardui

Corrupta penitus viscera martyris Perfundunt rosei flumina sanguinis.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Hinc ad cornipedum
#
Christe
terga ferocium

355

Innexu religant; tractus in aspera.

*
*

tum,

qui sanctum martyrem tuum Hippolyequina per spinarum traheretur acumina, etc. There is no trace of any connexion with S. Laurentius here, and no

Domine omnipotens,
feritate

dum

mention of any companions. See more on this subject

in

De

Rossi Bullettino

p.

30 sq (1882).

40.

Calendars and Martyrologies.

(a)

Liberian Chro?iogrcipher [a.d. 354].

1.

Successio cpiscoporum

(Mommsen, p. 635; see above, p. 255). Eo tempore Pontianus episcopus et Yppolitus presbyter exoles
sunt deportati in Sardinia, in insula nociva, Severo et Quintiano
cons. [a.d. 235];

Depositio
viii
iiii

Martyrum (Mommsen,

p.

632

sq).

Idus Aug. Idus Aug.

et

Xysti in Calisti Laurenti in Tiburtina

Idus Aug.

Ypoliti in Tiburtina

Pontiani in Calisti

Non.
(b)

Sept.

Aconti in Porto,

et

Nonni
a.d.

et

Herculani

et Taurini.

Ancient Syriac Martyrologv

Jan. 30.

[c.

350?] ed. Wright, pp.

4, 8.

Aug.
of

1.

On

In the city of Antioch, Hippolytus. the same day, the commemoration of Xystus, bishop

Rome.
[a.d. 448].

(c)
iiii
ii

Calendar of Poleniius Sylvius

Idus Aug. Idus Aug.

Natalis S. Laurentii mart,

Hyppoliti mart.

(d)

Considar Fasti [a.d. 493].

11

Decio

et

His
(e)

coss. passus S.

Rustico [a.d. 251]. Laurentius iii Idus Augusti.

Kalendarium Carthagine?ise.
viii
iiii

Idus Aug. sancti Systi episcopi et martyris Romae. Idus Aug. sancti Laurenti. Idus Aug. sancti Hippoliti.

232

35 6
(/)
5 8 5 s q)iv

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
(Hieron.

Martyrologium Hieronymianum
Kal. Febr.
tiquis.

Op.

xi.

pp.

551,

In Tursia,

Constanti,

Hippolyti episcopi de an-

iii

Kal. Febr.

Prid. Kal. Febr.

lyti,

In Antiochia, passio sancti Hippolyti martyris. In Alexandria, Tarsici, Zotici Gelasi, Hippo.
.

Ursini, Tyrsi.

viii

Idus Aug.

Romae

in

Sixti episcopi, et Felicissimi... Laurentii, Hippolyti, et

coemeterio Calesti, via Appia natalis militum

centum sexaginta duorum.

iv

Idus Aug.

Romae

via Tiburtina, natalis sancti Laurentii archi-

diaconi et martyris. centiani Pontiani.

. . .

In via Appia Felicissimi.

Et

alibi

Cres-

Idus Aug.
xiii

Romae,

Kal. Sept.

natalis sanctorum, Hippolyti martyris, Pontiani episcopi, Cornelii, etc. In Portu Romano, natalis sancti Hippolyti martyris.

In Sardinia natalis sancti Luxurii,

etc.

xi Kal. Sept.

Et

in portu

x Kal. Sept.

In portu urbis
qui

Romano peregrinorum martyrum. Romae natalis sancti Hippolyti In Ostia dicitur Nunnus cum sociis suis.

natalis sancti Quiriaci, Archelai.

(g)

Martyrologium Veins
Kal. Febr.

Romanum

{Patrol. Lat.

cxxm.

pp. 147,

165, Migne).
iii

Antiochiae, passio sancti Hippolyti.

viii Id.

Aug.

vi Id.

Aug.

v Id. Aug.
iv Id.

Romae, via Appia, Xisti papae et martyris. Romae, via Ostiensi, Cyriaci martyris cum aliis xxi quando viii die mensis Augusti reconditi sunt, Romae, Romani militis
Vigilia sancti Laurentii.

Aug.

Romae
clxv.

Laurentii archidiacon. martyris et militum

Idus Aug.

Romae, Hippolyti
S.

martyris
ejus.

cum

familia sua, et

Concordiae nutricis

On

the relations of the older

Roman

Martyrologies see Ignat.

and Polyc.

1.

p.

554

(ed. 1), p.

570

(ed. 1).

41.

Florus-Beda
999
sq.

[c.

A.D.

870].

Patrol. Lat. xciv. pp. 827,

iii

Kal. Febr.
Kal. Aug.

[Vacat].

viii

Romae

S.

Xysti episcopi.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
vi

357
Romae
Romani

Idus Aug.

v Idus Aug.

Natalis S. Cyriaci. Vigilia S. Laurentii.

militis,

Eodem
S.

die

S.

qui confessione

Laurentii compunctus

petiit

ab eo baptizari;
S.

et

mox
;

jubente Decio

cum
iv

fustibus exhibitus ac decollatus est.

Idus Aug.

Natale

Laurentii sub Decio

carceris,

qui post plurima

verberum diversorum, laminarum ardentium, ad ultimum in craticula ferrea

tormenta
assatus martyrium complevit.

Idibus Aug.

Romae

S. Ypoliti, qui tempore Decii ligatus pedes ad colla indomitorum equorum sic per carduos tribulosque tractus emisit spiritum; et Concor-

diae nutricis ejus, quae ante ipsum plumbatis caesa martyrizatur ; et aliorum de domo ejus decern et novem, qui simul decollati sunt.

42.

Ado of Vienne

[f a.d.

874].
sq,

Martyrologium (Patrol. Lat. cxxiii. pp. 224, 318

III

Migne).

KAL. FEBR.

deceptus, operante
rediit; VIII

Passio sancti Hippolyti martyris qui Novati schismate aliquantulum gratia Christi correctus ad charitatem ecclesiae

pro qua et in qua IDUS AUG.

illustre

martyrium postea consummavit.

Romae, via Appia, in coemeterio Callisti, natale S. Sixti episcopi et martyris et in coemeterio Praetextati sanctorum Felicissimi et Agapiti
diaconorum ejusdem, sub Decio imperatore, Valeriano praefecto; qui tenuit beatissimum senem Sixtum episcopum Romanum cum omni clero
suo et reclusit eos in custodia publica
[Sixtus, Felicissimus,
etc.

and Agapitus, are beheaded with

others.]

ID.

AUG.

Vigilia sancti Laurentii.

Eodem

die

Romae,

sancti

Romani

militis

qui in confessione sancti

Laurentii compunctus petiit ab eo baptizari, et fustibus exhibitus ac decollatus est.

IV ID. AUG.

mox

jubente Decio

cum

Romae
coronam

Cui beatus Sixtus omnes

natale sancti Laurentii archidiaconi et martyris sub Decio. facilitates ecclesiae et thesauros, pergens ad

martyrii, tradidit.

[Hippolytus his gaoler, seeing the miracle of giving sight to the blind Laurentius is wrought by Laurentius, is converted and baptized.

358

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

brought before the tyrant Decius, ordered to surrender the treasures of the Church, and put to torture.] Tunc unus ex militibus, nomine Romanus, credidit Domino Jesu
Christo et dixit beato Laurentio
:

Video ante

te

hominem pulcherrimum
Levatus
igitur

stantem
qui

cum

linteo et extergentem

membra

tua; adjuro te per Christum

tibi misit

angelum suum, ne

me

derelinquas.

beatus

martyr de catasta et solutus, redditus est Hippolyto tantum in palatio. Veniens autem Romanus offerens aquam misit se ad pedes beati Laurentii ut baptizaretur; qui benedicta aqua baptizavit eum: quod Non factum audiens Decius jussit eum sibi exhiberi cum fustibus. clamare, Christianus sum. Et jubente Decio eductus interrogatus coepit
foras

muros portae Salariae decollatus

est quinto

Idus Augusti.

Cujus

corpus noctu collegit Justinus presbyter Verano.

et sepelivit in crypta in agro

[Laurentius then undergoes martyrdom, being roasted alive on a

gridiron.]

et condivit

Mane autem primo adhuc crepusculo rapuit corpus ejus Hippoiytus cum linteis et aromatibus et hoc factum mandavit Justino
;

Tunc beatus Justinus et Hippoiytus plorantes et multum presbytero. tristes tulerunt corpus beati martyris et venerunt in via Tiburtina, in
praedium matronae viduae Cyriacae
in agro Verano, ad quam ipse martyr fuerat noctu, cui et linteum dedit, unde pedes sanctorum exterserat, et illud ibi jam hora vespertina sepelierunt iv Idus Augusti.

Et jejunaverunt agentes vigilias noctis triduo, et multitudine anorum. Beatus autem Justinus presbyter obtulit sacrificium et participati sunt omnes.

Christilaudis,

die Romae, militum centum et sexaginta quinque. Tunc sunt Claudius, Severus, Crescentio, et Romanus, ipso die quo passi beatus Laurentius, post tertium post diem passionis sancti Sixti.
ID.

Eodem

AUG.
sancti Hippolyti martyris, sub

Romae,

Decio imperatore, Valeriano

Hunc beatum Hippolytum vicarium sanctus Laurentius, praefecto. cum apud eum esset in custodia, baptizavit. Qui de Sanctis exsequiis
martyris

post
servis

tertium
suis
et

diem ad
ancillis,

domum suam
et

rediens

dedit

pacem
altaris

omnibus

communicavit de

sacrificio

beati Laurentii martyris.

venerunt milites

et

Et posita mensa, priusquam cibum sumeret, tenuerunt et perduxerunt ad Decium. Quern ut

:

vidit, subridens dixit ei Numquid et tu magus effectus es, quia corpus Laurentii abstulisse diceris? Sanctus Hippoiytus respondit; Hoc feci

non quasi magus, sed quasi

ut

Christianus.

Decius furore repletus

jussit

cum

lapidibus os ejus contunderetur.

Et exspoliavit eum veste qua

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
induebatur habitu Christiano
peries
et dixit ei
:

359
;

Sacrifica, et vives

sin aliter,

per

tormenta

sicut

Laurentius.

Sanctus
fieri,

Exemplum merear
fuisti

beati Laurentii martyris

Hippolytus dixit; quern tu, miser, ausus

et

ore polluto nominare.

est,

Extensus
deficerent.

igitur fustibus

cardis

diu

caesus
jussit

donee caedentes
et esto

Inde levatus

est a terra, et
:

eum Decius

vestiri militari veste

Recole militiam,
militia pristina

qua gentilis utebatur, et dixit ei noster amicus, et in conspectu nostro utere

;

quam semper habuisti. Cumque beatus martyr dixisset mea haec est, Christianum firmum militare, unde cupio ad celerem palmam cum fructu venire; iracundia plenus Decius dixit Valeriano Accipe omnes facilitates ejus, et internee eum crudeli
Militia
;

exanimatione.
in

domo

Hippolyti
fecit.

Valerianus itaque, exquisita omni facultate ejus, invenit omnem familiam Christianam, quam conspectui suo

praesentari

Et

jussit

beatum Hippolytum

foras

muros portae

Beatus vero Hippolytus confortabat omnes, dicens Fratres, nolite metuere, quia ego et vos unum Deum habemus. Et decollati sunt promiscui sexus numero decern et novem.
Tiburtinae
familia sua duci.
;

cum

Beatus vero Hippolytus ligatus pedes ad colla indomitorum equorum,

Nocte venit per carduetum et tribulos tractus, emisit spiritum. beatus Justinus presbyter, et collegit corpora, et sepelivit in campo eodem juxta Nympham, ad latus agri Verani, Idibus Augusti.
sic

Eodem
Hippolyti.

die

natale

sanctae

Cum
dixisset,

Valerianus

Concordiae, nutricis ejusdem beati ad familiam beati Hippolyti sibi prae-

sentatam

Considerate aetates vestras, ne simul pereatis

cum

Hippolyto domino nostro (/. vestro) ; respondit beata Concordia, Nos desideramus potius cum domino nostro pudice mori quam impudice vivere. Ad hoc Valerianus Genus, inquit, servorum nisi cum suppliciis
;

non emendatur.
Et

Et

jussit ut

beata Concordia

cum

plumbatis caederetur.
ejus
est

cum

caederetur, emisit

spiritum, corpusque

in

cloacam

projectum.

Cumque

veniret, ita tristis

diu quaereret illud sanctus Justinus, et non inredditur ut non cessarent flere oculi ejus. Tertio

decimo vero die post passionem sancti Hippolyti, venit quidam miles Porphyrius nomine, ad Irenaeum cloacarium qui occulte Christianus
erat, et dicit ei
;

Si
;

tum ad quaestum
spectu suo
ejus in

secretum possis custodire, divulgabo arti tuae mulante hos dies jussit Valerianus praefectus in con-

quamdam

cloacam

creditariam Hippolyti plumbatis deficere, et corpus haec in vestibus suis spero quod margaritas jactari
:

Audiens haec Irenaeus, intimavit secreto beato Justino presbytero; qui flectens genua gratias egit Deo. Porphyrius autem noctu veniens cum Irenaeo invenit corpus sanctum ; sed in vestimentis nihil invenerunt. Beatus autem Irenaeus vocavit ad se

habet absconsas vel aurum.

360

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
et tulerunt

quemdam Christianum Abundium nomine,

perduxerunt ad beatum Justinum
;

corpus ejus et

qui gratias agens Deo illud suscepit, et juxta corpora martyrum Hippolyti et aliorum sepelivit, viii

Kalendas Septembris. XV KAL. OCT.

Item

Romae

via Tiburtina,

ad sanctum Laurentium, natale beati

S.

Justini presbyteri, quern beatus Sixtus ordinavit.

S.

[After speaking of the relations of Justinus with Cyriaca, the account concludes :]

Laurentius and

Hie sanctum Hippolytum

condivit.

et

Concordiam, Irenaeum, Abundium,

et

Cyrillam filiam Decii Caesaris, martyres,

alios

plurimos sepulturis

Et persecutione Decii,
fuit.

Galli, et Volusiani, confessionis gloria

insignissimus

Romae,
scensionis.
VII

in crypta arenaria,

sanctorum martyrum Narcissi

et

Cre-

KAL. SEPT.
natalis

Item

sanctorum Irenaei

et

Abundi Romae

quos Deciana

persecutione jussit Valerianus incloacari eo quod corpus beatae ConEt ipsorum quoque corpora cordiae cloacam missum levaverunt.
levavit Justinus presbyter et sepelivit in crypta juxta

beatum Lauren-

tium.

XV KAL. NOV.
Item Romae sanctae Triphoniae uxoris Decii Caesaris quae, viro suo post interfectionem beatorum Sixti et Laurentii divinitus punito, petiit baptizari cum filia Decii Cyrilla a Justino presbytero ; et alia die defuncta est ac juxta Hippolytum in crypta sepulta quinto decimo Kal.
;

Novembris.
VIII

KAL. NOV.

Ipso die Romae via Salaria natalis quadraginta et octo militum, qui simul baptizati a beato Dionysio papa; et mox jubente Claudio Quorum corpora noctu collegerunt beatus imperatore decollati sunt.
Justinus presbyter et Joannes, et sepelierunt in crypta

cum

multitudine

Christianorum in via Salaria in clivum Cucumeris

viii

Kal. Novembris,

ubi positi sunt et alii martyres centum viginti et unus. Inter quos fuerunt quatuor milites Christi, Theodosius, Lucius, Marcus, et Petrus. Hi videntes ad se venire armatos, rogabant ut primi decollarentur.

Scriptum in passione sanctorum martyrum V KAL. NOV.

Sixti,

Laurentii, et Hippolyti.

Romae
cum matre

sanctae

Cyrillae

filiae

Decii Caesaris quae sub Claudio

principe jugulata et

necata est gladio, ac sepulta a Justino presbytero

sua juxta sanctum Hippolytum.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
43.

361

Men^ea

[a.d.

?].

Jan. 30
"A0\y](tl<s

(p. 230, ed. Venet. 1877).

tov ay tov tepo/xapTvpos 'linroXvTov

Trdira. 'Pto/xr/s

Kat

twv

o~vv

aura) Keva"ovptVov, Sa/3a'tVov, Xpvcrrjs, kcu tiov \ol7twv'

ToXfxr]

OdXaacrav

'IttttoX.vtos

ctcrSvVet

ota Kpoaivmv t7T7ros iv Aeta> 7reSa)

'IttttoXvtov ttovtov TpiaKoaTrj eKTave pevfxa.

Avty)

t]

tepa o/xtjyvpL : vTryjpxev

liri Trjs /3ao-tA.etas

KAavStov, tj-yepLovtvovTos
kolL 6 fxev Kevcrovptvos, tov XptcrroV XtXrjOoTws

/3iKapLov tov

Kat

OvAttiov 'Pco/xvAov KaXovpievov

ecre/Jero

xtaytcrTpos cov Kat to) (3acnXeZ aya7rw/xvos,

Kat T(Zv XptcrTiavwv virtpno-iri&TO

'

yvwo-Oels 8e aVeKAetcr&y

ev

'

(f>vXaKrj

evua

veKpov

avacmfcras

7retcre

7rai/ras

tovs

OTpaTiwras

Trto-revcrat

tw

Xptcrrw' otTtves 7rpoarai tov Tvpdvvov a7reKecf>aXL(r6r](Tav, Kat <tvv avTots

17

xiaKapta

Xpvcn?

/cat

Tavr^s
v

v7rovpyos

2a/3a'tVos,
/cat

7rpoTepov

7roAAas

v7ro/xetVavTS Tt/xooptas
eK/xao-cretv Kai

8ta to 8taKovetv rots aytots

tovs t^oopas avVcov

eavTOvs aAetc^ctv.
l7T7roAvTOS,

TavYa

p.a6oiv o /xaKaptarraTOS 7ra7ras

C^'Aw #ta>

Ktv??0ets,

rjXOe koX rjXey^e tov Tvpavvov ko.to\ Trpoaoiirov.

6 8e vVep^ecras

tw OvpuZ

TTpwTov /xev atrroj/ e/3acrai/to"e /xeTa tcov aKoA.ov#ovvTwj/ avV<3 7rpeo"/?VTpcov Kat StaKoi/cov /cat tov e7rtOK07rov elm 8^0"ag avTwv Tas ^etpas Kat tovs 7ro8as
'

eV T(3 fivOip Trjs 6aXdo~o~q<;

eppcxj/e,

Kat ovtws eVeAetw^crav.

is found also in the Menologium of Basil {Patrol. Graec. cxvu. Migne) almost verbatim; but the words tov Kat OvA7rtov 'Pw/^vAov KaXov/xeVov are omitted. Hippolytus however is called 7rct7ra

This

p.

285,

simply without the addition of

Pw/x?7s.

August 10th
T77
t

(p. 53).
parjvos p.vt)pjr]

tov avTOv

twv
e

aytcoj/

/xapTvpoiv

AavpevTtov ap^t-

8taKoVov,

Evorov

7ra7ra 'Pa^x^s, Kat

l7T7roXvTOV.

TOV

'l7T7roAVTOV t7T7roS0"p.tOV /?Xe7TO>

ivavTtov irao-ypvTa TV xXrjcreL iraOos.

o)7rT7]o~av

Sckcxt^

AavpevTtov

T^vTe

l^Ovv.

[The charge of Xystus to Laurentius and the Martyrdom are then recorded as in the Latin Acts.]
Etcra^^ets
/ixevos,
877

Aavpci/Ttos o ap^iSta/coi/os Kat ra tcpa ^prf/maTa aVatTOvdva-rn/jpovs, ots 8tej/t/x

atT^aas a/xa'as Kat Xaj3wv tovs )(wXovs koL

Kat
Tats a/xa^ats
7ri(TTtj8atras,

Ta
ovs

XprjpiOLTa,

rjyaye

7rpos

tov

fiacriXia.'

362
tS<oi>

EPISTLES OF
kcu opytcr#ts
kv
a>

S.

CLEMENT.
TvejiOrjvat

KeXevei.

rov aytov
iv
rj

AavpevTtov
taro

crc^oSpws,

etra

fiX-qBrjvat
ic}>OLT(x)V,

ttj

<f>vXai<f}.

yevo/jtevos

7ravras

oaoL

7rpos

avrov

av CKacrros /carei^cTO voarjjxaTt.

rrj

airep o Tptpovvos

KaAAivtKos

(3Xe7roiv,
fxeToi

6 Kat

eipKTrj

iirtcrTaTiov, 7riaTuo-e

tovto Se iraptcnaTai 6
rots
etSooAots
tu>
7rt

tu Xpto-Tw aytos Aavpevrios to fiao-tXet,

d<j>rJK

Kat i/Sa^Tta-Or). Kat

/at)

7raa#ts
Trvpo%'
T775

Qvaat
Kat
ev

ecr^apas aVAouTat,

kcitw^v v^>aiTTop.ivov
to
7n/ei)/xa,

avr^

ea>

ev^apicrT^Vas

Kat

K^Setas

o^etA-oueV^s

napa tov
o'

IttitoXvtov Tvy\avt.

Tovto yvous

/3ao~tAeus

Kat pLtTaTre/juf/a/Aevos avrov

7r

eKcAeucrc
i></>

Ktvapats
7rt

criS^pats fxao'TtyoiBrjvat, etTa t7T7rots

poabe9r}v'at aypiots*

cov

7roAu

crvpofievos to) eu5 to nvevfxa TrapeOero.

Ae'yeTat Se oVt T77 e/38o/X7/ rj/xepa

fxera to -rcaQCtv tov aytov 'YttttoXvtov Ackios Kat

OuaAAeptavos KaOq/ievot inl

i^iirvevaav,
cos

twv

ittttcdv

ovTuv rov afytKiaQat

copa to>
/u,e;

7rpos to

Oiarpov
l7T7roAvTe,

AeKto? ev

tt)

Oolvoltov

avTov' 'O

Kpa^as o at^/xaAo)TOi/ ovtw

yae

SeSe/xevov aVayets

Kpae 8e Kat o OwAAcptavos* IlvptVats

KaTrjvats

outcos cAkcis; tovto 8e 6M7A0V yeyove

io-Tepeu>0Y)o~av rfj irto-rtt

Ka6

oAt^v t?)v otKovfxevqv, Kat 7toVtS

tov Kvpiov

77/x-wv 'It^o-ot;

XptoToi),

a>

77

Soa

ets

tovs

atwvas.

afxrjv.

The same account

is

given in a

much abridged form

in the

Meno-

logium of Basil (Patrol Graec. cxvu. p. 580, Migne).

S.

44.

Petrus Damianus

[c.

a.d.

1060].

ad Nicolaum II (Hippol. <9> 1. p. xi, ed. Fabricius). Beatus quoque Nonus martyr, qui et Hippolytus, memoriae nostrae non praetereundus occurrit; qui nimirum postquam triginta millia Saracenorum ad Christi fidem efficacissima praedicatione convertit, postEpistola

lupanaribus ad ecclesiae pudicitiam nonnullos sanctarum expositionum libros provocavit, postquam denique luculenter explicuit, tandem episcopatum deseruit, de Antiochenis par-

quam beatam quoque Pelagiam de

tibus

unde

erat

oriundus abscessit,

Romanos

fines appetiit:

cumque

beata Aurea apud Ostiam civitatem saxo cervicibus alligato in marinis fluctibus martyrium consummasset, beatus Nonus sanctum cadaver pia devotione collegit et cum omni diligentia tumulavit. Quern mox idem persecutor, qui dicebatur Ulpius, juxta Tyberis alveum in

foveam aquis plenam mergi praecipit; cujus postmodum corpus contriumphali martyrio in civitate, quae Portus dicitur, Christiana Illico audita vox veluti infantium per unam fere devotio sepelivit.

summato

horam clamantium, Deo

offensam.

Qui ergo talem vitae meruit claugratias. quia episcopatum deserens coram Deo non incurrit sulam, liquido patuit

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
45.

$6$

Passio Sancti Sixti Laurentii HlPPOLYTI.

Hippolytus

Romanus

p. xiii, ed.

Lagarde.

Xystus
Caesar em

igitur

Romae
esse

urbis episcopus

apud Athenas natus

et doctus,

prius quidem philosophus, postea vero Christi discipulus, audiens

Decium

Romam

venturum

ait;

[He gives instructions in the face of the coming persecution; entrusting his archdeacon Laurence with 'universas facultates ecclesiae'.

The

treasures are sold

arrives,

Decius

by the archdeacon and distributed to the poor. bringing with him two Persians, Abdo and Sennes,
of Christ.

bound
death.

for the

name

The
et

tyrant puts

Abdo and Sennes

to

Their bodies]
posita in cimiterio Pontiani die

noctu a Christianis sublata sunt

iii

Kal. Augusti.

Post haec autem

jussit

ad se adduci Xystum urbis

episcopum.
[Xystus
is

then

condemned

to death.]

Decollatus est autem extra muros urbis via Appia in loco qui appellatur clivus martyrum.

Rapuerunt autem Christiani corpus

ejus et

die Aug. posuerunt Decius Caesar adduci in conspectum suum beatum Laurentium praecepit et ait;

in cimiterio Calisti die octavo Id.

Eodem namque

Ubi sunt

thesauri ecclesiae quos penes te esse

dicit;

Cui beatus Laurentius

ecclesiis universa

deferam.

cognovimus? Biduo mihi dentur induciae, ut ex omnibus Tunc Caesar jussit ut sub custodia Hip-

polyti ducis Laurentius ageret.

[Laurentius converts his guard Hippolytus by his words and deeds. is then handed over to Valerianus the Prefect of the city, and put to death by roasting on a gridiron.]

He

Die vero eadem rapuit corpus ejus Hippolytus

matibus
fecitque
et

et

condivit aro-

posuit in

crypta abditissima
et

quarto iduum

illic

biduum jejunans

orans.

augustarum, Egressus autem tertia die

Hippolytus venit ut ingrederetur domum, et priusquam caperet cibum, a militibus conprehensus est et perductus ad Caesarem. Cui Caesar
ait
:

Numquid

dicaris?

et tu magus effectus es, ut corpus Laurentii abstulisse Sanctus Hippolytus, cujus jam gloriae corona parata erat,
:

ad laudem intrepidus respondens dixit Hoc sed ut Christianus. Quo audito Decius Caesar
ejus contundi lapidibus et exui

feci
ira

non quasi magus commotus jussit os

jussit

eum vestem quam

habuit et extensum
duci extra
et dimitti

ad cardos ferreos

caedi.

Post haec autem seminecem

urbem

et

pedes ejus

ligari

pedibus equorum indomitorum

364
in

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
reddidit
spiritum.

cardeto.

Dum

autem eum

traherent,

Tunc

corpus ejus rapuerunt Christiani et posuerunt in crypta,

quae

est juxta

agrum praetorianum die id. aug. Post diem autem septimum passionis ejus dedit munera Decius et sedit in curru una cum Valeriano praefecto

urbis;

ut

momento ambo
suae dicens
:

expiraverunt.

jam descenderent et amphitheatrum Clamabat autem Decius

introirent,

uno

in

hora mortis

ValeHippolyte, quasi captivum me vinctum ducis. rianus autem clamabat: Laurenti, igneis me catenis vinxisti et trahis.

46.

Acta

SS. Cyriaci, Hippolyti,

Aureae,

etc.

Hippolytus Romanus,

p.

(ed. Lagarde).

MApTypiON

toy

ap'oy

KypiAKOY,

IttttoAytoy,

maIimoy,

XPYChc, ka! toon Aoihoon.

'Ev Tats rjfxipais KAauSiou rov -jrapavofxov /3ao"iAea)S, irapovros (3u<apLOV OvXttlov Poo/xuAAov, /xeyttrros avrj<f>(h] Stcoy/xos rots rrjviKavra ovaiv Xptanavots. t]v ovv rts avrjp K.evcrovplvo<s k.t.A.

[Then follows the account of the good confession of Censurinus who is accordingly imprisoned at Ostia, where he is visited and looked after by one Chryse of royal race, who had undergone many persecutions for
Christ.

The

priest

ministrations.

Maximus and the deacon Archelaus offer spiritual The guards of Censurinus are struck by a miracle wrought

and by exhortations spoken by Maximus.]

Tore
ofxo6v/JLa$6v a.7ravr<s avriov, 6 re <$>rj\i, Ma^ijaos, Tavptvos, 'EpKov-

Aiai/os, Ne/3eptos,

^Topa/avos,

IS/lfjvas,

Ko/x/xo8ios, 'Ep/xT/s,

Maupos,
KO.I

Fivae/Stos,

PwOTlKlOS,

MoVO,K/H09,

AfMlvSlvOS,

'OA-VtUTlOS,
7ro'Sas

Ku7rpi09,

0eo8(OpoS

Tpi/Sovvos, e(3a\ov kavrovs a/xa irpos rovs rov 7rpo-j3vrepov.

rov /xaKapaordrov M.a^t/xov

[They are

all

the bishop anoints

baptized and looked after by Chryse ; and Cyriacus and seals them. Then follows the story of the shoelost his son, a child of
is

maker, who having

Christ.

twelve years,

is

converted to

and christened Faustinus. Owing to this resurrection, Chryse is accused of magic, and tortured on the wheel and in other ways. Cyriacus, Maximus, and Archelaus are put to
child

The

restored to

life

death, as are also the soldiers.

Cyriacus and

Maximus

are

burned by

the presbyter Eusebius on the Ostian Way, on vi Id. Aug. soldiers are laid near them.]

The

other

Tavplvov 8e kou EpKovXtavov Iv

tu>

ITopTw

'Pco/x^s KareKpvi[/ev.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
[Then Romulus commands Chryse
confesses Christ boldly.

365

She to be brought before him. In a fury he orders her to be beaten with

leaden bullets, but to no

effect.]

'E/ceAcuo-c Se 7raA.1v XlOov xie'yav Seafxa)OrjvaL

Kara tov Tpa^Xov

avrrjs

Kal 0VTC09 KpefxaaOrjvai iv

rfj

OaXdcrar]' rjo-Ttvos

to ayiov

cruJ/xa irepirjXOev

ews

tov alycaXov' oVep d /xa/captcoTaTO? Ndvos 6 Kal /xeTovo/xao-#eis l7T7rdA.vTOs iv to lSi'o) avTrjs ^oopou, h>6a Kal KarojKa, (rvvrjyayev, Kal tovto KOLTtOouf/ev
eco ro)V

ruyioiv

rrjq

'Oo-r^ata?

7rdA.a>s

t^

7rpd ivvia

KaAavSuv Se7rTe/x/3pia)v.
Christian, the pro-

[Then follows the apprehension of Sabinianus a

curator
(e7ri/xeX^T7)?)

of that

whereabouts of Chryse's
tortured.]

district, who is ordered to treasures. Romulus orders him

discover the
to be cruelly

Tovto
IvOiTTLOV

Sc aVowa? 6 [xaKapiwraros 'IinroXvTOS 6 Trptafivrepos iXOwv earr) TOV Pto/XvAoV Kal Xa/JL7Tpa TTj (fiO)vfj a7rev 'fi aOXie K.T.X. ravra aKovcras 6 acre/3eo-TaTOs 'Pgj/xvAos iOvfiojOr) a"(dSpa Kal 7rpocrTae

tovs 7rd8as civtov kol ras xetpas SeSe/xevov a? ftodvvov KaraKpYjfjLVLcrOrjvaL. tov ovv [xaKapiov 'IttitoXvtov /3v6l,o/jlvov iv to r.L\a et9 tov /360vvov TTOpTOV rov avayopevd/xcvov IldpTov (J7V), dcf>vo) <f>u)vr} yJKOvaur) axrei Siao-r^/xaro?

wpas tuas, KaQaTrep

t7TtV dcf>rJKV

vqirioiv AeydvToov ev^aptcrTta? to ear Kat ev to TavVa TO 7TVV/Xa TO KvpiO) T$ 7Tpd SeKd/XlUS KaXavScOV 2e7TT6/X^ptO)V.

[The rest of the story is taken up with the martyrdom of Sabinianus which is placed v Kal. Febr.]

2.

MODERN LITERATURE.
no complete edition of the works of Hippolytus. Of the Philosophumena, as a whole, the best and most convenient text is that of Duncker and Schneidewin, but the first book has been edited with special care by Diels; of the other Greek remains, that of Lagarde. The fragments preserved in Syriac, Arabic, and Coptic, must be sought elsewhere. Migne's edition of the Greek works (without the PhilosophuThere
is
is very convenient as containing a reprint of the most important of Fabricius and De Magistris, besides other materials from older parts

mejid)

writers.

Of
the

the

several
is

fullest

in

lists of the literature connected with Hippolytus Richardson's Bibliographical Synopsis of Anienicene

366

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

The plan of my own list differs from his. not completeness, but usefulness. For this reason I have struck out a large number of works which have been superannuated
Literature, Buffalo 1887.

My

aim

is

by the discovery of the Philosophumena or from other causes. the other hand I have introduced very many (e.g. a complete list of Rossi's articles in the Bullettino, which bear directly or indirectly on the subject), because I have found them of great use, even where they did not bear the name of Hippolytus on their face. For this same
either

On De

reason also

have mentioned a few of the principal works on the

in the subsequent discussions (see below,
it

Muratorian Canon, because p. 405 sq) I have connected

A.
Editions.

with Hippolytus.

Bardenhewer Des

Heiligen Hippolytus

v.

Rom Commentar zum

(ed.

Buche

Daniel (Freiburg im Br. 1877). Canisius Lectiones Antiquae 11. p. 218

Basnage

1725).

The

Chronica in one Latin version (see above 1. p. 259), reprinted in Du Cange Chron. Pasch. 11. p. 23 (ed. Bonn).

De la Rue Orig. Oper. 1. p. 872 sq (1st book of Philosophumena). Diels Doxographi Graeci p. 144 sq p. 553 sq (Berolin. 1879). book of Philosophumena.
Duncker et Schneidewin S. Hippolyti Episcopi et Martyris tionis Omnium Haeresium Libri Decern (Gotting. 1859).
Fabricius
Vol.
(J.
11.

ist

Refuta-

A.) S. Hippolyti Episcopi et Martyris Opera Vol.

(17 1 8)

1.

(1716),

Galland.
TecopytaS^s
9

Hamburg. Bibliotheca Patrum

Works omitting
11.

Philosopluimena.
in 'EKKA/^criacrTi/oy

p.

409

sq.

(B.) 7Tpt dpacrews tov Trpo<frr)TOV

AavtrfX,

AXt]0eLa 1885

Gwynn

May. Hermathena vi.

ib.

Caius;
22.

vn.

p.

p. 397 sq Hippolytus and his Heads against 137 (1889) Hippolytus on S. Matthew xxiv. 15

Haneberg Canones S. Hippolyti Arabice etc. (Monachii 1870). Kennedy (J. H.) Commentary of St Hippolytus on the Book of Daniel
(Dublin 1888).

Lagarde Hippolytus Romanus

Philosophumena. Analecta Syriaca
p.
1.

(Lips, et

Lond. 1858).

Works omitting
{Fragments.) 930 sq notes

91 sq (Lips, et Lond. 1858).

Prol. p. 23,

Le Moyne Varia Sacra

(ed. 2,

Text

p.

53

sq,

11.

p.

Mai

(A.) Script.
Biblioth.

Lugd. Bat. 1694) Contra Graecos. Vet. Coll. Nov. vn.

Nov. Pair. vn. Pars
ii.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Migne
Patrologia Graeca x. p. 201 sq (Paris, 1857).

367
Works omitting

Philosophumena.

Miller

(Editio princeps (E.) Origenis Philosophumena (Oxon. 185 1). of great part of the Philosophumena). Mommsen Ueber den Chronographen vom Jahre 354, p. 549 sq (Leipz. 1850), an extract from the Abhandl. der K'onigl. Sachs. Gesellsch.
d.

Wissensch.

The Chronica

in the

second Latin version, with

1.

the accompanying works. Routh Scriptorum Ecclssiasticorum Opuscula

p.

45 sq

(ed. 2,

Oxon.

1840) Contra Haeresim Noeti.

Tregelles Canon Muratorianus

(Oxf. 1867).

Wordsworth Hippo lytus

a?id the

Church of Rome
ix (p. 62 sq);

(ed.

2,

Oxf.

and

Cambr. 1880) Philosophumena (p. 306 sq).

B.
Literature.

Fragm. de Universo

Allard

Histoire des Persecutions penda?it la premiere motile du Troisibne

Siecle p.

195 sq (Paris 1866).

Arm ellin
Aube

(T.)

De

prisca refutatione Haereseon

Origenis nomine

etc.

commentarius (Romae 1862). (B.) Les Chretiens dans V Empire Romain

(Paris 1881).

(a.d.

180

249)

p.

428 sq

LEglise et V Etat (a.d. 249 284) p. 362 sq (Paris 1885). Baronius Annates Ecclesiastici s. ann. 226, 229, 11. p. 407, 409 sq
(Venet. 1738).

Baxmann Die
Benson
1.

Philosophumena

u. die

Peraten in Zeitschr.

die Histor.

Theol. (i860). (E. W.,

p.

188 sq (1854)

now Archbp.) Journal of Classical and Sacred Philology On the Martyrdom and Commemorations of
et Cyclo

Bianchini
S.

Saint Hippolytus. (F.) De Kalendario

Caesaris et de Paschali Canone

Hipp olyti etc. Bolland. Acta Sanctorum Januarius

Romanis Hippolyto Concordia
Episc. et

11.

p.
111.

1027 (Jan. 30
p.

Presbytero Antiocheno), Augustus

4 sq(Aug.

Hippolyto De SS. Aurea seu Chryse Virgine, Censorino, etc.). Bunsen (Chr. C. J.) Hippolytus and his Age (ed. 2, London, 1854).

iv. p. 504 sq etc.), Mart, in Portu Romano), iv. p. 755 sq (Aug. 24

De S. Hippolyto 13, De S. Mart. (Aug. 22, De S.

Caspari

Quellen

zur Geschichte des

symbols Tauf

etc.

HI. p.

374 sq

Cave

(Christiania 1875). Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Historia Literaria

1.

p.

102

sq.

368

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

Cruice Etudes sur

De
De

de nouveaux documents des Philosophtimena (Paris Histoire de PEglise de Rome sous /es Pontificats de S. 1853). Victor, de S. Zcphirin, et de S. Calliste (Paris 1856). Magistris (S.) Acta Martyrum ad Ostia Tiberina (Romae 1795)

(parts reprinted in Migne, p. 547). Rossi (G. B.) Bullettino di Archeologia Cristiana Serie Prima. 1. pp. 8, 16 sq, 32, S3, 47, 68 sq, 73 (1863) Basilica di S. Lorenzo fuor le mura; 11. p. 33 (1864) Scoperte nella 11. basilica di S. Lorenzo nelP agro Verano p. 41 sq (1864)
;

Le due

basiliche di S.
sq, p. 77

Lorenzo nelf agro

Verano;

iv.

p.

sq,

sq (1866) Esame archeologico e critico delta p. 17 sq, p. 65 storia di S. Callisto narrata nel libro nono dei Filosofumeni ; iv. p. 37 sq, 63 (1866) / monumenti cristiani di Porto ; iv. p. 99 (1866)

Lo Xenodochio

L monumenti del secolo

Serie Terza.

di Pammachio in Porto; v. p. 49 sq (1867) quarto spettanti alia chiesa di S. Pudenziana.

Verano e nel Sotterraneo 1. p. 16 sq (1876) Scoperte nelV agro Cimitero di Ciriaca ; 1. p. 145 sq (1876) Arcosolio dipinto del Cimitero di Ciriaca etc.; 11. p. 5 sq (1877) // museo epigrajico
p. 15 sq) ; vi. p. 5 sq (1881) (Tun codice gia corbeiense etc.; vi. p. 26 sq (1881) Elogio Damasiano del celebre Lppolito martire sepolto presso la via Tiburtina; vi. p. 86 sq (1881) Dello scavo fatto nelP

Cristiano Pio-Lateranense (see

Silloge epigrafica

La

antica basilica di S. Lorenzo

per

collocare il sepolcro di

Pio

LX etc.

vi. p. 93 sq (1881) Eepitajio mctrico del papa Zosimo S. Lorenzo nelP agro Verano.

sepolto in

Serie Quarta.
1.

p.

9 sq
e

Tiburtina
(1882)

(1882) // Cimitero di S. Lppolito presso la Via 1. la sua principale cripta storica ora dissepolta p. 176
;

Continuazione

delle

scoperte

nella

cripta

storica

nelle

adjacenti gallerie del cimitero di S. Lppolito; 11. p. 60 sq (1883) Lscrizione storica dei tempi di Damaso papa nel Cimitei'o di S.

Lppolyto
p.

in. p.

sq (1884,

1885)

/ Carmi
1.

di S.

Damaso;

v.

60 sq (1887)

llic

Hippolytus of the

L?iscriptio?ies

De Hippoliti Centulensis p. 82. p. 72 sq Sylloge Cyclo inventione, etc.; Roma Sotterranea 1. p. 178 sq, 181, Notices in the Ltineraries; p. 263
Christianae Urbis
11.

Romae

Appian Way. p. lxxix sq

sq The Hippolytus of the Appian of the

the

Appian Way;

ill.

p.

Greek Martyrs, and the

226 (The Acts of Hippolytus and 193 Arenarium Hippolyti), 301 312, 317.

Way;

11.

p. 23 sq

The Hippolytus

Dollinger Hippolytus and

Kallistus (Regensburg 1853).

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Draseke Zu
Theol.

369
in fahrb.f. Protest.

Pseudo- Hippo ly tos {Contra Beronem

x.

etc.)

p.

Judaeos,

ib.

Zu Hippo lytos' De??wnstratio adv. 342 sq (1884) xn. p. 456 sq (1886).

in Zeitsch. f.

Beron und Pseudo-Hippolytos

sq (1886).

Wiss. Theol. xxix. p. 291

Duchesne
i

(L.) Liber Pontificalis

Tome

(1886);

Tome

11,

Fascicule

(1888). Erbes Die Lebenszeit des Hippolytus nebst der des Theophilus von Antiochien in Jahrb.f. Protest. Theol. xiv. p. 611 sq (1888). Fabricius Bibliotheca Graeca vii. p. 183 sq, ed. Harles 1801.

Funk

Theolog. Quartalschr. lxiii. p. 277 sq (1881) Lst der

Bas Hides der

Ueber den

Philosophumen Pantheist'?

lxiii.
;

p.

423 sq (1881)

Verfasser der Philosophumenen der Hipp olyt- statue.

lxvi. p. 104 sq (1884)

Die

Zeit

Gruber Die Ophiten (Wiirzburg 1864). Gundert Zeitschr. f. Luther. Theol. xvi.
443
sq.

p.

209

sq,

xvn. pp. 37

sq,

Gutschmid
tionis

(A. v.) Ueber die Verhdltniss d. Hippolytische7i Liber Generaetc.

zu Julius Africanus (1856),

Hagemann Die Rbmische Kirche (Freiburg 1864). Harnack Dogmengeschichte p. 437 sq and elsewhere
Zur
Qiiellenkritik der

1. (1886). Geschichte des Gnosticismus (Leipzig 1873), Zeitschr. f. Histor. Theol. p. 170.

Heinrici Die Valentianische Gnosis

etc. (Berlin 1871).

Hesse (F. H.) Das Muratorische Fragnmit (Giessen 1873). Hilgenfeld Zeitschr. f. Wiss. Theol. v. p. 400 sq (1862) Der Gnosticismus und die Philosophumena ; xxi. p. 228 sq (1878) Der Basilides
des Hippolytus.

Ketzergeschichte des Urchristenthums (Leipzig 1884). Hort in Smith-Wace Diet, of Christ. Biogr. 1. p. 268 s.

v.

Basilides.

Jacobi Deutsche

Zeitschr. f.

Christl.
s.

Wiss. 185

no.

25;

1853 no. 24.

Brieger's

Herzog's Real-Encyklopadie
Zeitschr. /. Kirchengesch.
1.

v.

Hippolytus ed. 2 (1880).

p.

481 sq (1878)
Pedes,

Das

ursprungliche

Jungmann
Kimmel Langen

Basilidianische System. Dissertationes in

1880).
(E. J.)

Histor.

p.

173 sq

(Ratisbon

De

Hippolyti Vita et Scriptis (Jena 1839).

(J.) Geschichte der Romischen Kirche Lipsius (R. A.) Qiiellenkritik des Epiphanios

(Bonn 1881). (Wien 1865).

Die Quellen der Aeltesten Ketzergeschichte (Leipzig 1875). Smith-Wace Diet, of Christ. Biogr. iv. s. v. Valentinus.

CLEM.

II.

24

370
Lumper

EPISTLES OF
Histor. SS. Pair.

S.

CLEMENT.

vm.

p. i

sq (Aug. Vind. 1791); reprinted in

Migne.

Nolte Theolog. Quartahchr. 1862 p. 624 sq Overbeck Quaestionum Hipp oly tearuni Specimen (Jena 1864). Reville (A.) Revue des Deux Mondes 1865, in. p. 892 Saint Hippolyte et la Societe Chretiemie de Rome au conunencement du IIP. Siecle. Roeper (G.) Philologus vn. p. 511 sq, 607 sq, 767 (1852).
;

Ruggerius
Sede

(Const.)

De

etc.

(Romae

Portuefisi S. Hippolyti Episcopi et Marty ris 1771), reprinted in Lumper and in Migne.
Diet,

Salmon

in

Smith-Wace

Chro?iico?i

Canisia?iu??i,

of Christ. Biogr. 1. p. 506 sq, 509, Chronica Horosii; n. p. 679 Gnosticism;

xi.

in. p. 85 sq, Hippolytus Romanus ; iv. p. 80 Ophites etc. Her?nathena 1. p. 82 sq (1874) Chronology of Hippolytus
p.

389 sq (1885)

Cross-references
p.

i?i

the Philosophume?ia.

Infallibility

of the Church,

Smedt

Dissertationes Selectae (Ghent 1876)

382 sq (London 1888). De Auctore Philosophumenon

p.

83

sq.

Tillemont Memoires

in. p.

238

sq,

672

sq.

Uhlhorn Das Basilidia?iische System (Gottingen 1855). Volkmar Hippolytus und die Romischen Zeitge?wssen (Zurich 1855). Westcott Canon of the New Testat?ient Appendix C (ed. 6, 1888)
Muratorian Canon.

Wordsworth (Bp

Chr.) St Hippolytus Oxf. and Cambr. 1880).

and

the

Church of Rome

(ed. 2,

3.

NAMESAKES OF
Among
bequeathed not only

S.

HIPPOLYTUS.

these stands foremost the hero of Greek story, who has his name, but also the myth of his death, to the

I need not however dwell now on Christian theologian and bishop. I would this inherited legend, of which I shall have to speak hereafter.

only remark on one other point of contact, which (over and above the name) might suggest the propriety of adapting the legend of the earlier Hippolytus to the later. The son of Theseus was the type and embodiment of continence in Greek mythology. The opponent of

Zephyrinus and Callistus was the champion of purity in the Church the severe opponent of any laxity which might endanger the virgin discipline of the Christian brotherhood,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
contemporaries

37 1

But

my

business

now

is

rather with those contemporaries or nearly

real or

imaginary persons

with the hero of the Tiburtine

sonality

and involved
five.

his

who have been blended and thus have confused his perWay, Of such namehistory in endless perplexity.

sakes I single out

(i)

posed and indeed

they then

that

Hippolytus the martyr of A?itioch. Dollinger (p. 51 sq) suphe had read the riddle of this Antiochene martyr's creation ;
his solution

possessed, to

seemed, with the imperfect knowledge which be highly plausible. He supposed that the

same passage of Eusebius which, as translated by Rufinus, had bestowed on Hippolytus the see of Bostra (see below, p. 428), had also, as adopted by Jerome transformed him into a presbyter of Antioch.
1 ,

The
et

notice

in the

Chronicon
is
'

under the year 227

Beryllus

of Jerome (Euseb. Chron. 11. p. 179) Geminus presbyter An tiochenus et Hippolytus

episcopus Arabiae Bostrenus clari scriptores habentur.' Dollinger postulates the omission of 'et' in some copies, so that the
'

connexion

presbyter Antiochenus Hippolytus

'

would be established
iii

In the Hieronymian Martyrology

we have under

Kal. Febr. (Jan. 30)

In Antiochia passio sancti Hippolyti martyris.

Moreover on the previous day

iv Kal.

(Jan. 29)

we have

Feb.

Hippolyti episcopi de antiquis,

and on the succeeding (Jan. 31) there is also a mention of a Hippolytus. These all doubtless represent the same person, the notices having been derived from different but allied sources. Accordingly in the Old Roma?i Martyrology there is a similar notice on the same day
Antiochiae passio sancti Hippolyti,

and consequently

his name occurs in this place in Ado and the later Latin Martyrologies. But Dollinger' s hypothesis offers no explanation of the difference of the day, iii Kal. Feb. in place of Id. Aug. The publication of Wright's Syriac Martyrology shows that this
real

Antiochene Martyr Hippolytus was a from the beginning.

Later

person celebrated on

this

day

[Jan.] 30 In the city of Antioch, Hippolytus. as elsewhere, the contents of this ancient list have found their Here,

Kanun

See

AR.

8. k.

So

far

as

regards

to

him elsewhere

Vir. Illustr. 64),

'

where

Hippolytus and Beryllus this notice is taken from Euseb. H. E. vi. 20 ; but
Eusebius does not mention Geminus. Jerorae himself however devotes a few lines

he describes him as
siae presbyter,'

Antiochenae eccle-

who

flourished under the

emperor Alexander.

24

37 2
way
him
are
into the

EPISTLES OF
Roman
tell

S.

CLEMENT.

Martyrologies through the so-called Hieronymian.

But they can

us nothing about him ; except that they transfer to the notice ascribing the lapse into Novatianism and recantation

which belongs

The Greek books first to the Roman Hippolytus. equally ignorant of any circumstances relating to the life or martyrdom of this Antiochene Hippolytus. But the Mencea, like the

later

Latin Martyrologies, clothe him with borrowed plumage taken from the martyr of the Tiburtine Way adopting however not the Novatianism but the incidents of the Chryse legend as told in the Roman story (see AR. 44). But both Eastern and Western Martyrologies preserve for this Antiochene Hippolytus his proper day.

This Hippolytus therefore

is

a real person distinct from any

Roman

Hippolytus, as the Syriac Martyrology (p. 646) shows ; and it is strange that a modern critic, Erbes, should have confused the two and imagined

had found support for his theory of the Antiochene origin of But he does not seem to have seen the notice Hippolytus. in the Syriac Martyrology, which is the key to the whole position. I mention by the way that the expression, of the ancients,' de may antiquis, is characteristic of this Syriac Martyrology and designates those martyrs and confessors who perished in some earlier persecution than the last under Diocletian, which was recent when the list was first
that he

the

Roman

drawn up.
(2)

account of the

In his Hippolytus; the Alexandrian connected with Dionysius. letters of Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria (a.d. 249

265), the historian Eusebius {H. E. vi. 46) mentions among others one addressed to the Romans, which he describes as hiaKoviKrj 8ax 'linroXvTov.

This Hippolytus therefore must have been the delegate who was charged with delivering the letter. What may have been the purport of this letter SiaKoviK-rj, de ministeriis or de diaconis, we cannot say. But as

we

are told

on contemporary authority
(f a. d.

bishop

of

Rome

conibus,'

it is

(see 1. p. 255) that Fabianus 250) about that time 'regiones divisit diaa reasonable conjecture that the letter had some reference

to these arrangements.

Cornelius the successor of Fabianus informs

us {H.E.
1

43) that there were in the seven deacons and seven subdeacons.'
vi.
is

Roman Church

in

his

time

We may
530),
vii

therefore believe that

(1.

there

some

truth in the notice

its

of the Liber Pontificalis

a.d.

p.

64)

found even in

earlier

form

(c.

which adds to the consubdiaconos qui septem

temporary notice above quoted 'et fecit notariis imminerent ut gesta martyrum

fideliter colligerent.'

At

all

events this division of the city by Fabianus among the seven deacons was sufficiently important in the eyes of the contemporary chronicler to

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
entitle
it

373

to a special notice
this

which

is

unique of

its

kind in his chronicle.

Hippolytus is a fairly common name, and we should want better evidence than we possess that the Roman Hippolytus was living and able to take a long journey at so very late a date ; nor is there any notice which connects him even remotely with

But however

may

be,

Alexandria.
(3)

Hippolytus the

Greek captain of brigands.

In the Notitia

Portarum, Viarum, Ecdesiarum, or guide book of the close of the 7 th century, which William of Malmesbury has appended to his Gesta Anglorum, there is a notice referring to the papal crypt on the Appian
way, 'non longe pausant martyres Hippolitus, Adrianus, Eusebius, Maria, The Martha, Paulina, Valeria, Marcellus' {Rom. Sott. 1. p. 181).
of the Acts of these Greek martyrs is extant in a single Latin ms, of which the text has been carefully edited by De Rossi Rom. Sott. in. p. 201 sq. Baronius, who had first published them, with the ms, so that his text is worthtook considerable liberties
portion
less.

The heading

is

'

Pridie

Kl.

Decembris

festivitas

sanctorum

Hippolyti, Hadrias, The date Paulinae, Neon et Mariae, Maximi, Martanae, et Valeriae.' but the persecutis 'Valeriano et Lucullo consulibus' given [a.d. 265],
1

martyrum, Eusebii

presbyteri, Marcelli diaconi,

ing

emperor
'

is

represented
the

to

Roman

bishop Stephen [a.d.

how Hippolytus

monk

'

They begin by describing 257]. lived in the crypts (' in cryptis ') where he

254

be Decius

[a.d.

250

252]

and the

gathered together the believers in secret.

called 'arenarium.'
polytus,

The

place
is

is

more than once

Paulina, the wife of Hadrias,

are all converted

and Maria and Neon

the sister of Hipare their children, aged thirteen and ten

respectively.

They

and undergo martyrdom, though

first,

not at the same time.

Paulina suffers

together with Eusebius the

priest and Marcellus the deacon, and they are buried by Hippolytus in Then Neon and the 'arenarium' at the first mile-stone from the city. and they too are buried, vi Kal. Nov., 'in ipsa via Appia milliario Maria;

ab urbe

Roma

primo

in arenario ipso ubi consueverant convenire.'

few days afterwards Hadrias and Hippolytus are seized and beaten to death. Their bodies are left 'in eodem loco juxta insulam Lycaoniam';
but a certain deacon
the

comes by night and reverently deposits them in same 'arenarium' with the rest v Id. Nov. Nine months later two
2

De
this

how a false
to

Rossi has been able to explain consular date became attached

persecution,

The

present text says

'

venit

quidam

Hippolytus diaconus noctu'; but obviously the transcriber through carelessness has substituted the wrong name.

Bull,

di Archeol.

Crist. 1887, p. 65.

374
Greek Christian

EPISTLES OF
ladies,

S.

CLEMENT.
arrive in
;

Martana and her daughter Valeria,

iv Id.

Rome.

They

also die as confessors, apparently starved to death

and

are buried in the

same place
so

Dec.
other accounts of martyrdom, their

Though

these Acts are free from the accumulation of horrors and of

miracles which

condemn

many

chronological inconsistencies, not to mention other signs, show that De they cannot be a contemporary or nearly contemporary record.

Rossi (R. S. in. p. 200) contents himself with stating that in their present form they ought not to be placed later than about the eighth
century.

We

have however older evidence

for the story

than these Acts in

two inscriptions which were read by the medieval pilgrims in the cemetery of Callistus in the neighbourhood of the papal crypt.
as follows
;

They run

NATA MARIA SIMUL CARO CUM FRATRE NIONE GAUDENTES SACRAM PROMERUERE FIDEM DIVITIAS PROPRIAS CHRISTI PRAECEPTA SECUTI PAUPERIBUS LARGA DISTRIBUERE MANU QUORUM PRECLARIS MONITIS MULTOQUE LABORE ACCESSIT SUMMO SANCTA CATERVA DEO POST ANIMAS CHRISTO TRADENTES SANGUINE FUSO UT VITAM CAPERENT NON TIMUERE MORI

HORUM VIRTUTES QUEM

PASSIO LECTA DOCEBIT

RITE SUIS FAMULIS DISCET ADESSE

DEUM

OLIM SACRILEGAM QUAM MISIT GRAECIA TURBAM MARTYRII MERITIS NUNC DECORATA NITET j

QUAE MEDIO PELAGI VOTUM MISERABILE FECIT REDDERE FUNEREO DONA NEFANDA JOVI.
YPOLITI SED PRIMA FIDES CELESTIBUS ARMIS

RESPUIT INSANAM PESTIFERAMQUE LUEM.

QUEM MONACHI RITU TENUIT SPELUNCA LATENTEM

CHRISTICOLIS GREGIBUS DULCE CUBILE PARANS POST HUNC ADRIAS SACRO MUNDATUS IN AMNE ET PAULINA SUO CONSOCIATA VIRO.
xiii

k.

jun.

These
1.

inscriptions are given

in Inscr.

p. 263) and which seemed

Christ.

satisfactory,

by De Rossi Rom. Sott. in. p. 194 (comp. Urb. Rom. n. p. 66 sq. For reasons but which it is unnecessary to repeat here,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
De

375

Rossi had inferred that these inscriptions must be anterior to the

7th century and were probably written in the 5th or at the latest in the 6th (111. p. 197). few letters of the first inscription itself have been

discovered very recently {Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1887, p. 60 sq), which They suggest the age of Symmachus as the fully confirm this surmise. The fragment contains the date v Id. Nov. at date of the inscription.
the heading, which
the
is

the day of Hippolytus' martyrdom.

Our evidence however goes much farther back than this 384) placed inscription which pope Damasus (a.d. 366

date.

In

in or near

the papal crypt he enumerated the illustrious dead who were buried there (see Rom. Sott. 11. p. 23; comp. Inscr. Christ. Urb. Rom. 11.
p.

66);

and among these are

specified

HIC POSITUS LONGA VIXIT QUI IN PACE SACERDOS HIC CONFESSORES SANCTI QUOS GRAECIA MISIT,

where we have evidently a reference to this same group of Greek martyrs and confessors of whom this Hippolytus was the chief; though he does not tell us any particulars about them. To one of this group,
possibly to Hippolytus himself, may refer the Damasian verses Inscr. Christ. Urb. Rom. 11. p. 108, where he apostrophizes a certain martyr quod fama refert, te Graecia misit,' but it throws no additional light on
1

the subject.

Comparing the extant Acts with the

once were read
in the

inscriptions

above

cited,

which

cemetery of

Callistus,

we

see that these Acts

take up the story at a late point, after the conversion of Hippolytus. They must therefore have lost their beginning; or at all events they

presuppose some previous document giving an account of the earlier This story related how Hippolytus was the captain of a band history. of Greek robbers ; how on his voyage he had vowed a vow to Stygian

Jove (funereo Jovi) or Pluto; how arrived at Rome he had established himself in an arenarium or disused cave whence sand had been ex-

and exchanged he had (' monachi'); how been instrumental in the conversion of his companions and gathered together a Christian congregation in this cave and how finally he had he left this arenarium as a catacomb ('dulce cubile') for Christian folk
tracted;
to the Christian faith

how he had been converted

life

the

life

of a free-booter for the

of a recluse

himself and his companions being buried there. These are doubtless the martyrs who are

commemorated
p.

in the

Hieronymian Marty rology under

corrected by

xiii
1.

Kal. Jul, where

p.

the notice

as

Rossi (Rom. of mss runs comparison

De

Sott.

264

comp. m.

197) from a

376

EPISTLES OF
in coemeterio Hippolyti
1

S.

CLEMENT.
Petri,

Romae

sanctorum Honorii, Evodii,

Valeriae, etc.

thus giving xiii Kal. Jul. where the inscription (as transcribed) has xiii Kal. Jun., so that there must be an error in the one or the other.

This
i.

is a very common form of blunder, see e.g. Ignat. and Polyc, 666, ed. i ; p. 683, ed. 2. p. On this notice De Rossi points out that the consuls of the year 386,

Honorius and Evodius, are mixed up with the names of the martyrs, probably (as he suggests, in. p. 197) because the bodies of Gervasius and Protasius, commemorated on this same day (xiii Kal. Jul.), were
discovered in this year.

Marcellus
;

is

connected with these Greek

but of Petrus, here associated

martyrs in the Acts, as

we have seen

Of Maria and Neon there are some traces though very corrupt in this Martyrology under vi Kal. Nov. The bodies of Hippolytus, Adrias, Maria, Neon and Paulina were deposited in S. Agatha of the Suburra under Leo IX (a. d. 1048 1054);
with them, no account has been given.

resting place

but whether they were translated thither straight from their original we do not know.

A description of the catacomb supposed by De Rossi to be the arenarium of Hippolytus to the N.E. of the cemetery of Callistus is given He places it in in Rom. Sott. 111. p. 213 sq, p. 301 sq (see Tav. xiii xlv).

the second half of the third

this

and beginning of the fourth century.

From

sanctuary on the Appian Way, not from the more famous cemetery on the Tiburtine, was taken in the year 1646 the sepulchral inscription bearing the words at epolitv (ad Hippolytum); see Rom.
Sott. in. p. 215,

Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 48.

soldier^ the

(4)

Hippolytus the

warder of

S.

Laurence.

Much

has

been written on the supposed confusion of Hippolytus the theologian and Hippolytus the soldier; and not a few critics have found in this confusion the key to most of the perplexities which confront us in the
story of Hippolytus.
at a
I shall
;

have occasion to discuss the whole subject

and it will then be shown that this was not a There was no Hippolytus the warder of S. Laurence case of confusion. but at a very late period distinct from Hippolytus the famous divine in his legendary career popular opinion transformed him from a cleric into a soldier, connecting him at the same time with S. Laurence.
subsequent point
:

1 In the Berne MS, generally our best authority for the text of this Martyrology, the scribe has inserted via tibvrtina,

pian way with the more famous Cemetery of the more famous Hippolytus see Rom.
;

Sott.

11.

p. 198.

thus confusing this arenarium on the Ap-

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

377

of the eleventh century; on whom (5) Hippolytus of Thebes, a writer see Fabricius Bibl. Graec. vn. p. 198 sq, ed. Harles. Fragments of this
is writer are included in Fabricius Hippol. Op. 1. App. p. 43 sq. Michael Glycas as 'IttttoXvtos 6 ry/Scuos. In Niceph. Call. quoted by

He

H. E.
Hoprov

ii.

3 a fragment of this writer

is

r^s TrpeafivTepas 'Pco/^s 7ri(TK07ros eruy^avev uv.

o-vvrayixa).

given as from Hippolytus os He was the

author of a Chronicle {^poviKov

Apostolis and

The accounts De Duodechn

which have sometimes been
his.

De

Septuaginta Discipulis,

included in the works of our Hippolytus, are

4-

GAIUS OR HIPPOLYTUS?

Roman presbyter, plays an important part in the literary If the of Christianity at the opening of the third century. history of time have spared only fragments of his works, he has not ravages
Gaius, the

been more hardly treated in this respect than many famous writers of Even without the important fragment desigthe Antenicene Church. nated the Muratorian Canon, and the elaborate Refutation of all Heresies discovered in our own generation, both of which works have

been ascribed
bearing
his

to

name

him by some modern critics, the literary remains with the accompanying notes occupy some thirty
Will
it

pages in Routh's collection.

be thought audacious

if I

venture

to question the existence of such a person? The works attributed to Gaius by ancient writers
his

and included under

name by Routh are the following The Dialogue with Proclus, (1)
quoted several times
ii.

It is

directed against the Montanists. by Eusebius, who mentions Gaius as the

vi.

author (H. E.
(2)

25,

iii.

28, 31,

20).

A
it

treatise

on the Cause of

the

Universe, directed against the

Platonic doctrine.
attribute
(3)

Photius (AR. 32. a) states that certain persons A considerable fragment of this work is extant. to Gaius.
Little Labyrinth,
is

The

Eusebius, and which

Of

the relation of this

from which long quotations are given by mentioned by name by Theodoret {AR. 12 e). work to the Labyrinth of Photius I shall have

something to say hereafter

(4)

treatise

(p. 378 sq). Against the Heresy of Artemon, mentioned by Pho-

tius

(AR.

32. a) as assigned to Gaius.

3/8

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

some account must be

facts are

But besides the works above enumerated, of whose literary parentage given, before we can dispose of Gaius, certain
recorded of his
life,

which seem

at

first

sight to give

him a

substantial existence

We
Church

any attempt to annihilate him. learn from Eusebius that he was a member of the Catholic
to resist

and

(iKKXrjcnao-TiKos dvrjp) \ that he was a man of great learning (XoytwraTos) ; that he resided at Rome; that he held the dialogue with the Montanist Proclus during the pontificate of Zephyrinus; and that he received only thirteen Epistles of S. Paul, thus excluding the Epistle to

Jerome, as usual, derives all his knowledge from Euseand repeats the same statements somewhat more loosely. Theodoret only knows Gaius as the writer of the Dialogue against Proclus. Photius This Gaius,' he writes, 'is reported to (AR. 32. a) is somewhat fuller. have been a presbyter of the Church in Rome during the pontificate of Victor and Zephyrinus, and to have been ordained bishop of the
bius,
'

the Hebrews.

Gentiles.'

have already alluded to the fact that the Refutation of all Heresies,' which was brought to light less than forty years ago, was
I
'

added to the literary achievements of Gaius by several able critics. This fresh honour was the immediate occasion of his downfall. The Refutation is now ascribed by pretty general consent to his learned contemOn this point the representatives of the most porary Hippolytus. Bunsen, Wordsworth, Dollinger are agreed; and opposite schools the coincidence with respect to the authorship is the more striking,

because the work affords material for manifold theological controversy.

Its

Unhappily for the fame of Gaius the Refutation cannot stand alone. author must have written all the treatises ascribed by ancient

authorities to this learned

Roman

presbyter with the exception of the

Dialogue with Proclus.

The
rinth

Treatise against

Artemon may be conveniently taken first. There

is

cannot be

much doubt
are

that this treatise

identical with the Little Laby-

mentioned by Theodoret (AR.

directed
chiefly

12. e).

fragments

against
'

For though the extant Theodotus, another leading

'

monarchian, yet Eusebius, to whom we are indebted for their preservation, says that the work was written against the heresy of Artemon (H. E. v. 28); and Theodoret, after mentioning both Artemon and

Theodotus, says
Little

'

against the heresy of these

men was composed

the

Labyrinth?

of Photius (AR. 32. a) requires careful scrutiny. After discussing the authorship of the Treatise on the Universe he men-

The testimony

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

379

tions marginal notes {iv Trapaypa^ats) to the effect that it was written by Gaius, an elder living in Rome, who they say composed The Labyrinth

and of whom a Dialogue is extant against a certain Proclus, champion of the Montanist sect; which (treatise On the Universe) being left anonymous has been ascribed to diverse persons, just as The Labyrinth has been ascribed by one to Origen. But in truth,' he continues, 'it is the work of Gaius who composed The Labyrinth, as he himself testifies that the Treatise on the Nature of the Universe is
also,
'

his.'

'They say

that this Gaius,' he adds,

also specially directed against the heresy of Artemon,

'composed another treatise and an important

Dialogue against Proclus, a champion of Montanus.' What does Photius mean by this Labyrinth ? Shall we identify it Our first impulse is to identify with the Little Labyrinth of Theodoret?
the two; but,
for
if

so,

Photius must have given an incorrect account,

he obviously contemplates two separate works. This however he might very well have done, since he seems not to have seen the Little

But another solution offers itself, which deserves more Labyrinth. There is every reason to believe that the Summary consideration. comprising the ioth book of the Philosophumena was circulated separately

of

from the main portion of the treatise, and fell into the hands some who were unacquainted with the rest. Now in the opening words of this ioth book Hippolytus says that after 'breaking through

Truth.

the Labyrinth of Heresies,' he will proceed to the Demonstration of the It would seem therefore that this summary was known as the

Labyrinth from the opening words. This explains the further statement of Photius that at the close of the Labyrinth he testifies that he wrote
'

the treatise

On the Nature of the Universe''; for in one of the final chapters the author of the Philosophumena (x. 32) refers his readers to
work, as his own.

this

But though different works are probably indicated by the Little Labyrinth and the Labyrinth, the nomenclature points to the identity
of authorship.

The same

person,

who would
would

describe a general work

select as the appropriate

on heresies
title for

as penetrating a labyrinth,

Little Labyrinth.

a special treatise dealing with a particular group of heresies the Thus the reference in the Philosophumena gives an

additional confirmation of the Hippolytean authorship of the treatise Even before the discovery of the Philosophumena, Against Artemon.

Routh had suggested before him

1
.

this as

the probable inference

from the

facts

where

In the Journal of Philology p. 98 sq, this essay Gaius or Hippolytus ?

appeared in

its

original

form,

had

identified the Little

Labyrinth of Theo-

380
The
leaves

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

Little Labyrinth. The comparison of Eusebius with Theodoret no doubt that by this name the treatise Against Artemon is meant as I have just shown. Gaius therefore is deprived of the credit of the of this work. Indeed the identification of the two supplies authorship

additional grounds for turning to Hippolytus as the true author. To Hippolytus also must be assigned the Nature of the Universe.

For
(p.

this ascription there are

abundant reasons,

as I shall

show below

395

sq).

It is sufficient to say
it

distinctly claims

as his

own

here that the author of the Refutatio work and no case has been made out for
;

denying the Refutatio to Hippolytus. Indeed we may consider this latter point as established irrefragably, whatever doubt may have been
entertained

among

critics at

an

earlier date.

[The above paragraphs are taken partly from an article which I wrote in 1868 in the Journal of Philology 1. p. 98 sq, in which I was disposed to maintain that Gaius was only the double of Hippolytus,

and

that all the

works ascribed

to the former

belong rightly

to the

latter.

Only here and there a correction of statement has been rendered So far I necessary in the foregoing paragraphs by further knowledge.

adhere to

my

former opinions.
It is

But

in the light of recent discovery, as

I shall explain presently, I feel

extreme view.
against

now

quite certain that there

myself no longer able to maintain this was a certain Gaius,

whom Hippolytus wrote. Yet my former discussion seems to worth while reproducing in part, because it brings out many difficulties attending the question which have never been solved and
me
because
it

some suggestions which may not be useless in other If we could suppose the light of further knowledge. writer against the Montanists to be Hippolytus, and the opponent of the Apocalypse some unknown person of the name, we should have a solution of our difficulties but I feel that I have no right to suggest
offers

ways even in the

this solution,

except provisionally, with the evidence

now

before me.]

Thus stripped of his borrowed plumage, Gaius retains only the Dialogue with Proclus the Montanist. Of this work a brief notice
is

given by Eusebius,

who

also preserves

two or three short fragments.

appears from these that the dialogue professed to have been held in Rome during the pontificate of Zephyrinus ; that Gaius was the orthodox
It

doret with the Labyrinth of Photius, as but the writers before me had done
;

the

10th book of the Philosophumena

investigations of subsequent critics, showing the separate use of the Summary in

gives another aspect to the question. The two can no longer, I think, be treated as
titles

of the

same work.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
and Proclus the Montanist disputant

38 1

that in defending the prophesyings ; of his sect Proclus appealed to the four daughters of Philip, who with their father were buried at Hierapolis ; and that, as a set-off against these precious reliques, Gaius offered to show his antagonist the tombs

of St Peter and St Paul, the one at the Vatican, the other on the Ostian Way. Moreover, a passage is quoted (obviously from a speech of Gaius), which, as the exact expressions have an important bearing on
the subject of this paper, I shall here quote at length " But Cerinthus also, by means of revelations purporting to have been written by a great apostle, lyingly imposes upon us marvellous
:

prodigies which he professes to have been shown him by angels, saying that after the resurrection the kingdom of Christ is an earthly kingdom, and again that men shall live in Jerusalem in the flesh

and be the

to the scriptures of

and pleasures. And, being an enemy God, he would fain deceive, and says that a tale of a thousand years is to be spent in marriage festivities ."
slaves of lusts
1

Having thus given the

state

facts
I

which bear upon the decision,

mistaken,
it

will

my

hypothesis.

Unless

am

explains

all

the pheno-

mena
fairly

better than they have hitherto been explained ; and, if so, it may claim a hearing. Gaius is simply an interlocutor in a dialogue against the Montanists

by Hippolytus. By this person, who takes the orthodox side in the discussion, Hippolytus may have intended himself, or he may have In other invented an imaginary character for dramatic purposes.
written

words, such a dialogue

may

really

have taken place, or the narrative

may

be

from beginning to end. In the former case, we may suppose that Gaius was his own praenomen; for then he would naturally so style himself in the dialogue, just as Cicero appears under the name
fictitious

own writings. Not being a slave and being in some Roman, Hippolytus must almost necessarily have had two names, if not more just as his Alexandrian contemporary is styled in
of Marcus in his

sense a

full

T. Flavius Clemens, and his African contemporary Q. Septimius Such a combination as Gaius Hippolytus is Florens Tertullianus.
itself,

natural in

and indeed occurs

in

an extant inscription found

2
.

at

Placentia; Q. poblicio l.l.c. hippolytus

1

On

the latter supposition

eTLdvp.ia.is Kal rjdovals

Euseb.

H.

E.

III.

28 dXXd koI
cos

XpLarov' nai irdXiv

kv 'lepovaaXrjp,
rr/v

~Krjpivdos 6 8l

a.TroKa\v\f/eo)v

vtto

cltto-

crapxa

Tco\iTevop.vT}v

ctoXov p.eydXov yeypap.p.vcov reparoXoyias

V)p2v
cos

8ovXeveiv. Kal ix^pos virapx^Jv rats ypa<pa?s

81

dyyeXcov
eireujdyei,

avrop

dedeiyp-evas
p.era
r-r\v

rod Qeov
eopT-rjs
2

dpt.dp.bv

x ^ L0VTaeTLas
L

ev

ydp.cp

\f/ev56p.evos

\eywv

deXcov ir\avav XeyeL yevecrdai.

avd&Taaiv iirlyeiov elvai to (3aaL\eiov rod

Gruter,

DCCCCLXXXIX.

4.

382
(that Gaius
is

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

may appeal to the legal formula ego Gaia,' as suggesting that Hippolytus might avail himself of the name which corresponds to the anonymous N. or M. of Of the former kind of dialogue, where the author our own formularies
'Ubi
tu Gaius,
1
.

an imaginary person), we

himself is the orthodox disputant, the work of Justin against Trypho may be taken as a type of the latter, where a fictitious person maintains the
:

right

cause, the

dispute

between Jason and Papiscus by Ariston of

2
.

Pella will serve as

I

an example

suppose then that the copies of the Dialogue in general circulation were anonymous. The title may have run AiaXoyo? Taiov kcu JIpoKkov
MovTancrrcov. A writer, into whose hands this rj Kara would naturally infer, as Eusebius inferred, (and the Dialogue fell, analogy of Justin's work would favour the inference), that Gaius was the The few particulars which Eusebius gives actual author of the book. the life of Gaius were doubtless drawn from the Dialogue respecting Those which are added by Photius came from the other itself. writings attributed to Gaius, from the Cause of the Universe or the
(or 7rpos Hpo/<A.ov)

whom

The critics, Labyrinth, or perhaps even from the Refutatio7i itself. he quotes and to whom he is indebted for these particulars, had

observed the cross references from one work to another and correctly
inferred therefrom the identity of authorship.

Among these cross references

was one which connected the authorship of the Dialogue of Gaius and Proclus with the other works, just as these are connected among themHence Gaius assumed selves and proved to belong to the same author. to be the author of the Dialogue was credited with the other works
also.

the explanation of the fact that all the particulars, which are predicated of Gaius, are predicated or predicable of Hippolytus also. They both flourish during the same pontificates ; they are both styled

This

is

'presbyters,'

and both

live in

Rome;

they both receive only thirteen

Epistles as written by St Paul, excluding the Epistle to the Hebrews ; they both are men of great learning, though the Roman Church for

some generations before and

literary eminence.

after this

And
'

lastly,

we have

time was singularly devoid of here an explanation of the

So Tertullian ApoL 3 tractat, ne ideo bonus Gaius

Nemo
et

re-

prudens

Lucius, quia Christianus'; ib. 48 'At enim Christianus, si de homine hominem ipsumque de Gaio Gaium repromittat. 2 The work of Minucius Felix stands midway between the two; for, while the
'

chief disputant on the right side is a third person, the writer himself is supAnother instance posed to be present.

of an early polemical writing thrown into the form of a dialogue is the dispute of

Archelaus and Manes.

Sacr. v. p. 3 sq.)

(Routh's Rcl.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
otherwise

383

not very intelligible statement, that Gaius was appointed 'bishop of the Gentiles' (AR. 32. a); for Hippolytus in the Refutation speaks of himself as holding the episcopal office (AR. 1), and addresses the Gentiles more than once as though they were his special charge If the designation 'bishop of the Gentiles' is not strictly correct, it was
1
.

at

very easy inference from his language in this work; and he expressed himself similarly elsewhere, when the occasion probably demanded, as for instance in the treatise on the Universe addressed to
the Greeks.

least a

of Gaius and Hippolytus another ancient extant manuscripts of the Martyrdom of Polycarp profess to be derived ultimately from a copy which was 'transcribed from the writings (or manuscripts or of Irenaeus the
this

To

identification

notice also points.

The

lectures)

disciple of Polycarp

by Gaius who also was intimate with Irenseus 2 .'

Now I shall not stop to enquire whether this postscript to the account of Polycarp's martyrdom contains authentic matter or not; but in any case it would seem that the transcriber here intended was none other than our Gaius, the Roman presbyter; for he is the only notable personage of the name and age, whose attestation would be of value to accredit the genuineness of the narrative. If so, it is remarkable that
he
is

represented as a disciple of Irenaeus.

this father,

tended the lectures of

For Hippolytus also and was much indebted to them

'

at-

for

Compendium against Heresies. In his later Refutation also he twice mentions Irenaeus as the blessed elder,' and
in the

the materials of his earlier

second of the two passages avows his great obligations to him Haer. vi. 42, 45). May we suppose that Gaius in the (Ref Dialogue

with Proclus expresses himself similarly with respect to this father ? Again, the hypothesis of an anonymous copy falls in with another class of facts mentioned above. The knowledge of Eusebius was limited
in character

library at

and extent by the materials within his reach. To the Caesarea, collected by the diligence of his friend Pamphilus, we probably owe the valuable remains of early Christian literature which
he has preserved to us ; and, where this library was defective, his knowNow it appears to have contained some ledge would be defective also.

volumes bearing the name of Hippolytus

1

for,

though he passes over

/cat
it

3J>

32>

34is

In tne close of the

Elprjvalov iiad-qrov tov UoXvKapirov, os

treatise,

which

wanting, he

may have

avveiroXireijaaTo

t$

Elprjuaiq};

or,

as

alluded to his episcopate more directly, in connexion with the Gentiles to whom
this peroration is addressed.
-

appears in the

Moscow

MS,

eVc

rovrcav ovv,

irpo\e\e KTcu, t<2v

tov Eip-qvalov <rvy-

ypafxpLaruv Talos fiereypa^aro (see Ignat.

ravra

p.Teypd-Jsa.To

[xei>

Yam

ear

tQv

and Polyc.

III.

pp. 401, 403, ed.

7).

384
'

EPISTLES OF
he gives a

S.

CLEMENT.
of several books written by him,

this father very lightly,

list

adding, hands of

And you may find very many works besides still extant in the many persons' (H. E. vi. 22). But, in addition to the works

which he enumerates, the library also contained another stray volume, from which the writer's name was accidentally omitted, and of which
Eusebius therefore did not recognise the authorship.

This volume

comprised the Dialogue of Gains and Proclus, the Little Labyrinth, and the Cause of the Universe. The first of these Eusebius ascribes to Gaius
(of

whom

orthodox interlocutor.
not knowing
this

he evidently knows nothing besides), because Gaius is the The second he quotes but quotes anonymously,

who was
fact, that

the author.

Of

the third
it

it

is

negative

he has not included

in his

list

worth remarking of the works of

it is so included in the catalogue on the statue. subject it probably would not assist his historical researches, and he therefore does not quote from it, and probably did not read it.

Hippolytus, though

From

its

In the same form also

type in the the hands of the

perhaps the Csesarean

library
critic

in a

copy transcribed from the arche-

three

anonymous

treatises fell into

or critics mentioned by Photius. They saw from the cross-references that the three works must be ascribed to the same

author

and, either following Eusebius or drawing the same easy but

incorrect inference independently, they attributed the Dialogue against

the Montanists to one Gaius. volume was assigned.

To

Gaius therefore

this

anonymous

But independently of the theory itself, are there reasons for supposing that Hippolytus ever did write against Montanism? There is at least a presumption, that so ruthless a scourge of heterodoxy in all
its

forms should not have

left this

type of error unassailed.

his earlier Compenwriting two general works against all the heresies dium, the little book read by Photius, and apparently preserved (though not without considerable modifications) in the Latin treatise attached

Besides

to the Praescriptio of Tertullian (see below, p. 413 sq), and his later and fuller work, the Refutation, first brought to light and published in our

own

generation

he

likewise attacked in special treatises the

more im-

We have portant heresies which were rife in his own age and church. seen how he refuted the monarchian doctrines of Theodotus and
Artemon, by which the Roman community was assailed about this We have moreover an extant fragment of a work against Noetus time.
(whether an independent treatise or not), whose heretical views also He wrote likewise against threatened this same church in his day.

Marcion.

It

would seem strange therefore

if

so persistent a

champion

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

385

of orthodoxy had been silent about Montanism, which was certainly one of the most formidable antagonists of the Catholic Church among the

Roman Christians at this time. On the other hand, in the Refutation he

briefly.

dismisses this heresy very

is meagre,' and fails the promise which Hippolytus made at the outset, that he would leave no form of error unanswered. I think this meagreness is

Bunsen complains

that

'

the whole article

to

fulfil

easily explained

in a previous section

on the hypothesis which I have put forward. Just as Hippolytus had dismissed the heresy of Theodotus
importance to none
in its influence
1

(though second

in

on the Christian

history of his time) with a very few lines , because he had controverted it in the Little Labyrinth, so now he disposes of Montanism with the

same despatch, because he either has written, or intends to write, a If the words which follow refer, as they special treatise on the subject. perhaps do, not to the Noetians who are mentioned just before, but to the Montanists who are the main subject of the paragraph, this polemical work was still an unaccomplished project. Concerning these,' he says,
'

1 will

write

more

in detail at a future time.'

The
is

supposition that the

quite consistent with

Dialogue was not yet written, though projected,

the

fact, that the discussion which it reproduced purported to have been held during the pontificate of Zephyrinus. The Refutation indeed was not written till after the death of Callistus, the successor of Zephyrinus.

But, as Callistus only held the see for four years (219 223), no long time need have elapsed between the supposed date of the discussion

and the publication of the Dialogue, so that no dramatic propriety would be violated. But on either supposition, whether the Dialogue
existed already, or was only planned in the author's mind, the fact would explain why he is satisfied with this very cursory notice of the

Montanists in his great work.

From this Dialogue also Stephanus Gobarus (AR. 20) may have quoted, when, as represented by Photius, he stated what opinions the most holy Hippolytus held concerning the Montanists.' The account
'

of these heretics in the Refutation

1

is

almost too short to explain this

I

point
(viii.

Another case in Rcf. Haer. viii. 19. is the article on the Quartodecimans
18),

The account
seems to
the

have given

in

the text

who
his

are dismissed

still

more

me much more probable. At same time I am disposed to think

was left unfinished by and that he had intended to
articles,

summarily.

Hippolytus had discussed

treatise

that the Refutation

its

them
In
all

in

On

the Passover.

author,

these three cases Bunsen

[Hip-

expand these meagre

making use

polytus 1. pp. 376, 382, 385) supposes that our manuscript has preserved only an abstract of what Hippolytus wrote.

of his special treatises for this purpose,

needs explanation

This hypothesis will explain much which in the form of the work.

CLEM.

II.

25

3 86
language.

EPISTLES OF
And,
if

S.

CLEMENT.
all

the Latin of the Pseudo-Tertullian at the

also

adequately

represents his earlier work,

Indeed
It

in the later

brief. Compendium work he does little more than repeat the statements

was equally

of the earlier respecting these heretics.

only remains to enquire, whether the extant fragments of the Dialogue are consistent with the hypothesis that Hippolytus was the
author.

As regards

style,

the

work might

well have

been written by

this father;

though any inference drawn from such scanty extracts can have but little The matter however presents some difficulty. The inference value.
has been often drawn from the passage quoted above (see p. 381) \ that the writer of the Dialogue considered the Apocalypse of S. John to be a and, if this inference were true, my hypothesis forgery of Cerinthus
;

must be abandoned
Apocalypse
as a

for

work of

Hippolytus not only quoted largely from the S. John, but also, as we have seen, wrote a

book

in its defence.

ably be questioned.
'

It is

This adverse interpretation however may reasondifficult to see how an intelligent person

should represent the Apocalypse as teaching that in the Kingdom of Christ men should live in the flesh in Jerusalem and be the slaves of lust and pleasures,' and again that a thousand years should be spent in
'

marriage festivities .' It is hardly less difficult to imagine how a man of great learning, as the author of the Dialogue is represented to have been, could have reconciled such a theory with the known history and tenets of Cerinthus. It must be confessed indeed that Dionysius of

Alexandria appears so to have interpreted the language of Gaius in the At all events he speaks of some previous writers (nvh twv Dialogue.
77-po rjfxoiv)

as maintaining that the

Apocalypse was written by Cerinthus,

and describes

somewhat resembling the passage of the Dialogue (Euseb. H. E. vii. 25 ; comp. iii. 28) though he himself, while questioning the Apostolic authorship of the book, has the
their views in language
;

good sense and

feeling to reject this solution as untenable. so clear that Eusebius also understood the passage in the
1 Neander (11, p. 441 Bohn's transl.) writes thus: 'Moreover it deserves con-

It is

not

same way.

know
these

sideration in this respect, that by Stephanus Gobarus the judgments of Hippolytus and

what respect the opinions of fathers were contrasted by Stephanus, if they were contrasted. At
in

two

all

of Gregory of Nyssa respecting the Montanists are set one against the other, so that we may conclude that the former

speaks quite as strongly against Montanists as the case justifies.

2

events Hippolytus in the RefiitatioJi the

The word

ydfxos

however need not

it

belonged to the defenders of Montanism.' And others have attributed Montanizing But we do not views to Hippolytus.

signify a marriage festival, as

is

used
e.g.

elsewhere of

festivities

generally;

LXX, Esth.

iv. 22.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
On
1

387

the

other

hand Theodoret adopted a

'

Cerinthus,' writes this father,

tending to have seen them not only have the above-named persons written, but with them also Gaius and Dionysius the Bishop of Alexandria (AR. 12 d).' So
interpreted, the passage signifies that Cerinthus set himself up for 'a and this is more in accordance great apostle' who had revelations
1 :

different interpretation. also invented certain revelations prehimself (ok avVo? T0ea/xe'vos). Against him

with his attitude towards

appears in other ancient notices. John whatever be the exact bearing of the words ws v-n-S aTroa-ToXov But,
S.

as

it

/xeydXov yeypa/x/xeVwv, the description is inappropriate to the Apocalypse of our Canon. Nor indeed is it likely that an orthodox presbyter of the Roman Church should have so written of a book which a contemporary

presbyter of the same Church reverenced as the genuine work of an inspired Apostle for the author of the Dialogue does not write as one
;

who

is

putting forward an opinion which would be contested by his

own

compeers.
said, however, that at all events Gaius attacks the millenwhereas Hippolytus himself held millennial views. But both narians, Gaius propositions involved in this statement are open to question.

If

may be

did indeed

condemn

a sensuous millennium, but

it is

by no means

clear
its

that the passage goes so far as to

condemn

Chiliastic doctrine in all

forms.

not certain that Hippolytus was a Chiliast at all, while it is quite certain that he must have scouted all Chiliastic views which wore a sensuous garb. As regards the first point,
it

On

the other hand

is

he does indeed maintain that the world will last six thousand years, corresponding to the six days of creation, and that afterwards will come the
reign of Christ, of which the Sabbath is the type but the parallel is not pressed so far as to insist upon the same duration for his antitypical
,

the second Advent in such a

It is at least

sabbath as for his antitypical working-day; and he elsewhere speaks of way as to leave no room for a millennium.

remarkable, that though he again and again enlarges on eschatological subjects he is wholly silent on this one point, even where the subject would naturally lead him to state the doctrine, if he held
3

it

But,

if it is

hardly probable that Hippolytus held Chiliastic opinions

forged Apocalypses under the

See the parallel given by Routh

(11.

p.

name of
Daniel),

39) from Apollonius in Euseb. H.E. v. 18, /j-i/xov/mevos rbv airoaToXov, KadoXucqp riva
1

some Apostle, perhaps S. Peter. 2 Hippol. Fragm. 59 (on

p. 153 (Lagarde).
3

<rvvTaijd(xei>os eiriaToX^p,

speaking of one

Themiso, a Montanist. The more natural interpretation of the words however seems
to
be,

See the treatise on Antichrist through-

that

Cerinthus

palmed

off

his

c. 44 sq), besides several fragments bearing on the subject.

out (especially

252

388
of any kind,
as
it is

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

quite certain that he would have condemned, as strongly the sensuous conception of the millennium attributed by any one, In the resurrection,' he writes, men shall be Cerinthus in the Dialogue.
*
'

as angels of

God

that

is

to say, in incorruption

and immortality and

is

not born, does not immutability (apeucria). does not sleep, does not hunger, does not thirst, does not toil, grow, does not suffer, does not die, is not pierced by nails and spear, does not

For incorruptible being

such beings are those of the angels and of souls released from bodies; for both these are different in kind from
sweat, does not shed blood
:

(ere/3 oyevets),

and
.'

alien to, the visible

and corruptible creation of the

(pre-

sent) world

the above essay was written, I had thought also that the Heads against Gait/s, which are mentioned in Ebedjesu's list (AR. 37) might have been this very Dialogue of Gaius and Proclus, which Euse-

When

and that owing to a careless heading, or to a superficial derived from its opening sentences, it might have been taken impression to be written against Gaius, because the interlocutor Proclus, who
bius mentions;
last vestige

perhaps opened the debate, was found arguing against him. Thus the of evidence for the existence of Gaius as distinct from Hip-

But only last year Prof. Gwynn of polytus would have disappeared. Dublin discovered and published from Dionysius Barsalibi several fragthis very treatise, in which Hippolytus maintains against Gaius the genuineness and authority of the Apocalypse of S. John Gaius therefore is alive once more, though he (see below, p. 394 sq). seemed to me to be dead. But, whether this is really Gaius the Roman

ments from

presbyter or another,

may perhaps be

still

an open question.

THE LITERARY WORKS OF HIPPOLYTUS.

With most
writers the obvious order

would be the

life first

and the

works afterwards. The works are the fruit and consequence of the life; the works live and flourish after the life is ended. But with Hippolytus
it is

convenient to reverse the natural order.

We know

next to nothing

about Hippolytus except what we learn from his own works

and, as the ; of the productions ascribed to him is beset in many cases genuineness with great difficulties, we are quite powerless to deal with the life, until
the preliminary questions affecting these are
1

first settled.

Hippol. Fragm.

9, p.

90 (Lagarde).

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

389

In the following account I have been greatly assisted by J. A. Fabricius Bibl. Grace, vn. p. 183 sq (ed. Harles); Bunsen Hippolytus and

His Age
P-

1.

p.

377 sq

514 sq (1854); Caspari Taufsymbol 21. Glaubensregel ill. and especially Salmon in Smith- Wace's Diet of Christ.
v.
'

Biogr. in. p. 91 sq s. careful and complete.

Hippolytus Romanus,' whose

for

list

is

the most

His work may be divided conveniently

classes;
(a)
(b) (c)

my

purpose into four

and Exegetieal ; and Apologetic ; Historical and Chronological;

Biblical
Theological
Heresiological.

(d)

Where a strictly logical classification is impossible, and where in many cases either from the character of the writing itself or from the defect
of our information
this

we may doubt where

will suffice.

to place

any particular work,

rough division

A.
1.

BIBLICAL

AND EXEGETICAL.
The
reasons for assigning this work to full, and are given in a separate

The Muratorian Canon.

require to

section.

Hippolytus See below, p. 405 2. On the Hexaemeron.

be stated in
sq.

This work on the days of Creation seems

to

It is mentioned in several and Jerome (AR. 8. g) tells us more especially that S. Ambrose in lists, his extant work on the same subjects made great use of it. Some fragments are given in Lagarde, p. 123 The reference of Jerome to 141.

have been well known in early times.

the charge brought against himself of misinterpretation in explaining the odd and even days of Creation (AR. 8. d) must be to this work.

e$arjfxepov) is

Hexaemeron. This work (eis rd fxerd rrjv mentioned by Eusebius and others. The commentary In Genesim, included by Jerome in his list, is probably the same. It would
3.

On

the Sequel to the

deal with certain passages in the patriarchal history. Jerome elsewhere 8. a mystical interpretation of one of these from c) gives (AR. Hippolytus. Isaac symbolizes God the Father, Rebecca the Holy
Spirit, etc.
4.
tj

On
tj

Dxod/ts, only in Jerome's

list.

It is

lohr}

fxeydk-q in Theodoret's quotation

(AR.

12. b)

questionable whether has anything to

do with the Song of Moses Exod. 15. On the Benedictions of Balaam. 5.

This work

is

quoted by Leon-

"I

90

EPISTLES OF
Byzantium (AR.

S.

CLEMENT.
1.

tius of

21. b), but there is a v.

'A/?paa//. for

BaXadfx

more likely Lagarde, p. 140). to have been chosen by Hippolytus; and a copyist would be subject
(see

The

blessings of Balaam are a

tempted

to substitute the

commoner word

'A/?paa'/x,.

The

extract itself

contains nothing which is decisive. Fabricius (11. p. 33 sq) gives extracts from some Arabic mss at Oxford of a Catena on the Pentateuch, which contains numerous pasare sages ascribed to 'Hippolytus the expositor of the Targum.' not encouraged either by the source of these extracts, or by their contents, to
6.

We

On Elkanah and Hannah.

regard them as a genuine work of our Hippolytus. This discourse is twice quoted by

Theodoret (AR. 12. a, b). On Said and the Witch of Endor (-rrepl ^aovX kcu 7rv6o)vo<;) or, as 7. it is described on the chair, It is found also [ets rrjv ey]yaoTpi/av0ov.
list. This same incident is made the subject of a discusand his representation of it sion by Hippolytus' contemporary Origen was considered so important that it was specially answered by Eusta-

in Jerome's

thius of Antioch.

The two
u.

tracts

have been recently edited together

u.

by Jahn
8.

in

Gebhardt
the

Harnack Texte

Untersicchungen, 1886.

Theodoret (AR. 12) quotes from the commentary on the 2nd, the 23rd, the 24th, and (if he means this by See also in Migne (p. 611) rrjv wStJi/ tt}v fxeydXrjv), the 119th Psalm.
Psalms.

On

a fragment on the 77th Psalm, published by Bandini (Catal. Cod. There is likewise a possibility that the DemonGraec. Medic. 1. p. 91).
stration against the Jews

may be

a commentary on Ps.

lxix.

also a long passage extant (Lagarde, p. 187 sq) entitled the ' hypothesis or introduction of Hippolytus the bishop of Rome to the
is
'

There

Psalms,' which seems to show the influence of Origen's Hexapla (Overbeck Qnaest. Hippol. p. 6 sq). The genuine introduction of Hippolytus

appears to be preserved in the corresponding Syriac (Lagarde's Anal. Syr. p. 8^), and confirms Overbeck's view, as pointed out by Salmon ('Hippolytus Romanus,' p. 103). The writer of the extant Greek fragmaterials of Hippolytus and Origen. We find of Hippolytus which appears much more definitely in the Syriac than in the Greek. In the Chronicon he enumerated the nations of the earth (25 from Shem, 15 from Japhet, and 32 from Ham); 72

ment has worked together

a characteristic
trait

and

in the

in the Syriac fragment

Philosophumena (x. 20) he refers to his enumeration. Now he tells how David's four chief singers had each

which again he distributes and 32 to Ham.

72 players of instruments under him, corresponding to the 72 nations, in the same way, 25 to Shem, 15 to Japhet,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
9.

391

On

the Proverbs,

mentioned

in several

lists.

Some

fragments

are given in Lagarde, p. 196; and one long additional passage in p. 616 sq from Mai Bibl. Nov. vn. ii. p. 71 (1854).
10.

Migne

by

S.

On Ecdesiastes, mentioned by Jerome. de Magistris as from Anastasius of Sinai, but

On
the

A
it is

quotation is given not in the printed

editions; comp. Lagarde p. 201.

11.

Song of Songs

in several lists: see

;

Apparently extant in a Syriac translation

12.

Lagarde p. 200 sq. Assem. Bibl. Orient. 1. p. 607.

mentioned by Jerome. Theodoret {AR. 12. a) from the beginning of it. See Lagarde Hippol. p. 142 and quotes
Isaiah,

On

Anal. Syr.
13.

p. 87.

On Jeremiah.

At

least

Assemani

{Bibl. Or.

1.

p.

the existence of such a work, but does not state whether

plete

607) mentions it is a com-

commentary.

14.

On parts

of Ezekiel, in the

list

of Eusebius.

The work on
1.

'the

four living creatures' is mentioned as extant in a Syriac translation.

15.

by Assemani

{Bibl. Or.

p.

607)

Daniel, in most of the lists, though not in Eusebius. a very popular work and several times quoted {AR. 8. h, 18, Apparently This work is the subject of a careful monograph by 3 2 ZZi 35)j

On

Bardenhewer (1877), who had pointed out that the long and important
Chigi fragment (Lagarde p. 151 sq) does not preserve the Commentary of Hippolytus in the original form. For the fragments known when this

work was written see Lagarde

p. 145 sq, Migne p. 633 sq. Quite recently a very important discovery has been made. Georgiades has published in the 'EKKXrjo-iacTTLKr} ^AXtjOeca, May 1885 for the first time, Anal. Syr. nepl
7rpocf>r)Tov

opao-ew? tov

Aa^A.

Xo'yos

8',

and

is

preparing a greater work for

which he

is

collating in the libraries of Europe.

Meanwhile Kennedy

(Dublin 1888) has reprinted the Greek text with an English translation.

As

Xo'yo?

book contains the last six chapters, Georgiades infers that a contained the History of Susannah, Xdyos the Song of the Three Children, and Ao'yos y the earlier portion of the Canonical
the fourth

Daniel.

On

p.

13 iv

rfj

Trpo ravrr)<; (3i/3\.u)

crecr^/xavTat

we ought

pro-

bably in the light of

this

new discovery

to see a reference to the 3rd

book, as the prophet was divided in Hippolytus. Hippolytus states (p. 42) that our Lord was born on viii Kal. Jan. on the 4th day, in the

was crucified
bellio, or (as

55th year of Augustus being the 5500th year from Adam and that He in His 33rd year, on viii Kal. Apr. on Friday {Trapao-Ktvf})
;

in the 18th year of Tiberius, in the consulship of

it is

Rufus (Fufius) and Ru1.

elsewhere expressed) 'duobus Geminis' (see

p. 253).

He

thus places the Crucifixion on

March 25

a.d. 29,

and the Birth on

392

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

If this Dec. 25 B.C. 4, which he regards as the 42nd of Augustus. text of Hippolytus (and there seems no reason to be the genuine doubt it), the information is highly important. It shows that the date

which we find elsewhere

for the Crucifixion in the Liberian chronicle

This date also of the Crucifixion expresses Hippolytus' deliberate view. For the reasons which led Hippolytus is involved in the Paschal Tables.
to in
1.

on this day, though not the real full-moon in a.d. 29, see Salmon Smith-Wace Diet, of Christ. Biogr. s.v. Chronicon Canisianum p. 506; 'Hippolytus Romanus' 111. p. 92 sq; and Hermathena 1. p. 96.
fix
'

'

In the corresponding fragstill more important bearing. the Chisian fragment of Daniel (Lagarde p. 153) we have exactly the same Statement 7ra#e Se rai Tpia/<o<XTa> TpiVa) era, though Salmon {Hermath. I.e.) expresses his surwithout the same particulars.

But

it

has a

ment

in

prise

that,

Gospel and founds

p. 104),

while Hippolytus defends the authenticity of the fourth his chronology of the passover on S. John (see in.
S.

he has not in the Paschal Tables and in the Chronicle made the
John's account as to the duration of our Lord's

usual inference from

ministry.

This indeed would be the more surprising because his master Irenaeus not only does this, but exaggerates the inference from

John, alleging the tradition of the elders that Christ's ministry extended over many years and thus refuting the Valentinian argument
S.

for their thirty aeons derived

1

life

from the thirty years of Christ's earthly therefore supposes that 'thirty third' was a transcriber's correction in the Chisian fragment to improve the chronology. Now
.

He

however that
maintain

this

new

authority

is

discovered

it

this view.
i.e.

If the crucifixion

which he certainly places

life

seems impossible to duobus

'

Geminis'

a.d. 29,

and the duration of our Lord's

to

His 33rd

year, are both inconsistent with the reckonings of the Chronicle

and the

Paschal Tables, the inconsistency must be allowed. The real difficulty is with the Paschal Tables, where the r^Necic \c is placed on iv Non.
Apr. in the 2nd year of the first cycle, and the ttaOoc xc on viii Kal. April in the 16th year of the second, thus making an interval of 31 years within a few days between the two, it being assumed that the
peNecic means the visitation.

As the Commentary on Daniel was

than the other works, perhaps Hipposaw some way meanwhile of fitting in the three passovers of lytus S. John into his later chronology. At all events he cannot have been
apparently written
earlier

much

unaware of the

difficulty.

In the ordinary Greek Bibles Susannah precedes, the Song of the Three Children follows, and last comes the Book of Daniel proper.
1

Iren. Haer.

ii.

22; see Essays on Supernatural Religion, p. 245 sq.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

393

This was doubtless the case with the copy of Hippoiytus. The long fragment (Lagarde p. 145 sq) relating to Susannah has every appearance of being the introduction to the whole work. Hippoiytus begins by
explaining why, though the events took place later, they are recorded at the beginning of the work (77 laropta yeyevrjTcu varepov, 7rpoypd(j>r) Se
pifiXov Trpwr^s); for it was customary, he adds, for the scribes to record things in reversed order (vaTepoirpwra), as we find with many It is needless to say that Susannah signifies visions of the prophets.
rrjs

the Church, and the two elders are the two peoples, the Jewish and the Gentile. This mystical interpretation constituted its great attraction to the fathers.

But what

is

the Little Daniel, which according to Ebedjesu

(AR. 36) Hippoiytus commented on? It is commonly explained of the ordinary lxx apocryphal additions to Daniel (Susannah, the Three Children, Eel and the Dragon); but these would all be included ordinarily under Daniel, and in Ebedjesu's list Susannah is specially mentioned. In Wright's Syriac MSS Brit. Mas. 1. p. 19 (see above,
p.

350

sq) there

is

a fragment from the

'

Daniel the
It

less (or the

youth)

on our Lord and the end of the world.'

future

seems

to

be a distinctly

Daniel is represented as preaching the Christian apocryphal writing. judgment in the language of S. John's Gospel 'He will come to

His own, and His own

will

not recognise Him... I

am

not able to ex-

plain who He is, but by the Spirit in a mystery. The servant is not able to overcome his master, but I give signs and preach concerning Him.'

the

The book recovered and published by Georgiades evidently preserves Commentary of Hippoiytus in its original form. Bardenhewer had
151

surmised that in the long fragment of

p.

168)

the

Chisian
this

it

was much compressed; and

ms (Lagarde new discovery has

confirmed his suspicion.

work.

Moreover this new discovery throws some light on the date of the Bardenhewer (p. 68), impressed by the language used of the
it

persecutions of the Church, places

as early as 202.

To

this early

date

Salmon
his

104) objects, calling attention to the fact that according to Eusebius (If. E. vi) Judas, writing on the 70 weeks of Daniel, brought
(in. p.

chronography down to the 10th year of Severus and maintained that the coming of Antichrist was imminent (77877 totc 7rapetvat), and he argues

dozen years must have elapsed to 'allow the minds of the Christians to cool down.' But now that we have the complete words
that at least a

of Hippoiytus,
that

we
this

see that the excitement was

still

at a red heat

and

treatise was written to calm men's fears. He probably mentions apparently this very Judas; 'I will relate,' he says, 'what took
-n-po

place not long ago (to avp.f3dv ov

noWov

xpovov) in Syria,' where a

394

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

Church led himself and others astray, persuading of the brethren with their wives and children to go out into the 'many wilderness to meet Christ.' He adds that if his wife, who was also a
certain leader of the
Christian,

had not been wiser than himself and prevailed upon the gover-

nor, he would have slain them all as robbers. He mentions also another ruler of a church in Pontus, whom I do not know whether it is possible

and humble man, but with no firm grasp (fxr} 7rpoo-e;(coj/ of the scriptures,' who, misled by visions, staked his credit on do-<f>a\ws) the immediate coming, and the people sold their lands accordingly.
to identify, 'a pious

Zachariah, mentioned by Jerome. This is not included in Jerome's list, but he S. Mattheiv. 17. himself (AR. 8. i) especially elsewhere mentions Hippolytus as having written on this Gospel. De Magistris has given an extract on Ittloxhtios
1 6.

On On

in the Lord's

prayer,

p. 700) ; Syriac of Dionysius Barsalibi (Hermathena vn. p. 137, 1889) a long and important comment on Matt. xxiv. 15 22, which may have come from

and quite recently

purporting to come from Hippolytus (Migne Gwynn has printed and translated from the

this

(p. 142) seems to state this 'in the the Gospel,' as if distinguishing it from an earlier Assemani (Bibl. Or. 1. p. 607) quotation taken from some other work. mentions Hippolytus as writing on the five persons omitted in S.

work.

Indeed Barsalibi

Commentary on

Matthew's genealogy.
the way in which they are quoted by Theodoret (AR. The Discourse on the Distribution of the Talents, and The Discourse on the Two Thieves would seem to have been separate
18.

From

12. b, c)

homilies, not portions of a

Commentary.
early
is

What may be the source of the fragments relating to the There chapters of S. Luke (Lagarde p. 202), we do not know.

no

notice of any Commentary on this Gospel. They may have been taken from the -n-epl oiKovo/xias, or from almost any of his theological works. From the 19. Defence of the Gospel and Apocalypse of S. John.

together,

preposition (wrep, not 7rept) and from the association of the two works it is a safe inference that this was an apologetic work, directed
against those persons who objected to both works alike, because they described our Lord as the Aoyos; but they must have contained much Indeed we may suspect that Epiphanius borrowed exegetical matter.

the

are very

name aXoyoi 'the irrational much in his way e.g.

;

ones,' from Hippolytus; for these jokes

vo-tyros,

dvorjTos (ix. 10),

and

Sokos, SoKtlv,

SoKrjTai (viii. 1). Dionysius Barsalibi states that Hippolytus, like Irenseus, holds the Apocalypse to have been written by John the Evangelist under

Domitian (Gwynn Hermathena vn.

p. 137).

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
The Heads
(AR. 37)

395

against Gains are mentioned in the list of Ebedjesu But they have every appearance of being as a separate work. extracts from that part of this apologetic work which relates to the
I have already considered what relation these bear to the Apocalypse. notices of other writers relating to Gaius the Roman presbyter (p. 388).

B.

THEOLOGICAL AND APOLOGETIC.

c.

20.

Demonstratio

Judaeos
first

('AttoSciktikt) 7rpos 'IoucWovs).

(11.

A large
from

portion of this treatise was

published by Fabricius

p. 2 sq)

a Vatican MS communicated to him by Montfaucon. But besides this Greek portion De Magistris (p. 435 sq) connected with it, as part of the same work, a Latin treatise commonly printed

among
p.

the
sq).

spurious

works of
as
I

133
least

So

far

Cyprian (e.g. Hartel's edition, in. can discover, he had no ground whatever

except his

own

arbitrary

At

Cyprian,

he gives none. it seems even

'

assumption for assigning it to Hippolytus. If there is no reason for assigning this work to
less

authorship.

describing

it

Yet Bunsen far more as

maintain the Hippolytean (1. p. 450) accepts it without a question, interesting than the part preserved in the
possible
to

Greek
is

text.'

The connexion

purely arbitrary.

On

this subject see

of this Latin tract with the Greek fragment Draseke Jahrb. f. Prot. Theol.

xii. p.

456 sq (1886).

This might seem at first sight to be part of his commentary on the But the mutilated title on the Chair cannot be so well 69th Psalm.
Again, though it is taken up with the exposition of this one psalm, it is not wholly largely so. Lastly ; the sequence of scriptural authorities quoted (p. 66 sq Lagarde) AainS o cros xpioros, ws o /xeyas Ico/3, <f>pu) $rj is /xeaov kol rrjv
7rpo<fir}Tei(xv

supplied as by [npoc toyc ioyA<n]ioyc addressed again and again, w 'IouSate,

Moreover the Jews are

<3

directly

'Iou8atot.

^oA.oyu,wv,

kcu 7raA.1v o Aai/iS iv i^aX/xots, kol

treatise

7raA.11/

^oXofAwv,

points to a

more general
the

than the exposition of an individual

as

psalm.
21.

On

Nature of

the

Universe

or,

it

is

described on the

Chair, Against
I

the Greeks or

Against Plato or Concerning the Universe.

may

of

titles

observe by the way, that according to the general arrangement (see p. 325) xP 0ViK<^ v * s a distinct work from 7rpos "EWrjvas

k.t.A..,

Thus
in his

the genuineness
to

and that the two should not be fused, as is sometimes done. and identity of the work are established on the best
Josephus
Nevertheless Photius {AR. 32. a) found it ascribed but he saw that this was impossible owing to ;

possible authority.

copy

39 6
its

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
it

distinctly Christian theology.

He

adds that he has found

stated

in

some

notices that

it

was

really written by Gaius the

Roman

presbyter,

the author of the Labyrinth.

(see above, p. 379),
is

This Labyrinth, as

have shown elsewhere

probably the tenth book of the Philosophnmena, distinctly mentions himself as having written a Photius treatise Concerning the Nature of the Universe (Ref. x. 32). further mentions the report that, having been left anonymous, it is
in

which Hippolytus

assigned by some to Josephus, by others to Justin Martyr, and by In the others to Irenaeus, just as some assign the Labyrinth to Origen. so-called John Damascene (Sacr. Parallel. 11. pp. 755, 789) it is twice quoted, and ascribed in the one passage to Meletius, in the other to Josephus. By Joannes Philoponus (Lagarde, p. 124), who gives a few
lines,

TravTos

ascribed to 'Josephus the Hebrew' and entitled wepl rrjs rov In the MS from which Hoeschel first printed the important fragment (Lagarde p. 68) in his notes to Photius (Phot. Op. iv. p. 362 Migne) it was ascribed to Josephus, and seems to have
it is

amW

borne the

title 7repl rfjs

rov iravros cartas

77

ova-las.

The resemblances of

language and substance bespeak the same authorship with the Philosophumena, even if we had not the author's own certification (see Wordsworth, p. 211 sq). Wordsworth (p. 306) gives the latter part of
Hoeschel's fragment (from p. 27, 1. 5, o /xeyas rwv SikcuW k.t.A. Lagarde, onward), where it is carried a few lines farther from an Oxford MS,
Barocc. 26, which however

had been previously printed by Hearne. oU av zvpto i<j> vfAas, eVt tovtols Kptvco, which is quoted by Justin Martyr and several fathers (Resch Agrapha p. 112 sq, 226 sq, 290 sq, in Gebhardt u.
This additional part contains the apocryphal quotation,

Harnack Texte
Ezekiel
(i.e.

u.

Untersuch.

v.

Hft. 4, 1889).

This

is

quoted as from
it

the

pseudo-Ezekiel) by some of the fathers; and

is

noticeable that Clem. Alex. Quis div. Salv. 40 (p. 957) after Kptvw ends the quotation in the same way as Hippolytus, koI -rap' eKao-ra (3oa to
T/Vos TravTuiv.

In the long extant fragment Hippolytus addresses the Greeks more than once, and he mentions Plato by name (p. 70, Lagarde). Photius also says that he refutes Alcinous 'concerning the soul and matter and
resurrection,'

and shows after the manner of the Christian apologists and indeed of Josephus, 'the much greater antiquity of the Jews than the Greeks' (AP. 32. a). Alcinous is not mentioned in the
generally,

extant fragments. In the passage of the Philosophumena (x. .32) he expounds briefly the cosmogony which was the foundation of this treatise. God was

absolute and

alone.

He

created

from

simple elements,

fire,

spirit,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
water,

397

and

earth.

Those creatures which are composed of more than

one element are capable of dissolution.

{TTvevjxa).

The

soul

is

pure
is

air or spirit

The

great interest in the extant

of his cosmogony
22.
peivav).

the application fragment to explain the intermediate state, which was a favourite

subject of Hippolytus.

An

This

exhortation addressed to Severina (7rpoTpe7rrtK05 7rpos Se/fyis mentioned on the Chair, and it is generally identified

with
b, c).

7rpo5 /?a<xiAt8a riva IttuttoXyi

twice quoted by Theodoret

The fragments have

reference to the Resurrection, and

(AR. 12. more

No princess bearing the name especially to Christ as the a-Trapx^Severina is mentioned anywhere either in inscriptions or in literature.
that she was a daughter of Alexander Severus, but he only married in 229, and his daughter, if he even had one, can only Le Moyne have been four or five years old at Hippolytus' death.

Bunsen supposed

identified her with Severa the wife of Philippus

with

Julia

Aquilia

reason

is given why As no princess of the name

and Dollinger (p. 25) ; But no Severa the second wife of Elagabalus. either of these should have been called Severina.
is

known,

it

is

perhaps better to identify

the (3acn\h of Theodoret with Julia Mammaea the mother of Alexander. 22*. letter to a certain princess twice quoted by Theodoret (AR. 12. b, c). See the last section.

The quotation in Anal. Syriac. p. 87 sq (Lagarde) belongs not imIt runs as follows ; probably to the same work.
'OF HIPPOLYTUS BISHOP
the

AND MARTYR On

the Resurrection to

Empress
'

Mamnum

for she

was the mother of Alexander who was

at that

first brought forward in like manner by Nicolas he was one of the deacons who were when he was troubled elected at the first and is recorded in the Acts

Now

time emperor of the Romans.' the cause of the heresies of the Nicolaitans was

by strange

spirits saying that the resurrection had taken place ; supposing that the resurrection was to believe in the Messiah and to be baptized, not meaning the resurrection of the flesh.'

To him

Hippolytus goes on to trace the errors of Hymenaeus and

and he couples with them the false ; teachers at Corinth, explaining S. Paul's language 'we have this treasure in earthen vessels' of the gift of immortality; for 'what is our dead
Philetus and of the Gnostics
flesh

incorruption being put This may be the

his general

but these vessels before mentioned, into which the treasure of makes them immortal?'

passage to which Stephanus Gobarus refers but the same opinion was expressed by Hippolytus in both (AR. 20),

works on Heresies.

98
23.

EPISTLES OF
On
the Resurrection,

S.

CLEMENT.
8.

mentioned by Jerome (AR.

b),

and

On the Chair
24.

{irepl eov kol aapKos avacrracrea)?). Homily on the praise of our Lord and Saviour

(irpoo-opLikia

de

Laude Domi?ii

Salvatoris)

livered before Origen. I it is one of our very few chronological land-marks (see below, p. 423). It is possible that this homily is the -n-epl oiKoi/o/xtas of the Chair and

mentioned by Jerome as having been deshall have occasion to refer to this again, as

Ebedjesu (A. R.
25.

37).

On

Christ

and

Antichrist.

This work

is

mentioned by Jerome
title irepl

under the

'de Antichristo,' and under the further kol 'AvTcxpio-Tov by Photius who read it.
title

Xpiarov

TTCpL

spurious work bearing the title irepl tyjs crwTeAaas to) koot/xov kou TOV AvTL^pLCTTOV KOU tS TT)V ScVTepdV TTapOVCTtaV TOV KvpLOV TJfJLWV I^CTOl' Xpiarov was published by Joannes Picus (Paris 1556), and still retains a
(e.g.

place in the editions

universally

Fabricius

11.

p. It

sq,

Lagarde

p. 92);

but

it is

begins 'E^aS?} 01 /xaKapLoi k.t.X. The genuine treatise, which was read by Photius, entitled 7repl rov awTyjpos r]fxwv lrjaov Xpicrrov kol 7Tpl tov AvTLXpLcrrov was first published by Gudius (Paris 161 1), and will be found in Fabricius 1. p. 4 sq and
It is apparently almost complete. It is addressed Lagarde p. 1 36. to one 'brother Theophilus,' possibly like the Theophilus whose name the Acts bears on the forefront, an imaginary person; and, as it deals

condemned

as spurious.

in

with prophecy affecting the future of the

Roman
the

not unnaturally cautions his friend in

empire, Hippolytus language of S. Paul to

Timothy to guard the deposit carefully, and only to commit it to faithful and discreet disciples. The general scheme of the world's history and the end of all things is the same which this father has evolved
in some respects it is deals with the mystical number of the beast fully in the Apocalypse, mentioning the alternative explanations tcitan, ey<\N0Ac, and Aatginoc, as Irenseus has done before him {ffaer. v. 30. 1),

from Daniel's prophecy as described above; though

more

drawn

out.

He

For other obligations of work on Antichrist see Overbeck p. 70 sq. Hippolytus On the whole there seems to be reasonable ground for Overbeck's contention (p. 88 sq), that this work was written at a time of persecution, and therefore presumably in the age of Severus, about a.d. 200.
in favour of the last (p. 26). to his master in the

and deciding

The awe

of the

Roman
The

in this direction.

power, and the warnings of caution, both point coincidences of interpretation, which he mentions

between Hippolytus and Origen, are curious but not sufficient, I think, to establish on either side any direct obligation of the one from the other which is improbable in itself.
;

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
26.

399
This
is

On

the

Holy Theophany (a? ra ayia

6zo<frdvia).

discourse on the Baptism of our Lord, preserved in a Gale ms Trin. It was probably addressed to candidates Coll. o. 5. 36 at Cambridge. when they presented themselves for baptism (see Wordsworth, p. 224).

Though

it

is

nowhere quoted

(at least
is

aware, by ancient writers, there

this name), so far as I am which Hippolytus might not nothing

under

have written.
C.

HISTORICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL.

This work
it

27.

Chronica.

is

mentioned on the Chair, and even

without this certification

its

first published by Canisius may be conveniently consulted in Ducange Chron. Pasch. 11. p. 96 sq (ed. Bonn.) under the title Liber Generatio?iis ; the other, being incorporated

The authorship. Latin translations, of which the one

contains unquestionable internal evidence of original Greek is lost; but it is extant in two

in the collection of the

Mommsen.
at length in

In this latter connexion

Chronographer of 354, is admirably edited by I have had occasion to speak of it

my

a.d.

234 (the

xiiith

It is brought down to previous volume (1. p. 258 sq). year of Alexander), when doubtless it was com-

It is not in any strict sense a chronicle, but is partly ethnography and partly chronography. One of its main purposes, as with

pleted.

most early apologists, was to show the superior antiquity of the Jews to
the Classical nations of antiquity. 28. Paschal Tables This record
1
.

is

found inscribed

in full

on the

sides of the Chair,

where

it is

Kara [to] eV tw

-KivaKi.
is

The

described as aVoSei^is ^povcov rov Trdo-xa more important parts of it are given above

a calculation of the times of Easter according to a 2). Salmon however has given cycle of sixteen years from a.d. 222 333. Smith- Wace Diet, of Christ. strong reasons (Hermalhena 1. p. 88 sq

(AP.

It

Ant.

'Hippolytus Romanus' 111. p. 93) for supposing that it was issued a.d. 224. It has received great attention from Scaliger, Bucher, and more recently from De Rossi and from Bianchini, and others
s.v.
;

Salmon, who have rendered very

calculates the Easters for

efficient service.

The
affords

table not only

all

more than a

century, but likewise fixes

those mentioned in the Old Testament.

Thus

it

many

tests for

establishing the authorship of works ascribed to Hippolytus, as well as

for the criticism of his life in other ways. than once to refer to it for these purposes.
1 This work is mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome, as well as by others, and seems to have excited considerable at-

I shall

have occasion more

construction the calculation was found to

be

incorrect,

and

it

had

to

be abandoned

in favour of other systems,

tention,

though within a few years

after its

400

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT

D.

HERESIOLOGICAL.
against all the Heresies, an early work, founded This will be considered immediately in a
p. 413 sq. Reasons will be given presently
;

29.

The Compendium
itself.

on the

lectures of Irenseus.

section to
29*.

See below,
is

Against Noetus.

for

supis

posing that this

known
this

only the peroration of the previous treatise to have ended with the heresy of Noetus.
to

which

29**.

work

The reasons for assigning Against the Heresy of Artemon, have been given already (p. 377 sq). Hippolytus

is

Only one objection of apparent force to the Hippolytean authorship The anonymous writer against Artemon alleged by Salmon (p. 98). H. E. v. 28) speaks of Victor as the 13th bishop of Rome from (Euseb.
Peter; whereas in the Liberian
distinct persons, so that
list

Cletus and Anacletus are

14th.
I

made two
this

he would be the
(1.

have anticipated

objection, and shown already

that Hippolytus cannot be

earlier part of the

made

p. 282 sq) strong reasons for believing responsible for these blunders in the

papal list. Marcion. This treatise is mentioned by Eusebius 30. Against and Jerome and by others, and seems to have been one of considerable

As the fundamental idea of Marcion's theory was the importance. dual principle of good and evil (Ref. Haer. vii. 30 avrnrapdOecrLs dyaOov
kolI teal

kolkov,

vii.

31

rj

7rpa>T7)

kcll

Ka6apL(x)T(XTr)
is

kclkov rrjv o-vo-Tcio-Lv

e^owa), there

Ma/DKiwros cupecris i dyaOov every reason to think that this

'

is

same treatise which is designated on the Chair Good and ivhe?ice cometh the EviV
the

Concerning the

31. Concerning Spiritual Gifts {xapiaixdroiv) the Apostolic Tradition. This work is mentioned on the Chair, but its purport has been differently

explained.

For reasons which

we must
works;

regard this as a single title,

111.

have given in another instance (p. 395), and not, as has been suggested
it

(see Caspari
(i)

p. 390),

separate

and regard
(2)

it

as giving two distinct

irapdSoais.

7repi

xapioyAaTtoi/,

and

aTroaToXtKr}

The
'

Apostolic use of the word x aP^(T lJLaTa seems to furnish the safest key to In his discourses on the Witch of Endor the purport of this work.
'

and the Blessings of Balaam Hippolytus sought

'

'

to explain

some of the

anomalies attending the bestowal of these graces, and it seems probable that in this treatise he attempted to give something like a systematic
exposition of the whole subject based upon the Apostolic teaching. The vagaries of Montanism more especially would force it on his notice,
as pressing for

some reasonable treatment

How

far

and under what

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
circumstances was the presence of

401
obliquity-

moral or intellectual

consistent with the bestowal of such exceptional graces from above? In fact all those questions which are suggested by S. Paul's account of
the abuses in the Corinthian Church, and many more which start up when we stir the question ourselves, must have been more rampant in
early ages,
in

when

the disciples were face to face with similar

to

phenomena
treatise

heathendom. This I believe

have been the intention of our author's

respecting charismata. On the other has been sometimes given of it. It

hand a wholly
is

different explanation

supposed to have been a code

of Church ordinances or constitutions regulating the appointment to ecclesiastical offices. Though this view does not commend itself at
first sight, it

kind.

cannot however reckon

can claim a large amount of traditional support of a certain in this the statement of Jerome (AR.

8. f) who quotes Hippolytus as explicit on the point whether fasting should be observed on the sabbath and whether there should be a

daily celebration of the eucharist.

He

might have delivered himself of

other places, as in his treatise on the Hexaemcron or in his books on the Paschal Festival or in his Demonstration against

such dicta in

many

the

But there is extant in the Alexandrian Church a code of Jews. 38 Canons first published by Ludolf (a.d. 1691) and bearing the name of Abulides,' which is only another transliteration of Hippolytus, here
'

styled 'first patriarch of the city of

city of

Rome' and

'chief bishop of the

Rome'; though Wansleb who first called attention to these canons (1672, 1673) did not know who could be meant. These have
been recently re-edited by Haneberg Canones
S.

Hippolyti Arabice

(Monachii 1870), who has given reasons for supposing that they were Connected with these are the Siara^etg twv originally written in Greek.
olvtiov

ayiaiv a7roorroAa)i/ 7rept yetpoTOVKjiv Sta iTnroXvrov, as

they are Called

their

in the

MS from which Lagarde has edited them (Monac. 380), and

is

designation to the 8th

in Greek,

similar in others (see Caspari in. p. 387). Corresponding Book of the Apostolic Constitutions are two early elements
it

from which

was apparently compounded and amplified

airocnoXoiv irepl
^apt<r/x.ara)i/

(l) AiSacrKoAia t<Zv

aytW

corresponding to

Apost. Const, viii. 1, 2 (Rel. Jur. Eccl. Ant. p. 1 sq, Lagarde), which contains a sort of preface concerning spiritual gifts; and (2) AtaTa^eis
k.t.X. as

on

ecclesiastical offices, etc.

already given, corresponding to Apost. Const, viii. 4 sq (p. 5 sq) The name of Hippolytus is attached to

this latter only.

seek.

Yet here we have seemingly the explanation which we Not improbably to these ecclesiastical rules were prefixed (with modifications) some remarks of the genuine Hippolytus from the work

CLEM.

II.

26

402
whose

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

title is given on the Chair and in this way he came to be regarded as the author of the Canons themselves. It is hardly probable that even in their present comparatively simple form they can have
;

been
first,'
1

his product, as they are attributed to the several Apostles,

'

Peter

Lord/ etc., and prefixed with the fiction We the twelve Apostles of the Lord met together in conjunction with Paul the vessel of election our fellow-Apostle and James the bishop and the rest of the presbyters and the seven deacons.' We have also
'I the beloved of the

Ordinances of the Apostles given S of Brit. Mus. n. through Hippolytus' (Wright's Syriac Catal. of All these Canons which are ascribed to pp. 949, 1033, 1037).

Canons extant

in Syriac designated

'

MS

Hippolytus are apparently simpler and allied forms of the ordinances

in the present 8th

Book of the Apostolic Constitutions. As against the supposition of the Hippolytean authorship however of the portion 7rcpi ^apio-fxaTOiv, Caspari (111. p. 389) observes that it presents no coincidences
of conception with the parts of the genuine Hippolytus where we should expect to find them, the conclusions of the Refutatio and of the Treatise against Noetus ; whereas several may be found with the other

On the other hand I note what parts of the Apostolic Constitutions. me a more weighty consideration on the other side that in seems to
this

very short treatise consisting of five octavo pages great emphasis

is

laid

on two topics which are characteristically Hippolytean; (1) The enumeration of the prophetesses, to which Hippolytus devotes a section
laid

in his Chronicon

(Mommsen p. 641, Ducange H. p. 108); (2) The stress on the history of Balaam, which Hippolytus made the subject of

a special treatise (see above, p. 389). We can imagine how Hippolytus, starting from the discussion of the x a P t0"/jtaTa generally, might have been led to speak about some of the special gifts mentioned in
S.

Paul's

two

lists

(1

Cor.

xii.

28,

Ephes.

iv.

n), and

that

some

later

editor, working up the material of Hippolytus and others, would give to The fact that Hippolytus is designated an it the name of this father.
'

acquaintance (yvwpi/Aos) of the Apostles' by Palladius (AR. n), as soon as the early decades of the fifth century, is significant in this connexion.
It

to

seems to indicate that some such work had been already attributed him ; and at all events it shows that a spurious progeny was fathered

as coeval with the Apostles. The next writer who so designates rov Trakaiov kol yvwpi/jiov rwv dirocrroXoiv (AR. 16), lived in the middle him, There seems therefore to be some ground for the of the sixth century.

upon him

opinion of Bunsen (see esp. 11. p. 412 sq) and others, that the treatise mentioned on the Chair lies at the root of the tradition respecting the
authorship
;

but

when with him we expunge

the

'

We

the Apostles

'

and

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
other dramatic parts,

403

which

is

altogether

we introduce a vital change into the document, capricious, and we have no basis of criticism for the

reproduction of the Canons of Hippolytus, if he drew up any. This appears to me the most probable account. At the same time I do not wish to speak with any confidence ; for this would not be
justified

without a thorough investigation of the origin and development

of the Apostolic Constitutions such as I cannot pretend to have given. On the Passover. This work must be carefully distinguished 32.

from
Chair.

the

It is

Paschal Cycle with the Paschal tables engraved on the "mentioned separately in the lists both of Eusebius and

that as

of Jerome. From the reference in the Chron. Pasch. {AR. 22) we find it consisted of more than one book. Along with Irenseus and (so far

Hippolytus maintained that our Lord Himself was the true Passover, suffering on This the 14th Nisan, and thus superseding the legal Jewish passover.
,

we know)

all

the Asiatic fathers of the school of

S.

John

position he took up also in both his general books against the heresies, It may be regarded the early Compendhwi and the later Refutatio. therefore as written to refute the Quartodecimans, as the fragments in the Chron. Pasch. {AR. 22) show.
33.

The Philosophumena
left
2
.

or

work, probably
section to itself

incomplete

at

Refutation of All Heresies, his final This will demand a his death.

SPURIOUS HIPPOLYTEAN WORKS.

(1)

The

treatise

Contra Beronem

et Helicetn (?) haereticos

de Theo-

allowed to be logia et Incarnatione Sermo is now almost universally Dorner {Lehre v. der Person spurious, though accepted as genuine by
Christi
as at

536 sq) and by Bunsen (1. p. 448 sq) in our own generation, an earlier date it had been defended by Bull. Its rejection by most
1.

p.

recent

critics, e.g. Haenell, Kimmel, Fock, Dollinger, Overbeck, Caspari, Draseke, and Salmon, has left it without a friend; and I have no intention of defending a hopeless cause. Anastasius the Apocrisiarius, or Papal Nuncio at Constantinople (a.d.

saw this work at Constantinople and made a few extracts from it, which are preserved {AR. 24). It is quoted also {AR. 30) by Nicephorus The manuscripts vary between "HAikos of Constantinople [t a.d. 828].
665),
1

This

is

distinctly

the

case

with

rest of the school

see Essays on Super-

Claudius

Apollinaris,

whose
;

language

Hippolytus closely resembles

is

no ground

for separating

and there him from the

tialural Religion, p. 237 sq. 2 [The section in question

written.]

was never

262

404

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

or 'HAiKtovos ('HXi/aWos) as the companion heretic of Bero or Vero. But no Helix or Helicion is mentioned in the extant fragments; whereas
in

one place we read (p. 61, Lagarde) Brjpuv tis IWyxos /**#' hiptov tlvwv rrjy BaXevrcvov <avracriav a^evTe? k.t.X. There can be little Or

no doubt therefore

that Fabricius (Hippol. Op.

I.

conjecture ^Xlklwtwv alptTiKwv for "HA.iko?

see Draseke Zahrb. f. Prot. Theol.
x. p.

iw
sq.

225) was right in his On the title alptTLKwv.

p.

342

Of this Vero
the

or Bero

we never hear

in the heresiological writers of

fifth and earlier centuries. This would be astonishing if the treatise had been genuine or even early. Epiphanius and Philaster and Theodoret the two former especially are eager to make their list as comMoreover all the three were acquainted with the plete as possible. writings of Hippolytus; and therefore their silence would be the more

inexplicable; for nothing else so explicit or so important was written by Hippolytus on questions of Christology, and we should have expected

frequent references and quotations to it. Moreover, when we investigate the fragments themselves, the treatise condemns itself by its style and substance. It is much more philosophical in its language than Hippolytus itself. It uses terms and modes of thought which betoken a later stage of the Christological controversy.

On
I.e.

this point

however

it

should be observed that kcvwo-lv

is

probably a

false

reading and that

p.

344

sq).

we should probably read eVcoo-iv instead (Draseke Bunsen, accepting the work as genuine, considers one

expression only Ik t^s 7rai/ayias denrapOevov Mapta? to be interpolated If this had been the only difficulty, we should have agreed (1. p. 448). with him that it proves nothing against the authenticity of the work.'
'

But, as Dollinger (p. 319 sq) points out, the terminology bristles with on the supposition that it was a work of the beginning of the first half of the third century. Fock and Dollinger connect it
difficulties

with the Monophysite disputes, and assign it to the sixth or seventh The subject has more recently been investigated by Draseke century.
{Zeitschr.f.

somewhat
it

Wiss. Theol. xxix. p. 291 sq, 1886), who would assign it to earlier date. He ascribes it to the Apollinarian school, and
to have

supposes
fifth

been written not

I

later

than the early decades of the

century

(p. 318).

bearing on my without an interest for the later stages of the Christological controversy. story told at length by Palladius (AR. n), in which a virgin (2)

need not pursue the subject further. It has no theme, the life and opinions of Hippolytus, though not

was placed in great danger to her chastity by the iniquity of the magistrate, and only rescued by the continence and purity of a youth to whom her honour was to be
sacrificed,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
(3)

405

The Arabic Catena

(p. 390).

on the Pentateuch, of which mention has

been made already

(4)

The

treatise

De

Consummatione Mundi, which

for

some time
;

took the place of the genuine work

above, p. 398.
(5)

De

Christo

et

Antichristo

see

The

Apostolical Cations, which

however are perhaps not without

some foundation of

fact; see above, p. 401 sq.

6.

THE MURATORIAN FRAGMENT.

from one
truth,'

In the early part of his work (Haer. i. 15, 16) Irenaeus quotes, whom he describes as the divine elder and herald of the
'

some

Marcus.

verses (e/x/aeVpws) written against the Valentinian heretic They run as follows ;
EtSo)Xo7rote Ma/)K kcu TpaTOO*K07re,

dcrrpoXoyiKrjs e/x7retpe kcu /xayiK^s tc^v^s,

$1
(Lv

Kparwets

Trj<s

ttXolvyjs

tol

SiSay/xara,

crr)[ALa

Scikvvs rots V7r6 ctov

Svva/Xw<s

7rAav<jo<u,eVoi9,

chrocTTariKrj<;

iy^eiprjfxara,

a
hi

(tol

-^opr]yL cros Trcrnqp

8i;i/ayu,ecos

^cvrav aet
Troitiv

ayycXiKrjs
ere

'A^a^X

cj^odj/

TTpoSpofiov avTL$eov iravovpyLas,

some
critics

slight

corrections

being

made
are

in the sixth line

on which
ancient

all

are

agreed, and which

suggested by

the

Latin

version.
feet,
fifth

be observed that our poet is very fond of trisyllabic and that more especially he affects anapaests in the fourth and
It will
I

places.

should add

that, as the editors give his text,

he does

not shrink from a spondee in quarto ; but we might easily relieve him of this monstrosity by reading Swa/xios in both cases, thus giving him

two more of
In

his favourite anapaests instead.

this instance the editors

e/x/xerpo)?

warned by

that

could not well go wrong for they were some verse was coming, and have printed
;

But elsewhere, where there was no such warning, they accordingly. Thus in Haer. iii. 17. 4 (a passage preserved are altogether astray. in the ancient Latin version) Irenaeus is made to write ; only

coloris, sicut

'Aquae mixtum gypsum dans pro lacte seducat per similitudinem quidam dixit superior nobis de omnibus qui quolibet

406
modo

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
lacte

depravant quae sunt Dei et adulterant veritatem In Dei gypsum male miscetur]

where the Claromontane ms has 'veritatem Dei, Lacte,'

etc.

This

is

the correct reading (in being a repetition of the previous m), but not The sentence should run, the correct punctuation.
1

Dei

lacte

gypsum male

miscetur,'

which

in

Greek

is

Seov yd\a.KTL fxiyvvTai

yvif/os

kokus,

so that the mixing of chalk and water with milk is not a discovery of modern civilisation. I may mention by the way that not a few of our

homely proverbs are anticipated by the fathers. A lively writer like Jerome would furnish several examples. One occurs to me at the moment, 'equi dentes inspicere donati,' 'to look a gift horse in the mouth,' which Jerome calls 'a vulgar proverb' even in his own day
(vii. p.

Nor

538, Vallarsi). is this the only instance

fault.

in

have been at

In Haer.

1.

praef. 2 likewise this father quotes

which the editors of Irenaeus one

whom

same way (o Kpdrr^v -qpnov, here however rendered and who is doubtless the same person. Here the original Greek is happily preserved, which I will write out as it ought to be written, separating the prose from the verse (without howhe
styles in the

melior nobis in the Latin),

ever altering a single word);

K.a6<X><5
rf

V7TO

TOV KpeLTTOVOS

t]fJL(jiV

eLprjTOLL 7Tt T(Ol>

TOLOVTiOV [t(OV a.ipTlK(3v]

OTL

XldoV TOV TLfUOV

afxapaySov
ottotov

ovtol ko.i 7roXvTLfJLrjTOV tlo~lv

vaXos ivv/3ptli Sta Te^vr;?

Trapo/JLOLov/xivr),
fxrj

TraprJ

o crOii/o)v SoKLfxaaat Kat

T *X V V SieA.eyai

tyjv iravovpyois yevofitvrjv

orav oe
i7TLfxtyfj

6 ^aXKOS

T0V cipyvpov, tis cv/coAws $vvt]o-Tai tovtov ctKepatw? SoKifiao-ai

t?
;

where however
Latin has 'rudis

for aKepatws

we should probably read

Very Thus
slight alterations
ofjLoiovfxevY)

a/<epatos, as the

quum

sit.'

would bring more

of the context into the verses.

for 7rapO[JLOLovixevr),

might be substituted

eninu*
in a

But

this is

and orav yap for orav sufficient to show that

Se, the Latin having 'quum several verses are embedded

passage which the editors print continuously as prose.

Probably

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
*

407
'

passages is the same with the divine elder who writes against Marcus in the first. The employment of verse or of rhythm for theological teaching was

our superior
'

'

in the

two

last

not
in

uncommon

in these early ages.

The

heretics

had

their

own psalms,

which they propounded their favourite doctrines. From the orthodox point of view Clement of Alexandria, at the close of his Paedagogus
(1.

p.

312

sq),

has written a metrical

hymn

in

honour of Christ

for

educational purposes. An anonymous contemporary of Clement, who has been identified for excellent reasons with Hippolytus, is quoted by

Eusebius (H. E.
(\J/a\fxol o(tol

v.

kol wSat) written

28) as referring to the 'numerous psalms and songs' by believers in which Christ is spoken of

God. Again ; in the fourth century the notorious Thalia of Arius, which was sung in the streets and taverns of Alexandria, will occur to us on the one side, and the poems of the elder and younger Apollinaris
as

on the
In the
lists

other.

in the list of the

last

especially, where a memoria technica was needed, as Canon, verse was naturally employed as a medium. quarter of the fourth century we have two such metrical

More

of the Scriptures

the

one by Amphilochius, the other by Gregory

Nazianzen.

The Muratorian Canon was discovered and published by Muratori 1740 from a MS in the Ambrosian Library at Milan, originally taken from the ancient monastery of Bobbio. It contains a canon of the
in

New

Testament.

It is

middle of the second Gospel account of certain apocryphal books.

in the

mutilated at the beginning so that it commences and it ends in the midst of an ;

Muratori himself attributed

it

to

Gaius, the contemporary of Hippolytus, who flourished under ZephyriAll the necessary information respecting the text will be found nus. in Tregelles's Canon Muratorianns (Oxford, 1867), and in Westcott's

History of the Cation Appx C. It is generally allowed that this catalogue emanated from Rome, as indeed the mention of the city implies. Of its date we may say that
'
'

it is

160 and a.d. 220.

ascribed by different critics to various epochs between about a.d. The general opinion also is that the document was

written in Greek and that

literal, translation,

we

greatly corrupted

possess only a not very skilful, though however in the course of transmisin his important

sion.

On

the other

hand Hesse

monograph (Das

Muratorisclie Fragment, Giessen 1873) maintains that Latin was the original language; and he has succeeded in convincing Caspari (Tatif'

symbol
to

111.

me

to

His reasons however seem p. 410) and one or two others. be wholly inadequate. Thus he lays stress on such forms as
etc.,

Spania, catholica,

maintaining that these are admissible in Latin.

4o8

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

This may be perfectly true, but proves nothing. I cannot doubt that The literature of the Roman Church was the usual view is correct.
still

we see from the example of Hippolytus even though an African, may have written in Latin. Moreover I Victor, being am quite unable to explain the phenomena of the document, if it is The whole cast and connexion preserved to us in its original language.
Greek, as
;

of the sentences are Greek.

this hypothesis the

In answer to this view,

it is

urged that on

document ought to lend itself easily for retranslation into Greek, and that the Greek reproduction ought to throw back light on the meaning of the Latin. To this objection the following pages
will, I trust,

be a

sufficient answer.

But

it

does not seem to have occurred to anyone that the original

in verse, like the corresponding lists of AmphiloNazianzen. Yet the more I study the work, the Gregory does this conviction grow. Neither in phraseology nor in stronger substance does it resemble a prose document. There is an absence

document was written

chius and

This is the more remarkof freedom and equability in the treatment. It is able where the writer is dealing with a mere list pure and simple.
obvious that he has to grapple with a medium which constrains him and determines what form any particular statement shall take.
translated into Greek prose by Bunsen (Ana/ecta Antenicena i. p. 142 sq), and by HilgenLagarde feld (Einleitung in das N. T. p. 97 sq). Either of these translations would, as it seems to me, justify the contention that Greek was the
for

The Muratorian Fragment has been

original language of the fragment, for it reads so much more naturally than in the Latin. I had not read either of these when I made my own

verse renderings

but

note with satisfaction that the

last

words of the

fragment,

Asianum Cataphrygum constitutorem,

are translated unconsciously by Hilgenfeld into an iambic line,

rov rwv Acrcaviov Jaracf>pvyo)v KaraaraTrjv,

as I

had translated

it,

Kara<f>pvyiov, since the

except that I should substitute Kara Qpvyas for Montanists are always (so far as I have noticed)
ol

called in
all
1

Greek ol <f>pvyeq or events for some centuries

1

Kara Qpvyas, never

ol

Kard<ppvy<s, at

But would not 'constitutor' be a strange

Omu. Haer.
Phrygas,'
vi.

They

are

ol

Qptiyes in

Clem. Alex.
17, p. 605; 19,
x.

'qui dicuntur
ii.

secundum
25,
v.

Strom,

iv. 13, p.

605;
viii.

ib. vii.

Euseb. H. E.

16,

Hippol. Haer. Euseb. H. E.

prsef.,

25;
[ol]

iv.

27, v.

16;

but

Epiphan. Haer. xlviii. 12, 14, pp. 413,416. In the title of Epiphanius we
20
;

Kara Qpuyas Ps-Tertull. [Hippol.] adv.

have Karacppvyaarcop, but

this is

probably

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
word
for a
'

49

an original Latin prose document ? Why also should these Cataphrygians be called Asiatic, except that an epithet was
founder
'

in

wanting to

fill

up a

line ?
,

the author of Supernatural Religion writer of this Canon of going so far as to falsify

Again

II.
'

'

p. 385, accuses the the words of S. John's

First Epistle in his zeal to get evidence for the apostolic authorship of

the Fourth Gospel.

for his

He was a clumsy blunderer, if this were his design; has considerably weakened the force of the original. abridgment He had to But his motive, I believe, was much more innocent.
;

squeeze the language of the epistle into his own verse he wrote (as represented by his translator),

and accordingly

dicens in semetipsum quae vidimus oculis nostris et auribus audivimus et manus

nostrae palpaverunt haec scripsimus vobis,

which may have run

es

in the

Greek ;
Xiymv
a

kavrov

6cf>0aX/JiOi(TLV

ewpaKa/xcv,

KOLK-^Koafxev rots GxriV,

i\l/7)\d<f>rj(Tav,

at

&
of

'/jjawv

X*P <s

v/xlv

avr

eypai/za/xev.

Now

let

us see what can be

made

some longer passages

(1)

acta autem

omnium apostolorum sub uno libro scripta sunt Lucas obtimo Theophilo comprendit quia sub praesentia ejus singula
gerebantur sicuti et semote passionem Petri
evidenter declarat sed et profectionem Pauli ab ur-

be ad Spaniam

Epistulae autem proficiscentis. Pauli quae a quo loco vel qua ex causa directae sint volentibus intelligere ipsae declarant.

Primum omnium

Corinthiis scysma heresis in-

terdicens deinceps Galatis circumcisionem Romanis autem ordinem scripturarum sed et

principium earum esse Christum intimans.

aAA' aTTO(TTo\wv
TrpdeL<s

a7rdvTa)v (3i/3\iov

v<j>

kv

yeypa fifxev as

AovKa?

Kpari(TT(o 0<i'A.a) auAAa/z/3avt,

cos

avrov irapovTOS
a corruption for
this
tGiv

eKaor' lirpamTO'

Kara

<f>piryas,

though

Monk,

Ser/u. 130 (p. 1845, Migne).

error

is

older

than Antiochus the

410

EPISTLES OF
ws Kal fMLKpdv \y
Jlerpov
7rpo<f>aivei

S.

CLEMENT.
t]

olttovtos
/ca/c

cnyr}]
S'

7rd0o<s

7roA.ea>s

ets

^7raviav

TLavXov
IlavXov

7TO/oetav
S'

eKiroptvofxtvov aac/xos.

eVtcrroAat rtves, e* ti'vos tottov,

i]

i7T(TTd\rj(Tav,
S7yXo9(rti/

7rotas e atria?,
Tota"i (3ovXojj,vols

avrat

voetV

irpioTOv
(Tyidfx

ye

7ravroiv atpecrecos Koptv#tots

a7rayopVQ)V}

etTa

TaXarais

TrepiTO/x^V,
/cat

Se ypacfxjjv

Potytatotcrt rd^Lv,

dXXd

a PXV V

KtV(Ol/

XptCTTOV OVTd $LKVV(DV.

For the form and quantity of this last word there is good Attic authority (Menander in Fragm. Comm. Graec. iv. pp. 93, 245). As regards the martyrdom of S. Peter and the journey of S. Paul to Spain, there can be little doubt, I think, as to the meaning. As S. Luke only records what
took place within his

own

cognisance, his silence about these two

important facts is regarded as evidence that they happened in his But whether or not some words have fallen out in the Latin, absence.
I have given in the Greek, semote [quum esset, silentium evidenter declarat,' I will not venture to say. ejus]

such as

'

(2)

fertur etiam

ad

Laudicenses

alia

ad Alexandrinos Pauli noet alia plu-

mine

finctae

ad haeresim Marcionis

ra quae ad catholicam ecclesiam recipi

potest

fel

non enim cum melle misceri non con-

gruit.
c/>eperat
V)

Se /cat

AaootKeixrtv,

7)

AAc^avopevaiv av,

7rpos Map/aoovos atpecrii/ 7re7rXao"/xevat

TroAAa t aAA a. KaOoXiKrjv ovk avahe^EdOai SvvaroV et? iKKXrjcriav' ov crv/xc/>epei yap /xeA-trt fiiyvvcrOai xoXyv,
ovofxarL Ha.vA.oir

which

last line

reminds us of the language of the

earlier

poet

who wrote

against the heretic Marcus.

(3)

pastorem vero nuperrime temporibus nostris in urbe

Roma Herma
dram
urbis

conscripsit sedente catheecclesiae Pio eps fratre

Romae

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
ejus et ideo legi

41

eum quidem

oportet se puinter

biicare vero in ecclesia

populo neque

prophetas completum numero neque apostolos in finem temporum potest.

inter

TOV Z\ U0L[JLVa
veo)(TTL

Kaipots >7/>tTepots eV Ty 7ro\t

'PwjU^ crvveyponj/ev 7rtKa^/x,evou Hiov

'Ep/Xtt?

KaOiSpav TrjaSe Pco/xcuW 7roAea)S iKKXrjcrLas aSeXcfios wv Ittktkottov

'

coot'

ovv ciVayivcocTKeiv
a<f>

fxv,

ev

8'

IkkXt](ti<x

ov SrjfxocrievecrOai
ovS'

toj

Xaw

^pecov*

eV Trpo^rjrat^

oWaroV

ovSe crvvTeXecv

dirocTToXoiv is dpiOfAov ets reXos xpovaiv,

where

am

disposed to think that

translation, perhaps corrupted

(TvvrtXdv es dpLO/Aov,'

is a clumsy by transcription, of the idiomatic Greek to be classed among the number'; but it would

completum numero

'

difficult to substitute a more literal rendering of the Latin. In passage the repetitions 'in urbe roma,' 'urbis romae,' 'sedente cathedram,' ecclesiae episcopus,' lead me to suspect that we have here

not be

this

'

some surplusage introduced for the sake of foreigners, when the original document was translated into Latin for the use of (say) the African churches; but I have given them the benefit of the doubt, and
retranslated them.

But if this catalogue was originally written in Greek verse, who was the poet? In a paper written some time ago (Hermathena 1. p. 82 sq) on the 'Chronology of Hippolytus' Salmon (p. 122 sq) discussed at
length the notice of the authorship of Hermas, which the Muratorian Canon has in common with the Liberian Catalogue, of which the earlier

He portion is attributed on fairly satisfactory grounds to Hippolytus. there maintains that the writer's nuperrime temporibus nostris cannot
'
'

be too
age

strictly pressed ; that a change came over the Church after the of Irenasus and Clement of Alexandria, who both quote the

Shepherd with deference; that this change took place in the interval between the two treatises of Tertullian, De Oratione and De Pudicitia,
latter, as

the work being treated with respect in the former and rejected in the having been classed by every council of your churches among false and apocryphal books ; and that the statement in the Muratorian
'
'

Canon was the great instrument in effecting this change. Muratorian Canon on this showing therefore may be placed
close of the
first

The
at the

century or the beginning of the second, so that there

4-12
is

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

difficulty in ascribing it to Hippolytus, or at least in assuming it have been known to him, and thus to have suggested the note which we find in the Liberian Catalogue. As however I do not see that

no

to

Christ. Biogr. ss. vv. Hippolytus,' Muratorian Canon ') has so ascribed it, though he still maintains the later date, I presume that he has changed his mind.
'

Salmon elsewhere (Smith and Wace, Did. of

'

I should not be prepared to attribute an influence so great to document, especially if it came from Hippolytus, who was at But nevertheless daggers drawn with the heads of the Roman Church. this
I

Now

am

ready to accept the Hippolytean authorship.

the fact that there

To

this

view

am

predisposed by
time, so far as

was no one

else in

Rome

at this

respects

we know, competent to produce it. with the Canon of Hippolytus both in its
;

It agrees in all

rejection of the

Pauline authorship of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and its acceptance of the genuineness of the Apocalypse. Moreover the language used of the Shepherd of Hermas is strongly in favour of the
attribution to

Hippolytus.
the

But
are

seem

also to see elsewhere direct

evidence

of

Hippolytean
titles

Hippolytus,

whose

authorship. inscribed on

Among
his

the

works

of

Chair,

we

read

coAAiicnACACTAcrpA(J)AC. If correctly copied, this represents wScu eh 7raVas ras ypa^a's, odes or verses on all the Scriptures.' This might represent two titles; (i) wScu, and (2) ets Trdaas ras ypacpds. In
' '
'

would only be available as showing that Hippolytus wrote metrical compositions, of which these verses on the Canon might be one ; and eis 7racras tcis ypa<pd<s would represent his exegetical works
this case the wSal

which, as

we

learn from Jerome, were numerous, though

it

would be an

exaggeration. other case in this inscription are

(see above, pp. 325, 395).

But against

this separation
titles

two objections lie: (1) In no of two works run together in one line
line to itself,

Thus xponikoon has a

though
'

only one word. (2) The inscriber has already named the commentary On the Psalms,' not to mention the treatise on the Witch of Endor
'
'

(rrjv

iyyaa-Tf)L/xv$ov)

and the

'

Defence of the Gospel and Apocalypse

of John,' which might all have been dispensed with, if eh -rrda-as Tas his commentaries and other ypacfrds were a comprehensive description of
exegetical
'

works.
?

What then were

these 'odes referring to

all

the

Scriptures
relating to

Might they not describe two metrical compositions the Canon of the Old and New Testament respectively, of
latter

which the
beginning?

only is preserved, being itself mutilated at the If this were not sufficient to account for the expression,
' '

the collection might, like Gregory Nazianzen's, have included poems 1 On the Patriarchs,' On the Plagues of Egypt,' On the Decalogue,'

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
'

413

On

Elijah

and

'

Elisha,'

On

the Miracles of Christ,'

On

the Parables

But this seems to me unnecessary. Before the extant leaves in the MS, which begin abruptly in the middle of the description of S. Mark, a sheet or sheets are wanting, and these may have contained
of Christ,' etc.

the
the

Canon of the Old Testament. This was at least Canon of the New in the eyes of the early fathers,
list,

as important as

and" precedes

it

in almost every ancient

e.g.

in

Athanasius and

Epiphanius, in
is

Amphilochius and Gregory Nazianzen. The fragment on the Canon followed in the MS by a passage from S. Ambrose (De Abrah. i.
S.

3,

15,

16,

Op.

1.

p.

Ambrose

that he

289); and Jerome tells us (Epist. lxxxiv. 7) of sic Hexaemeroti illius [Origenis] compilavit, ut
sequeretur.''
rrjv i^ayj/xepov

magis Hippolyti sententias Basiliique treat the two works of HippolytUS cis
ayjixpov as one, at all

If

Jerome does not and is ra /aera ttjv

the second as freely

events

Ambrose would use

not then have here possibly (I will not say more) a passage from a Latin translation of Hippolytus, which Ambrose borrowed verbatim ?
as he used the
first.

May we

Hippolytus be the author of this Canon, it was probably one of He seems to have died about a.d. 236, being then in advanced age. Thus his birth may be placed about a.d. 155 160.
If
his earliest works.

literary activity began early various reasons which I will explain presently cannot well be placed after about a.d. 185 or 190. In this case he might say with only a natural exaggeration that Hermas wrote the Shepherd 'temporibus
nostris,'

His

for his

Compendium on Heresies for

according to his not have been correct.

I

own view of the

authorship, which

may or may

may add
much

that in the

above translations

metrical licenses which Hippolytus might have used.

have avoided many My task would

have been
find

easier if I

had indulged
like

in such monstrosities as

we

even in cultured writers

Amphilochius and Gregory Nazianzen,

writing

on the same theme.

7.

THE COMPENDIUM AGAINST ALL THE HERESIES.

work by Hippolytus
writers.
It

'

against
is

all

the Heresies

'

was widely known

mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome, it among early and Philaster largely with materials, and it is supplied Epiphanius probably quoted by the Roman Bishop Gelasius. Photius (AR. 32. b) has described this work, which he calls avvrayfxa a compendium,'
'

rather fully.

4H

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

He speaks of it as a little book (/St/SXidapLov). It comprised thirtytwo heresies, beginning with the Dositheans and ending with Noetus and the Noetians. It was founded on some lectures of Irenseus (o/uXovvtos Wip-qvaLov),
in

which these heresies were submitted to

refu-

tations (eAeyxcis vTropX-qOrjvai). It was clear, grave, and terse in style; it fell short of the Attic diction. It was not absolutely accurate though
in

some respects, as for instance in stating that the Epistle to the Hebrews was not written by S. Paul. When the great work of Hippolytus the so-called Philosophumena was discovered and published for the first time by Miller, who

however ascribed it to Origen, several critics, who discerned the true authorship, believed that this was the identical work described by Photius. Bunsen for instance was very positive on this point; though in his
later edition

showed

that the identification

he speaks more circumspectly. was impossible.

'

But a
In the

careful inspection
first

calls the

work which he describes

little

book.'

Now

place Photius the Philosophu-

is a large book, even in its present mutilated condition and when comprised the whole ten books of which two are lost could not by any figure of language be called /3i/3AiSapiov. Least of all, would it be

mena

it

designated a 'Synopsis,' or 'Compendium'; for it treatment of most heresies of which it treats at

feat

is all.

even

diffuse in the

of arithmetic can

the

number

Secondly; by no of heresies which it includes be

summed up
work

as thirty-two. Thirdly ; it neither begins nor ends like the The first heresy dealt with is not the described by Photius.
;

Dosithean, but the Naassene

Elchesaite.

and the
is

last is

not the Noetian, but the

Of

its

relation to Irenseus I shall

have to speak presently.

But though the Philosophimiena

tioned by Photius, does so in such a
it

not the identical treatise men-

recognises the existence of that treatise ; and it way as to show that the two were the work of the
this

same author.
states

At the commencement of
i.

longer work the writer

to

(AR.

a) that long ago

(iraXai)

he had written

expose

and

refute the doctrines of the heretics, not minutely (Kara. Xztttov), but roughly and in their broad features (aSpo/xepw?) that they had failed
;

to profit

by his moderation, and that now he must speak more plainly and warn them of their eternal peril. Here then we have a description, as having been written at a much earlier date, of the Compendium
' '

seen by Photius.

But

is

this

'

Compendium

'

still

extant in any form or other

At

the close of the Praescriptio Haeretzcorimi of Tertullian is added, as a sort of appendix, a brief summary of heresies, which has long been

recognised as the work of some other author besides Tertullian.

As

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
this list begins

415

jecture that
polytus'

we have

with the Dositheans, it was a somewhat obvious conhere a Latin translation or abridgement of Hip-

work.

This conjecture

is

as old as Allix Fathers vi?idicated

99, quoted by Waterland (Works v. but to Lipsius {Quellenkritik des Epipha?iios, Wien 1865) the p. 227); merit is due of rescuing the theory from the region of conjecture and

touching the Tri?iity p.

who

is

placing

it

on a

solid scientific basis.

of the Pseudo-Tertullian contains about thirty-two heresies, one or two more or less, for it is not possible in every case to determine
list

The

whether a particular designation

Moreover heresy or not. as Photius describes the

instead of ending with Praxeas. How this came to pass I shall explain presently. But the great testimony to the identity of the Pseudo-Tertullian with

intended to specify a separate have said, with the Dositheans, of Hippolytus as beginning but Syntagma Noetus, it substitutes another monarchian,
is
it

begins, as I

heresies,

Two later writers on and Philaster, have very much in common. They Epiphanius wrote about the same time. Epiphanius commenced his work in the year 374, and the 66th of the 80 sections was written in 376. The date of Philaster' s work cannot be decided with absolute certainty, but it seems to have been written about 380. Thus there is no chronological
Hippolytus
is

derived from a different source.

impossibility in the common parts having been derived by Philaster from Epiphanius. But the independence of the two is shown incontestably by the two following considerations.

The same thirty-two heresies which appear in the Pseudo(1) Tertullian run like a back-bone through the works of Epiphanius and
Philaster, being

supplemented

in different

divers points, as far as the close of the

ways by the two writers at second century when Hip-

polytus wrote. After the close of the second century, they have nothing in (2)

common, which

suggests any plagiarism

on

either side.

The

following

list

far as the Arians, will

of heresies in the three writers, carried make these phenomena plain

:

down

as

EPIPHANIUS

PSEUDO-TERTULLIAN

PHILASTER
Ophites
Cainites Sethites

Barbarism
Scythism

416
EPIPHANIUS
Hellenism
:

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
PHILASTER

PSEUDO-TERTULLIAN

Dositheus

Platonists

Pythagoreans
Stoics

Epicureans Samaritans Gortheni Sebuaei Essenes Dositheus

:

Judaism

Dositheus

Scribes Pharisees

Sadducees
Pharisees

Sadducees
Pharisees

Sadducees ) Hemerobaptists Ossenes Nazarenes

(Nacaapcuot)

Samaritans

Nazarenes
(Nazaraei)

Essenes
Heliognosti Frog-worshippers

(Ranarum

cultores)

Musorites Musca-accaronites

De

Troglodytes Fortuna Caeli

Baalites Astarites

De Ara Tophet
Puteorites

Moloch-worshippers

Worshippers of the Brazen

Serpent

Worshippers in subterranean
caves

Thammuz-mourners
Baalites (or Belites)

Baal-worshippers de Pythonissa Astar and Astaroth-worshippers

Herodians

Herodians

Herodians

Simon Magus Menander

Saturninus
Basilides Nicolaitans Gnostici

Simon Magus Menander

Saturninus
Basilides

Simon Magus Menander

Saturninus
Basilides Nicolaitans
(isti

Nicolaitans

Barbelo venerantur)

Borborians
(Barbelites)

Judaites

Ophites
Cainites Sethites

Carpocrates Cerinthus

Carpocrates Cerinthus

Carpocrates Cerinthus

Nazarenes
(N<XUJ/3CU<h)

Ebionites

Ebionites

Ebionites

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
EPIPHANIUS

417

41 8

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

The original treatise of Hippolytus closed with the heresy of Noetus. In place of Noetus, the Latin abridgement substitutes another raonWith this Praxeas we are chiefly acquainted through archian, Praxeas.
of Tertullian directed against him He came to Rome during the pontificate of Zephyrinus (c. a.d. 199 217), with whom his doctrines found favour, as we learn from Hippolytus that he embraced
the
tract
1 .

monarchian views.
writes
(c. 1)

This

is

the pontiff respecting

'Duo negotia

diaboli Praxeas

whom Tertullian Romae procuravit, prophetiam

expulit

et haeresim intulit, paracletum fugavit et patrem crucifixit.' moreover says that Praxeas had influenced this bishop by representing his predecessors as having maintained the orthodox doctrine

He

(praecessorum ejus auctoritates defendendo), just as the same charge

is

brought against the contemporary monarchians, Artemon and others, by the author of the treatise directed against them, presumably
Hippolytus.

There can be

little

doubt therefore
2
.

that

Tertullian

writes during the episcopate of Zephyrinus

It

seems clear also that

Tertullian borrows from Hippolytus,

and not conversely.

[This section was never finished

.]

8.

THE REFUTA TION OF ALL HERESLES.

[See above, p. 403.

Not

written.]

See

the

article

Tertullian
in

wider

Praxeas by

Noedechen
relations

Jahrb. f.
in

2 I have stated elsewhere that Victor was the bishop attacked by Tertullian
:

Protest. Thcol. xiv. p.

576 sq (1888),
of
Tertullian

but
is

am now

convinced that Zephyrinus

date
of

which

the

to

meant.
:{

Hippolytus are traced, showing that the African father is indebted to the Roman,

[For the approximate

the

Compendium

see below, p. 426.]

and not conversely.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

419

TABLE OF THE LTTERAR Y WORKS OF HIPPOL YTUS.

a position to tabulate the various writings of of our chief authorities Eusebius, Jerome, Georgius Syncellus, Ebed-Jesu, Photius and Theodoret and to compare the table thus obtained with the list of works inscribed on the
are
in

We

now

Hippolytus by the aid

Chair.

It will

be noticed that the results are

fairly satisfactory.

If

we

consider ourselves justified in supposing that we have in the Muratorian Canon and in the Liber Generationis translations of the

may

and the xp ovlk<*- respectively (see above, pp. 399, 405 sq), in almost every other case we can identify the works mentioned on the Chair with the help of the several lists of Hippolytus' writings, as they occur in the patristic notices of the
<u8ai
1.

eh

iracras

rag ypa<as

p.

258

sq,

11.

saint.

Of

these

lists

that of

Jerome

is

the most complete.

Again,

extracts

of some of the

Photius, Theodoret, etc., contents of the several treatises.

works themselves survive in the pages of and throw much light on the scope and
It

would be premature

to

conclude

that an absolute identification has in every instance been established.

Doubtless in the light of fresh discoveries our present results will But it is fair to say that the table given below require modification. has been worked out at an expenditure of considerable care and
attention.

The
given in

writings of Hippolytus are arranged and numbered in the order 5 of this chapter (see above, p. 3 88 sq), where the arguments

for the identification of the

various writings will be found stated at

greater length.

27

3.

-a

<o

ta

g
=o

6 *
8

co^,

O
Go
tSi

tfi

o O
<v

C2- +

^
o

S
CO

(3

ji

^
.

H
b -J
1=

oo

J,

,JCi

Go

*? o

3<
Co

PL)

b ex. 8

-d
.

-e-

SO
2J

-a
-

a
Co

to

E
o

c>

b
>4

a 3 lu o b a o s vu b et> a

422

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

io.

EARLY AND MIDDLE LIFE OF HIPPOLYTUS.

At different points in his life Hippolytus was brought into personal contact with two great fathers of the Church, in youth or early manhood
If we are able approxiwith Irenaeus, and in middle age with Origen. fix these dates, we shall obtain chronological landmarks of mately to

some
i.

value,

where

all is

uncertain.

hands.

The connexion of Hippolytus with Ireinleus is obvious on all To Irenaeus he was largely indebted in both of his general

in his early Compendium, which was avowedly heresiological works founded upon the lectures of Irenaeus, and in his later Philosophnmena, in which he borrows large passages, sometimes with and sometimes without the name, from the written work of his master. Moreover it is hardly

possible to read any considerable fragment of his other extant works without stumbling upon some thought or mode of expression which

reminds us of Irenaeus or the Asiatic

elders.

When and

where then was

this personal

communication held

Hip-

polytus might himself have migrated, like Irenaeus, from Asia Minor in early life ; and thus the instructions which he received from his master

But his extant given in his original Asiatic home. contain no indication that he was ever in the East, and we writings therefore look to Rome itself, or at all events not farther than the South

may have been

of Gaul, for the place of his Christian schooling.

We

are thus led to

enquire when Irenaeus is known to have settled in the West, and more especially when he is known to have visited Rome. If the story in the Appendix to the Moscow MS of the Letter of the

Stnymceans be correct, Irenaeus was teaching in Rome at the time of At all events he paid a visit of longer or Polycarp's death a.d. 155
1

shorter duration to the metropolis about a.d. 177, at the time of the

persecutions in Vienne and Lyons, after which he himself became 2 But there is bishop of Lyons in succession to the martyred Pothinus no reason for supposing that these two occasions exhausted his
.

residence at

Rome.

which occasion can Hippolytus have attended his lectures ? Irenaeus' extant work on Heresies was written as far as the 3rd book
(hi. 3. 3)
1

On

during the episcopate of Eleutherus

Polyc.
p.
1.

(c.

a.d. 177

190) and as

Ignat, and
2)
;

p.
1

432 cd.

(1.

ed. 2).
-

448 ed.

11.

986 ed.

(in. p. 402

Euseb.

HE.

v. 4, 5.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
he leaves the reference to
this

423

7rto-K07n79.../caT^ct KXrjpov 'EA.ev#epo<>),

episcopate untouched (yvv...rov ttJs it is a reasonable, though not an

finally

was still living when the work was work however of Hippolytus, the Compendium) was founded on the lectures, and (as we may infer from the notice) betrayed no knowledge of any published work of his master. On the other hand the later treatise, the Philosophumena,
absolute, conclusion that Eleutherus

published.

The

earlier

quotes large passages, sometimes by name, from the extant work of Irenseus. These facts seem to show that the Compendium of Hippolytus

was written before the publication of the latter, a.d. 190. And we should probably be right
lectures

i.e.

at all

events before

in

assuming that the

were held not

later

than a.d. 177, and before Irenaeus became

8.

bishop of Lyons.
2.

We

are told by

Jerome (AR.

b) that Hippolytus held in

'

who was then at Rome a homily on the Praise of the Lord (irpoa-oixiXia de Laude Domini Salvalor is *).' Of Origen we are told in his own language that he had 'desired to see the ancient Church of the Romans' (ev^a/xtvos Trjv dpyaiOTa.Ty)v 'Pw/xatW KK\r]criav
presence of Origen

went there in the time of Zephyrinus time (ov ttoX.v Starpiif/as) he returned to Alexandria (Euseb. H. E. vi. 14). It would seem from this language that it was his only visit to the capital of the world.
iSclv),
(c.

and

that accordingly he

a.d. 199

217), and

after staying a short

Considering the chronology of Origen's

a.d.

life,

who was born about

185 or 186, this

visit

would probably be paid towards the close

of Zephyrinus' episcopate.

time Hippolytus must have been at the height of his Before the close of the previous century, as we shall see, he was probably consecrated by his patron Victor to the episcopate with the charge of the miscellaneous population at the Harbour of Rome ;
this

At

activity.

and,

Roman

visited the metropolis, his feud with the heads of the hierarchy must have been raging. It will be observed that, in repeating this incident, Photius (Bid/.

when Origen

121) by a strange blunder has ascribed to Hippolytus (AR. 31. b) what Jerome (AR. 8. b) tells us of Ambrosius, and thus makes Hippolytus the task-master (epyoStwKT^s) of Origen. He must have misunderstood Jerome's words 'in hujus aemulationem.'
'
'

On

the

possible

identity

of

this

in the

homily with a work (7rept olKovofilas) mentioned by Ebed-Jesu, and included

list of Hippolytus' writings on the Chair, see above, p. 398.

424

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

WAS UIPPOLYTUS A NO VATIAN?

About the year 407 the Spanish poet Prudentius paid a visit to Rome. Among other sanctuaries which he visited were the basilica and cemetery of Hippolytus on the north side of the Tiburtine Road,
just

beyond the

walls of the city, of

which he has

left

us an elaborate

Among other statements description in one of his poems (AR. 10). he tells us distinctly (ver. 19 sq) that Hippolytus 'had once dallied
with (attigerat) the schism of Novatus';
that

he was afterwards con-

be executed; that on his way to martyrdom the crowds of Christian friends who accompanied him enquired of him, 'which was the better party' ('quaenam secta foret melior'), the Novatians
to

demned

or the Catholics;

and that he
yourselves

replied, 'Flee

from the accursed schism of

let

Novatus;

restore

to

the

Catholic people;

one only
I

faith flourish, the faith that resides in the ancient

temple which Paul

taught what
I

claims and the chair of Peter.

I

I repent discern as a martyr that reverence did; thought alien to the service of God.' It

me
is is

that I

due to that which

once

unnecessary to enquire at present whether Prudentius in his description confuses two contemporaries

bearing

the

same name,

Hippolytus

the

soldier

and

Hippolytus the presbyter. Recent archaeological discovery has shown that this charge of Novatianism belongs to Hippolytus 'the presbyter'.

Among
not
the

the

many
is

least

archaeological gains which we owe to De Rossi, the restoration of the inscription placed by pope

[a.d. 366 384] in this sanctuary of Hippolytus and read Prudentius. by Though he has amplified the words of Damasus (as the exigencies of his poem suggested) the close resemblances between

Damasus

the two forbid us to doubt about the source of his information.

Now

us {AR. 7. a), likewise in verse, that 'Hippolytus the when the commands of the tyrant pressed upon him, is presbyter, reported (fertur) to have remained all along (semper) in the schism
tells

Damasus

of Novatus, what time the sword wounded the vitals of our Mother (the Church)'; but that 'when as a martyr of Christ he was journeying to the realms of the saints, the people asked him whither they might
follow the Catholic

betake themselves (procedere posset), he replied that they ought faith.' So he concludes

all

to

Noster meruit confessus martyr ut esset Haec audita refert Damasus. Probat omnia Christus;
;

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
1

425

Our

saint

by

his confession

won

tells

the tale as

he heard

it.

All

Damasus the crown of martyrdom. things are tested and proved by

Christ.'
It

scription,

was very natural that the discoverer and restorer of the inwhich was the sole foundation (so far as we can see) of

To De

the story in Prudentius, should claim undue authority for its statements. Rossi it seems incredible that Damasus could have been mis-

taken about events which occurred at least some 120 or 150 years before he wrote (according as the schism of Hippolytus was Novatianism or not, i.e. according as it dated from the age of Cornelius or from
that

of Zephyrinus and Callistus), especially as he had been reared from childhood amidst the services of the Church. But first it must be
this as

observed that Damasus simply reports

this fact

hearsay, emphasizing

of Christ

by

reiteration
is

for there

and leaving the conclusion to the judgment no ground for the inference that the 'hearsay'

refers not to the lapse into

Novatianism but only to the subsequent repudiation of it; and secondly we must remember that the whole history of Hippolytus was shrouded in obscurity to the Roman Christians in the age of Damasus; so much so that his much more learned
but
possession

somewhat younger contemporary Jerome (AR. 8. b), though in of a large number of works by Hippolytus, confesses

his

startling fact,

This is a ignorance respecting the name of the writer's see. and must be taken into account. Indeed the discovery

of the inscription of
the
solution,

Damasus

is

the

more

valuable, because

it

justifies

which many had proposed on the publication of the Philosophumaia to explain the account of Prudentius, namely that the
Spanish poet had confused together an earlier outbreak of puritanism at Rome under Zephyrinus and Callistus with a later outbreak thirty years
afterwards

leading
in

to

the

Novatian.

The Novatianism

appointment of the schismatical bishop of Hippolytus was a mere rumour which

four generations after his death.

was circulated

Rome some

We

are therefore entitled to weigh it on its own merits. portant considerations must be taken into account.

Here two im-

The Novatian schism broke out in Rome in a.d. 250 and led (1) A full immediately to the consecration of Novatian as anti-pope.
blaze of light politics of the
is

suddenly poured upon

this

chapter in the internal

Roman Church by

the correspondence between

Rome

and Carthage preserved

in the Cyprianic letters.

The minor

vicissitudes

of the schism are there revealed; names are freely mentioned; the defections and recantations are recorded; and in short there is no period in the history of the

Roman

Church,

until

we

are well

advanced

426

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
Even the Eastern
in the contro-

in the fourth century, of

which we know so much.

Churches of Alexandria and Antioch took an active part

versy,

and

are represented in the extant literature of the schism.

is

Yet

from

first

to last there

man

in the

Roman

not a mention of Hippolytus, the most learned Church before the time of Jerome ; whose lapse and

repentance, emphasized still further by his martyrdom, would accentuate Who can believe it ? Is the his position with respect to the schism.
error of Damasus, who frankly acknowledges mere rumour as his informant, a difficulty at all commensurate to this ? But besides the documents bearing directly on the Novatian schism, there is another place where we should almost certainly have found a

reference to this passage in Hippolytus' life, if The earliest western list of the bishops of
i.

it

had ever occurred.

(given

Rome

above,

253 sq) was drawn up either by Hippolytus himself or by some contemporary, and ended with the death of Urbanus and accession of
p.

Its first continuator extends the record Pontianus [a.d. 230, 231]. from Pontianus [a.d. 231 235] to Lucius [a.d. 253, 254] and must have written immediately after the death of Lucius (see 1. p. 263). He starts with a notice of the deportation of Pontianus the bishop and

'unhealthy island of Sardinia,' menIn the interregnum tioning the divestiture or resignation of the former. between Fabius (Fabianus) and Cornelius [a.d. 250 251] he states

Hippolytus 'the presbyter'

to the

Moyses and Maximus the presbyters and Nicostratus the deacon were apprehended and sent to prison,' and that at that time Noyatus arrived from Africa and separated Novatian and certain confessors from the Church after that Moyses had died in prison after a captivity of
that
'

'

'

Again under Cornelius [a.d. 251 253], he Novatus outside the Church mentions that during his episcopate ordained Novatian in the city of Rome and Nicostratus in Africa,' and that thereupon the confessors who separated themselves from Cornelius
nearly twelve months.
'

with
all

Maximus the presbyter returned to the Church. These are nearly the notes which this continuator inserts in the period for which he is
;

responsible, besides dates and numbers to Hippolytus or to Novatianism (see

1.

and they have reference either comp. p. 286 sq). p. 255 sq

;

Why

contemporary writer connect the one with the other, if history had connected them by the signal fact of Hippolytus' adhesion and recantation ? But secondly the extension of the life of Hippolytus beyond (2)
does not
this

the middle of the

secend century which would be required

if

his

Novatianism were
I

true, introduces a serious difficulty into his chronology. have already shown (11. p. 413 sq) that his early work, the Com-

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
pendium on
But,
if

427
more

Heresies,

was probably written

at all events before a. d. 190.

the Novatianism be accepted as true, he must have lived

than sixty years after this work was published. Moreover the last notice, which we have of any event connected with his life, is the statethe Papal Chronicle, which belongs to the year he were really a Novatian and perished in the Decian Yet, persecution (a.d. 250 252), he must have been alive some sixteen
a.d. 235.
if

ment given above from

'

Not to mention, that the notice itself, by dwelling years afterwards. on the unhealthiness of the island, suggests that he perished, as
'

Pontianus also perished,, an exile in Sardinia

too probable result

of such banishment to an octogenarian. I should add also that, though history does repeat itself, we need more than a hearsay of the age of Damasus to convince us something
that the
rulers of the

same Hippolytus should have twice been in schism with the Roman Church on the same ground of puritanism, and
rulers,

have twice suffered cruel persecution from the heathen

as a confessor or as martyr.

whether

We may

therefore safely accept

the

conclusion
x

of those

critics,

Bunsen, Dollinger, and others, who explained the story of Prudentius confirmed as this concluby the facts related in the PJiilosophumena sion has subsequently been by the discovery since made that the story had no better foundation than a late rumour.

12.

THE SEE OF HIPPOLYTUS.

He is so designated by Hippolytus speaks of himself as a bishop. What then was his see ? Rome was the sphere of his activity
living.

others.

while

At

Rome

he was commemorated

after death.
at

All his

recorded actions are connected with

Rome

or

least
is

Whether

history or legend be interrogated, the answer

with Italy. the same. We

are not asked to travel

beyond Italian ground, nor for the most part beyond the immediate neighbourhood of the world's metropolis itself. Hippolytus was by far the most learned man and the most prolific writer which the Roman Church produced before Jerome. It is therefore the more remarkable that any uncertainty should rest upon the

name
1

of his see.

It is still

more strange

that the writers

life

who

lived

Wordsworth however

strives to

158 sq) (p. maintain the accuracy of Pruis

obliged to prolong the

accordingly,

of Hippolytus

dentius on this and other points, and

428
nearest to his

EPISTLES OF
own time and

S.

CLEMENT.

locality

should most frankly confess their

ignorance.

Eusebius (AR. 3. d), who wrote within some eighty years of his death and was acquainted with several of his writings, tells us that he was a bishop somewhere or other (hepas 7rov...7rpoeo-T<os

Yet

this is so.

eKK\7/o-ias).

Jerome, who wrote a

is

little

more than
8. b).

half a century later

is not dependent equally at a loss (AR. on so many others, on his predecessor ; he shows a on this occasion, as larger acquaintance with the works of Hippolytus ; he had habitually

than Eusebius,

He

trodden the same ground, which Hippolytus trod when living. Yet he frankly confesses that he has not been able to find out the name of the
'

Bunsen indeed (1. p. 420) city' of which Hippolytus was bishop. that he could not tell, because he would not tell, and that his suggests For this imputation howreticence in fact means 'Non mi ricordo.'
no ground. The one man of all others, whose antecedents most favourable position for ascertaining the details of the earlier history of the Roman Church and who took special pains
ever there
is

placed him

in the

to preserve memorials of the martyrs among others of Hippolytus himself Pope Damasus, the older contemporary of Jerome, says

nothing about his see, but calls him simply the 'presbyter' (AR. 7. a), a term of which I shall have to speak presently (see below, p. 435 sq). At length when this silence about the see of its most illustrious
writer
is

broken by the
(a. d.

Roman

Church, the notice betrays the grossest

ignorance. about a century

'

Gelasius followed

492 496).

Damasus

in the

papacy

after a lapse of

He

refers to the Treatise

on Heresies

as written by Hippolytus bishop and martyr of the metropolis of the But this notice, though blundering, Arabians,' i.e. of Bostra (AR. 13). is explicable and highly instructive. Eusebius, describing the chief writers of a particular period, mentions that Beryllus was bishop of the Arabians in Bostra, adding 'in like manner Hippolytus presided (as

bishop) over
'

some other church

'

(ei-epas

irov).

In translating

this

passage Rufinus (AR. 9) drops the cTepas

episcopus hie [Beryllus] fuit Erat nihilominus et Hippolytus, qui et ipse aliquanta scripta dereliquit This might imply to a casual reader who had not the episcopus.'
original before

and renders vaguely, Bostram Arabiae urbem maximam. apud

irov

Beryllus in the

him that Hippolytus was a predecessor same see of Bostra.

of this
it

or successor of

The

origin

explained, and

Nevertheless

it

curious blunder has thus been satisfactorily need not therefore give us any further trouble. has given rise to some modern speculation, which

cannot be passed by without a mention.

Le Moyne

Varia Sacra

1.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

429

prol. p. 28 sq, ed. 2) with much learning and ingenuity maintained that the see of Hippolytus was not the Port at the mouth of the Tiber, which he calls Portus Ostiensis , but Portus Romanorum or Emporium
1

Romanum,
.

the

2 modern Aden, on the Red Sea

and he succeeded
3
,

in

persuading several writers of great repute such as Cave, Spanheim and 4 Of a recent others Latterly this view has found no supporters.

attempt by Erbes to utilise this supposed connexion with Bostra though shown to be a blunder in support of his own chronological

theories, I

notice of Gelasius

have had occasion to speak already. The real value of the is the evidence which it affords, that even in his

time nothing was

known

at

Rome

The
transfer

general opinion however

of the see of Hippolytus. makes him bishop of Portus the

haven of Rome.

This view prevailed before Le

Moyne attempted

to

him from the mouth of the Tiber to the mouth of the Red But Le Moyne's attempt called forth a vigorous championship of Sea. the received view. At the instigation of Card. Ottoboni, bishop of Portus, his librarian Ruggieri, a man of learning and ability, addressed
himself to the subject in a treatise

De Portue?isi

S. Hippolyti Episcopi et

Martyris

Sede,

which

after

many
.

vicissitudes appeared at length as a

5 This work has given its direction to posthumous work (Romae, 1771) and in our own generation, when the later opinion on the question
;

interest in

phumetici) there

Hippolytus was revived by the publication of the Philosowas a very general acquiescence on this point among
it

those

who

differed

Nevertheless
defective.

most widely in other respects. must be confessed that the ancient evidence
that,
if

is

very

We

cannot overcome our surprise

his

see

had

twenty miles of Rome itself, the popes Damasus and Gelasius should have been ignorant of the fact. But the difficulty

been within

fifteen or

culminates in the case of Jerome.

various works of Hippolytus.
this

He
'

was well acquainted with the

built at

His own friend Pammachius

6

very Portus a

'xenodochium

or 'hospital for foreigners,'

which

1 He does not however confuse Portus and Ostia (see p. 29 sq), as Wordsworth seems to think (p. 259, note 7). 2 There is however, so far as I have no evidence produced to show that seen, the place was called Portus Romanus,

Mem. in. p. 239, 672 sq. 5 The circumstances attending

the his-

tory of the composition and appearance of this work will be found in Words-

worth, p. 260
per, Hist.

sq.

It is inserted in

Lumand

Sand. Patr. Tom.

viii,

its

common name manum.

3 4

being

Emporium Ro1

again in Migne, Patrol. Graec. X. p. 395

sq).
6

Op.

1.

p. 777,

Lugd. Bat.

701.

Hieron. Epist.
te

lxvi.

(1.

p. 410)

Not however Tillemont

in says, p. 259), at least

(as

Words-

Audio

[Pammachium] xenodochium
Romano,' Epist.
lxxvii.

worth

my edition,

in Portu fecisse

43

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

interest.

became known far and wide and in which Jerome expresses the greatest Did Portus retain no memorial of its most famous bishop, who died a martyr only a century and a half before ?
Indeed the
earliest authority for placing his see at

Portus appears Constantinople and the East, two centuries and a half later than Jerome's Cotologics. In the Chronicon
not at

Rome
[c.

nor

in Italy, but in

Paschale

a.d. 630]

he

is

described as bishop
1
.

Portus near Rome' (AR. 21) occasionally so called, as for instance by Anastasius the Apocrisiarius or Papal Nuncio at Constantinople a.d. 665 (AR. 23); by Georgius Syncellus c. a. d. 792 (AR. 28) ; by Nicephorus of Constantinople
this

From

of the place called time forward he is

'

tA. d.

828 (AR. 29)

and other

later writers.

The

statements of

Anastasius and of Nicephorus seem to be founded on the heading to a ms of the spurious treatise Against Vero, which they both quote (see above,

We may indeed suspect that this Constantinopolitan ms an often quoted and highly important dogmatic treatise containing (if it had only been genuine) was the single source of the story of the
p.

403

sq).

episcopate, which seems to have been derived solely through Byzantine channels. The statement is found also in catenae and in other manuscripts containing extracts from Hippolytus.

Portuensian

should be added also that, besides the defective evidence, the argument which placed Hippolytus in the see of Portus was weighted with another serious objection, which was urged with fatal effect by
It

Bunsen (1. p. 422 sq, 468 sq) projected into the times of Dollinger. Hippolytus an arrangement of the later cardinalate, by which the bishops of the suburban sees presided as titulars of the principal
churches in the City
itself.

Thus Hippolytus, according

to Bunsen's

view, while bishop of Portus, would have been likewise a member of the Roman presbytery. This solution was highly tempting ; for it seemed
to explain

how

fere actively in

Hippolytus, having a diocese of his own, should interthe affairs of the Church of Rome in the manner
It is sufficient to say that

described in the Pliilosophumena.

Bunsen's

view involves an anachronism of

in the relations

many

centuries.

The development
is

between the suburban sees and the papacy

10
p. 466)

traced

10
'

(1.

p. 465), lxvii.
in

(1.

di Archeol. Crist, iv. p. 50 sq, p. 99 sq

(1866).
1 On the mistaken supposition that we have here the words of Peter of Alexandria, who flourished more than three

Xenochium

Portu

Romano
;

situm

totus pariter

mundus

audivit

sub una

aestate didicit Britannia

et

Parthus noverat vere.'

quod iEgyptus For an inRossi Bull.

teresting account of the extant remains

centuries earlier, see above, p. 344.

of this xenodochium see

De

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
by Dollinger
(p.
;

43 x

and the late growth and character of these 105 sq) relations are fatal to Bunsen's theory.

Here Dollinger was treading on solid ground. But, when he maintained that Portus was not at this time and did not become for

many

generations a place of any importance (p. 77

sq),

he took up a

The rapid growth of Portus, position which it is impossible to hold. is sufficiently shown by the excavations from the time of its foundation, even if the extant notices had been inof the present generation
1

sufficient.

There

is

no a priori reason why

if

it

an episcopal see in the age of Hippolytus evidence to the fact.

there

might not have been had been a tittle of

On
not

the other

hand Dollinger had

his

own

less tempting but even have been not bishop of Portus, but of the first papal schism, and Hippolytus was the

less tenable.

He Rome

solution of the difficulty, supposed Hippolytus to

itself.

This was in fact

first

antipope.

Against this solution three serious and indeed fatal objections lie. (1) It is not justified by anything in the language of Hippolytus himself. If he had put forward these definite claims, he must have expressed

them

in definite terms.

On

obligation, as a bishop, to stand forward as the

the contrary he only mentions vaguely his champion of the truth.

Of

his adversaries

he never says that they are not the lawfully con-

bishops of Rome, but implies that by their doctrinal and practical irregularities they have shown themselves no true bishops. His very vagueness is the refutation to this solution of a rival papacy.
stituted
(2)
is

The

entire absence of evidence

especially

in

Rome and

the

West

There were several papal the supposition. and fourth centuries one more especially within less than twenty Yet in none of these controversies is there any years of his death. reference to this one which (if it had existed) must have set the deadly Moreover we have several lists of the popes dating from precedent. the third, fourth, and fifth centuries, but in not one of these is there a
fatal to

third

schisms in the

hint of Hippolytus as an antipope.

(3)

The

evidence,

when
;

it

does

come, is hardly less conclusive than the silence. It is late from the East and it means nothing or next to nothing.
;

it

comes
first

The

witness quoted 6). But in a catena, ascribed, and perhaps rightly ascribed, to this father. far stronger evidence than we possess, to justify the we should require
is

Apollinaris about a.d. 370 {AR.

It is

a passage

improbable supposition that one who had the papal lists of Eusebius before him would have called Hippolytus Ittlctkottos 'Pw/x^, meaning thereby that he was bishop of the metropolis of the world. We must
1

See esp.

De

Rossi Bull, di Archeol. Crist. IV. pp. 37 sq, 63, 99 (1866).

43 2

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

therefore suppose that part of the heading at all events is a later addition. After this we have no earlier witnesses than Eustratius
c.

a.d.

578 {AR. 18) and Leontius

c.

a.d.

620 {AR.

20).

Consider-

ing the late date of these writers, we must regard them as absolutely valueless to prove such a conclusion ; more especially as the writers

would know

that Hippolytus
7rtcrK07ros

Rome,
if

so that

was a bishop and that he lived in or near 'Pw/xr/s would occur as a loose designation,

they did not take the pains to see whether his

lists.

name was

actually

in the papal

But, though the testimony which makes Hippolytus bishop of Portus and valueless, the evidence connecting him with Portus is of a very different quality and much earlier in time. Prudentius, who visited
is

late

the shrine of

S.

Hippolytus on the Tiburtine

Way

as

we have seen soon

in its

after a.d. 400,

and gives an account (doubtless imaginary

main

features) of the martyrdom, speaks of the persecutor as leaving Rome to trouble the suburban population and as harassing the Christians at

mouth of The viros').

the

the Tiber
tyrant,

('

he continues,

Christicolas tunc Ostia vexanti per Tiberina ' extended his rage to the coast of

the Tyrrhene shore and the regions close to sea- washed Portus.' After some thirty lines to describing the punishments inflicted there, devoting

he says that an old man (' senior') was brought before the tribunal and denounced by the bystanders as the chief of the Christian folk ('Christicolis esse

caput populis').
it

bishop of Portus,

If this does not distinctly name him the that he held a leading position in the Church, implies
his clerical activity.

and

that this

was the scene of

Again

after the

martyrdom we are told of the disposal of his reliques ; Metando eligitur tumulo locus Oslia linquunt
;

Roma
Of
his later
after.

placet, sanctos

quae teneat

cineres.

will be necessary heresay here, that for many centuries his memory has been intimately connected with this town. If then the see of Hippolytus was neither Portus nor Rome, what
It is sufficient to
it ?

connexion with Portus a few words

was

vious question.

But before seeking the answer, we are confronted with a preHad he any see at all, in the common acceptance of

It is now the received theory of the Christian Church, that the term ? a settled Christian land should be covered with sees, conterminous but

not overlapping one another; that each

and that an imperium

in imperio in

culties created at times

by this overcomes them by consecrating bishops

is independent of its neighbour; an intolerable anomaly. The diffiThe Roman Church theory are great.

in partibus.

The Roman

con-

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
gregations in England in our
difficulties) for

433

a great Cardinal

they another way.

'

many years, who was bishop of Melipotamus a place of which had never heard. The Anglican Church solves this difficulty in

own time were ruled (owing to legal much to the amusement of Englishmen, by

should be a bishop to of Asia and Africa; he is superintend English congregations Anglican bishop in Jerusalem and the East,' but Jerusalem is not his
Its exigencies require that there

the

see. Still more necessary is it that the congregations on the continent of Europe should have episcopal supervision. This is committed to the bishop of Gibraltar.' Here indeed Gibraltar is properly a see
'

but the theoretical diocese consists of a garrison and its belongings, a harbour, two or three miles of rock, and whole troops of rabbits and

human flock, which the bishop and the Mediterranean, and would shepherds, Europe not be found more in Gibraltar itself than in the moon. When the some years ago went to Rome to confirm the English residents bishop there, Pio Nono is reported to have said humorously that he did not know till then that he was in the diocese of Gibraltar. No doubt when Hippolytus lived, the practice of the later Church had already become general, but it cannot have been universal. Indeed from the very nature of the case, the development of the system must have been more or less gradual though it was the ideal at which the Church would aim. Less than a century had elapsed, when Hippolytus was born, since Timothy exercised episcopal functions in Ephesus, and
monkeys.

The main body

scattered about

of the

is

but they were itinerant, not diocesan bishops. Even at ; the close of the second century exceptional cases would be treated in an exceptional way. The harbour of Portus, now fast supplanting Ostia,
Titus in Crete

was thronged with a numerous and fluctuating population, consisting custom-house officers, sailors, warehousemen, largely of foreigners and the like. A bishop was needed who should dock-police, porters, take charge of this miscellaneous and disorderly flock. He must be-

be conversant in the manners and language of Greece, the lingua franca of the East and indeed of the civilized world. HippoHe was probably appointed by lytus was just the man for the place. Victor (c. a.d. 190 for his relations to Victor's successors, bishop 200);
fore all things

Zephyrinus and Callistus, forbid us to suppose that he owed any promotion to them, and indeed his account of Victor generally leads us to
look upon

This hypothesis accords with his of his position. He distinctly designates himself as holding the high-priestly or in other words the episcopal office ; he was described either by himself or by another as having been appointed
this

bishop as his patron.

own language speaking

Photius

AR.

32. a; see above, p. 348.

CLEM.

II.

28

434

EPISTLES OF
(e7rio-K07ros

S.

CLEMENT.
thus indicating that he had This is Portus.

bishop of the Gentiles

I6v<2v),

charge of the various nationalities represented at

obviously an archaic expression and may have originated in the time of At all events in his extant great work, the so-called PhiloHippolytus.

sophumena, he appeals in his concluding address (AP.

1)

to

'

Greeks

and Barbarians, Chaldaeans and Assyrians, Aegyptians and Libyans, Indians and Aethiopians, Celts and Latins on foreign service (ot errpa-n?and Libya yovvTes AaTtvoi), and all those who dwell in Europe, Asia where the limitation of the Latins seems to suggest as their counsellor that planted at Portus as his head-quarters, he regarded himself by
'

virtue of his

commission as a

sort of episcopal Chaplain-general of the

theory harmonizes very well with another fact. The earliest bishop, connected with Portus after the age of Hippolytus, was present at the Council of Aries (a.d. 313); but unlike the other bishops mentioned in the same list (de civitate Eboracensi, de civitate Utica,
Forces.

Moreover

my

etc.)

he

is

called not de civitate Portue?isi, but Gregorius episcopns de loco

qui est in Portu Pomae\ as if the same arrangement still prevailed, Portus being the residence of this Gregorius, but not strictly speaking
his see.

Here ground, Hippolytus needed nothing more. He was senior as fulcrum for his ecclesiastical lever. was a sufficient
Occupying
this

bishop even to his ecclesiastical superiors Zephyrinus and Callistus. He held that, as a successor of the Apostles, he had a special gift of the

he was an appointed 'guardian He was a man of fiery dogmatic (<poi)pos Tfjs ex/cA^o-ia?). when he saw, or fancied that he saw, the occupants and moral zeal ; and, of the Roman see swerving both from the one and from the other, he

Holy

Spirit.

By

virtue of his office,

of the Church'

let fly at

them

at once.

His position

is

quite intelligible.

There

is

no

evidence that he regarded them as deposed and, from his puritanical But his language point of view, himself substituted in their place. that in some sense he looked upon them as no true bishops. implies
Probably,
if

their doctrinal

he formulated his views at all, he would have said that and moral obliquities had placed their episcopal office

and functions in abeyance for the time. If such was his position, we can well understand why Jerome could In fact he had no see to be discovered. But on not discover his see. the supposition that he was either a schismatical bishop of Rome or the lawful bishop of Portus, no explanation of this ignorance can be given.
1

Labb. Cone.

1.

p.

1454 (ed. Coleti).

The

previous year a held under Miltiades

Roman
[ib.
I.

synod was
p. 1427), in

which bishops of Terracina, Praeneste, Tres Tabemoe, and Ostia are present, but no bishop of Portus; see Dollinger, p. 90.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

435

i3-

HIPPOLYTUS THE PRESBYTER.

Hippolytus, the famous writer, unmistakeably describes himself as He is so called also by all those from Eusebius and Jerome

a bishop.

downward, who were acquainted with his writings. Yet in the only contemporary Latin document indeed the only contemporary document he is called the presbyter.' This is the designation which he bears also in Damasus, the next Latin writer who mentions him ; and from

'

Damasus it is adopted by Prudentius. What does this title mean? The contemporary document indeed seems to accentuate the appellation. The compiler of this portion of the Liberian Chronicle (c. a.d. 255)
speaks of Pontianus the bishop and Hippolytus the presbyter.' The position and influence of Hippolytus were unique among the
'

Roman

traditions

He linked together the learning and the Christians of his age. of the East, the original home of Christianity, with the

labours.

marvellous practical energy of the West, the scene of his own life's Not only was he by far the most learned man in the Western

Though he

Church, but his spiritual and intellectual ancestry was quite exceptional. lived till within a few years of the middle of the third

century, he could trace his pedigree back by only three steps, literary as well as ministerial, to the life and teaching of the Saviour Himself.

John this was his direct ancestry. No wonder him exceptional honour in his own generation. The meaning of the word 7rpa-(3vTepo<s, 'the presbyter' or 'elder,' must be explained by the language of the school in which he was brought
Irenaeus, Polycarp, S.
if these facts secured to

It does not represent office, but it expresses venerable dignity such up. as is accorded to those who are depositaries of the wisdom of the past.

When

Papias speaks of elders he means the Apostles and immediate those who were 'fathers of the Church,' as we disciples of the Lord should say, to his own generation. When Irenaeus speaks of the

'

blessed elder,' he means Papias or his own master Polycarp or others belonging to the generation of Polycarp and Papias, albeit their younger

contemporaries.
at

When

descending a generation lower

still,

we

arrive

Hippolytus himself, master Irenaeus is o /xa/capios

(p.

we

find that his favourite designation

7rp6<r/?uTepos.

of his
'

In the fragment against

Noetus

43, Lagarde) again Hippolytus uses the

same language

the
if

presbyters,'

'the blessed presbyters.'

all

The

idea of clerical

office,

involved at

(which
1

very

much doubt)

in this use of the term, is

p. 145.

See Essays on Supernatural Religion,

282

436

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

Assuredly Hippolytus does not confuse the with the episcopate still less does he deny that Irenseus presbyterate was a bishop, which everyone allowed him to be. This leading con;

certainly not prominent.

then seems to have been inherited by and younger contemporaries in their use of Hippolytus' There was no man of his own age and surroundings who had the term. An octogenarian, a widely the same claims to this title of distinction. learned divine, and a most laborious and influential writer, with such a spiritual pedigree what member of the Roman Church, nay what Christian throughout the world, could compete with him ?
ception of
'

venerable authority
scholars

'

own

less than twenty Pontianus the bishop 235 and Hippolytus the presbyter were banished together,' he does not directly or indirectly disparage the latter in comparison with the former.

When

therefore the chronographer,

who wrote
'

years after his death, states that in the year

Pontianus

is

'

the bishop

'

Rome.

But Hippolytus has a

simply, for there was only one bishop of title of his own, more honorable than

any conferred by any office; just as Bede is called the Venerable. There are many bishops and many archdeacons, but there was only one Hippolytus and only one Bede. But, though this was the meaning of Hippolytus' contemporaries, it
later generations understood the terms in the same nearly a century and a half later Damasus speaks of ' presbyter Hippolytus,' he probably accepted the designation as he found it, but understood it according to the usage of his own time, of

does not follow that

sense.

When

the priestly office or second order of the ministry ; followed Damasus. Neither the one nor the other

and Prudentius

knew

anything,

except vaguely, about the history of Hippolytus, as their statements show.

Thus

therefore the use of the term in the Liberian Chronicle does

not imply, as we might suspect (see 1. p. 262), a denial of Hippolytus' claims to the papacy, thus supporting Dollinger's view that he was the
first

antipope.
see,

suburban

Still less does it imply that, though a bishop of a he was a member of the Roman presbytery, according to

Bunsen's view.

14.

LATER YEARS, BANISHMENT, AND DEATH.

episcopate of Victor was conterminous, roughly speaking, with the last decade of the first century. Dying towards the close of the
century,

The

he was

succeeded

by Zephyrinus.

Zephyrinus

held

the

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

437

After episcopate for eighteen years or thereabouts; Callistus for five. Callistus succeeded Urbanus about a.d. 230. Victor had been the

and patron of Hippolytus. With his successors Zephyrinus and What may have been his Callistus, our saint had a deadly feud. relations to Urbanus we know not ; but, as his quarrel was not with the
friend
pontificate but with the pontiffs, we may presume that harmony was at If any formal reconciliation was needed, it would now length restored.

take place; and hence would arise the story of his exhorting all Christian people to unity, which afterwards was connected (as we have

From the already seen) with his supposed lapse into Novatianism. accession of Urbanus we may suppose that there was a cessation of
those dissensions within the Church of which Hippolytus had been the

champion and ringleader. At the same time the Church of

Early in the year

persecution. the throne. If he was not a convert himself, he was favourably disposed towards Christianity. The ladies of his family more especially held
close relations with the great Christian teachers.

Rome enjoyed peace from external 222 Alexander Severus succeeded to

Not only Origen in but Hippolytus in Rome, corresponded with one or other Alexandria, of the princesses. The thirteen years of the reign of Alexander marked
an epoch of progress and development for the Christian Church. With Hippolytus himself it seems to have been the most fertile period of his
literary
life.

The peace

leisure for literary pursuits

would

direct

and without left him more and the growing physical infirmities of age ; him towards his intellectual resources, which he would be
of the Church within

eager to turn to

account for the instruction of the Church.

In the

first

year of Alexander was published his famous work, the Paschal Cycle, which was afterwards chosen to decorate the Chair of his Statue, as his
greatest claim to the recognition of posterity.
last

In the thirteenth and

year of this same emperor was finished his almost equally famous Chronicle of the World (see 1. p. 259), which must have been about the

latest literary

product of
his

its

author.

During

this

same period

also he

Refutation of all the Heresies, which has laid these latest generations of Christian students under the deepest debt of gratitude and which perhaps remained incomplete when he was

must have written

now famous

overtaken by banishment and death.

the correspondence with

To

this

same time belongs

also

life was closed by banishIn the year 230 or thereabouts Urbanus had been succeeded by Pontianus as bishop of Rome. In February 235 the emperor Alexander was slain at Mayence together with his mother and

At length this ment and death.

long,

Mammsea. laborious, and troubled

438
chief adviser

EPISTLES OF
Mammaea,

S.

CLEMENT.
and Origen.

the correspondent of Hippolytus

His successor Maximin adopted a wholly different policy towards the The Roman bishop was banished to Sardinia; and with Christians. him was sent the venerable Christian father Hippolytus. This was in

Those modern the consulship of Severus and Quintianus, a.d. 235. who assign the position of antipope to Hippolytus give a plausible reason for this companionship in exile. They infer that the new
critics

emperor desired
of the

Roman

explanation is Christian teacher in the Western world would alone have singled him out for this exceptional distinction conferred by the persecuting tyrant
1
.

at once to rid the metropolis of the two rival leaders No such Church, and so to restore peace in the city. needed. The pre-eminent influence of Hippolytus as a

should do too great honour to Maximin, if we were to attribute to him any policy of statecraft. He was a fierce, blood-thirsty soldier,
2 whose only idea of government was coercion Against the friends and adherents of Alexander and his mother Mammsea he waged an To have been a friend of Mammaea was to be the implacable war. But Hippolytus was known to have unpardonable foe of Maximin.
.

We

corresponded with, and been trusted by, the deceased empress-mother. To Maximin, or to his adherents anxious to secure his favour in Rome,
this

would be

sufficient to convict

him 3

It

was not necessary that the

emperor himself should have visited Rome. There were friends at hand ready to execute, or to anticipate, his commands in this matter. In the Liber Pontificalis (1. pp. 64, 145, Duchesne) the banishment
of the two exiles
is

attributed to Alexander, the

names of the same

This
is

consuls being given as in the contemporary record. Maximin became emperor in tionably a mistake.
(a.d. 235);

unquesyear

March

this

and the banishment was the

1.

result of the reversal of his pre-

decessor's policy (see

p. xciv).

Our contemporary chronicler says nothing of the subsequent fate of He was concerned only with the Roman episcopate, and Hippolytus.
the mention of Hippolytus is incidental. Of Pontianus he states, that in Sardinia he divested himself of the episcopate at the close of September

same year (iv Kal. Oct.), and that Anteros was consecrated two months later (xi Kal. Dec.) in his place. Of his subsequent fate he
in this
the persecution of Maximin see Allard Les Chretiens dans F Empire etc.
1

Of

'

id.

9,

Omnes Alexandri
:
:

ministros

variis

modis interemit
invidit
et

dispositionibus

p.

418
2

sq.

eius

dum

suspectos

habet

Capitolin.
nisi
'

Maximin

persuasum
teneri.

enim ei crudelitate imperium non

8 'Erat

amicos
est.'

et ministros eius crudelior factus

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
nothing; but by describing the place of banishment as nociva ,' he implies that it was fatal to both exiles.
says
1

439
'

insula

Sardinia was to
convicts

Rome, what Portland is to England a station of who were condemned to hard labour in the quarries. By the

irony of history, only a few years before, it had been the place of exile of Callistus, the great enemy of Hippolytus ; but Callistus had been pardoned, and returned to Rome, to succeed to the papacy (AR. i. f).

Sardinia had been a favourite place of deportation for the tumultuous Jews who troubled the peace of the city. On one occasion Tiberius

When the displeasure had banished no fewer than 4000 to this island of the Romans was transferred from the Jews to the Christians, the place of exile remained the same. Hence Jewish and Christian Sibyllists alike denounce this dread island. With the freedom of unverifiable
.

prophecy they

foretell that

it

shall

be overwhelmed in the

sea, shall
3
;

be

extinguished in ashes,

and so

forth, at the great retribution

The

whether originating in laughter the hideous grin produced by the bitter herbs of Sardinia or in some 4 other way receives a new force and significance on the lips of these
sardonic

old Greek proverb of

'

doleful prophets.

Sardinia, the exultant persecutor, shall

'

laugh on the
5
.

wrong

side of her mouth,'

when the day

of vengeance comes

The same
249

collection (a.d. 354),

exiles,

which contains the notice of the

1.

banishment of the two

sq), certainly

comprises another document (see

p.

not later than a.d. 335, and perhaps (so far as regards the particular notice) contemporary with the reference to the exile. This latter document deals with the depositions of the popes and martyrs.
it we learn that Hippolytus was buried on the Tiburtine Way and Pontianus in the Cemetery of Callistus on the same day, the Ides of The close of the episcopate of Pontianus, whether by depriAugust.

From

vation or by resignation (see

Pontificalis
a.d. 236.
1

The Liber p. 286), was Sept. 28, 235. pp. 64, 145, Duchesne) places his death on Oct. 30, If this date be accepted, the translation of the bones of the
1.

(1.

stations,

This might be true of the convict but of the island generally very
language
is

3
iii.

Orac. Sibyll.

vii.

96 sq

comp.

also

477.

different

held;

Pausan.

vii.

17. 1 SctpSo;

evdai/xova

yap ttju vrj<xov els rd fxdXiara avrl 'EMddos acpicnv airedojuev,

4 Virg. Eel. vii. 41 'Sardois araarior herbis'; see Pape-Benseler Griech. War-

terb.
5

s.

v. 2ap5u>.
i.

said of an exchange of provinces

Nero made with the Senate

quardt
2

which see Mar-

Orac. Sibyll.

yeXdaa-ere oirorav

^y

182 JZapdoviov neidrj/xa tovto k.t.X. The

Rom.

Staatsvcno.

1.

p. 97.

words are put into the mouth of Noah.

Joseph. Antiq.

xviii. 3. 5.

44-0

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

two confessors must be deferred. As an imperial rescript was necessary before removing the body of an exile (see i. p. 287), the day of deposition could not be before the Ides of August 237, as De Rossi places it. But on the other hand, as I have pointed out (1. a), the date of Pontianus'

confusion
exiles

death in the Liber Pontificalis is open to the suspicion of and prudential reasons might have led the friends of the
;

from applying for the necessary permission during the tyrant's Maximin was slain in April or May 238 (Clinton's Fast. lifetime. Rom. 1. p. 252). On the whole therefore Aug. 238 seems more probable
than Aug. 237. The death of Hippolytus time from a.d. 235 to a.d. 238.

may have

occurred at any

15.

THE STATUE OF HIPPOLYTUS.

in the

In the year 1551 a mutilated statue of a sitting figure was discovered Ager Veranus. The head and upper part of the body were Nevertheless its idenwanting, and there was no name to identify it.

tification as

a figure of Hippolytus was undeniable, and has never been It was found in the very place where Hippolytus seriously questioned.

had

it was evidently the representation of an eccleand (as the chair suggested) probably of a bishop; it presented on the back and sides of the chair a list of theological writings, most of them known to be the works of Hippolytus; more especially there was a Paschal Canon constructed in the first year of

his chief sanctuary;

siastic

and a

divine,

Alexander.

This statue
restored.

This completed the identification. is now in the Lateran Museum, the upper part being It is figured in several works relating to Hippolytus (e.g.

1. p. 36 sq ; Bunsen 1. frontispiece, see pp. ^^^, 423 sq, Wordsworth, frontispiece, see p. 29 sq; and in other books (e.g. 460; Kraus Die Christliche Kunst p. 111, 187; Real-Encyd. der ChristI.

Fabricius Op.

Alterth.

tions

has been given above (AR.

is

1.

p. 660).

The

inscription

so

far as

it

bears on our investiga-

2).

But what

the date of this erection?

It

has been variously assigned

to different epochs

from the third to the sixth century. I cannot doubt however that Dollinger (p. 291) and Funk (Theolog. Quartalschr. 1884,
p.

104 sq) and Salmon {Diet, of Christ. Biogr. s.v. Hippolytus Romanus in. p. 96) are right in giving the earliest date. The phenomena
later century.

indeed are quite inexplicable in any

(1)

For
it

The

statue

is strictly

historical.

So

far as

gives information,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
this is

441

borne out by what we know from other sources. But the notices Damasus and Jerome and Prudentius show that the historical HipThose twin giants polytus had disappeared in the fourth century.
of

Ignorance and Myth had piled their Pelion on Ossa, and stormed the citadel of the Truth with only too deadly effect on this occasion. The on the statue would be possible in Hippolytus' time or in inscription
the next generation
(2)
;

but

we can hardly conceive

it

at a later date.

The

details of the inscription point to a

contemporary record.

The Paschal
The
cycle

given the chief place, being evidently regarded his great claim to posthumous fame. as the chef d'ceuvre of the author
Chronicle
is

calculated for the years a.d. 222 But long before 333. this latter date the Romans had been obliged to abandon this cycle, if
is

they ever adopted

it,

for a

more
is

as early as the year 243 there

correct system of calculation. Even evidence that its erroneousness had

become too patent

year of
in the
its

to be overlooked, calculated in order to take its place.

and

that

a different cycle was

In the year 236, the probable

as calculated by Hippolytus,
it

author's death, the full

fallen

moon,

ought to have

on April

5 th,

whereas

really

took place very early

morning of the 9th. In the course of eighty years Hippolytus' full moon would coincide with the actual new moon. See the calculations of Salmon Chronology of Hippolytus in Hermathena 1. p. 82 sq.

These arguments seem conclusive. If any archaeological con(3) siderations should appear to point in the opposite direction, they must be very strong to produce conviction. But in fact none such have been
alleged.

Some
else

some one

again had been supposed and

utilised

have

that

an older statue

intended

for

transformed into Hippolytus.

For this there is no ground. But even, if it had been so, the fact would not affect the questions with which we are concerned. The
arguments remain as strong as ever for the conclusion, that it could not have been transformed into Hippolytus and set up in the Ager Veranus
to represent him after the third century, and probably not after the middle of the century. As I shall have occasion to show presently (p. 443), this parcel of ground on the Tiburtine Way, which became the Cemetery of Hippolytus was probably his own property. Thus his friends would be able to
set

up the
its

statue without interference

so that there was nothing to pre-

vent

erection during his

own

life-time,

though probably

it

belongs to

some date immediately

after his death.

By

a curious coincidence

not only of Hippolytus, but also of his great

(Bull, di Archeol. Crist.

we have a contemporary representation enemy Callistus. De Rossi

1866, pp. 17, 33) gives a contemporary pic-

44 2
ture

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

on glass which figures this pope's head. If any reliance can be placed on the likeness, he was a person of grave and venerable appearance. At all events it is a singular phenomenon that the two earliest

whom contemporary representations are preserved are these two deadly enemies. only regret the more that the head of the Hippolytean statue is lost; but perhaps future excavations may
ecclesiastics of

We

disinter

it.

1 6.

POSTHUMOUS HONOURS AND SANCTUARIES.

We
Sardinia

have seen that the bodies of the two martyrs who had died in Pontianus and Hippolytus were brought back to find a

resting place amidst the scenes of their former life and work. They were companions in their burial, as they had been companions in their banishment. The same Ides of August, presumably in the year 237 or

them both deposited with all honours in the suburban CemeBut, though the day was the same, the place was different. Pontianus, the pope, was laid in the papal crypt then recently constructed in connexion with the Cemetery of Callistus on the Appian Way, but already occupied by his successor Anteros who died after occupying the papal throne a few months (a.d. 236) and thus preceded him to his grave. His companion in exile Hippolytus found his grave on another of the great roads which stretch across the Campagna the Tiburtine Way. He was laid in a catacomb constructed on the Ager Veranus an estate doubtless so called from some former owner. On this way to Tivoli, not far from the Praetorian camp and less than a mile from the City gate, we are confronted, at least as early as
238, saw
teries.

face,

the fourth century, with two famous cemeteries standing almost face to each with its proper sanctuary, on either side of the road, which

here runs roughly speaking from West to East. On the southern or right side is the more famous of the two, the Cemetery of S. Cyriace

connected with which stands the Basilica of

S.

Laurentius selected by

the latest of the popes, whose long tenure of office and notable career alike single him out from the long line of his predecessors, as his last

by the side of the famous deacon of Rome. On the left hand of the same road and therefore to the North, between this Via Tibiirtina and the Via Nomentana^ is the site of the Cemetery and Basiresting-place
lica of S.

Hippolytus.

The two Cemeteries

with their respective sanc-

tuaries are quite distinct in ancient authorities; but

owing

to the fact

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
that the shrine

443

and Cemetery of
it

S.

Hippolytus were ruined and obscured

or obliterated at a comparatively early date,

were transferred from

and that many monuments and more distinguished sanctuary on the south side of the road, its memory was absorbed in the fame of the Basilica of S. Laurentius, and modern writers have inextricably
to the larger

fused and confused the two.

The

discoveries of recent years, inter-

preted by the archaeological genius of De Rossi, have corrected the error, and established the distinction beyond dispute.

The
are

directly concerned,

sanctuary and cemetery of Hippolytus therefore, with which we had no connexion originally with the famous
Its site is

basilica of S. Laurentius.

as

it

is

called

on the
S.

left

of the

on the sloping ground or 'mons,' road, and therefore between the

to the
S.

Cemeteries of
that of
S.

Agnese on the Via Nomentana

Laurentius (or more properly of

Tiburfaia to the South.

North and on the Via Cyriace) Dated inscriptions have been found in these

catacombs, ranging from the close of the third century to the beginning As it appears to be called the Coemeterium Hippolyti, of the fifth \
genitive in such cases generally denotes the owner or founder of the place of sepulture, not the principal saint whose cultus was celebrated there, De Rossi reasonably conjectures that this

and

as

the

This seems highly procemetery was Hippolytus' own possession reasons. It would account for the selection of the bable for many
.

spot for his

his

own

grave; whereas the circumstances of his burial would

locality, in closer

have suggested some other

proximity to Pontianus
It

would account, as I honour which was done to him in the erection of a statue on the spot, whether soon after his death or even during his life time, for it would be erected on his

companion

alike in exile

and

in death.

have already pointed

out, also for the unique

own

estate.

Roman

Considering his hostile relations to the heads of the hierarchy during his life time on the one hand, and the

persecutions to which he was subjected from the civil powers on the other, the circumstances must have been very favourable in other
1

See Bull, di Archcol. See Bull, di Archeol.

Crist.

Ser. iv.

terio

i.

p. 49.
2

Crist.

1.

c.
1.

p.

after De Rossi gives Ypoliti.' other notices indicating that the proper name of these catacombs was Coemeterium
' '

15 sq (1882);

comp.
p.

Rom.

Sott.

p.

S.
xiii

116 sq.

The

earliest notice of his burial

(see above,

I.

Marty rum
'

of

251) in the Depositio the Liberian Catalogue

MS
1

In the Martyr. Hieron. Hippolyti. Kal. Jul. the reading of the Berne ' is Rome, in cimiterio Yppoliti via

Tiburtina,'

where the common text has

gives

Ypoliti in Tiburtina et Pontiani in

'

Calisti,' where according to De Rossi we in ejusdem coemeshould understand

Hippolyti,' thus substituting another martyr Hippolytus for the place of

burial.

Romae

444
their zeal, they

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

respects to enable his friends to

do him this honour. However great must have been secure from molestation on either

and only the absolute possession of the ground could have given them this security. Here then he was deposited on the Ides of August the same day on which he was commemorated in after ages for some centuries. But evil days soon overtook the Church of Rome. The next century was crowded with other cares and interests, and the past was forgotten. A sponge passed over the records of Hippolytus and his times; and only the confused smear remained of a once exceptionally vivid and characteristic portraiture. There were the schisms and feuds within the Roman itself Church popes and antipopes; there were the persecutions which assailed the Christians from without, and bred endless perplexities of discipline within; there were the great dogmatic controversies which harried the universal Church from one end to the other; last, but not
side;

least,

there were

the

first

rumblings of the dark thunder-cloud in

the Northern sky, the earliest inroads of those barbarian hordes who were destined before long to sweep away old Rome in desolation

and
and

ruin.

accession of

At length towards the close of the fourth century on the Damasus came a respite; when men could breathe again,

their interest in the past revived.

Damasus (a.d. 366 384) was a great restorer of the Rome. The catacombs more especially, as the resting
martyrs,

sanctuaries of

places of the

received

his

attention.

In

this

pious work he was ably

seconded by the famous calligrapher Furius Dionisius Filocalus, who describes himself as the 'cultor atque amator' of Damasus. Rarely
the Church, has a great leader been fired such zeal for recording the Christian heroism of the past and found so accomplished an artificer to carry out his designs. Rarely, if
if

ever, in the history of

with

ever, has history stood in sorer

need of such a chronicler

1 .

Our only
to his

regret

is

that the

knowledge of Damasus was not commensurate

enthusiasm.

Among

the

many

reverential zeal,

saints of the past whose memory profited by his was the martyred father of the Church, the venerable

Already a sanctuary enclosed the remains of the saint; Hippolytus. but it was enlarged and beautified by Damasus, when on the defeat of the rival faction which had supported the antipope Ursicinus he
received the allegiance of the whole Roman Church. commemorating the event runs as follows
1

The

inscription

For an account of the

Damasus

their

inscriptions of

graphy

see De Rossi in Bull, di Arched.

composition

and

calli-

Crist. Ser. iv, in. p. 7 sq.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
LAETA DEO PLEBS SANCTA CANAT QVOD MOENIA CRESCVNT ET RENOVATA DOMVS MARTYRIS HIPPOLITI
l
.

445

It is

conjectured that he received the submission of the

opposite

There would be a singular appropriateness in its selection for this purpose; since he supposed that Hippolytus had at one time favoured the antipapal schism of Novatian a forerunner of Ursicinus and afterwards by an opportune recantation had
party in this very building.

recalled the people from the paths of error to the unity of the Church. This supposed incident in the saint's career he commemorated in

another inscription set up in the same building, to do honour to

*

Hippolytus the elder

2
.'

or nothing beyond the fame of Hippolytus A confused rumour had reached as a martyr, and probably as a writer. not been always on friendly terms with his ears that Hippolytus had
little

But Damasus knew

He concluded therefore, being ignorant the popes his predecessors. of the chronology of the saint's life, that he must have been an adherent
Novatian party (see above, p. 424 sq), the chief precedent, which history recorded of rival claimants to the papal throne, before the
of the
in his

papal schism which amidst disgraceful and murderous riots had ushered own elevation to the see of S. Peter.

At the beginning of the next century occurred the

visit

of the

Spanish poet Prudentius to this shrine. His collection of hymns entitled Peri Stephanon or De Coronis, Most of these the crowns of the martyrs,' consists of fifteen poems.
1

Vincentius and Eulalia, or martyrs But the largest already celebrated by festivals in the Spanish Church. space (2152 verses out of 3875) is devoted to four martyrs especially honoured in Rome, Laurentius, Romanus, Hippolytus, and Agnes, besides a short poem (66 lines) on the passion of S. Peter and S. Paul.

commemorate Spanish martyrs

like

Rome
will

therefore

may be
all

said to

be observed that

have inspired the collection. But it the four were celebrated in the catacombs
or near
it.

lying on the Tiburtine

Way

The

celebration of the three

former moreover took place at the same time of the year within five days of each other (Aug. 9, Aug. 10, and Aug. 13) and in the same Tiburtine locality, in the twin sanctuaries which stood vis a vis on the

Way.

Of

the connexion between the cultus of

lytus I shall

have much to say hereafter.

2

Laurence and S. HippoBut who was the other member

S.

AR.

7.

b; see above,

p. 329.

AR.

7.

a; see above, p. 328.

446
of the trio?

EPISTLES OF
Romanus is a who suffered

S.

CLEMENT.
He was
a deacon

strictly historical person.

and

exorcist

in the persecution of Diocletian (a.d. 303),

a native of Caesarea in Palestine or the neighbourhood, but actually martyred in Antioch and therefore unconnected originally with Rome.

His fame

is

be the foundation of

especially associated with a miracle, which (whatever may fact) is recorded by his contemporary and fellow-

countryman, the historian Eusebius

distinctly after his

speaking This was unquestionably the Romanus who is celebrated in the poem The poet dwells at great length on this very miracle, of Prudentius.
.

he astounded the bystanders by had been cut out tongue

;
1

embellishing incident of a

it

with

many hideous

little

child

a mere infant being summoned by Romanus

child did this to the edification of the by-

accessories.

Moreover he adds the

from among the Christian bystanders and invited by the saint to bear
testimony to Christ.
standers, though
infant martyr has

The

at the cost

of

its

own

life.

The

incident of this
\

no place

in the

contemporary record of Eusebius

at a very early date.

but

it

was attached to the story of Romanus

I

think

account of Eusebius.

see the origin of this edifying appendage to the contemporary Some eulogist of Romanus, when he described

the constancy of the saint under the threats of the tyrant, would apply to him, perhaps would put into his own mouth, the scriptural words
Ps.
viii.

'Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings hast Thou

ordained strength because of Thine enemies, that the enemy and the avenger.' As a matter of fact
nevertheless betrays
text in his extant oration

Thou
S.

mightest

still

Chrysostom,

who

no knowledge of the infant-martyr, uses this very on Romanus 2 It was only a single step to go from the abstract to the concrete, and to produce the babe in
.

person.
1

Accordingly another orator, apparently a younger contemtransformation

sently.
I shall

of this

Euseb. Mart. Palaest. 9, in the form work attached to the Ecclesiastical

have to speak preit

Nevertheless
'

See also the other recension, preserved only in the Syriac which is translated by Cureton (pp. 6, 54). The
History.
story of

ginally in Greek, as

it

was written orishows again and

again

e.g.

forte proferentium
',

Judaeorum

tres pueros

a literal translation of the

spurious
vi.

Romanus is told likewise in the work de Rcsurrcctionc, preserved

p.

genitive
'

daliov,

the

absolute (irpocpepbvTWv tCop 'IouJews alleging the case of the

'),

only in Latin and ascribed to Eusebius,

Op.

Three Children

but

utterly

without

1097 sq (Migne).

The

relating

to Romanus is given Ruinart Act. Sine. Mart. p. 392. Evidently this is not a genuine work of

part also in

sense in the Latin.

It betrays the influ-

ence of S. Chrysostom's genuine oration (see the next note).

Theodoret (Epist.

130,

iv.

p.

12 18

Eusebius, as

is

apparent

(if

for

no other

reason) from the fact that Romanus is made not a cleric, but a soldier; of which

Schulze) mentions the martyr, but nothing more.

2

name

of

the

Chrysost. Op.

II. p.

616

(ed. Bened.).

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
porary
the
S.

447

of the
of S.

Day

Romanus

golden-mouthed, preaching likewise at Antioch on in a sermon which is wrongly ascribed to

Chrysostom himself, makes Romanus ask that a babe (/3pe<os) shall be brought in from the market-place, taken (it would appear) and a child is brought, testifies, and suffers accordat hap-hazard At all events this addition to the original story must have ingly
;
1

knows nothing, or

been circulated before the age of Prudentius. Prudentius however at least says nothing, about the infant's name. By
it is

later martyrologists

called Barulas or Baralas.

in the Latin Martyrologies of

Of
tuaries

the connexion of this

Antiochene by only with Rome but with the sancon the Tiburtine Way, we have ample proof, even if it might not have been inferred from his prominence in the collection of
Prudentius.

martyrdom not

This name appears Ado and others. Romanus a Palestinian by birth and an

in the basilica of S.

In the inscription, which was put up in the 13th century Laurence, we read

CONTINET HOC TEMPLVM SANCTORVM CORPORA PLVRA

A QVIBVS AVXILIVM SVPPLEX HIC POSCERE CVRA.

Then,
dia

mentioning Xystus and Laurentius with the first martyr Stephen, the inscription enumerates Hippolytus with his nurse Concorafter

and

his family.

Then

follows next in order

ROMANVS MILES.

Of
festival

this inscription I shall

immediate purpose
of S.

this

For my have to say more presently mention is sufficient. The time also of the
.

Romanus

nearly coincided with those of

S.

Laurence

Hippolytus as appears from this notice in the Old Marty rology (AR. 40. g), where we have in juxta-position

and

S.

Roman

v Id Aug.
iv

Romae, Romani

militis

Vigilia sancti Laurentii.

Id Aug. Romae Laurentii archidiacon. martyris et militum clxv. Idus Aug. Romae, Hippolyti martyris cum familia sua, et S. Concordiae nutricis ejus ;
11.

Op.

p.

618.

The

festival of

S.

Romanus was
Antioch

and

evidently a great day at would give occasion to

of style ; but the Benedictine editor adds ' crediderem...esse (for reasons given)

flights of Christian oratory

which

influ-

cujusdam presbyteri Antiocheni, qui sub Flaviano alternas cum Chrysostomo concionandi partes ageret'; mont Mem. v. p. 206.
2

enced the transmission and embellish-

see also Tille-

ment of the
genuineness

story.

The
is

oration of our
Its

pseudo-Chrysostom
is

one of these.

See below,

p.

461

sq,

469

sq.

condemned on the ground

44^

EPISTLES OF
Roman

S.

CLEMENT.
Florus-Beda and in

and we meet with similar notices

the later
Martyrologists.

in

Ado and

There can be no doubt therefore that the Romanus of Prudentius and of the Roman Martyrologists is the same person with the Romanus of Eusebius and Chrysostom. But, if so, how do we explain two differences? (i) The Romanus of Eusebius is a cleric, a 'deacon and

Romanus of the Roman Martyrologists is a soldier: The Romanus martyred at Antioch was commemorated on Nov. 18, (2) but the Romanus of the Tiburtine way and of the Latin Church
exorcist'; but the

generally on Aug.

9,

the eve of S. Laurence.

(1) regards the profession of Romanus the testimony of Eusebius This martyr was a deacon in one of the villages in the is quite distinct. of his own Csesarea but in all authors after Eusebius neighbourhood

As

his clerical status has disappeared.

favourably situated as to time

Even Chrysostom, who was most and place for ascertaining the truth, seems to

He tells how Romanus kept together soldier. of Christ and shifted the shame of defeat from army (orTpaToVeSov) the Christians to the heads of the foes (rd<s tCw iroXe/jiiuiv K<aXas,
have regarded him as a
the

represents the devil as desiring, by cutting out the martyr's tongue rather than depriving him of life outright, to make him a witness of 'the lapses and the disaster of his own soldiers' (twv TtoV OLKL(i)V (TTpaTLOiTUJV, p. 6 1 4). The SeCOnd TTTO)fJLa.TO)V KCU T^5 CTVfK^OpaS
p.

613).

He

passage at

all

events does not look like a metaphor, though

first.

be inclined so to interpret the

Chrysostom's own meaning,
this

we might But whatever may have been figure of Christian warfare was doubt-

less the bridge of passage from Romanus the cleric to Romanus the This appears in the development of the story, when we arrive soldier.

pseudo-Eusebius, who may not improbably have written before of the fourth century and whose account appears to be the We are there told that influenced by the eulogium of S. Chrysostom.
at the

close

to the

arriving at Antioch, and finding that 'many soldiers belonging Church had lapsed' (multos milites cecidisse ecclesiae), preThou shalt not depart sented himself before the judge, and said for God has soldiers who cannot be forced to submit (habet exulting, enim Deus milites qui superari non possunt). This 'soldier of the

Romanus

'

'

Lord' (Domini miles) accordingly resolves to show his own constancy by resistance. Though Romanus is not distinctly called 'a soldier'

To this account of here, the language implies his military profession. the pseudo-Eusebius, which we have only in a Latin translation, the Latin Martyrologists seem from several indications to have been
indebted.

With them

at all events

he

is

unmistakeably a

soldier.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
Of
So
the profession of

449

far as his direct

a soldier,

the Spanish poet tells us nothing. he might have been either a cleric or language goes but he describes him as a noble of ancient lineage (vetusta

Romanus

nobilem prosapia) who by his

many

services

had won the

first

rank

among the citizens (meritisque multis esse primum civem); and at the suggestion of the attendants, the offensive crowd (noxialem
removed by the judge, that a man of illustrious rank not be condemned by a plebeian sentence a description which might ill assorts with a simple deacon ministering in an obscure village of Palestine. We may reasonably assume therefore, that Prudentius too
stipitem) are

regarded

on

this point.

Romanus as a soldier, if he had any The poem on Romanus is the

It

distinct conception at all

piece de resistance of the

collection.

occupies not fewer than 1140

It is

whole number.
absurdities

made

lines, nearly a third of the the vehicle for an elaborate attack on the

of idolatry, after the names of the apologists, with an accompanying defence of Christianity neither the attack nor the defence wanting in vigour and eloquence of a certain kind. We may

suspect that Prudentius, having little to tell of the saint himself, poured into this poem the contents of his poetical common-place book. But
the immediate impulse to the
festival

poem seems to have been given by the which he witnessed on the Tiburtine Way. But what shall we say of the time of the festival, Aug. 9th? (2) Eusebius again is quite explicit as to the day of the martyrdom. His
Romanus
1

suffered at Antioch in the first year of Diocletian's persecution 6th Dius, equivalent to xv Kal. Dec. (Nov. 18), or the 7th (it should be the 17 th) later Teshri, as given in the Syriac recension, the same day on which his fellow-countrymen Alphasus and Zacchaeus

on the

were martyred

at Caesarea.

him

in the ancient Syriac Calendar,

Accordingly we find this day assigned to which must date from the latter

half of the

fourth

century (the extant MS bearing date 412).

The

festival therefore, as celebrated at

of some

translation

probably

Rome, must be

the

commemoration

Roman

sanctuary on the Tiburtine way.

the deposition of the reliques in this But the Roman Martyrologies,

from the Marty rologium Hierony?niannm onward, preserve elsewhere

the record of the true day of martyrdom.

The

fact is that the contents

of the Syriac Martyrology, or of some allied Calendar, or both, were shovelled into this valuable refuse-heap of martyrological records which bears the name of Jerome, and so we find
:

xv Kal. Dec.
xiv Kal. Dec.

In Caesarea

natalis sanctorum... Alphaei, Zacchaei,

Romani.
In Antiochia
civitate,

CLEM.

II.

Romani monachi, Baralae 29

450
notice in the Vetus
xiv Kal. Dec.

EPISTLES OF
Romanum

S.

CLEMENT.
The corresponding

where we have a double entry of the same person.

is

Antiochiae

Romani monachi

et martyris,

where the
nachus.'

clerical

character of

Romanus

is

still

preserved in 'mohis

Again in the

later Martyrologists,

Ado and

companions,

of Antioch appears on one of these two days in December, where he is correctly described as a martyr in the persecution of Diocletian, where the prefect's name Asclepiades is given (after
the notice of
Prudentius), are

Romanus

and where the

story of the child Baralas

is

likewise told.

We

now

in a position to say

something more generally about

journey of Prudentius to Rome, so fertile in its poetical results ; On his way from Spain to investigation is not uninstructive. the eternal city he stops at Foru?n Comelii or Forum Syllae, the modern
this

and the
Imola
to

and there he pays

his devotions at the shrine of the local saint,

still

which the cathedral of Imola is school-master martyr who was beaten

stabbed with the
stiles

dedicated

Cassianus

the

to

death with the tablets and

Here he saw a

picture

not

of the ungrateful urchins whom he had taught. less vivid and doubtless not less truthful

than the representation of Hippolytus' sanctuary of the Tiburtine Way which he describes afterwards of the pedagogue done to death by the

beardless monsters in revenge for the castigations of the rod which they must have richly deserved. This is the only poem in the whole
collection which

native Spain or with Rome the object of his visit. probably arrive before the festival of the Passion of

commemorates a martyr not connected either with his At Rome he would S. Peter and S. Paul
his

This indeed might have been the immediate aim of and would determine the time of his arrival in the city. journey, describes the unwonted stir among the Roman people,
(June 29th).
Plus solito coeunt ad gaudia; die, amice, quid
sit

He

Romam

per

omnem

cursitant ovantque.

He pictures, though briefly, yet notwithstanding some difficulties with the vividness of an eye-witness, the two basilicas of S. Peter and S. Paul on either side of the river their position and features ; he describes the

'sacerdos,' probably the

Roman

night (so the sacred

we may perhaps paraphrase

bishop, as busied from morning to the word 'pervigil'), celebrating

rites, first at the one and then at the other; he speaks of himself with the rest of the crowd as hurrying from the one to the other

Nos ad utrumque tamen

Et
his et Ulis

gressu properemus incitato,

perfruamur hymnis;

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
and he concludes by appealing to all strangers, the holy city, to profit by the occasion ;
;

45

visitors like

himself in

Haec didicisse sat est Romae tibi tu, domum Diem bifestum sic colas memento.
This poem was,
it

reversus,

would almost seem, written

about the three

for the occasion.

But
S.

his chief interest gathers

middle of August on the Tiburtine way

Laurentius, and
S.

those
S.

festivals celebrated in the

of S.

Romanus,

Hippolytus.

The poem on

probably by its proximity ; for in January. The eulogy of S. Cyprian may different time of the year also have been prompted by this Roman visit ; for his commemoration

Agnes was suggested her martyrdom was celebrated at a

was celebrated
15);

in the

cemetery of

S. Callistus

but, as Prudentius himself says, Cyprian

on xviii Kal. Oct. (Sept. was celebrated all the

world round,
Praesidet Hesperiae, Christum serit ultimis Iberis.

He

was, writes the poet, though

noster.'
this

'

'

proprius patriae martyr,' yet

ore et

amore

From
especially
I

long digression on the hymns of Prudentius and more

will appear presently, Prudentius gives us a minute and accurate description of what he saw at the commemoration on the Tiburtine Way. There was the picture of the martyrdom over the tomb of the

on Romanus, of which the motive

return to Hippolytus.

martyr, painted in vivid colours ; the mangled limbs scattered here and there; the thorns and thickets stained with the vermilion blood; the

weeping
their

friends, following in the rear

and gathering the remains

their clothes

into

bosom; one fondling

legs;

his snow-white head, others his mutilated

arms and

others wiping

up with

or with sponges

the blood-bespattered ground, that nothing might be lost of the precious He then describes the sanctuary itself; the crypt with its remains. dark galleries, not far from the city walls; the subterranean recesses
lighted here and there with windows in the roof, so that the sun's Thither the martyr's body was brought from Ostia, rays poured in. where the martyrdom took place, and there deposited in a shrine

gleaming with solid silver. Lining the recess were slabs of smooth Parian marble adorned with gold. From morning to night the tide
of worshippers flowed in constant succession,
kissing the precious metal
faces

bedewed with

tears.

Romans and foreigners; and pouring fragrant ointment on it, their Nobles and common-folk jostled each other
clad in festive white, thronged from
all

shoulder to shoulder;

visitors,

29 2

452
parts
;

EPISTLES OF
the

S.

CLEMENT.

Picenum

roads poured in their contingent from every side from and Etruria, the rude Samnite, the Campanian from lofty
citizens

Capua, the

of Nola
all

husbands,

wives,

and

children.

Wide

But too though the space, it was hard by there is another temple ready to receive the crowds, towering upward with its lofty walls a double range of columns supports the gilded beams of the roof; the aisles end in curved recesses; the
little for

the dense multitudes.

central nave rises to

a greater height; in

front

is

a lofty tribunal

approached by steps, difficulty does even this larger

crowds, thus
children.
'If

whence the chief

priest

preaches God.

With

edifice receive the surging

and heaving

opening a mother's bosom to gather and cherish her

my memory
this saint

serves

me

aright,' the

poet adds, 'beautiful

his worships Valerianus of Zaragoza, to whom the poem is addressed, to bishop, give a place among the annual festivals to Hippolytus, as places were 'So,' he conalready given to Cyprian, to Chelidonius, to Eulalia. cludes, 'when thou shalt have filled the folds with milk-white lambs,

Rome

on the Ides of August'; and he urges

mayest thou be borne

Evidently the cult of visited the shrine; as

aloft
S.

it

and join the company of holy Hippolytus.' Hippolytus was at its zenith, when Prudentius naturally would be after the recent architectural
it

and decorative splendours lavished upon

by Damasus.

the scene of this multifarious gathering no question can now be entertained. Recent excavations have laid open the subterranean basilica

Of

of

S.

Hippolytus on the north of the Tiburtine

for

Way the

specus excep-

underground sanctuaries of this kind, lit from tionally spacious windows in the roof, substantially as it was seen by the eyes of Prudentius. Of this however I shall have to speak presently. But what was the larger edifice which received the throngs too great for the cavern
beneath?
or near the
S.
it another basilica of S. Hippolytus above ground on same site? Or was it the more famous sanctuary of Laurence on the south side of the road ? Not unnaturally critics

Was

have inclined to

this latter view.

The
far

excavations in the cemetery of

Hippolytus have not proceeded form a confident opinion. But

enough hitherto to enable us to it must be remembered that at that remote age only the Constantinian basilica of S. Laurence existed The churches of Xystus not a very spacious building on any showing.

III (a.d. 440), of Pelagius II (a.d. 578), and of Honorius III (a.d. The actual condition of the basilica of still unbuilt. 1 216), were

Laurence in the eye of Prudentius a subject beset with considerable will demand a few words of explanation presently. difficulties
S.

But what was

this picture of the

martyrdom so

vivid in

its

details

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
which Prudentius saw and described
tion of all
is

45

-.

? The most improbable supposiIt is more like a represented the actual event. 'to poet's or a painter's than a prefect's deed,' it has been truly said tear an old Christian with horses, whether because of his own un-

that

it

'

luckily suggestive

name

or because of the tale of his

namesake

'

the

hero of the ancient Greek myth.

Some have supposed

therefore that a

son of Theseus, the hero of Greek tragedy, torn to pieces by horses, was discovered in the neighbourhood (Dollinger, p. 39 sq), or removed from elsewhere and placed in the This is a tempting explanation ; but unless chapel of his namesake.
classical sculpture or painting of the
it

Prudentius has far exceeded the license of poets in his description, will not suit the details. What are we to say of the collection

of the reliques? What of the 'venerable white head' fondled in the lap of the disciples? What of the sopping and sponging up the blood ? Obviously we have here not a work of Greek or Graeco-

roman

art, but a product of Christian piety, resembling in its gross realism and bad taste, as well as its intensity and devotion, the pictures of martyrdom with which we are familiar a few centuries later. Cer-

tainly

it was not a sculpture, unless it had been painted over by some Christian artist; for Prudentius speaks of the vivid colouring, the purple

and vermilion, of the scene. Moreover, though we should accept this explanation of the picture on the Tiburtine Way, we have still to account for the similar painting which the poet saw on this same journey at
Imola

the martyrdom of Cassianus not

2
,

less realistic

and described with

equal vividness. The martyrdom of Cassianus at all events had no counDe Rossi thinks and gives reason for terpart in ancient Greek legend.
that this representation of Hippolytus' martyrdom was painted thinking on a very small scale like a miniature or a Dutch work of art. This

seems not improbable

though no

stress

can be

laid

on the

fact that

recent explorations have not as yet brought to light any traces of its Even if it had been a large fresco, we could not hope to existence.

many

discover any vestiges remaining in a place which has passed through so vicissitudes as the sanctuary of S. Hippolytus. The most probable explanation seems to be that, the manner of Hippolytus' death

being

unknown and some concrete

early Christian painter selected the fate of his mystical

pictorial
1

representation being necessary, this namesake as a

'

mode

of writing above the shrine hippolytus

Class,

martyr

3
.'

Benson Journ. of
I.

and

Sacr.

this article

On

the

Martyrdom and Com-

Philol.
2

p. 192.

Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 73 sq.

memorations of S. Hippolytus, which I have more than once quoted, was written
without the knowledge of recent
dis-

Benson

p.

210.

should say that

454

EPISTLES OF
we

S.

CLEMENT.
no notice of
this
half.
is

After the visit of Prudentius

find

and a crypt of S. Hippolytus for nearly a century a record the papacy of Vigilius (a. d. 537 555)

cemetery and Then, during

its

preserved of

restoration

by one Andreas a presbyter, in an inscription of which have been found on the spot itself and of which the confragments
cluding lines are
1

PRAESVLE VIGILIO SVMP[SERVNT] ANTRA DECOREM PRAESBYTERI ANDREAE CVR[a] PEREGIT OPVS.
was a season of great trouble and disaster to the Roman Church many ways. Rome stood two sieges from the barbarians during
It

in

one from Witiges in a.d. 537, 538, the other from Totila in a. d. 546, 547. The suburban churches and cemeteries were devastated and laid in ruins. It must have been on one of these occasions that the renovation of which the inscription speaks took
this single episcopate, the

place.

it

As the writer apparently speaks of a second devastation (itervm), would seem to have been after the invasion of Totila that these
were undertaken
2
.

'

'

repairs

This accords with the language above quoted which gives only the name of Vigilius as dating the epoch (' praesule Vigilio'); whereas in another case, when the restoration took place

presumably

after the

former siege by Witiges, we are told that pope

3

Vigilius was Vigilius himself 'hostibus expulsis omne novavit opus .' The writer in his absent from Rome during the last years of his life.

account of these restorations under Vigilius mentions the skylights in the roof admitting the sun, which were a special feature of this subterranean church and which Prudentius had described a century and a half before here specified as three in number 'trinum stupuit per

specula lumen.'

Connected with
the Tiburtine

Way

this group of saints commemorated in August on was the cultus of S. Genesius, the Roman actor of

pantomimes who is He is mentioned

said to have suffered in the persecution of Diocletian.

in

the

medieval

itineraries

in

the

entourage of

between Triphonia and Cyrilla. Hippolytus He must therefore have been buried in the cemetery of Hippolytus 4
as lying near Concordia,
.

coveries,

when

it

was

still

possible to

rectly supplied in

an earlier number,

ib.

maintain that the original Hippolytus of the Ager Veranus was not a cleric, but a
soldier.
1

1881, p. 40. 2 See Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p.

61 sq.
3

Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 59

Comp.

ib.

1873, p. 46 sq

1876, p.

sq,

where the inscription

form.

is

given in

its

125.
4

correct

The

lacunce

were incor-

Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 23

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

455

His day was viii Kal. Sept. (Aug. 25th). Nearly two centuries later than the above mentioned restorations of Vigilius, we find a successor of Vigilius, Gregory III [a. d. 731 741], restoring the roof of the

Church of S. Genesius, and erecting an altar of the Saviour there (AR. 15 A b). This was presumably some above-ground building erected in honor of Genesius within the precincts of the cemetery of Hippolytus, but we have no adequate information. Again there is silence for some centuries respecting the basilica of S. Hippolytus but meanwhile important works were carried out on the opposite side of the Tiburtine Way in the more famous sanctuary of S. Laurentius, which in course of time had a fatal influence on the decadence and obliteration of the humbler cemetery and shrine. As the fate of the two is ultimately connected together, and as some
;

account of the history of the

Church of

S.

Laurence

is

therefore

necessary for the appreciation of my particular subject, this will be a convenient point for a very few words of explanation.

The honour paid

perished with his
earliest times.

to S. Laurence, the deacon of Sixtus III, who master in the Decian persecution, dates from the
'

was the Stephen of the Western Church. Quam non potest abscondi Roma,' says Augustine, 'tarn non potest abscond! 'De beati solemnitate Laurentii,' says the prayer Laurentii corona .'
1

He

in

the

oldest
;

Roman

laetatur

cujus nascendo

sacramentary, 'peculiarius prae caeteris Roma civis, sacer minister, dedicatum nomini Tuo
(Liturg.

munus
festival

est

proprium'

Rom.

Vet.

1.

p.

398, Muratori).

His

had a special vigil, which was celebrated from the earliest times His name appears a peculiar honour bestowed on few saints besides. in calendars which can hardly date more than a generation after his It is no marvel then that the aureole which encircled the death.
sq; comp.

Rom.

Sott.

I.

p. 178.

There
(1)

were two martyrs of

this

name;

tyrologium Vetus both the two are named on the same day Aug. 25, 'Genesius mi-

notary of Aries who suffered under Diocletian, A.D. 303 ; (2) pantomime actor

mus' and 'Genesius Arelatensis ; in the old Carthaginian Calendar only the
former.

'

of

Rome who
some

suffered in this

same year

In

Prudentius

[Peristeph.

4),

or (as

think) A.D. 285 or 286. They are both celebrated on the same day viii

from the Ager Veranus, Genesius of Aries is mentioned (ver. 36)

fresh

who was

Kal. Sept.

(Aug. 25) in
;

Ado and

the

among

Latin

Martyrologists

or on successive

(Zaragoza).

other martyrs at Csesaraugusta Was there only one Gene-

De Rossi days, Aug. 24 and Aug. 25. that the Genesius of the Ager (1. c) says
Veranus was the
to
actor.
It

sius after all

just as there

first notary and then actor was only one Romanus and

would seem

only one
p.

Hippolytus

(see

p.

462

sq,

say that there was no confusion between the two. In the Mardifficult to

me

460 sq)?
1

Strut. 303, 0/>.v.p. 1233, ed. Bened.

456

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

heads of other neighbouring saints and martyrs Hippolytus himself should have paled in the

even

of the famous

light of his

unique

splendour.

How much
of
S.

truth there

may be

in the current story

about the

mode

Laurence's martyrdom, we need not stop to enquire. His day was the fourth before the Ides of August, three days before the commemoration of S. Hippolytus. As the deposition of Hippolytus on the
opposite side of the Tiburtine Way probably took place some years before his death, we must regard the circumstance which brought them
into close connexion in time as well as place, as a

mere coincidence.
his

But

it

was fraught with momentous consequences to

architectural history of the basilica of S.

posthumous
is

fame.

The

Laurence

strangely
1

complicated ; and the problems have only been solved (not yet comThe accounts given by Bunsen and pletely) in our own generation.
older writers
are

altogether

erroneous.

The
2
.

excavations

of recent

years, interpreted

by the archaeological knowledge of

far to solve the

De

Rossi and

others,

have gone
It

The
martyr.

problem* original basilica of Constantine stood over the tomb of the

i.e.

chancel,

that this pope built this church over the tomb, he adorned the crypt itself, in which the body lay, with exceptional splendours and endowed it with costly gifts. Damasus adorned his altar with gifts which he commemorated in an inscription on the spot

same way At the same time

occupied, roughly speaking, the same site as the present as the basilica of Pelagius II. It was orientated in the the apse being at the West end, and the narthex at the East.

HAEC DAMASVS CVMVLAT SVPPLEX ALTARIA DONIS MARTYRIS AEGREGII SVSCIPIENS MERITVM 3
.

and commemorated by an inscription on behalf of other sanctuaries

Towards the middle of the next
1

Before the close of the century [c. a.d. 400] we read of some works executed by one Leopardus, a priest not unknown to us for his zeal
4
.

century, the reigning

cheol.
:

pope Sixtus III

Beschreibung der Stadt

III.

Pt

ii.

p.

312 sq.

The

error of these older writers

in connecting this basilica with the

name
is

Crist. 1864, p. 42 sq; 1876, p. 22 sq and the important notes of Duchesne, Lib. Pont. 1. p. 197 sq, 235 sq, 310.
3

of Galla Placidia and thus throwing the

architectural chronology into confusion

Inscr. Christ. Urb.

Rom.

II.

pp. 82,

117.
4

explained by
Crist.

De

Rossi, Bull, di

Archeol.
Urb.

1864, p. 43;
11.

Inscr. Christ.

sq; comp. Inscr.

p. 155.

Bull, di Arched. Crist. 1867, p. 53 Christ. Urb. Rom. 11.

Rom.
2

p. 105.

See especially De Rossi Bull, di Ar-

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
(a.

457

this

a highly important addition to the buildings on ground (AR. 15 Bb). He not only adorned the existing confession of S. Laurentius with columns of porphyry and in other ways, the
d.

432

440) made

a. d.

previous work of Constantine having probably suffered in the pillage of 410 under Alaric ; but he built an entirely new and more spacious

West of the Constantinian church, the two buildings the old and the new stood of Sixtus corresponds with the nave of building Its apse was at the East end, and its narthex
basilica to the

so that the apses of

back to back.

This

the existing basilica. at the West. This

basilica

genetricis,' 'of the Mother of God'; a which would seem especially appropriate at a time when designation This is the the Nestorian controversy was agitating the Church.

was termed 'Dei

'

basilica

major,' which

in

the

Itineraries

of the seventh century

is

distinguished from the 'basilica ubi ipse modo requiescit' (AR. 38 b). It bears this name in two inscriptions of the fifth century found on the

spot

[in

b]assilica
1
.

maxio[re],

in

basilica

maiore

ad

domnv

LAVRENTIVM

[a.d. 579 590] enlarged, raised, and generally the smaller basilica to the East, which rose over the body. The rebuilt, Liber Pontificalis 1. p. 309 (Duchesne) speaks of this work as 'basilicam

Again Pelagius II

a fundamento constructam,'

and the

existing

building

shows
'

this

language to

be hardly an exaggeration. Owing to its superior splendour, renovated by Pelagius, this building is described as basilica when thus speciosior,' 'basilica nova mirae pulchritudinis,' in the Itineraries

(AR. 38 a b)

to distinguish

it

Sixtus III to the West.

We

from the larger basilica the erection of are told moreover that Pelagius dedicated

his building to S. Sixtus, S. Laurentius,

is

and
'

S.

reason

to think that this threefold

dedication

is

But there Hippolytus. earlier than Pelagius.

When

Sixtus

III built his

new

basilica

Dei Genetricis,' he would

naturally turn his attention to the dedication of the older building, which likewise owed new splendours to his munificence, and in which

he himself was ultimately buried.

What more

natural then than that

he should have associated in the dedication his martyred predecessor and namesake Sixtus II, who had been associated with S. Laurentius
in his life

and

in his

death?
it.

If so, Pelagius only accepted the triple

dedication as he found

way. Saviour seated in the centre, while right and left of him were the two x^postles S. Peter and S. Paul, and the three saints of the dedication,
1

But he commemorated it in a remarkable Over the arch of the apse he placed a mosaic representing the

with himself pelagivs episc. the builder of the church somewhat in the
Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1876, p. 22 sq.

458
background.

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

The point to be observed is that scs ypolit, as here has not yet lost his proper personality. Though associated represented, with S. Laurence, he still remains the priest with the clerical tonsure,
the warder and convert of

not the soldier with the military cloak ; the doctor of the Church, not S. Laurence.

and greatest change was yet to come. Hitherto there were the larger the building of Xystus facing basilicas, back to back and the smaller the original erection of Constantine as westward, In 1216 Honorius III broke rebuilt by Pelagius facing eastward. Thus the building of Sixtus the apses and fused the two. through

The

last

two

became the nave, and the building combined basilica, as it still exists.
the vestibule at the West.

of Pelagius the chancel, of the The orientation therefore now

conforms to our northern type, the chancel being at the East end and Accordingly the mosaic set up by Pelagius,

though undisturbed in its main features, no longer looks down the church according to the original design, but looks inward towards the
east end.

But, while the basilica of S. Laurence thus grew to greater magnifiIn cence, the basilica of S. Hippolytus dwindled from small to less.
the middle of the eighth century the Lombards under Astolph swept over the land, extinguished the exarchate of Ravenna, and besieged
itself. The invader dug up and carried off the bodies of the and martyrs, as trophies, into his own country. What could the Romans do to meet these successive desecrations of the sanctuaries? The siege of Astolph was in a.d. 756. Of the succeeding popes some, like Paul I (a.d. 756 824) and 767) and Paschal I (a.d. 817 Leo IV (a.d. 847 855) pursued the more timorous, but safer course of removing the sacred reliques from the suburban cemeteries to the churches within the city. This was only a more respectable form of body-snatching than the Lombard plundering itself. On the other hand

Rome

saints

Hadrian I (a.d. 772 795) and Leo III (a.d. 795 816) adopted the bolder policy of restoring the extra-mural sanctuaries. Of Nicolas I it is recorded that he made a visitation of the churches 867) (a.d. 858

and cemeteries ('sanctorum

whether
this resulted in

ecclesias ac coemeteria circuibat')

but

any suburban sanctuaries, we have not, so

definite policy with respect of the smaller

far as I

We
S.

read of this same pope as making certain 2 Laurence without the walls
.

know, any information. gifts to the church of

felt in

These
1

vicissitudes of the papal policy

Sott.
1.

were

the cemetery of
(Duchesne).

See Rom.

p. 221.

Lib. Pont.

11.

p. 166

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
S.

459

Paul I, between a.d. 757 and a.d. 761, founded the Hippolytus. church and monastery of S. Silvester in Capite, so called from the head of S. John the Baptist which was its most precious relique opened

several suburban tombs,

and transferred to
1
.

his

new foundation

the

bodies of the saints and martyrs

In the portico of the church he affixed two tablets containing respectively the names of the male and female saints thus translated ; among whom are several from the cemetery of Hippolytus, more especially the body of Hippolytus himself.

Those

parts of the inscriptions

which

refer to the saints buried

in the

Ager Veranus, will be found above {AR. 3 7 b). On the other hand in the Life of Hadrian I (a.d. 772
that
this

795) we

are

pontiff 'restored the parts of the cemetery of S. Hippolytus which had fallen into decay from ancient times', and likewise 'the church of S. Stephen close to the aforesaid cemetery'

informed

designation whether
church of
S.

{AR.

15

c).

It

is

not clear what building

the basilica of
S.

is

meant by
itself

this last

Hippolytus Stephen for some unknown reason or some chapel annexed

called the

to this basilica

and dedicated

to S.

Stephen

At

all

events

it

must

be distinguished from the church of S. Stephen in the cemetery of for the S. Cyriaca on the opposite side of the Tiburtine way; restorations of the two several churches of S. Stephen are mentioned separately in the Life of Hadrian {Lib. Pont. 1. p. 508, 511), and the
situation of each
is

described

3
.

855) the policy of translation is (a.d. 847 This pontiff, having restored, substituted for the policy of restoration. and beautified the basilica of the Quatuor Coronati on the enlarged,
Ccelian, in order to invest
altar the
it

Again; under Leo IV

body of Hippolytus and

with greater honour, deposited under the his family with others {AR. 15 e).

This

is

the second body of S. Hippolytus, the

first

having already been

translated by Paul I to S. Silvester.

Lastly; at
his

some

later date,
S.

whether when Honorius III carried out

Laurentius (a.d. 12 16) or at some earlier of time, the reliques in the cemetery of S. Hippolytus seem to point have been swept wholesale into the church of S. Laurentius, probably

works in the basilica of

because their
ruin.

own proper

resting-place

had now

fallen hopelessly into

An

inscription,

though probably a
[a.d.

later (13th cent.)

copy of the

Bull, di Archeol.

Crist. 1882, p. 37

S q. 2 ib.
3

468483] Lib. Pont. I. p. 249. On the two churches of S. Stephen see Bull.
di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 43 sq, p. 52
sq.

The church

1882, p. 23 sq, p. 53. of S. Stephen connected

with S. Laurence was built by Simplicius

460
earlier turies

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

monument, was read by the pilgrims of the 13th and 14th cen{AR. 37 a), which enumerates these precious treasures and among
as

them is a third body of Hippolytus. Thus our saint and doctor appears

forma tricorporis umbrae

even in

Rome
how

itself;

while, as

we

shall see presently, other bodies of

I need not stop to of Europe. bodies was due to the practice of

Hippolytus were laid in other

enquire
calling

cities

far this multiplication of

'

body,' even though it might be only a small portion, and how far it arose from the zeal which led to the eager identification of any remains which lay near the supposed place of sepul-

any limb of a saint the

ture with the saint

who was
S.

the object of search.

But, while the

body of

Hippolytus was undergoing

this

process of

was being subjected to a transforBaronius accused even an early writer like Prudentius of mation. confusing together the personalities of three distinct namesakes (p. 412): (1) the divine and father of the Church; (2) the martyr of Antioch; He supposed that the Spanish (3) the soldier and gaoler of S. Laurence. had borrowed the Novatianism from the second, and the conpoet
multiplication, his personality also

nexion with the Ager Veranus from the third, and had falsely attributed both the one and the other to the first, thus rolling the three into one. Other later writers also have adopted this view, with or without
modifications.

Possessing information which was not within the reach

of Baronius,
robberies.

we are able to exculpate Prudentius from both these The attribution of Novatianism, as we now find (p. 424 sq), is

much

Roman

older than Prudentius; and, as a matter of fact, is attributed to the divine some centuries before it is attached to the Antiochene

Again, the supposed martyr, so that the robbery is on the other side. of the sepulchre in the Ager Veranus has arisen from appropriation

an entire mistake; which De Rossi has shown

Hippolytus
convert
of
the
S.

it

will

be worth while now to explain.

satisfactorily that the

supposed confusion of

doctor and
is

Laurence

with Hippolytus the gaoler and not a confusion at all but a substitution.
divine

We find no traces of Hippolytus the In fact they do not co-exist. or indeed, any traces of in connexion with the Ager Veranus gaoler
his existence at all
till the 7th With Damasus and century at least. Prudentius the Hippolytus of the Ager Veranus is a priest. On the sarcophagus of Apt (see below, p. 467), which may date from the fourth or

fifth

but a

century, though connected with S. Sixtus, he is not only a priest, He is a priest still in the mosaics put up by Pelagius, writer.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
when
he
this
is

46 1

pope restored the basilica of S. Laurentius (c. a.d. 580); for He is so represented likewise in other clad in priestly robes. contemporary works of art, for instance in the mosaic in S. Apollinaris
Ravenna. The earliest work of art to which De Rossi can point as departing from this mode of representation is the Celimontane picture of the time of Formosus (a.d. 891 896), where he is clad in the
at

military chlamys

As the basilica of S. Hippolytus all this ? dwindled into insignificance and fell into ultimate ruin, the cultus connected with it was transferred to the imposing church of S. Laurence

What

is

the meaning of

on the opposite

side of the way, while the bodies of the saints

and

martyrs, or such as still remained in the cemetery of Hippolytus, were transferred thither. Hence the desire to connect with S. Laurence
historically those

who were connected

with him locally; and the various

Of these the most Acts of the Laurentinian Cycle started into being. famous was Hippolytus himself, who had the chief place assigned to him
in these Acts; while the other

members

of his entourage, such as Conhistorical

cordia, though originally they

may have had no

connexion

even with Hippolytus himself, yet were woven into the story, owing to In the Martyrthe fact that they were buried in the same cemetery.
ology of Ado (t a.d. 874) we have embedded great part of the Passion of S. Sixtus, S. Laurentius, and S. Hippolytus, which included likewise the martyrdoms of these minor saints grouped around them, and seems 2 to have served as a guide book for the pilgrims to this Ager Veranus
.

But how was

effected
I
?

this

transformation from the

cleric

to the
it

soldier

What was

the main instrumentality which brought

about

seem

to myself to be able to answer this question with a reasonable

degree of probability.

At an earlier point in this investigation (p. 446 sq) I discussed the honours paid to the martyr Romanus in the Ager Veranus, though himI there pointed out that* self connected with Csesarea and Antioch.
though known to have been a
cleric

on contemporary authority, he was

transformed into a soldier within two or three generations of his death; that some reliques were possessed or supposed to be possessed in the
basilica or

cemetery of

S.

Laurence; and that he was one of the group

of martyrs celebrated in the Ager Veranus in August. His day was the eve of S. Laurence, as it appears in the Martyrologiu?n Vetus (AR. 40 g);

Id.

Aug.

Romae, Romani

militis

Vigilia sancti Laurentii,

1

Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 34.

AR.

38; see below, p. 473.

462
but in a
list

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

(AR. 37

a),

of the reliques on an ancient tablet found in S. Laurence we read

POST HOS IPOLITUS COLLIS RE

LIGATUS EQUORVM CUM NUTRICE SUA CUM CUNC TA PLEBE SUORVM ROMANUS MILES,

where the proper name would be

'

easily

overlooked and explained

as descriptive of Hippolytus. Though this actual tablet is probably not older than the 13th century, it is apparently a of an earlier inscription; and at all events the same connexion of

Roman

soldier

'

copy

names would appear

in

other documents

relating to these

martyrs.

Thus, having himself been transmuted from a cleric into a soldier, Romanus handed on the same transmutation to Hippolytus.
I

am

the

more encouraged

to believe that this is the real

account of

the change, because I find that in all essential respects Hippolytus the Both the one and soldier is the mere double of Romanus the soldier.
the other suffer under Decius; both the one and the other belong to the band guarding Laurence; both the one and the other are cut to the

quick by the good confession of the martyr-deacon, and seek baptism at his hands; both the one and the other are put to death; both the one and the other are buried by Justinus in the Ager Veranus. Only in
the

manner of their death

there

is

a difference.

While Romanus

suffers

in a

common-place way, being beheaded, Hippolytus in accordance with the picture of the martyrdom seen by Prudentius is torn to pieces
horses.

by

Moreover, there

is

Romanus
he

is first

given by

much confusion about the day. The day of Ado as the eve of S. Laurence (p. 322), and

is mentioned in direct connexion with Hippolytus in the scenes immediately preceding the martyrdom of S. Laurence (p. 324). Then again he is stated (p. 325)^0 have suffered 'on the very day (ipso die) on which the blessed Laurence suffered.' This confusion is not insigni-

ficant.

Then

again; there

is

a notice in the account of Hippolytus' martyr-

dom, which seems

undergone by Hippolytus. Decius orders him to be 'stripped of the dress which he wore as a Christian' ('veste qua induebatur habitu Christiano') and 'to be clothed in the soldier's dress which he wore as a Gentile' ('vestiri
militari veste

to be a faint echo of the transformation

qua

gentilis utebatur').

'Be our

friend,' says the

emperor

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
to him, 'and in our presence

463

resume the profession of a soldier which

conspectu nostro utere militia pristina to have been written as I

thou didst always follow'

1

(in

quam semper
have
the church of

habuisti)

These Acts seem

use of pilgrims to the Ager Veranus; but in Laurence the mosaic of Pelagius might still be seen, where Hippolytus was represented as a tonsured priest. Did not this
said, specially for the
S.

discrepancy need some such reconciliation as the words here ascribed

to

Decius suggest

Connected with the transformation of the

priest into the soldier is

the 'familia,' notably his nurse Concordia, who were martyred with him in the later form of the legend. The earlier calendars and liturgies In later documents and in later mss of of Hippolytus alone. speak
the older documents, he
is
2 surrounded by his companion martyrs
.

basilica or
1

After the close of the ninth century we read nothing cemetery of S. Hippolytus. Mention indeed is
,'

more of the

made of

the

Mount of S. Hippolytus 3 the hill at the back of the cemetery in the nth century; but it is mentioned simply as a locality, without any re-

ference to the sanctuary which once existed there. When Martin in 1425 gave permission for the removal of slabs and stones from the

desolate suburban catacombs to construct the pavement of S. John 4 Lateran the cemetery of S. Hippolytus was one of those rifled for this
,

purpose, as the stones

(see above, p. 329);

now embedded
though
it

in the

Lateran pavement show

not mentioned by name. Yet the rifling was not complete; for the lower part of the statue of Hippolytus was discovered on the spot in 155 1. At the revival of learning the
is

individuality of the cemetery of Hippolytus

that the basilicas

had so entirely disappeared, and cemeteries on the two sides of the Tiburtine Way were hopelessly confused by historians and archaeologists under the general name of the 'Ager Veranus'; and so long as this confusion This hopeless state of existed, no satisfactory results were possible. things continued for more than three centuries. Only in our own generation was this confusion dissipated by the archaeological discoveries,
interpreted by the antiquarian penetration and learning of De Rossi. The excavations more especially, which have been made since the year

1880, have furnished a final answer to the main questions. On this Ager Veranus, to the left side of the Tiburtine

journeying from
1

Rome

to Tivoli,

Way, to one had been discovered three centuries

3

See above, p. 358 sq.

See the

illustrations given

by De Rossi

comp. Rom.
4

Bull, di Arched. Crist. 1882, p. 42 Sott. 1. p. 161 sq.

ib.

Bull, di Arched. Crist. 1882, p. 31 sq.

1881, p. 39 sq; 1882, p. 42.

464
ago, as

EPISTLES OF
we have
sid
1
.

S.

CLEMENT.
Here
.

seen, the actual statue of Hippolytus.

.

also, at a
.

later date,

was found an inscription refr[i]geri[o] tibi domnvs ippo(sit)

litvs

Hence
.

also probably
.

came
.

later still a sepulchral stone

bearing the words at ippolitv svper arcosoliv, which found its way 2 At length in 1881 the excavations were into the Vatican Museum
.

and resulted not only in the discovery of the inscriptions recording the works of Damasus (a.d. 366 555), as mentioned already (pp. 328 sq, 384) and of Vigilius (a.d. 537
this site in right earnest
,

commenced on

424, 454), but in the actual disinterment of the subterranean basilica of Hippolytus, as described by Prudentius and as repaired by Vigilius.
It is

much

larger than such subterranean

chapels to the Catacombs

generally, as the description of Prudentius

would lead us

to expect.

It

on the bema of the apse, as described by this It shows traces of the three windows overhead "'trinum per same poet. specula lumen,' as specified by Vigilius, so as to throw a flood of light into this under-ground church, a feature which impressed Prudentius, though he does not mention the actual number of these lights. It is obviously however not in the state in which it was left by Damasus,
exhibits the isolated altar

tions of the age of

position, but

but bears traces of the subsequent repairs of Vigilius. Thus inscripDamasus, and later, no longer stand in their original

have been displaced, so that in some instances they are concealed. One such Damasian inscription timotevs presbyter partly in the true Filocalian character (see above, p. 444) must have stood
.

an 'arcosolium.' It is now used to construct one of the steps to the bema 4 Again the walls, as seen by Prudentius, were lined with glistening white marble; they are now covered with
originally in the front of
.

plaster

Three other sanctuaries of

a passing notice.
(1)

S.

Hippolytus in

Rome and

Italy deserve

Siricius (a. d. 384 399) one Ilicius a presbyter erected all the buildings which were to be seen in connexion with the church and monastery of S. Pudentiana along the Vicus Patricius (now the Via Urbana), beginning with the memoria sancti

During the papacy of

Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 45.

ib. ib.

2
3 4

p. 48.
p.

56 sq.
Crist. 1882, p.
1, ii.

identify him with the Timotheus of Ostia, whose 'depositions Aug. 11 (xi Kal. Sept.) in the Liberian list. He would thus add

See Bull, di Archeol.

another to the saints of the AgerVeranus

68, Tav.
5

This Timotheus must have been a

however
is

celebrated in August. This Timotheus is stated by Ado (and the same

person of some importance in the history of the Church. Our first impulse is to

implied in the Liberian

in the

been buried

list) to have Cemetery of Ostia,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
1
.

465

This was the period, as we have seen (p. 452), martyris ippolyti when the fame of Hippolytus reached its zenith owing to the devotion of Damasus and Siricius, the next successor of Damasus, was the very
;

man

to give further

in his

honour on

faction were at which had led Damasus

encouragement to it, since it is especially recorded tomb that the malcontents of the anti-Damasian 2 The same reason therefore length united under him
his
.

to

show

his reverence for

Hippolytus in the

sanctuary on the Tiburtine Way, as the champion of unity in the Church in the midst of schism, would lead Siricius also to heap additional

honours upon him. But why the selection of the Vicus Patricius and the church of S. Pudentiana for this memorial De Rossi (71//. di
the
Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 16) answers that Hippolytus probably lived in Vicus Patricius or gathered a Christian congregation there for

This must be taken as a mere conjecture, like the similar worship. conjecture respecting the house and memoria of Clement which I have dealt with elsewhere (1. p. 94). But the connexion of the suburban cemeteries on the Tiburtine way with the priests of the 'title' of this (the
third ecclesiastical) region

and

S.

Praxedis
priests

from the

on
fifth

the Esquiline including S. Pudentiana century at least is a matter of certainty.

these cemeteries,

These

seem

to have served

graves were made by them or

in the

their prior.

and grants of Thus we have mention in a

sepulchral inscription dated a. d. 491 of a grave acquired by one Fausta 3 Elsewhere cemetery of Hippolytus a. pre. tit. [p]rax[sedis]
.

same cemetery was found belonging to the year 528 the grave 4 of one hilarvs. lictor (lector), tt. pvdentis and again another of
in this
;

whose name is mutilated and who doubtless belonged one It is probable therefore that the to this same region and title. presbyter who under Vigilius (see above, p. 454) repaired the basilica of Andreas, 6 S. Hippolytus, was the prior of this title The next Italian sanctuary, which claims a mention in con(2) nexion with Hippolytus, is Portus, the haven of Rome. From what I
pb.

prior

Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1877, p. 15

sq; 1882, p. 15 sq. 2 See Duchesne Lib. Pont.

3

I. p. 217. Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 65

Of pope Simplicius (a.d. 468 483) we are told that he arranged respecting the service at regio ill ad sanctum Lauren'

tium
edis'

'

among
'

sq.

in other 'regiones'.

other similar arrangements On the tituli 'Prax-

Rcsoconto dei Cultori di Archeologia Cristiana 1883, April 1, (Roma 1888).

5
6

Bull, di Archeol. Crist.

1.

c.

On

the connexion of the cemeteries

and Pudentis' (or Tudentianae')see also Duchesne Notes stir la Topographie de Rome an Moyen Age p. 22 sq (Rome 1887), extracted from the Melanges d^Archeologie.

on the Tiburtine
this region see

Way

with the

'

'

tituli

of

Rom.
II.

Sott. in. p.

516 sq.

CLEM.

30

466

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

have said already and shall have to say hereafter, it will be apparent that, whether he was actually bishop of Portus or not, no other place hardly

even the Ager

Veranus

is

more

closely identified with his

name by

The tower of a ruined church in Portus history and tradition alike. a landmark seen afar over the surrounding waste still bears his name.
Of Leo
III
(a. d.

795

816) we are told that he

Whether
it

gave certain cloths to

the 'basilica beati Yppoliti martyris in civitate Portuense,' one to cover his body (super corpus ejus), and another for the great altar {Lib. Pont.
ii.

p.

12,

Duchesne).

is

mentioned

at

an

earlier date, I

know
well

not.

is

The ruins are said to belong to the eighth century. also shown, in which according to the Portuensian version of the The
It is in

legend his body was drowned.

the Isola Sacra

1
,

the island

made by

the original mouth of the Tiber and by the channel cut for the works of Claudius and Trajan at the new Port. Of the identification

of Hippolytus with an early Portuensian martyr Nonnus, and of his association with the virgin Chryse in the spurious Acts of the latter, I shall have to speak presently (see below, p. 474 sq).
the way, as I have shown, for a of Hippolytus, the permanent see seems age not to have been established till the next century. In the middle ages
bishopric at Portus in the

Though events were preparing

and afterwards

it

ranked second of the suburbicarian

sees, Ostia taking

the precedence. At the ancient (3)

Forum Se?nprojii, the modern Fossombrone, in the valley of the Metaurus on the Flaminian Way about 1 65 miles from Rome, there exist to the present day two castles called respectively by the names of S. Hippolytus and S. Laurence the same two saints who

were celebrated on the Tiburtine

Way

in the
2

middle of August.

Now

we

find in the Hieronymia?i Martyrology

iv

under Feb. 2nd

Non. Feb. Romae Foro Sinfronii, via Flaminia, miliario ab urbe centum septuaginta quatuor Laurentii, Hippolyti,

and again under Aug. 6

viii

Id.

Aug.

Laurentii, Hippolyti, et militum

centum sexaginta

duorum,
in the

common

text,

or as

it is

otherwise read 'militum clxv.'

Com-

paring these notices one with another and with the actual fact relating
1

For the ancient works

at

Portus see

medieval and later condition comp. Nibby

Analisi n. p. 602
sq,

in the light of Recent Discoveries p. 231 sq. For the Christian remains esp. De Rossi Bull, di

Lanciani Ancient

Rome

and see Benson

I.

Jonrn. of
202 sq.
2

Class,

and

Sacr. Philol.

p.

Archcol. Crist. 1866, p. 37 sq.

For the

See above,

p. 356.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
to
'milliario' for 'militum' in the

467

Fossombrone, we cannot doubt that De Rossi is right in reading second passage, the word having been
1

contracted into 'mil'

substitute
clxiiiii

and

in the first

passage we should probably

Indeed the 165 soldiers cannot be exfor have no relation to the more modest plained otherwise; for they 'familia' of 18 or 19 persons which forms the entourage of our S. Hippolytus in the later form of the legend. With this correction
clxiiii.

the earlier notice (Feb. 2) will in all likelihood represent the anniversary of the dedication of the sanctuary of these two saints at Fossombrone,

whither probably the oil or some other relique of them was taken, while the latter (Aug. 6) represents the annual celebration of their proper festival in the Ides of August celebrated likewise at Fossombrone,
as
it

was celebrated

at

Rome.

In fact both these notices seem to have

been introduced into the Hieronymian hodge-podge from some Umbrian or North Italian document.

The reverence
long.

We

have seen

paid to this saint outside of Italy need not occupy us (p. 452) that Prudentius recommended his own

Archbishop of Zaragoza, to introduce the cultus of Hippobut whether the advice was taken we do not know. At all events lytus; he has a place in a Carthaginian Calendar of the fifth or sixth century,
superior, the

where the usage was closely allied to that of the Spanish Church ; and in the Gothic Missal, which exhibits the liturgical practice of the Visigoths
in Spain in the seventh or eighth centuries

(AR.
is

39, 40).

In France the

remarkable sarcophagus at Apt near Avignon

his

fame

in the fifth (?) century.

Again we
'

proof of the spread of find at Aries an early

'

In the year 973 one Theucinda petitions the of Aries to be allowed to rebuild and restore ecclesiam Archbishop in honore beati ypoliti dedicatam, which must therefore have been

church dedicated to him.

in existence long before

But his greatest fame in this country is connected with the great Abbey of S. Denis near Paris. About the year 764 Fulrad Abbot of S. Denis brought the bones of S. Hippolytus from the Ager Veranus and laid them for a time in his newly founded
.

Abbey Fulrado-Villiers, thence called St Hippolyte or St Bilt ; whence they were translated shortly after his death (c. 785) to S. Denis. Hippolytus was here celebrated as at Rome on the Ides of August, and
his

the Ager Veranus.

martyrdom was represented as in the picture seen by Prudentius in But he was no longer the cleric, but the soldier,
8

Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 36.

ib.

See
II.

De

Rossi Inscr.

Christ.

Urb.

1866, p. 33 sq; 1882, p. 35.

Rom.

p. 267.

302

468

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
;

no longer the doctor of the Church but the convert of S. Laurence About the year 1159 for the transformation had already been made. III visited S. Denis and, on enquiring whose bones a pope Alexander I don't certain reliquary contained, was told those of Hippolytus.
'

believe

supposed that pope bluntly, had only too much reason for his sceptihe lay still cism for he might have known that Rome itself contained no less than three bodies of S. Hippolytus, one in S. Silvester, a second in The saint himself the Quatuor Coronati, and a third in S. Laurence. would stand no trifling. His bones rattled and rumbled in however
it,

don't believe

it,'

said the

'

in the City.'

He

the reliquary, like the roar of thunder, till the pope cried out in terror, do keep quiet.' The 1 believe it, my lord, I believe it, my lord made his peace by erecting a marble altar in the oratory of the pope
* ;

saint

1
.

Nor was
was, or
in
S.

There this the only body of Hippolytus outside Rome. another in the church of S. Julia at Brescia ; and another is, Ursula at Cologne; besides heads and limbs here and there

elsewhere.

17-

SPURIOUS ACTS OF HIPPOLYTUS.

only Acts of Hippolytus which can pretend to retain even a echo of genuine history are those given in the poem of Prudentius as we have seen fact is (see p. 332 sq); and even at this early date choked by fiction. The later Acts have no historical value at all ; but

The

faint

they throw some light on the legendary Hippolytus. These later Acts belong to two separate cycles
;

The Laurentian;
is

The connexion with the true Hippolytus (2) The Portuensian. In the former the link is the both cases local, not historical.
Veranus, the site of Hippolytus' burial place; in the latter Port of Rome, the site of his practical activity while living.
Acts of the Laurentian Cycle.
it

in

Ager
is

the

(i)

ruin of the basilica

have seen already (p. 458 sq) that owing to the decadence and and cemetery of S. Hippolytus the chief memorials of the saints and martyrs once existing there were transferred to the
1

We

Acta Sanct. Bolland. Aug. in.

Class,

p. 9;

I.

p. 191.

comp. yourn. of

and Sacr.

Philol,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
neighbouring sanctuary of
ference
S.

469
this

Laurentius.

The

effect of

trans-

on the legend. Henceforward Hippolytus became more than ever a companion and attendant of S. Laurentius, while at the same time he was gradually transformed from a cleric into
itself felt

made

a soldier.

The

extant inscription in the Church of S. Laurentius

this

(AR. 37)

is

developement. The enumeration of the sacred reliques there deposited begins with the names of the three persons to whom the church was dedicated by Pelagius (see above,

an instructive comment on

p.

S.

457) together with S. Stephen the first deacon and prototype of Laurence. It ends with the popes who were buried there, Hilarus,
1

Zosimus and Sixtus

basilica.

III,
it

Of
is

these

is

together with Pelagius who built the enlarged not necessary to say anything more. Our

concern

with the intermediate

names

Cum

Ipolitus collis religatus equorum ; nutrice sua cum cuncta plebe suorum
miles, Triphonia, Virgo Cirilla,
ilia,

Romanus

Et quadraginta quos passio continet

Justinusque sacer defunctos qui tumulabat, Ciriace vidua quae sanctos clam recreabat,

Cujus matronae
Ipsius

fuit

haec possessio cara,

nomen

specialiter optinet ara,

Martir Ireneus qui tecum, martir Abundi,

Decedens

sprevit fallacis gaudia

mundi.

The

Concordia and the supposed

ancient itineraries show us that of the persons here named, were 'familia' the 'cuncta plebs suorum'

originally buried in the crypt of Hippolytus, as were also Tryphonia and Cyrilla, the reputed wife and daughter of Decius Caesar (AR. 38 b).

On

the other hand,

Romanus and

Justinus,

Abundius and

Irenaeus, lay

in the

cemetery on the opposite side of the way in which stood the

basilica of S. Laurence, as did also Cyriace

who, as here stated, was probably the original possessor of the ground and gave her name to
this

cemetery. those buried in the cemetery of Hippolytus, Concordia, as we learn from the itineraries, lay 'ante fores,' i.e. of the crypt or chamber where Hippolytus himself lay. In another chamber ('altero cubiculo'),

Of

lay the

of Decius

two martyrs, Tryphonia the wife and Cyrilla the virgin daughter both done to death by this tyrant's command. Thus the

sepulchre of Concordia was between the vault of Hippolytus and that

1

Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1881, p. 86 sq.

470

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

'between the two,' as one of the itineraries of the two royal martyrs 38 b, where read 'inter utrosque'). Concordia is commonly says (AR.
called the nurse ('nutrix'), but in the earliest of the itineraries the wife These date from the 8th century. As no of Hippolytus. ('mulier')

record

is

Decius

is

found in history of any wife and daughter of Decius (whichever meant), who bore the names Tryphonia and Cyrilla, it has
'ancillae mulieris' for 'mulieris' in the Martyro-

been proposed to read

within the range of probability; logies: so as to bring the statement but we are dealing with romance, not with history, and in romance such

conjectures are futile as

well as unnecessary.

Who

Concordia may

It is not probable that have been, we have no means of ascertaining. she had any other connexion with Hippolytus except the double proxiThis local mity of the place of sepulture and the time of celebration.

and temporal neighbourhood would be sufficient to suggest the historical connexion, of which there seem to be no traces before the eighth century.

But what

shall

we say

of the 'familia'

xviiii (or xviii) in

number?

of this 'familia' to Hippolytus seems to be later though probably not much later than his connexion with Concordia In the earliest herself; for it occurs in the Old Roman Martyrology.

The attachment

of the itineraries, where she

is

is

not mentioned at

all.

Even

the 'mulier' of Hippolytus, the 'familia' the in the Hieronymian Martyrology

great storehouse of martyrological notices, historical and legendary, The number was originit has not yet found a place. early and late

ally xviiii (= xix)

and not
which

xviii,

as appears not only

from the oldest of

the itineraries in

it is

mentioned, but also from

transcribers.

Ado and
I

others.
I

figure

would be

easily

dropped by

believe that

The next day to Id. Aug. is see the origin of this number xviiii (xix). But the Ides of August is the day of Concordia, as well Kal. Sept. xix What if the 'familia' of Hippolytus has originated as of Hippolytus.
in

some calendar
ID.

for

August

set

up

either in the

Ager Veranus or
FAMILIAE
EIVS

else-

where, which ran thus

AVG.

HIPPOLYTI

ET

CONCORDIAE

ET

XIX.

KAL. SEPT. EVSEBII PRESBYTERI ET CONFESSORIS

etc.

the next important celebration being the festival of Eusebius on xix Kal. Sept. at least in some calendars, e.g. the Old Roman {Patrol. Lat.
cxxiii. p. 166, Migne),

and the

xix has got detached

I

words and appended

lay the

to the

the Hieronymian which gives under viii Kal. Mart. Martyrology Romae via Tiburtina ad sanctum Laurentium natalis sanctae Com
stress as
',

same

De

preceding? Rossi on the notice in

should add that

from the following I cannot

cordiae,

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
as though this gave the original

47
l
.

day of

S.

that the confusion of the cemetery of S.

It seems to me Concordia Laurence with that of S. Hip-

polytus shows the comparatively late date of this notice and therefore Whoever she may have been, her deprives it of any special value.

connexion seems to have been with the Hippolytean cemetery on the Tiburtine Way; and there she was celebrated on the Ides of I suppose therefore that we have in the Hieronymian MarAugust.
original

tyrology a confused notice of some translation of Concordia similar to those which we have already considered in the case of Romanus (p. 449)

and of Hippolytus himself

since
it

(p.

439

sq).

Even

if

De

Rossi were right

about her proper 'natal day,'

depends

solely

my explanation would hold equally well: on the date of her celebration on the Tiburtine

Way, about which there can be no doubt. Whoever Tryphonia and Cyrilla were, they need give us no trouble. Their days are respectively xv Kal. Nov. (Oct. 18) and v Kal. Nov. They may (Oct. 28) in the Calendars and Martyrologies, e.g. Ado. perhaps have suffered in the Decian persecution about the same time with S. Laurence; though there is some confusion between Decius and
Claudius (Gothicus) in the notices of the persecuting tyrant (as for instance in Ado); but their connexion with the Hippolytean legend is

due

to the fact of their graves being situated near the

chambers of

Hippolytus and Concordia. Nor need I spend any time on investigating whether the saints buried on the right side of the Tiburtine Way in the cemetery of Of Romanus Cyriace were historically connected with S. Laurence.
I

have spoken already

(p.

446

sq).
S.

The
in

full-blown legend of
:

Laurence and

S.

Hippolytus
suffered.

is

found

Ado, and runs as follows

On
on
his

the 10th of August

(iv Id.

Aug.)

S.

Laurence

Sixtus

martyrdom had entrusted all the treasures of the Church A certain widow Cyriace, living on the Ccelian, had hidden to him. several clerics and others in her house from the persecution and with her he deposited the treasures, at the same time healing her miraculously In the Vicus Canarius he found many of many pains in the head.

way

to

Christians congregated in the house of Narcissus; he distributed

money

among them
blind.

and he restored

his sight to

one Crescentio who was

Laurence the archdeacon of

prefect,

Decius, hearing of these hidden treasures in the keeping of Sixtus, hands him over to Valerian the

him in charge of one Hippolytus as warder. him work a miracle on another blind man, one Hippolytus, seeing
puts
1

who

Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1882, p. 24 sq, p. 32.

47 2
Lucillius,

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

is converted and baptized. Meanwhile Valerian presses Laurence to give up the treasures. Asking for time, he gathers together the almsmen and almswomen of the Church, and tells Valerian

that these are the treasures.

for his effrontery.

He is beaten and otherwise tortured byDecius

One of the soldiers,

believes

Then he is restored to the keeping of Hippolytus. Romanus by name, seeing the conduct of S. Laurence,

and

is

baptized.

He is beaten and beheaded by order of Decius

S. Laurence himself is Aug., the day before S. Laurence. then brought before Decius ; and after suffering the most excruciating

on v

Id.

tortures

is

carries off the body,

it

roasted to death on a gridiron. In early morning Hippolytus wraps it with linen cloths and spices, and delivers

Way to the farm of Cyriace in the Ager Veranus the same widow with whom Laurence had been at night and lay him there on iv Id. Aug. The same day at Rome one hundred and sixty-five soldiers suffered.
Then were martyred
same day
as S. Laurence, the third

to Justinus the presbyter.

The two go by

night to the Tiburtine

Claudius, Severus, Crescentio, and Romanus, on the day after the passion of S. Sixtus.
'
'

On

and Valerian the

burial he

the Ides of August suffered Hippolytus under Decius the emperor This Hippolytus the vicarius had been prefect.
S. Laurence. Returning home after the was seized and carried before Decius. Here he was com'

baptized as already stated by

pelled to strip off his Christian garment and put on the military dress which he wore as a Gentile.' Then Valerian rifled his house of its

and dragged out 'all his Christian family.' He and his household were led outside the walls on the Tiburtine Way. The latter were
treasures

beheaded male and female nineteen in number. Hippolytus himself was yoked to untamed horses and thus dismembered. They were all
buried by Justinus the presbyter in the same plain 'juxta by the side of the Ager Veranus.

nympham

'

was put
sewer.

At the same time perished Concordia, the nurse of Hippolytus. She to death by the same Valerian, and her body thrown into the
to Irenaeus the sewer-keeper

came

Thirteen days after her death a soldier, Porphyrius by name, cloacarius '), who was secretly a ('

and told him where the body might be found having jewels concealed about it, as he supposed. or gold No such treasure however but Irenseus, assisted by a Christian Abundius, took was discovered; the body to Justinus, who buried it by Hippolytus and the others.
Christian,
1 'Juxta nympham' refers to the springs of waters in the neighbourhood, which

p. 190.

Way
S.

were found

infiltrating

the soil

in

the

They were near the Nomentan and were called S. Petri, because Peter was reported to have baptized

recent excavations; see Bull, di Archeol.

Crist, p. 19, p. 52
;

there.

com}).

Rom.

Soli.

I.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.

473

On vii Kal. Sept. (Aug. 26) Irenseus and Abundius were ordered by Valerian to be themselves enclosed in a sewer (' incloacari ') and so
perished.

They were buried by

xv Kal. Nov. (Oct. Overawed by the divine vengeance which had overtaken her husband after his murder of S. Sixtus and S. Hippolytus, she with her
Caesar.

On

Justinus in the crypt near S. Laurence.' 18) died Tryphonia the wife of Decius

'

daughter Cyrilla had sought baptism at the hands of Justinus. buried near Hippolytus in the crypt.'
'

She was

On

viii

Kal. Nov. (Oct. 25) 48 soldiers were baptized together by

pope Dionysius [the successor of Sixtus, a.d. 259 268]. They were beheaded by command of the emperor Claudius [a.d. 268 270] and buried by Justinus the presbyter and John on the Salarian Way in also other 121 martyrs. clivum Cucumeris Among these were Theodosius, Lucius, Marcus, and Petrus, who asked the honour of being

'

'

beheaded first. The record is found, adds Ado, torum martyrum, Sixti, Laurentii, et Hippolyti.'

in the 'Passio sanc-

On v Kal. Nov. (Oct. 28) perished Cyrilla the daughter of Decius by order of the emperor Claudius. She was buried by Justin the presbyter with her mother near S. Hippolytus. On
xv Kal. Oct.
(Sept. 17) died Justinus,

who had buried

'

so

many
'

His place of sepulture was on the Tiburtine Way near S. Laurence. Laurence had come to him to the crypta Nepotiana in the Vicus Patricius, and asked him to distribute the treasures commartyrs.

mitted to him by of his confession

sianus.
It
is

S.

Sixtus to the poor.

in

the

He won renown by the glory persecutions of Decius, Gallus, and Volu-

clear that

Ado

takes this account of these martyrs from a

written document, the Passion of S. Sixtus, S. Laurentius,

polytus, to which he refers.
It

and

S.

Hip-

contained not only the Acts of the three principal martyrs, and of others belonging to the Tiburtine Way ; but also of others who perished and were buried on the Salarian Way.

These

to have

seem to have been added, simply because they were reputed been buried by the same Justinus. These Acts quoted and probably abridged by Ado are doubtless the document which is called passio illa in the inscription of the 13th
latter
It seems to century found in the basilica of S. Laurence (AR. 37). have served as a sort of guide book to the pilgrims in the Ager

Veranus.

The Acts, printed by Lagarde (p. xiii sq) from the ms Brit. Mus. 1880 of the ninth century and bearing the same name, are much An abstract of them is given above (AR. 45). The two seem briefer.
1

474

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

not to have anything in common except the main outlines of the story of the connexion of Laurence with Sixtus and of Hippolytus with

Perhaps however they may both have been founded on some very simple earlier Acts ; but the characteristic of the Adonian account the working up of the history of the saints and martyrs
Laurence.

buried in the Ager Veranus into a single narrative

is

entirely wanting.

(2)

Acts of the Portuensian Cycle.

These Acts are quite independent of the Laurentian, and centre about the person of one Chryse or Aurea, a virgin martyr and princess of royal blood. Hippolytus only plays a very subordinate
part,

and

(as

we

shall see presently) his

name seems

to

have been

So far as there is any historical backintroduced as an afterthought. at all, it consists of a group of Portuensian martyrs. No longer ground the Ager Veranus, but the Port of Rome, is the centre of interest.

Moreover the personal surroundings of Hippolytus are

being
largely clerics.

all

different,

The

persecutors are

'

Claudius,

the impious tyrant,'

and the

'

vi-

carius' Ulpius

Romulus.

Our

first

impulse

is

to identify the perse-

cuting emperor with Claudius Gothicus (a.d. 268 270), because this identification reduces the anachronism to a minimum. But this sovereign
is

surinus,
1

to have been guilty of any persecution. Moreover Cenone of his victims, is represented as saying that Jesus Christ condescended to come from the Father in his own times (v rots

not

known

T]jXTpoLs Koupols)

and

to be born of a virgin's

womb.'

It

would appear

therefore that Dollinger (p. 42) is right in supposing that the hagiologist intended the first emperor of this name; or that, if he did not, he con-

fused the earlier Claudius with the later.

of Claudius in

The name Alexander

in place

the Latin copies seems to be a substitution to conform to the tradition of the more popular Laurentian Acts.

some recensions of

Censurinus, a leading
c^ovcrtus),
is

man

of the magistracy (t^s tov /xayioroptou

apprehended and imprisoned at Ostia. There he is fed and cared for by Chryse; and receives the ministrations of the presfirst

byter Maximus. these Taurinus

Several of his guards, whose names are given among and Herculianus seek baptism. Then the bishop We have then the Cyriacus comes by night, seals,' and anoints them. of a certain shoe-maker (cr/orrevs), whose son is raised from the story dead, baptized under the name Faustinus, and carefully tended by For this offence she is accused of magic, and subjected to the Chryse. wheel and other tortures. Then Archelaus the deacon, Maximus the

'

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
priest,

475

and Cyriacus the bishop suffer. At this point of the narrative we hear again of the soldiers, who had been converted by the ministrations of Maximus. They are condemned to death and surfer. Of all
the rest,

who are not here again mentioned by name, we are told that their bodies were laid near the sea on the Ostian Way on vi Id. Aug.; but of

Taurinus and Herculianus we are informed that they were buried in the Port of Rome.' After being Chryse's turn comes at length.
'

beaten to no
she

effect,

was drowned
this point,

in

as she only received fresh accessions of strength, the sea with a heavy stone about her neck.

At

when
'

the narrative

is

more than

three-fourths over, the

'

of Hippolytus first occurs. Her body floated to the shore, was gathered up by the blessed Nonus, also surnamed Hippolytus (NoVos

name
kolI

fATovo[Aa(r6ds 'liriTokvTos),

and buried

'

on her own

estate,

where also

she lived, outside the walls of the city of Ostia, on the ix Kal. Sept.' Then the torture of Sabinianus the procurator is related for not revealing her concealed treasure whereupon Hippolytus provokes the wrath of
j

the persecutor by his denunciations, and

this

is

condemned

to death for

inopportune interference. He is sunk in the pit of the haven called PortUS (ets tov /366vvov iropTov rov dvayopevofxzvov Uoprov) on xi Kal.

Sept.

At

his death the voices of infants are heard for the space of

whole hour giving thanks to God.

The remaining paragraphs of the story recount the martyrdom of Sabinianus and his burial by Cordius (Concordius).

Now
in the

in the earliest extant Western Martyrology, which is embedded work of the Liberian Chronographer (a. d. 354) and which itself
later than a.d. 335 (see above, 1. pp. 248, 250), we have which throws a flood of light on the Acts of Chryse:
this

cannot be
notice,

Non. Sept.

(Sept. 5th)

Aconti, in Porto, et

Nonni

et

Herculani

et Taurini.

These were

doubtless

genuine martyrs of Portus, though whether

But they suffered in the Decian persecution or later we cannot tell. the notice had lost the first name by mutilation before it reached our
hagiologist

and the three other names only are utilized. Whence the \ of Chryse herself was derived, I need not stop to enquire ; nor story is it worth my while to spend time on the other adornments of these
Acts.

The
Nonnus
anyhow

real interest gathers

round Nonnus.

Whether

this

was the

Latin word

(like Septimus, Decimus, etc.) or the Greek word or Nunnus, we may question. Probably it was the latter, but

Nonus

the

meaning of the Greek word would attach

itself to

it,

and

it

47^

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

would suggest a cleric. Originally, as is quite evident, the notice had nothing to do with Hippolytus, and the connexion required some explanation 6
et
it is in the corresponding Latin) 'qui But the great cleric connected with Portus, the patron saint of the place, was Hippolytus the theologian. Hence Nonnus must be Hippolytus. Moreover he is d 7iy)o-/3vTepos ;

Kctl

lAtTovofxao-deLs or (as

iam Ypolitus nuncupatur.'

for

Portus

knew nothing

of

Hippolytus the

soldier,

but

only of

Hippolytus 'the elder.'

fifth

of an ancient sarcophagus, ascribed to the fourth or and commemorating Taurinus and Herculanus without any century mention of Nonnus have been found, which seems to show that these
1

The remains

two were buried

in a separate locality

as indeed the Acts might lead

us to expect. Of the other martyrs mentioned in these Acts

in the
xi

some

are recognized

Martyrium Hieronymiamim, where we have the notices

Kal. Sept.
in portu Romano peregrinorum martyrum. In portu urbis Romae natalis sancti Hippolyti qui In Ostia natalis dicitur Nunnus cum sociis suis.

Et

x Kal. Sept.

sancti Quiriaci, Archelai,

(xiii

Hippolytus himself having likewise been mentioned on a previous day Kal. Sept.), but without the description 'qui dicitur Nunnus' (see
f).

AR. 40

The Greek Acts were

Lagarde has taken them.

first

The

published by S. de Magistris, from whom Latin Acts will be found in Act. Sand.

Bolland. Augustus IV. p. 757 sq.

;

The Greek seems

certainly to be

the story would probably be compiled in this language the original In the for the sake of the foreigners frequenting Ostia and Portus. so as to give Chryse Latin the exordium more especially is expanded,

the principal place on the canvas.

others from the Portuensian.

The Mencea borrowed some features from They are brief,

follow the
fifth

the Laurentian Acts;

but they show a late

development of the legend.

We may

the middle of the

growth of the legend a step further. In century there lived a more famous Nonnus,

or of both, to whom is due the bishop of Edessa or of Heliopolis S. Peter Damianus converted the courtesan Pelagia. credit of having He fuses this Nonnus with Hippolytus (AR. 45). a. d. 1060)
(c.

makes

this

conversion of Pelagia the crowning feat of Nonnus-Hip1

Bull, di Archeol. Crist. 1866, p. 49.

HIPPOLYTUS OF PORTUS.
polytus after bringing

477
faith

30,000 Saracens over to the

of Christ.

Then he

resigns his bishopric, leaves Antioch his native country, and retires to the mouth of the Tiber. His glorious martyrdom there

consummated, and the miraculous voices of the infants giving thanks to God, are a proof that the resignation of the episcopate may on occasions be possible without offending God. The caprices of tradition would not be complete, unless supplemented
by the conceits of criticism. Baronius (p. 411) surmised that Callistus would not suffer so valuable a man as Hippolytus to return to Arabia, but created him bishop of Portus, that he 'might have him ever close by his side as an adviser in perplexities', thus bestowing upon him
'a see of

no great labour (modicae curae) but of amplest

!

dignity.'

Strange irony of fate

I

have thus attempted to trace the marvellous vicissitudes of

marvellous in life, and still more marvellous strange eventful career after death. The appearances of this one personality in history and in

this

legend are as manifold and varied as the transformations of his name Hippolytus with the Greeks and Romans, Iflites with the Syrians and
;

Chaldaeans, Abulides with the Copts and ^Ethiopians, Polto with the Italians, Bilt with the French.
7toXX(jjv ovofxaru)V fxop<f>r/ fjua.

APPENDIX.

A.

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

is

[This excursus

printed in the incomplete state, in which

it

was

left

at

Bishop

Light foot's death.]

B.

THE EPISTLE OF BARNABAS.

it

[Found among the Bishop's miscellaneous papers. The essay is undated, but was apparently written before the publication of Gebhardt and Harnack's edition.]

A.

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

HPHE
little

subject which I purpose discussing in the present Appendix is essentially mixed up with controversy; but I hope to treat it as
controversially as possible. It would be impossible to overlook the inferences which depend, or have been thought to depend,
results of the investigation
;

momentous
on the

but

I shall

pursue

it,

as far as pos-

sible, as a historical study.

a question of exegesis.
portant, have

no place on theological controversy, seemed necessary as an introduction bearing to the rest, because it sets forth the incidents which form the basis of
discussion.

Where it is not a question of history it is The purely theological aspects, however imhere. The first section, which has the closest

i-

THE PROMISE AND THE FULFILMENT.

Even a cursory glance
appears in the
at the history of the Apostles, so far as
it

among

Gospel records, reveals a certain primacy of S. Peter He holds the first place in all the lists; he has a the twelve.

precedence of responsibility and of temptation; he sets the example of moral courage and of moral lapse. Above all he receives special pastoral charges.

The
Christ.

latest of these is the threefold injunction to feed the flock of

He is appealed to by his patronymic the son of Johanan, the In the other evangelists son of God's grace (S. John xxi. 15, 16, 17). his father's name appears under its more familiar abridgement Jonas or Jona, thus being commonly confused with the ancient prophet's name
CLEM.
II.

31

482

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

'the dove'; but in this latest command, as given by S. John, the name appears in full, Johanan, the grace of God, because our Lord would remind him that he bears about with him in his very name the obligation to the pastoral charge and the promise of grace to fulfil the same, though here again transcribers have substituted the more usual form,

thus obscuring the significance. The case is somewhat similar in the earlier charge to

S.

Peter, with

which
will I

am

directly concerned,

build

My

Church.'

Cephas, and upon this rock Here also the Apostle's name involves a
'

Thou

art

prophecy, which should be unfolded in the future history of the Church. It is important therefore to enquire in what sense the Church of Christ
shall

be

built

upon the

rock.

Patristic

interpretations

of the earliest and last ages are mainly

twofold.
(1)
S.

The rock

is

Christ Himself.

This was the opinion to which

of the

Augustine,

the great

theologian

Latin

Church,
in a

inclined.

frequently, himself, as his master S.

Having

as he confesses, explained the

'rock' of S.

Peter

Ambrose had done

before

him

well-known

hymn, he took occasion

as to this explanation.

in his after-thoughts to express his misgivings

The
i.

passage
21,

is
1.

sufficiently

important to deserve

quotation in

full (Retract,

Op.

p. 32).
illo

In quo dixi in

quodam

loco de Apostolo Petro quod in

tamquam
ore

in petra fundata sit ecclesia; qui sensus etiam cantatur in versibus beatissimi

multorum
ait

Ambrosii ubi de gallo

galli-

naceo

Hoc
sed scio

ipsa petra ecclesiae

diluet;

Canente culpam

me
Tu

postea saepissime

sic

exposuisse quod a
Christus filius

Domino

dictum

est

es Petrus... -meant, ut

super hunc

intelligeretur quern

confessus est Petrus dicens,

Tu

es

Dei

vivi; ac sic

Petrus ab hac petra appellatus personam ecclesiae figuraret, quae super hanc petram aedificatur, et accepit claves regni caelorum.

Non enim dictum est illi Tu es petra, sed Tu es Petrus ; petra autem erat Christus quern confessus Simon, sicut eum tota ecclesia Harum autem duarum sententiarum, confitetur, dictus est Petrus.
quae
sit

probabilior, eligat lector.

Here, though he gives the alternative, he himself evidently leans to This is the interpretation which explains the rock of Christ Himself. likewise the view of Cyril of Alexandria, who commenting upon Isaiah
xxxiii. 16,

'His place of defence

shall

be the munitions of rocks; bread

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

shall

48

his waters shall be sure/ writes, 'And it is probable Lord Jesus Christ is named a rock for us in these words; in Whom like a cave or like some sheepfold the Church is meant, which has its permanence in prosperity sure and unshaken; for Thou art

be given him;

that our

Peter, says the Saviour, and on this rock I will found the bread and the water being spiritual sustenance \
(2)

My

Church'' etc.,

The rock

is

connected with

S.

Peter, being either his confes-

sion or his faith or

some other moral

or spiritual qualification, capable

of being shared by others.

This alternative has already appeared

tine.

in the exposition
it,

of

S.

Augusin the

The most

explicit declaration of

however,

is

found

typical passage of Origen

if

we

also, like Peter, say,

Comm. in Matt. [xvi. Thou art the Christ

it

'But 13] the Son of the living God,

10.

Tom. xn.

flesh

and blood not having revealed

to us, but the Spirit

from heaven

having illumined our heart, we become a Peter and it would be said to us by the Word, Thou art Peter and so forth. For every disciple of Christ is a rock, from whom all they that partake of the spiritual rock

which follows did drink; and upon every such rock the whole doctrine of the Church and the polity in accordance therewith is built... But if thou supposest that the whole Church is built by God on that one
Peter alone, what wouldest thou say concerning John the Son of Thunder, or any one of the Apostles? Otherwise shall we dare to say that against Peter especially the gates of hell shall not prevail, but
that they shall prevail against the remaining Apostles?...

Are then the

keys of the kingdom of heaven given by the Lord to Peter alone and shall none other of the blessed Apostles receive them?... Many therefore shall say to the Saviour, Thou art the Christ the Son of the living
if any one saith this to Him, flesh and blood not revealing but the Father which is in heaven, he shall obtain the promises (twv dpr)fXV(ov), as the letter of the Gospel says, to that particular Peter, but

God. ..and

it,

as the Spirit teaches, to every

all

one who becomes

of the rock

like that Peter.

For

become namesakes

(7rapwi/v/xot)

who

are imitators of

Christ the spiritual rock, etc. ...and so forth as far as shall not prevail What is 'it'? Is it the rock on which Christ builds His against it.

Cyril. Alex.
p.

In
Se

Isai.
drj

Lib.
irov

iii.

Tom.
-rrerpav
~Kvpt.oi>

ill.,
7]fxiv

460 duos

/cat

Civbfj.audaL

5td

tovtuv tov
hv
a;

7//U01/

'Irjaovv tov Xpcarov,

rj

nadawep
7}

Ilerpos k.t.X. Yet only a little later same work he gives a somewhat different interpretation, 'the unshaken faith of the disciple', In Isai. Lib. iv. Tom.

yap

el

in the

ti o"irrj\aLov
K\r)cria

/cat

irpofia.T(i)v

o~t)k6s

e/c-

II.,

p. 593

7rl

TavTrj

rfj

ireTpa defieXtd/crw

vo&tcu

aa<pa\rj

/cat

atcpaSavTov
2i)

fxov rr\v KK\rjcriav irerpav ol[xat

\eywv to

e'xov&c- T V V e *S

T0

6^

efrai dta/movr/v.

axpabavTOv

els tzigtiv

tov fxaOrjToO.

484

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

Church; or the Church

itself, for the expression is ambiguous; or the rock and the Church, being one and the same thing?' With more to the same effect ; where nothing could be fuller or

more

explicit than the language.

is the universal interpretation of the centuries with those few exceptions represented by

This with some modification

fathers for
S.

many
it

Augustine's after-thoughts,
to

who

understand

mean

S.

Peter's

explain it of Christ the rock. They confession or S. Peter's faith or

it

S. Peter's firmness.

In other words

is

some

quality or action in the

Apostle at this
the

crisis,

which

calls forth the

Lord's promise, and to which

same promise attaches wherever it is found in others. Thus Chrysostom says {In Matth. Horn. liv. p. 548 a, ii. p. 108, Field) l-nX tclvt-q
7reTpa OLKoSofirjaw
jjlov rrjv

ttj

eKKXrjcriav, tovt(Ttl, rrj irioTi rrjs OfAoXoytas.

Thus again

Cyril of Alexandria, as
els ttlcttlv

we have

seen, explains iriTpav...

Xiywv to aKpaZavTOv

tov

/JLaOrjTOv.

The lesson which the great Alexandrian father, Origen, draws from the Lord's promise to Peter is recognised also by his contemporary, the great African father, Cyprian. He too distinctly states that nothing
is given to Peter here which is not given to all the Apostles ; but he superadds another inference. From the fact that a single Apostle is the recipient of the general promise he derives the further lesson

of the unity of the Church.

Eccl. 4, p.
'

Writing on this special subject (De Unit.

212

ed.

Hartel), he explains
to Peter
:

The Lord speaketh

this rock

I say

unto thee that thou art Peter,

and upon

I
it.
.

will build
. .

My

Church,

and

the gates

of hell shall

not prevail against

1 will give

thee the keys of the

and whatsoever thou shall bind on earth shall be He builds His Church on one, and although He
to all His Apostles after His resurrection (et

kingdom of heaven ; bound also in heaven.

gives equal authority

quamvis apostolis omnibus post resurrectionem suam parem potestatem tribuat) and says, As My Father sent Me, so send I you. Receive the Holy Spirit ; whosesoever sins
be remitted,

ye remit they shall

and

whosesoever sins ye retain they shall be

retained ; yet, that He might declare the unity, He arranged the origin of the same unity to begin from one by His authority (tamen ut uniauctoritate disposuit).

tatem manifestaret, unitatis ejusdem originem ab uno incipientem sua The rest of the Apostles verily were what Peter

endowed with an equal partnership of honour and power (pari consortio praediti et honoris et potestatis), but the beginning proceeds from unity (exordium ab unitate proficiscitur) that the Church
was, of Christ

may be shown

Spirit in the

to be one, which one Church also the Holy of Songs defines and says dove is one, etc.' Song

My

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

This statement however was very unsatisfactory to a
later

48 5
age;

and the sentence

et

'

quamvis quamvis apostolis omnibus parem tribuat potestatem, unam tamen cathedram constituit et unitatis originem [atque] orationis suae hoc erant utique et ceteri quod Petrus, sed auctoritate disposuit
;

et

apostolis etc'

is

interpolated thus

primatus
et

Petro datur ut una ecclesia et cathedra una monstretur

sunt

omnes, sed grex unus ostenditur, qui ab apostolis pastores omnibus unanimi consensione pascatur etc.

Again

after

the words

'

exordium ab unitate

'

proficiscitur

comes

another interpolation et primatus Petro datur, ut una Christi ecclesia et cathedra una monstretur, et pastores sunt omnes, sed grex unus ostenditur, qui ab apostolis omnibus consensione pascatur.

Cyprian also elsewhere

to the

(Efiist. lxxv. 16, p.

820,

ed.

Hartel) has recourse

same argument.
vero
dicit

Qualis
in

error

sit

et

quanta caecitas

ejus

qui

remissionem

peccatorum fundamento unius

solidata
est,

apud synagogas haereticorum

ecclesiae,

permanet quae semel a Christo super petram

soli

dari posse nee

hinc intellegi potest quod

Petro Christus dixerit

quaecumque
solveris

ligaveris super terrain erunt ligata et in caelis, et

quaecumqne

super terrain ernnt soluta et in caelis, et iterum in evangelio [quando] in solos apostolos insufflavit Christus dicens Accipite Spiritum
:

sanctum

si cujus remiseritis peccata remittentur illi; et si cujus tenue-

Potestas ergo peccatorum remittendorum apostolis ritis, tenebuntur. data est et ecclesiis quas illi a Christo missi constituerunt et episcopis qui eis ordination e vicaria successerunt.
But, though for controversial aims there

is little

to

choose between

the

two

interpretations

which

divided

patristic

opinion for

many

centuries,
lies at

we cannot

let

the matter rest here.

An

essential difference

the rock, or

the root of the two explanations. are fain to ask, Is Christ is Peter the rock, on which the Church is built (however the latter alternative)?

We

we may explain in common.

Exegetically they have nothing

Now

there are two arguments which mainly weigh with those

who

explain the rock of Christ, (1) the one from the etymology; (2) the other from the imagery.

The etymological argument is based on the different form of (1) the words 7rerpa, 7reTpos, the rock, the stone^ The one should signify the whole mass; the other the detached piece. Hence the one
appropriately denotes Christ the body
;

the other Peter the

member.

486
The

EPISTLES OF
force of this

S.

CLEMENT.

argument however is altogether shattered on two considerations; (i) S. Peter's name was Aramaic Kfi^D, before it was Greek II expos, and in the Aramaic form the one word serves for 'a rock'

and 'a stone';

When Grecized, the proper name became perforce (ii) a masculine form being necessary, just as it would have been rEerpa, if a woman's name had been wanted. The imagery supplies, or seems to supply, another potent (2)

n expos,

argument.

In the Old Testament the Lord Jehovah is the rock on which His people Israel is built. In the New, Christ is in like manner More especially the solid basis on which the Christian Church rests. is this the case when the image takes the definite form of a building.

Should we not expect, that the same application of the image would be carried out here ? As a question of fact, however, Scriptural analogy does not subject

The relation of us to the tyranny of one application of the image. Christ to His Church, regarded as a building, is represented in two
different ways.
(i)

He

is

the foundation

(0e//,e'Aios

Cor.

hi.

12).

The

Evangelist

is

the architect
this

who must
is

erect his building

on

this, that it

may

stand.

In

sense

He

not only the foundation, but the only palpable

foundation.
(ii)

He
the

is

binds

parts of the building together (eV

the chief-corner stone (aKpoywi/icuos Ephes. ii. 20) which w 7rdaa oikoSo/at) avvap

fioXoyovfjievr) K.T.A.).

In the

latter sense the

Apostles and prophets of the

0e/xe'A.ios

Christian ministry are themselves regarded as the

the edifice
Trpo(j>r]Tiov).

on which
/cat

is

built (7roLKoSofX7]divTe<s eVi xo> OefxeXto)

twv

d-TrocrToXwv

This

latter is the application in the

is

Apocalypse
its

(xxi. 14)

where the

Church

not a house, but a

city,

and

twelve foundations are the

twelve Apostles. It appears also in S. Peter (1 Pet. ii. 4 sq) where stress is laid on Christ as the chief corner-stone, though the corresponding
function of the Apostles as Oe/xeXioc
It will
is

not mentioned.

be seen then that Scriptural analogy leaves us quite free in the application of the image ; and our only guide is the logical connexion of the passage. But here there can be little doubt that
the sense points not to Christ the speaker, but to Peter the person After the opening sentence, 'Blessed art thou, addressed, as the rock.

Simon
but

Bar-jona, for flesh

My

Father which

is

in heaven,'

and blood hath not revealed it unto thee, which only then obtains its full

significance,

when we remember (as I have already pointed out) that Barjona, as interpreted by the form in the parallel passage in S. John

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

means Bar-johanan, Son of
the Grace of

487

God, the words which follow which repetition can give them to the 'And I say unto thee (i<dyw Se crot Xeyw) that thou person addressed. art Peter (on av el Ile'i-pos), and upon this rock {hri ravry rrj irirpa)
are directed with all the force
it,

build My Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against and I will give thee (Swcrco <rol) the keys of the kingdom of heaven and whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven,'
I will
;

etc.

The promise must

therefore, as

understand

it,

describe
'

some

historical manifestation which sprang from S. Peter himself, not from a confession or a faith or a constancy such as thine, but from thy

confession, thy faith, thy constancy.'

As

a matter of exegesis,
'

it

seems

to be more strictly explained not of Peter himself; for then we should expect e7rt crot rather than e7ri ravrtj rfj -irirpa. but on this constancy, this firmness of thine, to which thy name bears witness, and which has
;

just evinced itself in thy confession.'

Though
promise
all
is

it

the

denotes a certain primacy given to S. Peter, yet the same in kind so far Origen is right as pertains to

the faithful disciples,

;

more

especially to
said,

all
is

the

Apostles.

It is

said of Peter here

but

it

might be

and

said elsewhere, of the

other Apostles. They too are the OefxtXioi (Ephes. ii. 20, Rev. xxi. 14); they too have the power of the keys (John xx. 22 sq). But still it is a primacy, a preeminence. There is a historical, as well as a numerical value, in the order 7rpwTo<s 2i)acuv 6 Aeyo'/xcj/os
rieVpos (Matt.
x.

2)

in the

list

of the Apostles.

In what does

this

primacy consist? Obviously Peter cannot be the rock, in any sense, which trenches upon the prerogative of Christ Himself. His primacy cannot be the

primacy of absolute sovereignty :

this

it

must be the primacy of

historical

inauguration. work of initiation

When we
is

turn to the Apostolic records, we find that assigned to him in a remarkable way in each

successive stage in the progress of the Church. same courage, which prompted the confession

The same
to

faith,

the

promise of Christ, follows him

of
faith.

all

along,

and leading him

called forth the

new ventures

misinterpret the position thus assigned to him a continuity and permanence which does not belong to it, he vanishes suddenly out of sight ; another more striking personality assumes the chief place, and achieves conquests which he could He has not have achieved j his name is hardly ever mentioned.
But, lest

we should
it

and

attribute to

fulfilled his special

mission,

and

his

primacy

is

at

an end.

488

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

I ventured to say above (p. 481) that the primacy of S. Peter was manifested not only in the preeminence of his faith and courage, but in the preeminence of his lapse and fall. Of the eleven faithful Apostles he exhibited the most disastrous failure of faith, a failure which was

aggravated by the circumstance that it followed immediately upon his confident assertion of fidelity (Matt. xxvi. 35). In the Christian dispensation the redemption is the sequel to the
fall.

the
is

In the individual believer the sense of weakness must precede When I am weak, then am I strong.' Strength gift of strength.
'

made

perfect

out

of weakness
31)
that

^^ .g^^y^ ^vte/
t

ne Master
con-

beforehand (Luke This temptation.

verted
brethren.'
is

xxii.
is

he^mifst
till

be sifteaas wheat' by

the price to be paid, that

when

at length
'

ttotc CT-ior/oe'i/ras) (arv

Hence

his

fall.

given him (John

xxi. 15
is

and not Not till

then, he

may

after his fall

strengthen the the threefold charge

Christ's

17) to feed the sheep

and lambs of

flock.

The charge

given specially to him, because he bears a special

love to Christ.

Then comes the resurrection. The Lord is removed, the Apostles meet together with Peter at their head (Acts i. 13). At the first meeting of the general body of disciples he takes the initiative, and the vacant place in the college of the Apostles is filled up (i. 15 sq). On the day of Pentecost he addresses the multitudes of Jews and
is especially mentioned that he was not alone reit As with the appeal, so with the sponsible (cn)v xois eVSexa, ii. 14). The conviction and the conversion of the assembled crowd response.

strangers, but

is

communicated not to Peter alone, but to Peter and the rest of the Apostles (ii. 37, 7rpos rov IleVpov kcu xous Xonrovs a7roo-xoAovs), though Peter is necessarily the spokesman.
asserts his primacy in the foundation of the Christian For a long period it remains a strictly Hebrew Church, as Here not unnaturally the Israelites were a strictly Hebrew people.

So Peter

Church.

its development. miraculous power of grace and The its Yet even here he is not healing Peter is the chief agent (iii. 1 sq). allowed to act alone. The solidarity of the Apostolate is vindicated in
first

Peter takes the initiative at

all

the great crises of

occasion when

it

exercises

the Apostolic record.

The

association of

John with him

iSojj/

is

emphasized
Iwdvrjv,

with almost irksome reiteration at each successive stage in the incident

(iii.

ver. I II expos Se kcu 'ItoaVr/s ave'/^cuvov, ver. 3

II expo v kcu

ver.

axevtVas Se Ilexpos eis olvtov

avv

xa>

Tcuav^

et7rei/

B\t\j/ov eis rj/xas, ver.

II Kpaxowxos Se olvtov tov Ilexpov kcu xoV 'Iojgu^v,

kcu 'Iwai^s airoKpidivTei).

iv.

ver. 19 o Se Ilexpos

After the

first gift

of grace,

comes the

first

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

visitation of anger in the

489

punishment of Ananias and Sapphira. Peter (v. 3 sq); and the guilt is punished. Between Judaism and Heathendom is a great border-land. There are the Samaritans, who can hardly be classified with the one or the other. These must be drawn within the fold. It is a fresh venture of
asserts his

primacy here also

faith,

and Peter has the courage to push the frontier forward into the enemy's country. But here again he does not act alone. The mission to Samaria, which gives its sanction to Philip's action, is the mission of the whole apostolate, and here again John is associated with him (viii.
14
ol

lv

TcpocroAv/xois

air dor oXol... air i&Teikav

7rpos

avrovs Utrpov
difficulty.

/cat

'lwdvrjv).

But

this

new conquest

involves

new

The

Christian Church in the early centuries was assailed by two opposite

forms of heresy in diverse modifications, Ebionism and Gnosticism,

The first the aberrations of Judaic and Gentile thought respectively. of both these conflicts are discerned in the infant Church ; beginnings
fight as the champion of the had confronted the leaders of the Jewish hierarchy (iv. 18 sq, v. 28 sq); and he was now brought face to face with Gnosticism Thus his in the person of Simon Magus, 'the father of the Gnostics.' was vindicated in the conflict with heresy also. primacy But the great conquest of all still awaited him. The Church must become a world-wide Church. A thousand religious fences must be broken down; a thousand prejudices of convention and tradition must be sacrificed a thousand cherished safeguards, which had hitherto been the life and the purity of the nation, must be abandoned. Who would have the courage to face a change so mighty? By virtue of his

and

in

both Peter stands in the van of the

Church.

He

primacy Peter
tions.

is

chosen as the recipient of

this

revelation of revela-

taught by a special vision to regard nothing as common or unclean, whereas the law divinely imposed on his country had regarded very many things as common and unclean. Yet unhesitatingly
is

He

he obeys the command. Cornelius the heathen is baptized and at one stroke all the privileges of the Christian Church are laid before the
;

whole heathen world.

Do we

marvel that

this vision,

which was
at the time

at-

tended by consequences so momentous, was emphasized

by

a triple repetition (x. 16 rovro Se iyivero i-rrl rpts), and that the recorded vision itself is enforced upon ourselves in the reiteration of the historian
(x.

10 sq,

xi.

4 sq)?
is fulfilled
:

Thus the Lord's promise

the primacy

is

completed

the

foundations are laid on the rock, whether of Peter's confession or of From this time forward the Peter's courage or of Peter's steadfastness.

work passes

into other hands.

The

'wise master-builder' piles up the

490
had
fitted

EPISTLES OF
him

S.

CLEMENT.

later storeys of the edifice, for

his

culture, his

Roman

which his manifold gifts and opportunities Hebraic elementary training, his Greek academic Paul completes what Peter had political privileges.

The silence of the later Apostolic history is not less significant begun. than the eloquence of the earlier as to the meaning of Peter's primacy. In the first part he is everything ; in the subsequent record he is nowhere at all. He is only once again mentioned in the Acts (xv. 7), and
even here he does not bear the chief
part.

Where

the

Church

at large,

as an expansive missionary Church, is concerned, Paul, not Peter, is the prominent personage: where the Church of Jerusalem appears as the
visible centre of unity,

xv. 13, xxi.

18, Gal.

ii.

James, not Peter, is the chief agent (Acts xii. 17, Peter retains the first place, as mis9, 12).

sionary evangelist to the

Hebrew

Moreover, when
'I

S.

Christians, but nothing more. Paul appears on the scene, he is careful to

declare emphatically his independence

Apostles.
reckon,' he says
in

and equality with the other one place, 'that I fall short in no

whit of the very chiefest Apostles' (2 Cor. xi. 5 [xrjSev vaTeprjKcvau tw v-rrepXtav d-rroa-To \iov) ; then again while devoting two whole chapters to recording the achievements of his Apostleship, he repeats almost the

same words, I am become a fool ye have compelled me for short in no whit of the very chiefest Apostles, even though
' ;

I fall I

am

nothing' (2 Cor.

xii.

n).
ii.

an Apostle

(1

Cor.

ix. 5).

Accordingly he claims all the privileges of Moreover especially, he asserts his absolute
7 sq)
;

equality with Peter (Gal.

and he gives

practical proof of his

Peter's timidity enindependence by openly rebuking Peter, the freedom and universality of the Church. If there was any dangered primacy at this time, it was the primacy not of Peter, but of Paul.

when

THE ROMAN VISIT OF PETER.

the last section,

we
efc

of the primacy being completed as I have described it in and S. Peter being miraculously delivered from prison, are told that having sent a message to James and the brethren he

The work

went out and departed

ercpoi/ tottov).

to another place (Acts

xii.

ee\6(ov i-n-opcvOy]
crisis

This has been supposed to mark the

when he

transferred his residence to

Rome and

his labours to the far west.

There is nothing in the language itself, except its mysterious vagueinconsistent ness, which could suggest such an inference, which is quite
with

known

facts.

The simple

interpretation

is

doubtless the correct

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

one, that he retired out of the

49 1

way

of Herod.

fact as his visit to the metropolis of the

Indeed so important a world would not have been

When we meet with him again he is still in slurred over in this way. the East; at the Council of Jerusalem about a.d. 51 (Acts xv. 7); and at Antioch a little later (Gal. ii. n). Indeed his recognised position
as the Apostle of the Circumcision would suggest Palestine as his headWhether within the next quarters and the East as his sphere of action.

few years he paid a visit to Corinth or not (1 Cor. i. 12, 2 Cor. i. 19, A personal visit is not required x. 1 2 sq) I need not stop to enquire. to explain the power of his name with a certain party at Corinth; and
the silence of
visit to
S.

Paul, though not conclusive,

is

unfavourable to any

Greece.

One thing seems quite certain. The departure from Jerusalem during the persecution of Herod took place about a.d. 42 ; the Epistle to the Romans was written about a.d. 58. During this period no had visited the metropolis of the world. If silence can ever be Apostle
regarded as decisive, its verdict must be accepted in this case. S. Paul could not have written as he writes to the Romans (i. sq, xv. 20 24),

if
if

they had received even a short

that Apostle were S. Peter.

visit

from an Apostle, more especially

reasons

Nevertheless reasons exist

for postulating a visit of S.

to

Peter

my own mind conclusive to Rome at a later date,

on which

If these reasons are not each occasion he suffered martyrdom there. singly decisive, the combination yields a body of proof, which it is
difficult to resist.

(1)

In

S. Peter's First Epistle,

he sends a salutation

at the close

Minor; 'The fellow-elect (v. Who or (lady) in Babylon greeteth you, and so doth Marcus my son.' what is meant by 'the fellow-elect'? On turning to the opening of the
13) to his distant correspondents in Asia
Epistle,

we

find that

it

is

addressed
'

'

to the elect sojourners of the

dispersion (eKAeKTots 7rap7riS77/xois Siao-7ro/3as) in Pontus, Galatia, etc' and this suggests that the fellow-elect at the close is the Church from
'

which he

writes.

Indeed there

is

no individual woman,

for

whom we

can suppose such a salutation appropriate, for we can hardly imagine S. Peter's wife, if she were still living, placed in this prominent position.

Nor again

is

the

context
I

rj

lv Ba/3vAwvi a-wcKXeKTyj

natural

as

the

description of a person.

should add also that several early authorities

(including a)
epistle
(i.

add

ckkA^o-ici;

and

7rap7ri8^ois Staairopas,

that the figurative expressions in this comp. ii. 11) are in character with

this interpretation.

The Second

Epistle of S.

John presents a

close parallel.

saluta-

492
tion
is

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
;

the close

at sent in the opening verse to the elect lady (eKXeKT-fj KvpLa) is a message 'the children of thine elect sister (rrjs aScA^s <tov

tyjs iKXeKT-rjs)

salute thee.'

The

intermediate language shows that

we

have here the personification of the communities. It is not an interchange of greetings between individuals, but between Churches; see
for instance ver. 4, 'I

truth ;

'

ver.
;'

'

6,

this

have found some of thy children walking in the is the commandment which ye heard from the
warning of Antichrist
;

beginning

ver. 8, 'look to yourselves' after the

this doctrine.' any one cometh to in Babylon ? Can we doubt But what is this fellow-elect congregation that it is the Church in Rome ? It cannot be the Egyptian Babylon, which was a mere fortress (Strabo xvii. p. 807). If therefore it was not To this latter more the Great Babylon, it must have been Rome.

ver. io, 'if

you and bringeth not

is designated by and interpreter in companion very early Rome. This appears from Papias and the Elders, whose traditions are reported by him (Euseb. H. E. hi. 39) ; from Irenaeus {Haer. hi. 1. 1) from Clement of Alexandria (Euseb. H. E. ii. 15), and from Origen

especially

the mention of
tradition
as

Mark
S.

points;

for

Mark

Peter's

(Op. in. p. 440 Delarue; comp. Euseb. H. E. vi. 25), the writing of his Gospel being connected with the preaching of Peter in Rome. This
tradition
is

in

full
iv.

accordance with the

10, Philem. 24,
2

latest
iv.

notices

in

the

New

Testament

(Col.

Tim.

n), which represent

him

Rome or journeying towards Rome. Nor was Babylon a new name for Rome, dating from the Neronian It had been a mystical name for this world-wide power persecution. As such it with the Jews before it was inherited by the Christians.
either as staying in

appears even in the early Sibylline Oracles

(v.

158).

Kat

<A.eei ttovtov j3<x6vv avrrjv tc Ba/3tAaji/a

rjs

IraAtas yatav 6

etVeKa 7roAAot bXovro

E/3oatW ay
(2)

tot

ttlcttol

koX vads aXrjBrj^.

xxi.

The prophecy

in

John

18

'

When

thou shall

grow

old,

thou shall stretch out thy hands

and another

shall gird thee, this

He

said signifying by what death he should die,' has always been explained of the crucifixion of S. Peter; and it is difficult to see what other

place

explanation can be given. Nothing, it is true, is here said about the But the crucifixion of S. Peter is always conof martyrdom. It would nected by tradition with Rome, and with no other place.

be arbitrary therefore
martyrdom.

to

separate

the

locality

from the manner of

S.

know

Unless we accept the Roman residence of nothing about his later years and death.

Peter,

we

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

(3)

49

">

The

much
It

the

same bearing

reference in the Second Epistle of S. Peter (i. 14) has as the last; 'Knowing that the putting-off of this

is at hand, as the Lord Jesus Christ also declared unto me.' be said indeed that grave doubts are thrown on the genuineness may If it were otherwise than genuine it would express of this document. from another quarter the belief of the early Church respecting S. Peter's

tabernacle

death

for

it

certainly belongs to the primitive ages.

(4)

hand of

The Epistle of the Roman Church to the Clement of Rome, belongs to the year 95

Corinthians, by the

or 96.

The

writer,

turning aside from the Old Testament worthies, of whose heroism he had spoken, directs the attention of his readers (c. 5) to the examples of
Christian athletes

who

'lived very near to our

own

times'.

He

reminds

them of the Apostles who were persecuted and carried the struggle to death (eus Bavdrov 7]6\r)(Tav). There was Peter, who after undergoing many sufferings became a martyr and went to his appointed place
of glory.

There was Paul, who, after enduring chains, imprisonments, stonings again and again, and sufferings of all kinds, preached the Gospel in the extreme West, likewise endured martyrdom and so If the use of the word ^aprvprja-a^ in both departed from this world.
cases could leave any doubt that they suffered death for the faith, But why are these two Apostles, and these decisive. mentioned? Why not James the son of Zebedee? Why not only, James the Lord's brother? Both these were martyrs. The latter

the context

is

a pillar,' and his death was even more recent. Obviously because Clement was appealing to examples which they themselves had Paul was martyred in Rome, as is allowed on all hands. witnessed.

was

'

essentially

Is not the

also
this

overwhelming inference that Peter suffered in this same city This inference is all the more certain, when we find that outside testimony of Clement tradition is constant in placing his death at
?

Rome.

Some ten or twenty years later, in the early decades of the (5) second century, Ignatius (Rom. 4) on his way to martyrdom writes to I do not command you, like Peter and Paul the Roman Church
'
:

they were Apostles, a slave until now.'

they were free I am Why should he single out Peter and Paul? He is writing from Asia Minor ; and the locality therefore would suggest John. He was a guest of a disciple of John at the time. He was sojourning
I

am

condemned

criminal

in the country

conceivable reason

where John was the one prominent name. The only in a position to is, that Peter and Paul had been directions to the Romans, that they both alike had visited Rome give and were remembered by the Roman Church.

494
(6)

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

Papias of Hierapolis may have been born about a.d. 60 70, and probably wrote about a.d. 130 140. He related on the authority

hi.

of the presbyter John, a personal disciple of the Lord (Euseb. H. E. 39) that Mark, not being a personal disciple of the Lord, became a

companion and interpreter {kpix-qvevrrjq) of S. Peter, that he wrote down what he heard from his master's oral teaching, and that then he

composed
I

this record.

have no concern here whether

it.

this is or is

not the Second Gospel,

this notice suggests
'

as

we possess
remarks
;

For

my

immediate purpose
is

three

(i)

When Mark

called

epfArjvevrrjs

the interpreter

'

of Peter, the reference must be to the Latin, not to the Greek language. The evidence that Greek was spoken commonly in the towns bordering

on the Sea of

Galilee,

and

that S. Peter

must therefore have been well

acquainted with it, is ample; even if this had not been the necessary This inference from the whole tenour of the New Testament, (ii)
notice

where Mark

seems to have been connected by Papias with 1 Pet. v. is mentioned in connexion with the fellow-elect

13,
in

Babylon, presumably the Church of Rome.

with,

us that he

and quoted from, this Epistle of S. employs testimonies from it and it is plain also from the context of the passage cited by Eusebius that Papias had spoken
'
' :

Papias was acquainted Peter ; for Eusebius tells

at greater length
(cJ?

about the connexion of

Mark

with Peter, 'as

said

Papias was so understood by writers like Irenaeus, who had his book before them. It seems a tolerably safe inference theree^-qv)';
(iii)

fore that Papias represented S. Peter as being in

Rome,

that he stated

have been with him there, and that he assigned to the latter a Gospel record which was committed to writing for the instruction of
to

Mark

the

Romans. Dionysius of Corinth, from whom Eusebius E. ii. 25), writes as follows (N.
(7)
:

gives an extract

'

Herein ye also by such instructions

(to us)

have united the trees

(rrjv

of the

Romans and

Corinthians, planted by Peter and Paul

a7ro

Herpov
us

Kat IlauAoD cfivreiav ytvrjOeicrav 'Pw/xatcov re kcu Kopii/#<W avvc-

Kepao-aTc).
;

For they both alike came also to our Corinth and taught and both alike came together to Italy, and having taught there suffered martyrdom at the same time (Kara rdv avrov KaipoV) This letter was written about a.d. 170 in answer to a communication from the Romans under his contemporary bishop Soter (see
'.

1.

p. 369).

need not stop

<fiOLTt]oravTc<;.

to enquire

whether the correct reading

is

The statement may be taken as repreThe expression Kara, rdv avrov senting the belief of both Churches. Koupov need not be pressed to mean the same day or the same year.
<vTv<ravTes or

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

(8)
'

495
iii.

Iren^eus about a.d. 190

is still

more

explicit (Haer.

1.

1)

Matthew published also a written Gospel (ypacfu^v evayyeXtov) the Hebrews in their own language while Peter and Paul were Again after their preaching and founding the Church in Rome. Mark, the disciple and interpreter of Peter, himself also departure, handed down to us in writing the lessons preached by Peter.' A little later he says {Haer. iii. 3, 2, 3); 'The greatest and most

among

ancient Churches, well

known to all men, the Churches of Rome founded and established by the two most glorious Apostles, Peter and Paul [hand down] announced to mankind that tradition and faith,
it

which

has from the Apostles reaching to our

own day through

built

its

successions of bishops.

So having founded and

up the Church

the blessed
Linus.'

Apostles

entrusted the ministration of the bishopric to

in

Irenaeus spent

some time
visits.

Rome
is

about a.d. 177, and appears to

I

have paid repeated

(9)

The Muratorian Canon

generally placed about a.d. 170.

have given reasons already (11. p. 405 sq) for surmising that it may have been an early work of Hippolytus, the pupil of Iremeus, in which case

The writer explains that S. Luke in date twenty years later. the Acts of the Apostles only records incidents which took place in his presence, and that therefore his silence about the Martyrdom of
it

may

S. Peter, or the journey of S. Paul to Spain, evidently shows that he was not present on either occasion. Though the actual text is not certain in all points, there can be no reasonable doubt that this is the

meaning of the words.

The testimony of Clement of Alexandria (a.d. 193 217) (10) He stated in the Hypotyposeis appears from Eusebius (H. E. vi. 14).
that

/*

'when Peter had preached the word publicly in Rome and the Gospel by the Spirit, the bystanders being many in number exhorted Mark, as having accompanied him for a long time and remembering what he had said, to write out his statements, and and having thus composed his Gospel, to communicate it to them that, when Peter learnt this, he used no pressure either to prevent him See also Adumbr. p. 1007 (Potter). or urge him forwards.' (11) The testimony of Tertullian is chiefly of value as showing
declared
;

the prevalence of the tradition in another important branch of the Church at the close of the second and the beginning of the third
century.
'

The passages need no comment.

read in the lives of the Caesars, Nero was the
first

Scorpiace 15.

We

to stain the

496
bound

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
is

rising faith with blood.

Then Peter
then

girt

by another, when he

is

to

the

cross;

nativitatem) of Roman the nobility of martyrdom.'

Paul obtains his birth-right (consequitur citizenship, when he is born again there by

De
1

Baptismo
it

4.

matter whether they are among those whom John baptized in the Jordan or those whom Peter baptized in the Tiber.'

Nor does

De Praescriptione
'

32.

The Church

of the

Romans

reports that

Clement was ordained by

Peter.'

De
'

Praescriptione 36.

If thou art near to Italy, thou hast

is

Rome, whence our

that
;

authority

Church on whom the where Peter is Apostles shed all their teaching with their blood conformed to the passion of the Lord, where Paul is crowned with the death of John, where the Apostle John, after being plunged in
also

near at hand.

How

happy

is

boiling oil without suffering any harm,

(12)

is

banished into an
I

island.'

Gaius the Roman presbyter, of whom

say already (see above, 11. p. 377 sq), contemporary of Hippolytus [c. a.d. 200

have had something to lived under Zephyrinus and was a

220] if not actually identical the Montanists of Asia Minor, who asserted Arguing against the precedent of Philip's daughters for their special views about pro-

with him.

phecy, he claims for his own Church the authority of the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul, whose martyred bodies repose in Rome 'But I can show you the trophies (the reliques) of the Apostles. For if thou wilt go to the Vatican or to the Ostian Way, thou wilt find
:

the trophies of those

who founded

this

Church.'

This shows that at least at this early date the sites of the graves of the two Apostles were reputed to have been the localities where now stand the basilicas of S. Peter and S. Paul.
(13) Origen in the 3rd volume of his Explanation of Genesis (as reported by Eusebius H. E. iii. 1; comp. Orig. Op. 11. p. 24 Delarue) related that Peter 'appears to have preached in Pontus and Galatia and

and Asia when at last he went to Rome and downward, having himself asked to suffer so'; and that Paul 'having fully preached the Gospel of Christ from Jerusalem
Bithynia, in Cappadocia there was gibbeted head
;

as far as Illyricum, afterwards suffered of Nero.'

martyrdom

in

Rome

in the time

Lactantius. (14) Instit. Div. iv. 21.

'

He

disclosed to

them

all

things which Peter

and Paul preached

at

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

Rome, and this preaching remained among many other marvellous things,
in writing for a record
this also etc'
:

497
wherein

But when shall we suppose that this visit to Rome took place ? We have seen (see above, 11. p. 491) that as late as a.d. 58, when S. Paul wrote to the Romans, his claim to Rome as virgin soil so far as regards
any Apostolic ministrations
is

fatal

to a prior date for the visit.

For

the next four or five years we have sufficiently precise information in the Apostolic records to preclude this period also. S. Paul spends

two years in captivity

sets sail for
is

at Csesarea,

and

in the

autumn of
In

a.d.

60 he

Rome,

arriving there in the spring of 61.

Rome

he
is

detained two whole years a captive, and then presumably in 6$ he

released.

inferred

His release is not dependent on any one consideration, but is from several, Early tradition speaks of his paying the (i)
visit

intended

to

Spain,

of which he speaks in the Epistle to the

28); (ii) He tells the Philippians that he looks forward to being released shortly (i. 25, ii. 24), and he is so hopeful that he bids Philemon prepare a lodging for him (ver. 22); (iii) The phenomena in the Pastoral Epistles cannot in most instances be placed during the

Romans

(xv.

period included in the Acts; (iv) The date given for his martyrdom by the best authorities is the last year of Nero, which was three or four
years after the
Christians.
fire

which led immediately to the persecution of the

But, if he was released, it must have been before the outbreak of the persecution, since so prominent a leader of the Christians could hardly have escaped, if he had still been in the hands of his Roman masters.

During the period then of

a.d.

Thus it will are led to find a place for S. Peter's visit. to the Romans, and might well have not clash with S. Paul's relations
67,

63

his first

and second

captivities,

i.e.

between

we

taken place without our finding any notice of of the Acts or in the letters of this Apostle.
S.

it

either in the narrative

Peter would then arrive in

Rome

in the latter part of 63 or the

beginning of 64.

The Neronian

and he would be one of the most prominent

persecutions broke out soon afterwards, This accords victims.

with the ancient tradition of the different places of sepulture of the two Gaius the Roman tells us, that whereas Peter was buried in Apostles.

The the Vatican, Paul found his resting-place on the Ostian Way. were the scene of the hideous festivities, in which the Vatican gardens
victims of the
S.
fire

suffered,

Peter (a.d. 64).

On

the other hand an isolated victim

and among these (we may assume) was who was put
32

CLEM.

II,

49^
to death

EPISTLES OF
some years

S.

CLEMENT.
was presumably
as
S.

later (say a.d. 67), as

Paul's case,

might meet his death anywhere.

On

the occasion of this

visit to

Rome,

we have

seen, S. Peter

wrote his Epistles.

desirous of avoiding controverted documents, I shall say nothing about the Second nor indeed is it necessary for my purpose but confine my attention to the First. Do we find
I

As

am

then in this First Epistle any confirmation of the view here suggested of the date of S. Peter's visit ?

of the

was written during a season of persecution. No other book Testament, except the Apocalypse, is so burdened with the The leading purport of the letter is to console and encourage subject. his distant correspondents under the fiery trial which awaited them.
(1)
It

New

Nothing in the previous history of the Church answers to the conditions. It was no isolated, capricious attack, but a systematic onslaught. Though
it

raged chiefly at

Rome,

its effects

were

felt

in the provinces also.

S.

More

especially was

this the case in

Asia Minor, which

Peter had in view.

Seven Churches in the Apocalypse are evidence of and the mention of the martyr Antipas (ii. 13) emphasizes the this; fact. The emperor's example had let loose the dogs. Now for a season, if need be, ye are in heaviness by reason of manifold temptations, that the trial of your faith being more precious than of gold that perisheth, though it be tried with fire, might be found unto praise and honour and glory at the appearing of Jesus Christ (i. 6, 7).
letters to the
'
'

The

Having your conversation honest among the Gentiles, that whereas speak against you as evil doers, they may by your good works, which they
they shall behold, glorify
1

God

in the

day of

visitation'
;

(ii.

12).

happy are ye and be not afraid of their terror, neither be troubled having a good conscience, that whereas they speak evil of you as of evil doers, they may be ashamed
If ye suffer for righteousness sake,

that falsely accuse your

good conversation

in Christ

for

it is

better, if
'

the will of
(hi.
1

God be

so, that

ye suffer for well doing than for

evil

doing

14, 16, 17).

Beloved, think

try you, as

it not strange concerning the fiery trial which is to though some strange thing happened unto you ; but rejoice

inasmuch as ye are partakers of Christ's sufferings' (iv. 12, 13). If ye be reproached for the Name of Christ, happy are ye for the on their part He is evil Spirit of glory and of God resteth upon you spoken of, but on your part He is glorified... If any man suffer as a Christian let him not be ashamed; but let him glorify God on this
'

behalf

(iv.

14, 16).

'Humble

yourselves therefore under the mighty

hand of God'

(v. 6).

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

'Whom
resist, stedfast in

499
same
'

the faith,

knowing

that the

afflictions

are accomplished in your brethren which are in the world (v. 9). These passages point to the crisis, when the persecution had already broken out, or was imminent, and therefore were probably written not
earlier

than the

summer

of 64.

date thus suggested agrees with other indications. With (2) two Epistles of S. Paul more especially the writer shows a familiar acquaintance the Epistle to the Romans and the Epistle to the

The

The one was written to Rome; the other from Rome. Ephesians. both partake of the character of circular letters. They They are therefore just the two Epistles which would be most accessible to a person in
S. Peter's position.

The

Epistle to the

Romans was

written in a.d. 58,

but the Epistle to the Ephesians not till a.d. 6$. The following are the parallels to the Epistle to the Romans, and the reader may satisfy himself as to their pertinence.

Romans

iv. vi. vi.

24
7

Pet.

i.

21
1, 2

iv.
ii.

18 18

24
1

viii.
viii.

v.
iii.

34
1

22
6 sq
5

ix.
xii.

33

ii.
ii.

xii. 2
xii.

8
10
7

i.

14
10, 11

iv.
i.

xii. 9,

xii.
xiii.

14 19
1

22,

iii.
ii.

12

ii.

17

13, 14

The

We
Way.

Ephesians are equally striking. have seen that the oldest tradition, as recorded by Gaius,
buried in the Vatican and
S.

parallels to the Epistle to the

re-

presents S. Peter as

Paul on the Ostian

says nothing about the martyrdom of the two Apostles being synchronous. Dionysius of Corinth states that they were martyred Kara tov avrdv Kaipov, but the expression must not be too rigorously
it

But

pressed, even if the testimony of a Corinthian could be accepted as On the other hand Prudentius (Peristeph. regards the belief in Rome.
xii. 5) and others represent them as suffering on the same day, though not in the same year. This highly improbable statement must have had some foundation in fact. What was it ? In the list of depositions

incorporated by the Liberian chronograph er (a.d. 354) we find

iii

Kal

Jul. Petri

ad Catacumbas
Ostense Tusco
et

et Pauli

Basso cons.

[a.d. 258].

322

500

EPISTLES OF
at

S.

CLEMENT.

one time the bodies of the two Apostles were lying in the on the Appian Way, properly called 'Ad Catacumbas,' in a Cemetery loculum bisomum,' which may be seen to this day and over which
1

Now

Damasus

(a.d.

366

384) placed the inscription

Hie habitasse prius sanctos cognoscere debes, nomina [limina?] quique Petri pariter Paulique
discipulos Oriens misit,

requiris;

quod sponte fatemur

sanguinis ob meritum Christumque per astra secuti aetherios petiere sinus et regna piorum, Roma suos potius meruit defendere cives;

by which he simply meant that the East gave these two Apostles to Rome, where they became Roman citizens. It is in fact the same which
Tertullian expresses in a passage quoted above (Scorfi.
civitatis

15).

'Paulus

martyrii renascitur But being strangely misunderstood it gave rise to the generositate.' legend that the Greeks attempted to carry off the bodies of the two

Romanae

consequitur nativitatem,

cum

illic

Apostles, but

being pursued threw them

down

in the

Catacombs

1 .

Plainly however the day, the 29th of June, was not originally regarded as the day of martyrdom of the two Apostles, but the day of their deposition

This must consulship happily fixes the year. refer to the temporary deposition of the bodies in the catacombs of S. Sebastian ; and the notice probably ran originally
iii

on some occasion. The mention of the

What then was

this

occasion

Kal. Jul. Petri et Pauli ad Catacumbas Tusco et Basso cons,

but the chronographer of 354 or some intermediate copyist knowing that S. Paul's body lay in his time on the Ostian Way altered it accord'

ingly, inserting

Ostense

'

after the

name

of this Apostle

2
.

This was a

few weeks before the martyrdom of Xystus II, who suffered Aug. 6, a.d. 258. The two bodies, we may suppose, were deposited in S. Sebastian for a time, while their permanent memoriae were being erected,

which were afterwards developed into the basilicas of S. Peter's at the Vatican and S. Paul's on the Ostian Way. But this temporary deposition fixed the festival of their
rise to the story that
1

common

celebration in

3 they were martyred on the same day

Rome and gave On the

.

See a good

article

Das

Alter der

Graber u. Kirchen des Paulus u. Petrus

in
2

Apocr. Apostelgesch. II. 1. p. 392 sq. 3 It is actually entered in Ado, under

Rom by
This
28,
is

Erbes

in Brieger's Zeitschr.
1

June

29,

'Romae
et

natalis

beatorum Apo-

/. Kirchengesch. VII. p.

sq (1885). the explanation of Erbes,

it

stolorum Petri

Pauli, qui passi sunt

et

sub Nerone, Basso

Tusco consulibus,'

p.

and

is

accepted by Lipsius

See Erbes,

I.e.

p. 30,

SAINT PETER IN ROME.

501

other hand the true tradition of their suffering in different years survived to the time of Prudentius, albeit he assumed that it referred to successive years. In connexion with this temporary deposition we may place the notice said to be found with exceptional uniformity in all the mss of the Hieronymian Martyrology on Jan. 25

Romae

translatio Pauli Apostoli

which would probably be the day of the restoration to his permanent resting-place, but which was ordered at a later date to be celebrated as
the day of his conversion.

3-

THE TWENTY-FIVE YEARS' EPISCOPATE.

The twenty-five years of S. Peter's episcopate had at one time a sentimental and might almost be said to have a dogmatic value. It was unique in the history of the papacy. Though the records of certain
periods in
its

career,

more

especially

its earlier

career, are scanty,

we

know enough
is

to say with certainty that

no

later bishops of

Rome

held

the see for a quarter of a century until our own day. Now however all The papacy of Pio Nono has been unique in many ways. changed. It has seen the declaration of papal infallibility: it has witnessed the
extinction of the temporal power; and, last of S. Peter.
all, it

has exceeded by

twenty-five years therefore have ceased to have any dogmatic or sentimental importance ; and, in dealing with them critically, we need have no fear lest we

more than a year the reputed term of

The

should be doing violence to any feelings which deserve respect. But there is a still prior question to be settled before we discuss the
length of
S.

Peter's episcopate.

Was he

bishop of

Rome

at all ?

He

might have been founder or joint founder of the Church there, without No one reckons S. Paul as first having been regarded as its bishop.
bishop of Thessalonica or Philippi, of Corinth or of Athens, though these Churches owe their first evangelization to him.

Now

cannot find that any writers

S.

for the first

two centuries and

Peter as bishop of Rome. Indeed their language is inconsistent with the assignment of this position to him. When Dionysius
of Corinth speaks of the Apostles S. Peter and S. Paul as jointly planting the two Churches of Corinth and of Rome, he obviously cannot mean this- for otherwise he would point to a divided episcopate. The language

more speak of

of Irenaeus

(iii.

3.

3) again

is

still

more

explicit.
S.

He

describes the
S.

Church of

Rome

as

founded by the Apostles

Peter and

Paul,

who

502

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
;

appointed Linus bishop. After him came Linus ; after Linus, Anencletus after Anencletus 'in the third place from the Apostles Clement is elected
to the bishopric,'

and the

others,

when any numbers

1

numbered accordingly, so that Xystus and Eleutherus the contemporary of

are given, are 'the sixth from the Apostles,' Irenasus 'holds the office of the
is

This is likewise the episcopate in the twelfth place from the Apostles.' enumeration in the anonymous author of the treatise against Artemon
(Euseb. H. E. v. 28) probably Hippolytus, thirteenth from Peter.'

*****
passage the remarks in

who numbers

Victor 'the

See on

this

in the text of Irenoeus see the note p. 204.

on

1.

1.

pp. 271, 284.

For the discrepancies

B.

THE EPISTLE OF BARNABAS.

r

~PHE

Epistle,

literature of the early

which bears the name of Barnabas, stands alone in the Church. The writer is an uncompromising

common

antagonist of Judaism ; but, beyond this antagonism, he has nothing in with the Antijudaic heresies of the second century. These

later heretics,

Gnostic and Marcionite, took their stand on a dualism in some form or other. They postulated an opposition between the Old Testament and the New. In Marcionism, which flourished about the

middle of the second century, this doctrine assumes its extreme form. The Old Testament so Marcion affirmed was the work of the

Demiurge, whose tyranny over mankind Jesus Christ, the son of the Good God, came to destroy. The antagonism was absolute and comthe warfare was internecine. Of such a doctrine the Epistle of plete
;

Barnabas exhibits not the

treats

faintest trace.

On

the contrary, the writer

sees Christianity everywhere in the Lawgiver

them with a degree of

respect,

and the Prophets. He which would have satisfied the

most devout rabbi. He quotes them profusely, as authoritative. Only he accuses the Jews of misunderstanding them from beginning to end. He even intimates that the ordinances of circumcision, of the Sabbath,
of the distinction of meats clean and unclean, as having a spiritual or mystical significance, were never intended to be literally observed,

though on

this point

he

is

not quite

explicit.

then was the writer of this Epistle? At the close of the second century Clement of Alexandria quotes it profusely, ascribing it to 'the Apostle Barnabas' or 'the Apostolic Barnabas' or 'the Prophet

Who

Barnabas

'

and, lest any doubt should be entertained as to the identity

of the person bearing this name, he in one passage describes the author

504
as
'

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.
1

(i.e.

Barnabas who himself also preached in company with the Apostle Yet elsewhere 2 Clement S. Paul) in the ministry of the Gentiles .'

himself refers anonymously to the explanation which our Barnabas gives ' of the prohibition against eating the flesh of the hare and the hyena,'

He declares his acquiescence in the symbolical but he distinctly repudiates the statement on which our interpretation, author founds it as a physical impossibility. It seems clear therefore
and
criticizes it freely.

that notwithstanding his profuse

treat the

and

deferential quotations he does not

book

as final

and

authoritative.

few years
'

later,

Origen

also cites this

work with the introductory words,

It is written in the

Catholic

(i.e. General) Epistle of Barnabas.' ever are confined to the Alexandrian fathers

The
;

earliest notices
it

how-

and elsewhere

does not

appear to have been received with any very special consideration. Altogether the position, which it occupies in the Codex Sinaiticus, may be taken to represent the highest distinction to which it ever attained.
It is there placed,

not with the Catholic Epistles, which would have

proper rank, if it had been regarded as strictly canonical, but after the Apocalypse, in company with the Shepherd of Hermas, as a

been

its

sort of

Appendix

to the sacred volume.

This prominence it doubtless owed to the belief that it was written by Barnabas the Levite of Cyprus, the companion of S. Paul. Later criticism however, with very few exceptions, has pronounced decidedly

But against this view, which indeed is beset with many difficulties. the other hand this work is in no sense apocryphal, if by apocryphal

on

we

mean

fictitious.

There

is

no

indication, direct or indirect, that the

when he speaks
'

On the contrary, of the Apostles, his language is such as to suggest that he was wholly unconnected with them; and he merely addresses his sons and daughters,' as a teacher who had important trusts to comwriter desired to be taken for the Apostle Barnabas.

municate.
Epistle,
it is

How

the

name

of Barnabas

came

to be attached to the

impossible to say. An early tradition, or fiction, represents Barnabas as residing at Alexandria but this story might have been the
;

consequence, rather than the cause, of the name attached to the letter. Possibly its author was some unknown namesake of this 'Son of
Consolation.'

At
origin.
1

all

events

Its

we can hardly be wrong in ascribing to it an Alexandrian mode of interpretation is Alexandrian throughout and its
;

Clem. Alex. Strom,

20
(p. 489), v.

ii.

7 (p.

447

ed.

is

Potter),
2

10
ii.

(p.

683).

also

not beyond the reach of doubt. See Strom, ii. 15, 'p. 464, where Baris

Clem. Alex. Paed.

10 (p. 220, 221

nabas

mentioned by name.

cd. Potter).

It is true that the reference

THE EPISTLE OF BARNABAS.

earliest

55
this

reception, as

we have

seen,

is

connected with

Church.

The beginnings of Christianity at Alexandria are wrapped in obscurity. It would be as rash to reject confidently, as to adopt confidently, the
tradition

which represents Mark, the 'cousin' of Barnabas, as its But on the other hand it seems certain that the Alexandrian evangelist. Doubtless Church was a flourishing community at an early date.

who was brought Apollos was not the only learned Jew of Alexandria,' the lifetime of S. Paul. The to the knowledge of the Gospel during
'

steeped in the learning of Alexandria, and was probably written by a member of this Church. When Hadrian visited this city in the autumn of a.d. 130, he found the Christian
Epistle to the

Hebrews

is

Church an appreciable influence

'

elytizing in all directions. his brother-in-law Servianus afterwards praised to me,' he writes to

in society, extending itself and proshave become familiar with Egypt, which
j

you
*

blown about by every gust of rumour. Those who worship Serapis are Christians, and those are devoted to Serapis who call themselves bishops of Christ. There is no ruler of a synagogue
it

is

fickle, uncertain,

there,

no Samaritan, no Christian

presbyter,

who

is

not an astrologer,

a soothsayer, a quack. patriarch himself, whenever he comes to some to worship Serapis, by others to worship Egypt, is compelled by No stronger testimony to the Christ' (Vopiscus Vita Satumini 8). growing power of the Christian Church could be desired than these

The

sarcasms of the sceptical emperor. The Epistle of Barnabas may be regarded as a product of these conflicts between Jews and Christians

which Hadrian here describes.

elements which made up
history;
for

The antagonism between

the discordant
is

and

the population of Alexandria, in the general melee the feuds between Jews
insignificant part.

a matter of

and Christians

some generations bore no

The
date
is

birthplace of this Epistle then seems tolerably certain ; but its more open to dispute. It was certainly written after the first
it

destruction of Jerusalem under Titus to which

alludes,

and

it

was

almost as certainly written before the war under Hadrian ending in the second devastation, about which it is silent, but to which it could hardly

have

failed to refer, if written after or during the conflict.

It

The

possible

70 and a.d. 132. But time to discuss any theories which go beyond these boundaries. within this period of sixty years various dates have been assigned to it.
limits therefore are a.d.

would be mere waste of

Among
who
throws

the advocates of an earlier date

it

places
it

under Vespasian

(a.d.

69 79);

we may

single out Weizsacker,

while Volkmar,

forward to the time of Hadrian (a.d. 119 138), may be taken to represent the champions of the late date. Of the intermediate

who

506
position, occupied

EPISTLES OF
by several
critics

S.

CLEMENT.

regarded as a typical champion,

(a.d.

96

who

of reputation, Hilgenfeld may be dates it during the reign of Nerva

98).

conclusion depends mainly on the interpretation of two passages in the Epistle itself. The first is the more important. The writer warns his readers that

The

words that the great the faith of the believers, and conflict, which is destined to try is fast approaching, and he calls their attention to the signs of the last
'

the last scandal, or offence,

final

is

at

hand/

in other

days, as foretold in Daniel, in the following words 'And so also says the prophet; Ten kingdoms shall reign upon the earthy and after them shall rise up a little king, who shall lay low three of
:

the kings in one

(t/dcis v<f>

tv tgJv /Sao-tAeW).

In like manner Daniel saith

concerning the same;

And I saw

the fourth beast wicked

and strong and

untoward beyond

all the beasts of the earth,

little

and how
(as)

that ten horns sprang

up out of it, and out of them a

horn

an

offshoot (Trapac^vaSiov),

laid loiu three of the great horns in one (v(j> Ye ought therefore to understand ( 4). fieyaXuiv Keparwv).

and how

that

it

rpta twv

'

The

first

passage

is

taken from Daniel

chapter.

vii.

24

the second from an

citations

earlier verse in the

same

But, like the

Old Testament

in this writer generally, they are quoted with a degree of freedom which or ought to be, highly suggestive when we come to deal with is, evangelical quotations in the earliest fathers.

Of the interpretation the so-called Barnabas says nothing. He is evidently referring to the Roman emperors, and common prudence therefore gags his lips, when he would speak of their overthrow. He
leaves the solution to the intelligence of his hearers. When we attempt to read the enigma, we must
writer applies to his

remember

that the

own

times language which was intended to describe

something wholly different. may therefore expect to find some But on wresting of the imagery to adapt it to contemporary events. the other hand it must have exhibited coincidences sufficiently patent to
strike the ordinary

We

mind.

Othenvise the writer would not have ventured

to leave the application of the prophecy to his readers.

He

must have

discarded the prophecy as unfit for his purpose unless it had told its own tale, if he did not venture to expand it. And again ; we may look for the key to the exposition in those modifications of the original

words which the writer introduces.

one' or 'at once.' The original twice-repeated expression v<j> contains no hint that the three kings shall suffer at once or prophecy are closely connected together. Lastly ; the little horn in the original

h 'in

The most important

of these

is

the

THE EPISTLE OF BARNABAS.

507

prophecy is plainly the Antichrist; for he is described as making war against the Saints and prevailing against them, until the Ancient of Days came, and judgment was given to the Saints of the Most High;

and the time came that the This fact was too patent

Saints possessed the

to

kingdom
is

(vii.

21, 22).
all

be overlooked, and

recognised in

patristic interpretations of the

It is impossible therefore to prophecy. have interpreted the little horn in any suppose that our Barnabas could other way. Bearing these conditions of the problem in mind, we may proceed to investigate three solutions of the enigma which have been

offered.

place then Weizsacker reckons the ten Caesars from So far he Julius to Vespasian continuously, Vespasian being the tenth. But he supposes Vespasian natural reckoning. adopts the simple and
1.

In the

first

to be the

little

horn, and the three kings

Otho,

Vitellius.

These
first

identifications

humbled by him to be Galba, must be discarded for several

place Vespasian is made the little horn, while at one of the great horns. Next; Vespasian, though the same time he he humbled Vitellius, can in no sense be said to have humbled Galba
reasons.

In the

is

throughout identified himself with

Indeed, so far was this from being the case, that Vespasian the cause of Galba, and the first of his reign was the vindication of the memory of this prince measure

and Otho.

Lastly; this interpretation altogether sets (Tac. Hist. ii. 6, iv. 40). the distinctive character of the little horn as the Antichrist. aside

During his reign Vespasian was never so regarded by the Christians. had an entire immunity from persecution, and so rapidly did their they
influence grow that they even

made

converts in the imperial family

a strongly Antijudaic writer, like Barnabas, more especially itself. Vespasian, the scourge of the Jews and the instrument of God's vengeance on a rebellious people, must have been regarded in a directly
opposite
2.

To

light.

He omits Hilgenfeld reckons Domitian as the tenth king. as not having been an emperor strictly so called, and Vitellius as Julius The little horn according to never having been recognised in Egypt.
Nerva, a feeble and insignificant prince, who subverted of the three great emperors of the Flavian family dynasty But this theory again is open to very Vespasian, Titus, Domitian.
his solution is

the

serious

there

and (as it seems to me) fatal objections. In the first place no parallel elsewhere to this mode of reckoning, which makes Domitian the tenth, and not the twelfth of the Caesars. Whatever
is

might be said in favour of excluding Julius from the enumeration, the It is a mistake to maintain that exclusion of Vitellius is indefensible.

508

EPISTLES OF

S.

CLEMENT.

he was never recognised by the Alexandrians. True, his name does not occur, or at least has not yet been discovered, on the hieroglyphic monuments of Egypt ; but, as his reign only lasted a few months, this

His name is equally conspicuous by its absence in the proves nothing. Latin Inscriptions of Asia, of Greece, of Thrace and Illyricum, of
Cisalpine Gaul, of Spain, of Britain, and throughout the whole collection of Greek Inscriptions. On the other hand, as an evidence that he was

recognised in Egypt,

we have

And
from

in the Sibylline Oracles,

this country,

coins of this reign struck at Alexandria. which in some cases at least emanated
.

he has his proper place 1

The

lists

of the

Roman

'kings'

which they give begin with Julius and include

Vitellius, ac-

As Vitellius, like Otho, was duly according to the ordinary practice. knowledged by the Senate, and took possession of the Capital, no one at
a subsequent period would have disputed his claim to appear in the list. This sanction gave to Otho and Vitellius a position in history which was never accorded to pretenders like Civilis.

Moreover

this

theory

fails, like

the

last,

in not recognising the little

horn as the Antichrist.

The

persecution,

which had harassed the

Christians under Domitian, ceased under Nerva, for whose memory in consequence they always had a kindly regard, as their benefactor.

Hilgenfeld

is

his interpretation.

therefore obliged altogether to ignore the Antichrist in Nor again could Nerva be said without excessive

straining
once.'

of language to destroy the three kings 'in one' or 'at Vespasian, the earliest, and Titus the next of the Flavii, died in their beds seventeen and fifteen years respectively before the accession

of Nerva.
3.

The

solution

of

Volkmar

is

exposed

to

still

greater

ob-

jections than the two theories which have been considered hitherto. Like Hilgenfeld, he omits Julius and Vitellius, so as to reckon Domitian the 10th king; but he takes the three kings to be the three

emperor, Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian. because Trajan was adopted by They and Hadrian by Trajan. The writer therefore, living in the Nerva, time of Hadrian, looks forward to the appearance of the Antichrist in
successors of this last-named
are
said

to

be three

in one,

the person of Nero or Domitian redivivus, who shall crush Hadrian and end the dynasty. This theory has the merit of seeing the Antichrist in the little

horn

but this
to the

is its

only advantage.

Its

enumeration
;

of the Caesars

is

exposed
three

same objection

as the last

and

its

one seems altogether impossible. explanation Nerva had been already dead for twenty or thirty years on this
of the

kings in

Orac. Sibyl, v. 35, VIII. 50, XII. 95.

THE EPISTLE OF BARNABAS.

509

hypothesis, and yet the writer is looking forward to the advent of a conqueror who shall smite and humiliate him. Again ; the connexion
in each case having

of these three emperors was very slight, the adoption of the successor been made shortly before the death of the pre-

though this seems to be a less serious objection than the three kings are enumerated over and above the ten, the preceding, whereas the language suggests that they were in some sense comprised
decessor.
in the ten.

And

The solution, which I venture to offer, has not, so far as I am aware, been given before. We enumerate the ten Caesars in their natural sequence with Weizsacker, and we arrive at Vespasian as the tenth. We
regard the three Flavii as the three kings destined to be humiliated, We do not however with him contemplate them as with Hilgenfeld.

we explain the language as referring to the reigning sovereign, Vespasian, associating his two sons Titus and Domitian with himself in the exercise of the supreme power. At no
three separate emperors, but

other point in the history of the imperial household do we find so close a connexion of three in one, until a date too late to enter into
consideration.

And

lastly

we

interpret the

little

horn as symbolising

and we explain it by the expectation of Nero's reappearance which we know to have been rife during the reign of Vespasian. No other epoch in the history of the Caesars presents this coincidence of the three elements in the image the ten kings, the For these reasons three kings, and the Antichrist so appropriately.
the Antichrist with Volkmar,

we

are

led

to

Vespasian (a.d. 79). The enumeration of the ten kings speaks for

70

place the

so-called

Barnabas during the reign of

itself;

but the

When Vessignificance of the three kings requires some illustration. assumed the supreme dignity, the power of the empire was pasian sustained by Titus among the legions, while it was represented by
Domitian
in the capital (Tac. Hist.
iii.

84,

iv.

2, 3).

The

three were

thus associated

the public mind, as no three persons together had been associated before in the history of the Empire. Immediately on the accession of their father the two young men were created
in

Caesars by the Senate

tutis.'

The

first

and invested with the title of 'Principes Juvenact of Vespasian was to associate Titus with himself as

colleague in the consular power.

consulship, while Domitian was made praetor with Several types of coin, struck during this reign, exhibit the effigy of the reigning emperor on the obverse with figures of Titus and Domitian on the reverse in various attitudes and with
various legends,

An

extant inscription,

on a marble (Eckhel Dodr.

5IO
Num.
vi. p.

EPISTLES OF
320
sq),

S.

CLEMENT.
for three

which has apparently served as a base

busts, commemorates the emperor and his two sons in parallel columns, Vespasian's name and titles occupying the central column. 'Along this path (to glory)', says the elder Pliny (N H. ii. 5) 'now

advances with godlike

step,

accompanied by

his

sons, Vespasianus

Augustus the greatest ruler of any age.' The association of Titus with He was seven times his father's honours was close and continuous.
the emperor in the consulate during the ten years of He was associated in the Pontificate, the CensorVespasian's reign. and the Tribunician Power, which represented respectively the
colleague to
ship,
religious, the moral,

and the
'

political authority of the sovereign.

From

the

to act the part of colleague and even guardian of 2 The title Imperator itself was conferred upon him so the empire .' that the language of the elder Pliny is perfectly correct, when he speaks of 'imperatores Caesares Vespasiani, pater filiusque' during the life3 On the other hand the relations of Vespasian time of the father
told,
1
,
.

moment of ceased/ we are

his return to

Rome

after his

Eastern victories

'

he never

But the good nature and towards his younger son were never cordial. of Titus interposed to prevent any open breach between the generosity
two.

represented to his father that the safety of the empire was and the dependent on the harmony of the imperial household; Coins were baseness of Domitian was in consequence overlooked.

He

which had on the obverse the two sons of Vespasian, with the 4 At the triumph after the close of the Judaic tvtela avgvsti legend war, 'Vespasian,' says one who witnessed it, 'preceded in a chariot, and
struck,
.
.

splendidly habited
It is true that

Titus followed, while Domitian rode on horseback by the side, himself 5 and mounted on a horse which was a sight to see .'
three kings of whom the prophecy spoke. the obvious interpretation of the words pointed to three several kings belonging to the ten who are mentioned just before, whereas the so-called Barnabas found the three combined in one of the ten

Here then were the very

But this manitogether with his sons and colleagues in the kingship. him by the stubbornness of contemporary pulation was forced upon facts ; and he calls attention to it by repeating the expression three in
'

one,'

But what
1

which has no will be the end of

Tit.

place in the original.

this threefold kingship ?
It

would be

Suet.

6 neque ex eo
Plin. Paneg. 2.

destitit

pare
3

N. H.

ii.

to.

participem atque [etiam] tutorem imperii

agere.
2

Compare

But not as a praenomen, Eckhel VI. 361 sq. See Pliny N. H. vii. 50; com-

So Titus himself is called Titus Imperator Caesar, N. H. ii. 22. 4 Eckhel VI. 329.
5

Joseph. B.J. VII.

5. 5.

THE EPISTLE OF BARNABAS.

51

treason to give utterance to the thought which was passing through his mind. He therefore leaves the riddle to the intelligence of his readers. And this he might safely do. Ever since the reported death of Nero,

on the subject of his reappearance. He was beyond the Euphrates, where he was watching his opportunity to swoop down upon the Roman Empire and avenge The wish was father to the thought. For himself on his enemies
expectation had been
rife

thought to live retired

Nero, monster though he was, possessed some popular qualities which

a favourite with the masses. One after another pretender took advantage of this expectation. One false Nero started up imHe was caught at Cythnus and put to death ; mediately under Galba. but it was thought necessary to take his body to Rome that the public

made him

A second appeared about a.d. 80 under mind might be disabused followers on the banks of the Euphrates, and ultimately Titus, gathered 3 A third, if he be not the same with fled for refuge to the Parthians
2
.
.

the last mentioned, threatened the peace of the Roman Empire under 4 Even in the early years of the second cenDomitian about a.d. 88
.

tury Dion Chrysostom could still write, To the present time all men 5 desire him to be alive, and the majority even trust that he is This belief chimed in with the Christian expectation of the speedy coming of Antichrist and the end of all things. This persecutor of the disthis prodigy of wickedness and audacity who outraged humanity ciples, and defied nature, the son who murdered his mother, the engineer who would sever the Isthmus and join the two seas who could he be
'

.'

but the very

christ?
Isaiah,
it is

man

of sin, the Antichrist, or the forerunner of the Anti%,

Accordingly in an early apocryphal writing, the Ascension of /y said that in the last days Belial shall appear in the form of
' '

Ax}

a man, of the king of unrighteousness, of the matricide,' and shall per6 In this respect Christian anticipation only kept secute the Church with Jewish. Two Sibylline Oracles, which date about a.d. 80 pace
.'

both apparently Jewish, and one of them written in Egypt dwell on this expected return of the matricide, this final scourge of the human race, which shall precede the advent of Messiah's reign; and from these
earlier Sibylline

Oracles

it

is

transmitted to the

later.

The

belief in-

deed lingered on for several centuries. In the age of Jerome and some were still found to entertain this opinion. Even S. Augustine Martin of Tours himself is credited with it by a contemporary and
1

Suet. Ner. 57.

D ion.
iv. 2

Chrysost. Orat. xxi (p. 504 ed.

2
3 4

Tac. Hist.

ii.

8, 9.
(p.

Reiske).
578).
6

Zonaras

xi.

18

sq (p. 17 ed. Dillmann, 1877).

Suet. Ner. 57.

512
friend.

EPISTLES OF
But
it

S.

CLEMENT.

was during the continuance of the Flavian dynasty that

the expectation was at a white heat. Here then was the little horn of Daniel.

What more

appropriate ?

The

little

horn

is

counting as one Hence our Barnabas, with his

his

represented as springing up from the ten, and yet not of the ten. It is in fact an offshoot, an excrescence.

own
this

interpretation of the prophecy in

mind, unconsciously quotes as if it were part of the text.

word

excrescence

'

(7rapa</>W8ioi/),

INDICES.

CLEM.

II.

33

I.

INDEX OF SCRIPTURAL PASSAGES.

II.

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.

I.

INDEX OF SCRIPTURAL PASSAGES.

The
asterisks

mark the passages in which the resemblance is close, and which therefore are printed in the text as quotations.
(i)

The Epistle of
20
33 6

S.

Clement of Rome.
v. 11

Genesis

*i.

9
26, 27, 28

Job

*i.
*ii.

*v.

i7sq

23

*xi. 2, 3

59 57 26
17

*iv.

3sq
sq 14

*xii. 1
xiii.

*xiii.

I4sq
5,

4 10 10 10
10,

*xiv. 4, 5

*xy. 15
*xix.

26
25

xxviii.

*xv. *

32
17

xviii.

27

Psalms

*xxxviii. 10, 11 *". 7

*iii.

xxii. 2 xxii. 17

10
32 32 4 17
17

39 26 20 20 36 26
15

*xi(xii).

3sq

xxvi. 4

Exodus

*ii.
*iii.

14

*xvii (xviii). *xviii (xix).

25,26
1

46
27
16

sq

*xxi

(xxii).

6sq

*iv.
*vi.

10
1

60
51 53
1

*xxii (xxiii). 4 *xxiii (xxiv). 1

26 54 26
15

*xiv. 23, 26, 28 *xxxii. 10, 31, 32

*xxvii (xxviii). 7

*xxx

(xxxi).

19

Leviticus

xviii. 3

xx. 23

xxxi (xxxii). 1, 2 *xxxi (xxxii). 10

*xxxii (xxxiii). 13 *xxxii (xxxiii). 10 *xxxiii (xxxiv). 20 *xxxiii (xxxiv). usq

50 22 59 59 22 22
14

Numbers

*xii. 7

17,

43
59 29 59

xvi. 22
xviii.

27

xxvii. 16

Deuteronomy
*ix.

*iv.

34

*vii.

29 60
53

*xxxvi (xxxvii). 36 sq *xxxix (xl). 3

*xlviii (xlix). 14

60
51 52 35 18
15

i2sq
18

*xiii.

*xiv. 2

*xxxii. 8, 9 *xxxii. 14, 15

60 64 29
3

*xlix *xlix
*1

(1).

14, 15

(1).

(li).

i6sq isq
1

*xxxii. 39

59
12 13

*lxi (lxii). 4 Ixvi (lxvii).

60
37
...

Joshua 1 Samuel

ii.

3sq
10 14 4
1

"ii.

*lxviii (Ixix). 31, 32 "*lxxvii (lxxviii). 36,

*xiii.

18

Kings 2 Kings Job

1

*ix.

60
59
17

*xix. 19
*i.

*lxxxviii (lxxxix). 21 *xcix (c). 2 *cii (ciii). 10, 11

*ciii (civ).

52 15 18

59 8

*iv. 16 sq *v. 1 sq

30 30

*cix (ex). 1 *cxvii (cxviii). 18

36 36 56

33 2

5i6
Psalms

INDEX OF SCRIPTURAL PASSAGES.

*cxvii (cxviii). 19, 20 *cxviii (cxix). 114
*cxviii (cxix). 133

48 59 60
7
...

S.

Mark
Luke

*vii.

6
42

15

*ix.

*xiv. 21
S.
i.

*cxxx

(cxxxi).

14

46 46 63
13

*cxxxviii (cxxxix). 7 sq *cxxxix (cxl). 15 *cxl (cxli). 5 *cxliv (cxlv). 8

28
38 57

*vi.
xii.

36sq
14

60
57 T4

S.

John

*xiii. 5 x. 9

Proverbs

*i.

23 sq *ii. 21, 22
12
*iii.

xiv. 15
xvii. 3 xvii. 17

*iii.

34

56 30
2

4 24 48 49 59 60
18
2

Acts

*vii. 3

*x. 12

49
21

*xiii. 22 *xx. 35 xx. 35

*xx. 27 *xxiv. 12 Isaiah

*i.

xxiii.

34
8
3

Romans

i.
i-

21

13 41 36, 51

i6sq
5

^9sq
24

"m.
vi.

ii.

35 47

*xiii. *xiii.

n
32

*xxvi. 20 *xxix. 13
*xl.
xli.
li.

34 59 23 50
15

iv.

vi.
1

7sq isq
1, 2

50 33
pref.

Cor.

i. i.

iosq
9 10

*ii.
ii.

47 34

10 8 16

34
10, 17

40
5

ix.

24
33 9

60
59
3

x. 24,
xii. 8,

*lvii.

*lix.

15 14 *lx. 17
*lxii.
*lxiii.

xii. xii.

12 sq
29, 30

48 48 37
37

11
1

42 34
sq
16
34 13
11

xiii. 4, 7

49
37

*lxiv.
Ixvi.

4
16

xv. 23 xv. 36
xvi. 11 xvi. 17

*lxvi. 2
19, 22

24 65
38 41
5 2

Jeremiah

*iii.

8 13

2 Cor.

x.
xi.

13, 14

*ix. 23,
xviii.

24

23sq
1

14 *xxi. 10
Ezekiel

20 60
8 8

Galatians

iii.
i.

Ephesians

I7sq

30 sq *xxxiii. 1 sq xxxiv. 16
*xxxvii. 12 xlviii. 12

*xviii.

iv.
iv.

4sq
18 21

Daniel Malachi
Judith

*vii.
*iii.

10
1

*ix. 11
xiii.

15

xvi. 5

59 50 29 34 23 59 55 55
3

v.

59 46 36 38
3
7

Philippians

i-

27 3o ii. 3 iii. 9 iii. 14

i.

38

50
5

iv.

15
1

47
2

Colossians
1

ii.
i.

Wisdom
Ecclus.
S.

*ii.

24
12

Timothy

17
7

61
7

*xii.

*xvi. 18, 19
xxviii. 14 *v. 7
1, 2
vii.

27 59 6
13 13

3
ii.
ii.

60

29
45 42
21

Matthew

iii. iii.

*vii.

9 10
21

13,

*xiii. 3

48 24
13

v.

Timothy

i.

*xv. 8
*xviii. 6, 7

iv.

6
5
1

45 44
1

*xxvi. 24
S.

Mark

*iv. 3 *iv.

46 46 24
23

Titus

ii.

*iii.

Hebrews

i.
!

3
3, 4, 5 7
x

26sq

27 36

INDEX OF SCRIPTURAL PASSAGES.

Hebrews
i.

517

8
i
5
.. ..

16
17

James
1

*. v
i.
i.

20
2

49
pre/.
7

iii.

Peter

"m.
iv.

43
21

19
1

...

yi. ix.

12 18

..
..

ii. ii. ii.

...

27
12

9...

30 36, 59
61
2

19 x. 23
xi. 5 xi. 10
xi.
xii.

.. ..
.. ..

I3>

..

27 9 20
17
i3
J

ii.

iv.

iv.
iv. 'v.

17 8 10
<9 552

...
...

49
38
2

37
1

.. ..

9>

xii. 6, 7 xii. ..

63 56 64
7

...

v.

...

30 38
2

y. 9.

xii.
xiii.

17.. 2 ..
7
..

Peter

1.

..pre/.
...

10
1

i.

17
2

9
7

xiii.
xiii.

H: 5
iii.

17,

24

xiii.

21
..

James

16 *iv. 16
iv.

21 21

John

iv.

18

Revelation *xxii. 12

44 49, 50 34

30

(2)

^4/j

Ancient Homily.
14
S.

Genesis

1.

Psalms
Proverbs
Isaiah

vi.

27 9
12

Luke

*viii.

21

9
5 5

4
17

x. 3

lxxi (lxxii). 5, 17

xu. 4, 5
'xiii.

16
,

27

4
8

xxix. 13 *xxxiv. 4
xl.
*lii.

xvi. 10

16
4
13
2

n
5
1

*xvi. 13 xix. 10

6
2

Acts

iniv.
-

*liv.
*lviii.

19 19

*lxvi.

i8sq
24.

*lxvi.

7,

Jeremiah
Ezekiel

xviii.

4sq

15 17 17 8

v 29

13 4 4

Romans

v. 31 iv. 17
vii. 8,

20
1

11
11.

*xiv. 14 sq
ii.

6
1

ix.

21

16 8
14
7

Hosea
Malachi
S.

Cor.
Galatians

ii.

9
25

*iv.
iii.

16
12 17
.

Matthew

ix. 24, vi. 10

*i.

9
19 13 13

vi.
*vii.

24
21

6 4
2
5

Ephesians

23

18 *iy. 17.
vi.

'ix.

x.
>x.

13 28

6
22
17

Colossians
1

iii.
i.

32

Timothy

20
15
11
1

"xii.

49.

*xvi.

26

xxv. 21, 23. xxv. 46

S.

9 6 8 6
2

iv.

16

Hebrews

x.

23
1

xii.
xiii.

18

16

Mark
Luke

11.

17
-

James
1

iv.

11

*viii.

36 ix 43
iii.

6
17 17 13
2

v.

20
8

S.

17 *vi- 3 2 > 35

Peter Peter

iv.
i.

4 16 16
11

19

II.

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
Abbreviations employed, 4 Abdo and Sennes, martyrs, 363 Abraham; in Clement's Epistle, 43 sq; his title 6 (pi\os, 43, 63 Abulides, Egyptian name for Hippolytus, 401, 477 Abundius, Abundus; in the Laurentian
place, 469

Alcibiades and the

Book

of

Elchasai,

323 sq
Alcinous, heretic, 347, 396 Alexander III at S. Denis, 468 Alexandrian Church, its origin and early character, 504 sq Alexandrian MS, Clementine matter in
the;

Acts, 353, 469 sq, 472 sq ; his burialAdo of Vienne on, 360 ; ;
inscription relating to, 351

and
57,

title, 191, 198 sq; mutilations lacuna?, 240, 263 sq; corruptions, no, 124, 138, 232 sq; first ex-

Acontus, a martyr of Portus, depositio of, 355 475 Aden; never called Portus Romanus, 429 ; its usual name, 429 ; not the

plicit

work
25 1 Alogi,

mention of 2 [Clement] as the of Clement of Rome in, 193, 200

its

Almsgiving,
the

importance in

[Clement],
to

Ado

see of Hippolytus, 429

name perhaps

traceable

of Vienne;

on the martyrdom of
Hippolytus,

Hippolytus, 394

Laurence

and

357

sq,

Ambrose

(S.), his literary obligations to

448, 450, 471 sq; source of his information, 473 Agapitus, in the Laurentian Acts, 353, 354, 357 Ager Veranus; its position, 442; the name, 442 sq; cemeteries at, 442 sq; burial-place of Hippolytus, 440, 442 ;

Hippolytus, 413 Ambrosius, Origen's 'task-master', 330; confused by Photius with Hippolytus,
348, 423.

probably on his property there, 441, 443; his statue discovered in, 463 sq; other martyrs buried there, 462 ; confused medieval use of the term, 443,

Amphilochius, metrical list of the scriptures by, 407, 408, 413 Anacolutha in Clement's Epistle, 1 1 Anastasius Apocrisiarius, on a spurious

463; De Rossi's excavations, 443, 453, 463 inscriptions found at, 464 ; history of Hippolytus' basilica there, 444 sq, 45 1 sq, 459 the basilica disinterred, 452, 464 Hippolytus' bones translated from, 351 sq, 459,467 sq; other reliques transferred and the cemetery rifled, 351 sq, 459 sq, 463, 468 sq; commemorative inscription, 351, 459, 462, 469; medieval acts and guide books written for pilgrims to, 463, 473; the Laurentian Acts linked with, 468 ; the exjDression juxta Nympham, 359, 472
;

Hippolytean work, 344, 403 sq Anastasius of Sinai; quotes Hippolytus, 345, 421 on the Eternal Church, 245 sq Ancient Homily ; see Corinthians, Second Clementine Epistle to the Andreas of Caesarea, mentions Hippo;

lytus, 340 Andreas the presbyter; restored Hippo-

lytus' basilica, 454,

465; perhaps prior

of the

title

of the third ecclesiastical

region, 465 Antichrist, treatise of Hippolytus on ; notices, 330, 345, 348, 349; extant, character, 398 ; date, 398 ; 398, 405 Nero as Antichrist in Barnabas, 507,
;

Agnes

(S.); her cemetery, 443, 445, 451 ; her day, 45 1 ; Frudentius' poem on,

445, 451 ; her connexion with other martyrs commemorated by Prudentius, 445. 45i

508, 509; in other documents, 511 sq Antipodes, early fathers on the, 73 Apocalypse of Elias, 106 Apocalypse of S. John; not considered by the Gaius of Proclus the work of hence no argument Cerinthus, 381
;

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
against the identification of Gaius and Hippolytus, 386 sq ; Hippolytus' view, 394 ; Dionysius of Alexandria mistaken,

519

mvaros, 171
aiixara, plur., 68 alvov aiwviov, 231
aiperifeiv,

386

how

far

Gwynn's discovery modi-

fies this

argument, 388
80,
95,

aKOVTi^eiv,

244 66

in Clement, 39, in 139, 141 [Clement], 218, 219, 227, 235, 236 sq Apocryphal writings ascribed to O. T.

Apocryphal quotations
52, 64,

aKpoyuvicuos, of Christ, 486 a\T]dda (^), 195, 216, 257, 260 dXXdrpios, dXX6<pvXos, 38
dXvTnjros, 259
afA(3\vwireli> , dfJL/3Xvu)TTeiv, 21
d/J.Ta/j.\r]Tos, &/J,Ta/j.e\r)T ws, 19,

prophets, 39 sq

invented by Gnostics,

106
Apollinarian expressions anticipated in early orthodox writings, 14 sq Apollinaris, a notice of Hippolytus wrongly ascribed to, 328, 431 sq Apollonius on the character of Domitian, 7 Apollos, not reckoned an apostle by

169

dfivrjatKaKOS, 16, 182

&p.u/j.os,

102,

in, 126

avayvos, 96
avaypacprj, 89

dvafairvpelv, intrans., 90 av&Xvcns, 135

Clement, 144 Apostolical Constitutions; imitates Clement's Epistle, 5, 70, 7r, 125, 134, 171,
172, 173, 174, 176; Hippolytus' name attached to a form of, 401 sq ; illustrates

dvar^XXeiv, trans., 71
ava.Tv\iTTi.v,

97

dveXei, form, 78 av7]Ku>, constr., 108, 136, 181

249; and cites it as genuine and canonical, 193 Apt, the sarcophagus at, a testimony to Hippolytus' fame, 467 Arabic Catena on the Pentateuch ascribed
2 [Clement], 222,

avdpwwdpecrKOs, 241 dvTLKeifiwos (6), 153 avrtfiLcrdia, 212, 213, 231, 236
dvTnrape\Kti>, dvTLTvirov, 247
dvrcxpdaXp.e'ii',

254
104

to Hippolytus, 348,

423

d^iovv, constr., 162

dopyrjros,

Archelaus the deacon, in the Portuensian

Acts, 356, 364, 474, 476 Arsis, Assis, the island at Portus, 341 Artemon, the treatise against; assigned to Gaius, 348, 377; identical with the
Little Labyrinth, 378,

69

aTreparos, direpavros, 72 diroKTevveLV, form, 220

diroXap.fidvei.v,

228

dw oXvrpiocr is, 254

dirovoca, 9 dirbcrToKoL {ol), of writings in 2 45
dirpoaderis,

380, 385, 421;

;

and the work of Hippolytus, 380 sq an

objection of Salmon's considered, 400; see Little Labyrinth Ascension of Isaiah ; date, 106; probably extant, 107; not quoted by S. Paul,

N. T., 202,

155
10

dirpoaKOTTUs, 74
d7rpoa(i)iro\rifA7rTws,

106; makes Nero Antichrist, 511 Assumption of Moses; an alleged quotation in Clement from, 65, 81, 86; on the phoenix, 85 ; minor reference to,
Athletic metaphors in 2 [Clement], 223 sq Atlantis, 73

dp/ceros,

148

dpcrev 66 t]\vs,

239

dpx^yovos, accent, 172 dpxv toO evayyeXlov, 143 dpxiepetfs, of Christ, in, 123

Augustine (S.), on S. Matt. xvi. 18, 19, 482, 483 Aurea, in the Portuensian Acts, 362, 474;
see Chryse
&(3ai>av<T0js,

174 258 acnriXos, 228

dcre^Tjs,
acrocpos,

daroxcLV, 256
drrip.eXeiv,

116

avdevriKov, 247
avTeiraiveTos, 97
d<prjneiv f

134

93

dyadoirorfa, dyadoiroieiv, ij, 232 ayadoTT)?, 243 ayioyptupa, titles applied to the, 92, 167 07101 (ol), 163

dcpiXo^evia, 109 d(popfM'qv 8l56vcu, Xap.(3dpeiv,

250

Babylon;

in S.

Peter's Epistle, 491 sq;

52 dyvuxrLa, 171 ayuyri, 144, 145

ayioTrpeirrjs,

dywv and

cu'wi>

confused in Mss, 223

as a name for Rome, 492 Balaam, the Blessings of, 343, 389, 400, 402 Baptism, called aeppayis, 201, 226

ddeXcporrjs, 18

ddXeiv with ace, 259

Baralas, Barulas, in the story of nus, 446 sq, 449 sq

Roma-

520

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
437 439;. his cemetery, 328, 442, 451;
his portrait extant, 441 Canon ; in the time of Clement, 205 sq
;

Bardenhewer, 366, 391, 393

Barnabas, the Epistle of; its character, 503; author, 503 sq; canonicity, 504; date, 505 sq ; test country, 504 sq theory of passages as to date, 506 Weizsacker, 505, 507 ; Hilgenfeld, 506, 507 Volkmar, 505, 508 sq the theories criticised and date suggested, 509; the threefold kingship and the coming of Antichrist explained, 509 sq Baronius, 373, 477 Basil (S.) quotes Clement, 140, 169 Bensly and the Syriac Version of the
; ; ;
;

of 2 [Clement], 202, 204, 205 sq, 242, 245 sq Canons ascribed to Hippolytus, 401 sq Carpophorus, Callistus' master, 320 sq Caspari, 367, 401 sq, 403, 407 Cassianus, picture seen by Prudentius representing the martyrdom of, 450,

453
Cassianus, Julius; quotes the Gospel of the Egyptians, 207, 236 sq, 238, 239; his controversy with Clement of Alexandria thereon, 207, 236, 239 Cemeteries; (1) of S. Agnes, 443, 445, 451; (2) of Callistus, position, burials

Clementine Epistles, 36, 47, 69, 147, 158, 176, 215, 255, 257 Benson, Archbishop, on Hippolytus, 367, 453> 466 Bero, a spurious Hippolytean work against, 345, 346, 403 sq Bianchini, 367, 399
_

and commemorations, 328, 442, 451; posi(3) of Cyriace, name, 469, 472 tion, 442 sq, 469; called the Cemetery
;

Bilt (S.)

French name
of,

for

Hippolytus,

477; the Abbey

467

of S. Laurence, 442 sq; basilica of S. Laurence at, 442 sq ; the church of S.

Bishops, itinerant and extra-diocesan, 432 sq ; illustrated by the episcopate of Hippolytus, 432 sq
Bito, 185, 187, 305 Book of Jubilees, 44, 94

buried
to,

341, 459; saints and popes 442, 469, 471 ; reliques transferred from the cemetery of Hippolytus

Stephen

at,

in,

Bostra; Hippolytus associated by Gelasius with the see of, 340, 428; the error traced, 327, 331, 428 bravium, 28 Brescia, reliques of Hippolytus in S. Julia
at, 468 Bryennios
;

351 sq, 459, 468; commemorative 469; (4) of Hippolytus ; see Ager Veranus Censurianus,in the Portuensian Acts, 361,
inscription, 351, 459,

his edition of Clement,

47,

172,

178,

181,

234,

243,

244,

257;

criticised, 14, 21, 30, 38, 77, 78, 90, 96,

364, 474 sq Cerinthus as author of the Apocalypse of S. John, 381, 386 sq Chair of Hippolytus, 324 sq, 395, 400, 412, 419 sq, 440, 463 sq; see further Hippolytus of Port us Chiliasm in Hippolytus and other early
writers, 387 sq Christology; of Clement, 13 sq, 57, 91, 102, 205; of 2 [Clement], 200, 205, 211, 230, 248; of other early writers, *

129, 148, 158, 172, 177, 182, 224, 233, 245, 260; assigns 2 [Clement] to Clement of Rome, 204 sq

Bucher, 399 Bucina; mentioned in the Liber Pontificalis, 340; its position, 340; the reading of the passage, 340 Bunsen, 34, 132, 134, 367, 378, 385, 395, 397, 402, 403, 404, 427, 428, 430!

13 sq

j3dvavaos, 149
(3a<Ti\eLa,
(3acrL\eioi>,

opposed
222

to iepuavvr), 179

Chronica of Hippolytus; notices of, 325, 395, 421; identification of, 399, 419; date of, 437 Chronicon Paschale; quotes Hippolytus, 344, 403, 421 ; a passage wrongly ascribed in, 344 Chronology of our Lord's life in Hippolytus' system, 391 sq Chryse, in the Portuensian Acts, 361, 364 sq, 474 sq

fiaaiketis ru>v aldjvwv,

180

(3&tos,

gender, 64
of O. T., 202, 245

/3t/3Xia (ra)
/Si'os,

213

Chrysostom on Romanus, 446, 448 Claudius Ephebus, 185, 187, 305

Claudius Gothicus, in the spurious Acts of Hippolytus, 471, 474 Claudius, in the Laurentian Acts, 358,

/3\d.7rreiJ/,

260
9

(3\a<T(t>7][Alv,

Cain, meanings given to the name, 22 Callinicus the tribune, in the Acts of

472 Clemens, Flavius, his relations to Clement

of

Rome,
Rome,

8
4, 9,

Laurence, 362 Callistus, bishop of Rome; his life and relations to Hippolytus, 320 sq, 431 sq,

Clement of Alexandria; quotes Clement

of
39, 42, 52, 54, 55, 56,
>

62,65, 72,75 77> 93, i<H> IXI

Il6

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
Egyptians, 207; does not know [Clement], 192 is not its author, 204, 206 sq; on S. Peter at Rome, 495 Clement of Rome; see Clement\ Epistle
the
2
;

521

121, 127, 14O, 141, 145, 146 sq, 149, 164, 168, 172; his use of the Gospel of

Clement, mentioned in Hennas; according

to

Harnack distinct from Clement of Rome, and author of 2 [Clement], 207 sq

Clement, Epistle of; MSS and Versions, 3, 13; other sources of evidence for,
4; titles, 5; date, 8, 25, 125, 134, 144, 185; the writer a Hellenist Jew, 23, 205 ; his personal relation to the Apostles, 25; his mention of S. Peter, 493; his comprehensiveness, 121 combines the teaching of S. Peter, S. Paul and S. James, 47, 97, 100, 149; his tolerance, 149, 170; his christology, l 3 sq 57, 9 1 * J o 2 2 5 ; tne Epistle known to the author of 2 [Clement], 235 the styles compared, 205 ; the
;

Corinthians, Second Clementine Epistle to the ; the title in MSS, and deductions, 191, 198, 211; not the work of Clement, 191 sq, 204 sq; external evidence, 192 sq; accepted by the Monophysites, 193; the appellation 'Epistle to the Corinthians,' 193 sq; from internal evidence a homily, 194 sq, 253; probably delivered in Corinth, 197, 224; extempore or from manuscript? 197; then read publicly and attached
to Clement's Epistle, 197 sq; not So-

nor Dionysius' reply, 196 sq; not by a layman, 195, 253; Harnack's theory of its Roman origin, 199 sq ; the resemblances to the Shepherd of Hermas, 200 sq; date, 201 sq; its evidence to the canon, 202 sq; orthodoxy of the writer, 202 the form of
ter's letter,
;

Gnosticism attacked in, 203 ; acquaintance of the author with the writings of S. Paul and S.John, 204, 222; with Clement's Epistle, 235; the author, not

opening words imitated,

271 sq

translation,

Clement of
204 sq;
not

Rome

(Bryennios' view),

Clement of Alexandria

Clement, Spurious Epistle of, see Corinthians, Second Clementine Epistle to

the

Clementine Homilies; imitates Clement, 52 ; and 2 [Clement], 217, 219; relative positions of S. Peter and S. Paul in, 30 Cleomenes, the Noetian, at Rome, 319 sq Cologne, reliques of Hippolytus at, 468 Compendium against all Heresies an
;

(Hilgenfeld's view), 206; not the Cleview), 207 sq; a Gentile Christian, 205, 213, 214; its literary merit, 208; lacunae in the archetype of our MS real and supposed,

ment of Hermas ( Harnack 's

233 sq, 245; analysis, tion, 306 sq

Cotelier, 143, 215, Cotterill, 115

208 sq; transla-

216

early
date,

of Hippolytus, 414; its not the Philosophumena, 414; probably survives in a Latin summary in the Praescriptio of psTertullian, 386, 414 sq; references to,

work

426 sq

Crescentio, Crescentius, Crescentianus, in the Laurentian Acts, 353, 358, 471 sq

Cureton, 193

Cyprian on S. Matt.
S(l

xvi.

18,

19,

484

400, 413 sq nurse of Hippolytus Concordia, the in the Laurentian Acts, 353, 354; in Ado of Vienne, 359 sq; in Florus'
'

sq; interpolations in the passage, 484

Cyriace;

Bede, 357; her burial-place, 351, 469 sq; her day, 356, 470; originally 'mulier,' 470 when added to the story of Hippolytus, 463; her connexion with him
;

merely

local,

470

in the Laurentian Acts, 353, 358, 469 sq, 47 r sq; inscription relating to, 35 1 gave her name to the cemetery of S. Laurence, 342, 459; probably owned the ground, 469; see Cemeteries Cyriacus, the bishop, in the Portuensian
;

Constantinopolitan MS, corrigenda in the collation for this edition, 268 Cooper, B. H., 33 Corinth, as a halting-place between the East and Rome, 9 Corinth, Church at; feuds in the, 20 sq, 43, 120 sq, 133, 143 sq, 158 Corinthians, Pauline Epistles to the allusions in Clement's Epistle to, 142
;

Acts, 364, 475, 476; in Roman martyrologies, 356; in Florus-Bede,

357
Cyril of Alexandria, on S. Matt. xvi. 18, 19, 482 sq Cyrilla; in the Laurentian Acts, 353,
354, 360, 473; inscriptions relating to, 351, 352; references to, 353; her identity, 470; her burial-place, 469 sq; date of her martyrdom, 471; her day,

sq; both Epistles known to Clement, 142 sq; source of a quotation in 1 Cor. ii. 9, 106 sq Corinthians, Epistle of Clement to the;
see Clement^ Epistle of

471; her connexion with Hippolytus local, 471 Cyrillus of Scythopolis on Hippolytus,
343, 4^1

522
lead' uipav,

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
236
122

Dialogues,

early

Christian,

real

and

uipa, Ka.Kodidacncake'ii' ,

Kdipos

and

fictitious characters in,

381 sq

234

Ka\aj3 pur fids, Ka\a(3pos, 120

Kavuv, 11, 36
Ka.TavT0.V1

34

KaTawXeiv, 223
KCLTOiKeiv, irapoiicciv, 5

Dionysius of Alexandria, on the Apocalypse, 386 Dionysius of Corinth ; on the martyrdom of S. Peter and S. Paul, 26, 27, 494; the Second Clementine Epistle unknown to, 192; and not his work, 197 Dionysius Barsalibi, Hippolytean ments discovered in, 388, 394 Dodwell, 206
;

Kexp&yeiv, 105
KrjpvZ,

frag-

accent and use, 29

Kiacav, 66
Ko\aj3piet.v,

120

224 koo-/jlik6s, 254

KOTTidv,
Kplp.a.Ta,

reading, 71 Kvdpas, Kvdplvos, form, 65

/ctfros,
1

71

Xapla/xaTa, Hippolytus' treatise respecting,

Dollinger on Hippolytus of Portus, 368, 403, 427, 430 sq, 440; on Hippolytus of Antioch, 371 ; on Severina, 397; on the Treatise against Bero, 404 Domitian ; his close association with Vespasian and Titus in the empire, 509 sq character of the persecution under, 7, 175; allusions in Clement's Epistle to
;

400 sq, 421 Xp&adai, form, 221 Xcopa, 128, 150

this persecution, 7, 175

Damasus, bishop of Rome; his episcopate, 444; inscription on Hippolytus by, 328 sq, 424 sq, 444 sq; read by
Novatian,
Prudentius, 424; makes Hippolytus a 425, 445; the result of a confusion, 425 sq; calls him 'presbyter,' 424, 428, 435; other inscriptions of, 375, 464, 500; beautifies the basilica of Hippolytus, 329, 444 sq

Donaldson, 133, 195 Dorner, 403 Dorotheus the Archimandrite, quotes 2 [Clement], 193, 225 Draseke, 404 Duobus Geminis Cons, as the date of the Crucifixion ; probably due to Hippolytus, 391 sq; light thrown on this by the treatise on Daniel, 391 sq

Aav aides

ical Aipicai,

32 sq

Daniel, commentary by Hippolytus on, 391 sq; patristic notices of, 343, 345, 346, 348, 349, 350; Bardenhewer on, 391; Georgiades' discovery of, 391; Kennedy's edition of, 366, 391 Davies, 69, 70, 232 De Magistris, 365, 368, 394, 395, 476 De Rossi ; his writings on Hippolytus, 366, 368; discovers inscriptions illus-

Aaveld, form, 24 deo-rroTrjs, of God the Father, 37

8rj\os, fern.,

239
171

5r}fxiovpy6s, 75, 89,

dcavijeiv,

88
6

dievdvveiv, 73, 180, 181

dLOLKTjaiS,

diaTayfios, 142

Hippolytus, 329, 351 sq, 374 443 sq; on the Paschal Tables of Hippolytus, 399 ; on his cemetery in the Ager Veranus, 443> 453' 4^3; on nis memoria in the Vicus Patricius, 465 ; on the picture of his martyrdom seen by Prudentius, 453; on the Acts of Hippolytus, captain of brigands, 373 sq; on the Cemetery of Callistus, 374 sq; on the day of Concordia, 470 sq Decius; death of the emperor, 362, 364; in the Laurentian Acts confused with
trating
sq,

dixj/vx^, dixj/vxia, Styvxos, 46, 236, 258 5w8eKacrKT]TrTpov, 98 du)deKa<pv\ov 162

,

8tbao},

form, 213

Ebedjesu, the catalogue of;

Hippolytus'

Gothicus, 471; his alleged wife and daughter martyred, 470 Denis (S.), monastery of; bones of Hippolytus brought to the, 467 III at the, 468
;

350, 393, 398, 419 sq, 423; against Gaius mentioned in, the Little Daniel, 393 350, 388; Ebionites; attacked in 2 [Clement], 211, 229; their name, 211 sq; their christology, 211 sq; their Gospel, 231 Elchasai, the book of, 324 Eldad and Modad ; history of the work, 80; its relation to 2 Peter, 235; quoted
in,

works

the

Heads

in Clement's Epistle, 65, 80;

and

in 2

[Clement], 235

Alexander
93

Elkanah and Anna,

to,

treatise of

Hippolytus

Deuteronomy
sq

xxxii. 8, 9, reading of,

338. 39> 4 2 Encratites and the Gospel of the Egyptians, 237 sq, 240 Endor, the witch of, Hippolytus' work on, 325, 330, 400, 412, 420

Dialogue with Proclus; Dialogue with

see

Proc/us,

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
Enoch
called 6 Sikcuos, 42

523

Ephebus, 185, 187, 305 Epigonus, the pupil of Noetus, 319 Epiphanius an alleged allusion to Clem;

e&pifaaev, spelling, 34 e^eraafMos, 168

i^oXedpetieiv,

54

eTrdXXTjXos, 8
'iirapxos,

ent's Epistle explained, 62, 117; quotes another passage second-hand probably through Hegesippus, 158; date of his work against heresies, 41 5 his indebted;

114

eire^epyd^ecrdai, 145
eindTjpiia,
e7Tiet/ceia,

220
10, 162, 169, 182

ness to Hippolytus, 413, 415 sq; quotes from the Ebionite Gospel, 231

Episcopacy in Corinth in Clement's time, 120 sq, 123, 129, 133

Erbes, 372, 429 Eugenius, in the Laurentian Acts, 353 Euripides quoted in Clement's Epistle, 115, 116

eiriKaTaWaaaeiv, 145 eiup.ovr}, 132 ewLvop:rj, 132 iTwrddrjTos, form, 188 ew La kotos and wpecrftvTepos in Clement's
Epistle, 129

imaToXr)
exists,

(tj),

where more than one Epistle

142

Eusebius; on 2 [Clement], 192, 199 sq; probably knew the work, 199 sq on Romanus, 446; on the works of Hippolytus, 327, 389 sq, 419 sq ; on Hipignorant of polytus himself, 326 sq the facts of Hippolytus' life, 428; on Gaius, 326 sq, 377 sq, 380 sq, 384; on Hippolytus the brigand, 373 Eusebius the presbyter, in the Portuen; ;

iirupdveia,
e7rdTTTT]s,

236
104
20, 140

173

epyoTrapeKTTjs,
epis

and kindred words, erepoyvdi/jLcov, 46

erepoKkiv-qs, 45,
evdoKTjcris, 18,

145 123

eveiKTLKQs, 113
evT]/xepe7v, evrjpiepia,

232

sian Acts, 364 Eustratius, on Hippolytus, 343, 420 Ezekiel ; apocryphal works ascribed to, 39,

evdrjs,

form, 66 evKTaios, 188

evirpayelv,

255
124

40; perhaps quoted by Clement, 39; bipartite division of the canonical book
of,

evarddeia, 180, 188

evxapt-VTia, evxapiCTe'tv,
ei>xv, Trpocrevxv,

40

126

e<pbdiov, 12, 15

<!yypacpos,

139 eyn dpdios, 231

TjyefAoviKov,
i]yovp.evoL,

66 sq
irpo7)yovp.evoi,

eyKapiros Kal riXeios, 135, 163 eyKvirreiv, 121, 156, 182

elKTLKus, 113
eiXtKpivQs,
eis

of

Church

of-

113 ijdvTrddeia, 250, 256

ficials, 10, 77,
ij/j.e'pas /ecu

98

vvktos, order, 17

yeueav yeveu>v, 180

el<xy]KLV,
e/cXe/cTTj

236
Kvpia,

490 sq
182

e/cXe/CTos,

169

Fabian, bishop of Rome, divides the city among the seven deacons, 372 familia of Hippolytus, 351, 354, 356, 357,
359; 470 Faustinus, in the Portuensian Acts, 474 Felicissimus the deacon, in the Laurentian Acts, 357 Filocalus the calligrapher, 444, 464

eKTevrjs, 169,

iKTiKtos,

113 iXeav, form, 52

eXXSyi/nos, 170,
epLcpvXaicLfav, ev x L Ph 161 ;

182

137
ev

x e P<TWi 223

Fock, 403, 404

Fortunatus, 187, 305

eVaXXd, 48 evdperos, 181

125 55 evoirTplfacrdai, 111 evcTTepvi^eadai, 16

ev8e\ex<.<Tp,6s,
ivKaTa.XeLp.fjia,

Fossombrone, cult of Hippolytus and Laurence at, 466 sq Fulrad; brings bones of Hippolytus to France, 467; his abbey St Bilt, 467 Funk, 440
Fuscianus, city prefect, 320, 321 Gaia, Gaius, in legal formula?, 382 Gaius, the Roman presbyter ; Eusebius on, 326 sq; Jerome on, 329, 378; Photius on, 347, 377 sq; treatises ascribed to, especially the Dialogue against Pro-

hrev^LS, 257
e^aiperos, 120, 186 ed/as, ev 8e rep e/386/xLp, 165

e^aKovTifav, 53
e^enreiv,

248
form, 156 138

e%e\latreiv, 71
eeXoi//*cu,

eepleiv,

ems, 377 sq, 407

all

belong to Hip-

5 24
polytus,

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
;

Gaius perhaps 13, 377 sq Hippolytus' praenomen, 381; all particulars about Gaius and Hippolytus
383; probably the same as Hippolytus, 318, 496 ; the reference in the MSS of the martyrdom of Polyon the Apocalypse, 386; on carp, 383
identical, 382,
;

380,

388;

of the
S.

mentary on
yrjyevrjs,

Hippolytean comMatthew, 366, 394

118
form, 185 147 of the Hagiographa,

yrjpovs, yripei,

yuuiais, 121,

yopyos, 147
ypcupeiov, ypacpeia,

the millennium, 387 sq; style and matter of the Dialogue, 386 ; his date, 496 on the graves of S. Peter and S. Paul, 26, 496, 497, 499; the Heads against,
;

92, 167 ypacprj, ypacpai, of 215, 242, 245

N. T. writings, 202,

in

Ebedjesu's catalogues, 350, 395 fragments discovered by Gwynn, 366, 380, 388

ypacpai iepac, of

O. T. writings, 156

Hadrian

Games, Greek words adopted by the

Romans
Gass, 200
;

relating to, 35

on Clement's Epistle, 172, Gebhardt 174, 176,177,178,184; on 2 [Clement], 195, 224, 240, 257
Gelasius; quotes Hippolytus, 340, 421; confuses his see, 428 Geminus of Antioch, 331, 371 Genesis iv. 3 8 explained, 22 sq Genesius, martyr, in the Laurentian Acts, 353; buried in the cemetery of Hippolytus, 454 sq ; his church restored

I ; restores the cemetery of Hippolytus, 341, 459 sq; the church of S. Stephen, 341, 459; and the church of S. Laurence, 342 Hadrias, in the story of Hippolytus the brigand, 373, 374, 376 Hagemann, 133, 208

Haneberg, 401 Harnack; on Clement's Epistle,

33, 49,

69, 90, 99, 117, i33> x 3 6 > x 7 2 > !75> 186; on the country of 185, 176, 2 [Clement], 199 sq; theories on its

by Gregory
of the

III, 340, 455;

two martyrs
per-

name mentioned, 455; but

haps only one person, 455 Geography, speculations of the ancients

in,

authorship, 195, 196, 207 sq; on the of its delivery, 198; on its date, 201, 204; on passages in it, 213, 230, 241, 244, 246, 249, 250, 254, 260 Hebrews, Epistle to the; imitated in

mode

72 sq

Georgiades discovers Hippolytus' commentary on Daniel, 391 sq Georgius Hamartolus on Hippolytus, 347 Georgius Syncellus; list of Hippolytus' works in, 346, 419 sq; does not accept
2

Clement's Epistle, 10, 18, 37, 42, 45, 50, 57, 62, 68, 75, 78, 91, 99; imitated in 2 [Clement], 214, 236, 246, 252;

[Clement], 193

Germanus of Constantinople
polytus, 345

on

Hip-

Gaius and Hippolytus on its authorship, 348, 378 Hegesippus ; shows no knowledge of 2 [Clement], 192; Epiphanius' indebtedness to, 158 Herculanus in the Portuensian Acts, 474
;

Gnomic
its

aorist,
its

260
apocryphal works, 106; by Clement, 2 [Clement],

sq; a genuine martyr of Portus, 475; his day, 355, 475; depositio of, 355;

Gnosticism;

expressions anticipated 121 ; the form attacked in

203, 228 sq Gospel of the Egyptians; its character, 237 held in esteem by the Gnostics,
;

sarcophagus commemorating, 476 Herenius, in the Laurentian Acts, 353 Hernias, the Shepherd of; its date, 411, 413; illustrates Clement's Epistle, 46,
118, 140, 141, 142, 144, 146, 165, 178, 185, 186; its resemblances to 2 [Clement] considered, 200 sq; the doctrine of the heavenly Church in,
76, 81,

237; quoted in 2 [Clement], 202, 207, 218, 219, 236 sq; and by Clement of Alexandria, 207, 236; who had never seen it, 237 Grabe on 2 [Clement], 194, 196 Greeks, Treatise against the, by Hippolytus, 325, 395 Gregory Nazianzen, metrical list of the scriptures by, 407, 408, 413 Gregory of Tours, on Hippolytus, 343 Gregory III restores the church of
Genesius, 340, 455 Gudius, 398 Gwynn ; discovers fragments of the Hippolytean Heads against Gaius, 366,

of the pre-incarnate Son, 200, baptism a 'seal,' 201, 226; its teaching on marriage, 201 ; on Judaism, 201; the Clement mentioned
200, 244
;

230;

calls

in,

107 sq; illustrates 2 [Clement], 214,

218 Hesse on the Muratorian Canon, 369, 407

Hexaemeron

interpreted of Christ and the Church, 245 sq High-priesthood of Christ in Clement's

Epistle, 99, in, 123 Hilarus, inscription relating to, 351 Hilgenfeld; on Clement's Epistle, 15, 17,

INDEX OF SUBTECT-MATTER.
41, 71, 81, 95, 99, 106, 108, 117, T31, 132, 136, 146, 147, 157, 160, i6r, 172, 176, 177, 178, 187, 195; identifies 2 [Clement] with the Letter of Soter, 196 ; on passages in 2 [Clement], 227, 228,

525

13 sq; 2 [Clement] known to, 258; on the authorship of the Apocalypse, 386, 394; his chronology of our Lord's life, 391 sq; perhaps invented the term

Alogi,

394; his depositio,

his

231, 232, 233, 234, 244, 250, 257, 260; on the date of the Epistle of Barnabas, 506, 507 sq, 509 Hippolytus of Portus; interest in his personality, 317 ; discovery of the Philosophumena, 317, 378, 414; the earliest

444;
in

day,

in

439, 442, calendars, 355 sq;

the

Liberian

Catalogue,
;

355;

in

itineraries,

353 sq

his burial-place in
its

the
his

Ager Veranus, 442 sq; probably

own

property, 441, 443;

proxim-

papal catalogue probably drawn up by, 317; contemporary notice of him in

the Liberian Catalogue, 318; ancient references to, 318 sq extracts from his writings bearing on his history, 318 sq; his relations with Zephyrinus and Callistus, 320 sq, 370, 431 sq, 437; chair of, 324, 412, 440; its date, 324, 440; the inscription on, 324 sq, 419 sq; the Paschal Cycle on, 326; significance of the
;

ity to the cemetery of S. Laurence, 442, 444 ; his cult in Damasus' time, 465 ;

by Prudentius, 332 sq, 445 451 sq; his basilica in the Ager Veranus, 444 sq enlarged by Damasus, 445 sq described by Prudentius, 45 1 sq verified by excavations, 452, 464; restored by Andreas the presbyter, 454,
sq,
;

as described

465; his reliques transferred to the basilica of S. Laurence, 459 ; and else459, 467 sq; inscriptions on these translations, 351, 461 sq, 469; his story attached to S. Laurence, and he himself transferred from cleric to

where,

discovery, 443 ; his early and middle life, 422 sq; a pupil of Ireneeus at Rome, 383; his indebtedness to Irenreus, 422; date of their intercourse, 422 sq; his

connexion with Origen, 330, 423; not a Novatian, 424 sq; the story traceable to Damasus' extant inscription, 424 sq, 445 ignorance and conflicting statehis ments as to his see, 427 sq association with Bostra based on an error, 428 sq; evidence for Portus as
>

458 sq, 468 sq; becomes Hippolytus the warder, 376, 468 sq a confusion with the soldier Romanus, 462; evidence of this transference in the Latin Acts, 462 sq; his sanctuary in the Vicus Patricius, 464 sq; in
soldier, 402,
;

Portus, 465 sq; his well

shown

there,

his see late

and scanty, 430; yet

his

connexion with Portus undeniable, 432 character of his bishopric sq, 465 sq there, 432 sq; Le Moyne's theory, 429; Bunsen's theory, 430; Dollinger's theory of an antipope, 431 sq; evidence of the Philosophumena here,
;

466; in Fossombrone, 466 sq; outside Italy, 467; especially in France, Aries, S. Denis, 467; Spurious Acts of; (i) the Laurentian Cycle, 468 sq; here the warder, 471 sq; (ii) the Portuensian Cycle, 474 sq; here the presbyter and
his personality grafted

on

to

Nonnus,

434

'>

by whom

appointed bishop, 433;

literary activity,

later

years and
his

436

banishment, 328, 427, 438; sq; its date, 438; died in banishment, 427, 439 sq date of his death, 440 his name;
;

Hippolytus, the martyr of Antioch, 370 sq (ii) Hippolytus the Alexandrian, 372 ; (iii) Hippolytus, Greek captain of brigands, 373 sq; (iv) Hippolytus the warder of S. Laurence, no such person, 376; (v) Hippolytus of Thebes, 377 ; his identity his with Gaius considered, 377 sq literary works, (a) biblical and exegetical, 389 sq ; (b) theological and apologetic, 395 sq; (c) historical and
sakes,
(i)
;
;

confused by Peter Damian with the bishop of Edessa, 476; his names in different countries, 477 Hippolytus, bearer of a letter from Dionysius of Alexandria, 372 Hippolytus, Greek captain of brigands; his story and companions, 373 sq; acts and inscriptions relating to, 373 sq Hippolytus, martyr of Antioch; Dollinger's theory of a confusion untenable, a real person, but invested with 371 attributes of Hippolytus of Portus, 372 Hippolytus of Thebes, 377 Hippolytus, son of Theseus, his story adapted to his Christian namesake of

476

chronological,
logical,

399 sq; (d) heresio384 sq, 400 sq spurious Hippolytean works, 403 sq; table of his editions of literary works, 419 sq them, 365 sq his title 'the presbyter'
; ; ;

Portus, 370, 453 Hippolytus, warder of S. Laurence ; no such person, the story a growth out of
that of Hippolytus of Portus, 376, 402, 458 sq, 468 sq ; see Hippolytus of Portus

Hoeschel, 396

Honorius
459

represents dignity, not office, 424, 428, 435 sq; on the theology of Clement,

III transfers Hippolytus' reliques to the cemetery of S. Laurence,

526

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
218, 221; his description of Christian services supported by 2 [Clement], 195 Justina, in the Laurentian Acts, 353 Justinus; in the Laurentian Acts, 353,
354, 462, 472; in Ado of Vienne, 358 473; his burial-place, 351, 469; inscription naming, 351
sq,

Hort, 117, 133, 179, 369

the name of Hippolytus among the Syrians and Chaldaeans, 477 with shows coincidences Ignatius; Clement's Epistle, 9T, 99, 117, 186; his allusion to S. Peter an argument
Iflites,

for S. Peter's

Roman
in the

visit,

Ilicius the presbyter; erects

to

Hippolytus 464; reason for the locality, 465

Irenaeus; at

26, 493 a sanctuary Vicus Patricius,

Kennedy's edition of the Hippolytean fragments on Daniel, 366, 391

Labyrinth; mentioned by Photius, 347 sq, not the Little Laby377, 378 sq, 382 rinth, but by the same author, 377, 378 sq identical with the summary in Phi; ;

choice of

this

422, 495; Hippolytus his pupil there, 383, 422 ; Hippolytus' literary obligations to, 422; imitates Clement, 149, 150; does not accept 2 [Clement], 192; the title 'presbyter' as used by, and as applied to, 435 ; on the Roman visit of S. Peter, 495 ; fragments of poetry embedded in the

Rome,

losophumena Book

x,

379

sq, 396,

421

see Little Labyrinth

Lagarde; on Clement's Epistle, 34; on

473, 476
laicus,

Hippolytus, 363, 364, 366, 401, 421, ; on the Muratorian Canon, 408

works of, 405 sq Irenceus the cloacarius, in the Laurentian Acts, 359, 360, 472 sq Irenosus a martyr, inscription to, 351 Isaac, a willing sacrifice, 98 Isaiah liii, notes on, 58 sq
Isthmian games
in 2 [Clement], ; alluded to 197, 223 sq ; their importance at that time, 224 Itineraries illustrating Hippolytus and

124 Lateran Council quotes Hippolytus, 334, 421 Laurence (S.); his story in Florus-Bede, 357 sq in the Mensea, 361 sq in the Latin Acts, 363 sq ; his companions, 353 sc1j 47 1 sci; inscription relating to his reliques, 351 sq; their position in itineraries, 352 sq ; his cemetery (see Cemeteries) honours paid him in Rome,
;
; ;

Laurence, 352 sq, 469 sq

lepwavvT], opposed to /3a<n\eia, tX^ws, adverb, 17
1

79

455 sq; his day, 355 sq, 456; basilicas to, 452, 456; notices of them in the Liber Pontificalis, 341 sq, 457; that
seen by Prudentius, 456 sq ; their architectural history, 456 sq Laurent on Clement's Epistle, 28, 33, 69,
116, 139, 187 Laurentian Cycle of the Acts of Hippolytus, 468 sq ; documents and inscriptions illustrating, 351, 352 sq, 357 sq, 361 sq, 363 sq; mutual relation of the documents, 473 Laymen part played by, in early Christian services, 195 sq; the case of Origen, 195 sq; 2 [Clement] not by a layman, 195, 253 Le Moyne on Severina, 397 on the see of Hippolytus, 429 his edition of Hippolytus, 366
;
;

IvdaWeadai,

tvdaXfJLa,

79 sq

Jacobson, 27, 28, 41, 46, 71, 146, 156, 236 James v. 20 explained, 251 Jerome; on 2 [Clement], 192; on Hippolytus, 329 sq, 389 sq, 419 sq ; his ignorance of the facts, 425, 428, 429 sq Jews, treatise against the, by Hippolytus, 3^5. 395 421 Joannes Philoponus, a mistake of, 394

Job iv. 16 John (S.)j

v. 5,

notes on,

u8sq
according
to,

the

Gospel

known
stle,

to 2 [Clement], 204, 222

John the Deacon quotes Clement's Epi133

Leo III decorates

the basilica of Hippo-

John of Ephesus, source of his information

about Clement's Epistle, 158 Josephus; 38, 39 sq, 98, 125, 130, 161, 1 84 ; a work of Hippolytus assigned to, 395 Judith ; reference in Clement's Epistle to, 161; date of the book of, 161; Volkmar on this, 161 Julianus, in the Laurentian Acts, 353 Justin Martyr; passages illustrating Clement's Epistle, 49, 55, 57, 58 sq, 178;
illustrating 2 [Clement], 214, 215, 217,

lytus in Portus, 341, 466 Leo IV transfers reliques of Hippolytus to the Quatuor Coronati, 34T, 459

Leontius and John quote Clement's Epistle, 101, 117 Leontius of Byzantium on Hippolytus,
343, 389, 420 Levi, our Lord's connexion with the tribe
of, 99 Liber Generationis, a translation of Hippolytus' Chronica, 399, 419 Liber Pontificalis, notices of Hippolytus

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
340 sq in error as to his banishment, 438 ; notices of S. Laurence in, 34 1 sq, 457 Liberian Catalogue; on Hippolytus, 318, 328 ; its silence on his Novatianism, 426; the word 'presbyter' in, 436 Liberian chronographer on the depositio
in,
;

527

Melito on the sacrifice of Isaac, 98 Meneea on the martyrdom of Hippolytus,

Metrical
361, 372, 476 ; passages embedded in Irenseus, 405 sq; doctrinal treatises, 407; lists of Scripture, 407 sq Miller publishes the Philosophumena,
3 X 7, 367, 414 Molon, 44 Monophysite expressions anticipated

of S. Peter and S. Paul, 499 sq Lipsius; on the lists of heresies in Epiphanius etc., 369, 415 sq; on Clement's
Epistle, 71, 99, 108, 109, 132, 133, 160, 161, 176, 178, 196, 233 Little Labyrinth ; Theodoret on the, 339,
is the Treatise against Artemon, not the Laby378, 380, 385, 400, 421 rinth mentioned by Photius, 377, 378 sq by the same author, 379; the author Hippolytus, 380 sq; see Labyrinth

in

377

the Apostolic Fathers, 14 sq Moses, a title of, 154 Muratorian Canon ; a translation, 407 ; from Greek verse, 408 sq; reasons for assigning the original to Hippolytus, 389, 411 sq, 495; on S. Peter and S. Paul, 495 ; reference to the spiritus
principalis in, 67 sq; date, 495
fj.aKapt.o5,

Liturgical expressions in Clement's Epistle, 93, 95, 105, 107, 170 sq Logos-doctrine; see Christology Lot's wife, 46 Lucillius, in the Laurentian Acts, 472

143

fidXXov

fxel^iov,

148

/j-aprvpeiv,

jidprvs, in Christian writings,

26 sq
[lacrTLyovv , fxacTiyocp'opoi, /xatTTLyovofioi, in athletic contests, 225

Ludolf, 401
Xdyvrjs, Xdyvos,
Xai/cos, Xa'LKodv,
Xa/uLTrpoTTjs,

96 124

fMaTatoirovia,

/u.eya\oTrpTrr]S,

42 42

107

lieXav dbrepos, form, 41

jxerd dtovs, reading, 18

Xaos, 94, 124, 161; Trepioiaios, 186 Xeirovpyos, of O. T. prophets, 38

XlVOKdXdfJLT],

fxeraXa/x^dveiu, with ace,

fiera^v, 132,

248

48
76
illustrates

134
74

\nroTa.KTeiv, form,

/uLra7rapa8i56vaL,
fjLTjXuTTi,

62

Macarius Magnes

Clement's

/j.6Xi(3os, /j.6Xi/35os,

Epistle, 26, 28, 57, 72, 178

/movoyevris,

Mammoea;
438

Hippolytus'

correspondence

with, 338,

339, 397, 437; her death,

251 of the phoenix, 87 /xvaepos, form, 52, 96 fji.Qfxos, paofMoaKOTretv, 126, 185
Narcissus, in the Laurentian Acts, 360,471

Marcellus the deacon, in the story of Hippolytus the brigand, 373, 374 Marcia befriends the Christians, 321 sq Marcion ; later than 2 [Clement], 203 ; treatise of Hippolytus against, 327, 330, 346, 421 Marcus the Valentinian, verses written
against, 405,

Nemeseus, in the Laurentian Acts, 353 Neon, in the story of Hippolytus the brigand, 373, 374, 376 Nero; character and date of the persehis popucution under, 7, 32, 497
;

410

Maria, in the story of Hippolytus the brigand, 373 sq, 376 Mark (S.); his Gospel traditionally connected with S. Peter's preaching at Rome, 492, 494, 495 ; meaning of epfirjvevT-qs as applied to, 494 Martana, in the story of Hippolytus the brigand, 373, 374 Martin of Tours on the reappearance of

511; expectation of his reappearance, 509 sq; personifications of, 511; as Antichrist, 5 1 1 sq Nicephorus of Constantinople; quotes Hippolytus, 346, 403; 2 [Clement] in the Stichometria of, 193, 233 Nicephorus Callistus on Hippolytus, 349 sq Nicolas I beautifies the basilica of S. Laurence, 458 Nicon the Monk; quotes Clement's
larity,

Nero, 511

Epistle,

53,

140;

and

[Clement],

Matthew

xvi. 18, 19, patristic interpreta-

193, 216

tions of, 482 sq

Noah
;

preaches repentance, 37 sq

Maximin, the emperor

his

438; his persecution, 438; 440 Maximus, in the Portuensian Acts, 364

character, his death,

Noedechen, 418 Noetus, Hippolytus and, 319, 348, 400 Nonnus; the name, 475; in the Portuensian Acts originally distinct from

528

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
399, 403; their date, 437; when abandoned, 399, 441 ; significance of their prominence on the Chair, 441 Passio ilia; references to, 352, 469, 473; a guide-book for pilgrims to the Ager Veranus, 473; quoted and abridged by Ado, 473 Paul (S.); in Rome, 29, 497; his release, 497; his visit to Spain, 30; his subsequent arrest and death, 497; not martyred with S. Peter, 497 sq, 499; origin of the conjunction of their names, 499 sq; buried in the Ostian Way, 496, 497 sq; his reliques temporarily deposited with S. Peter's in the catacombs of S. Sebastian, 500 festival of
;

Hippolytus, 476; a genuine martyr of Portus, 475; mentioned in the Libedepositio, 355, 475; in Jerome, 356; identified with Hippolytus, 466, 475 sq; further confused by Peter Damian, 362, 476 Nonnus, bishop of Edessa; his date, 476; his see, 476; converts Pelagia, 476; confused by Peter Damian with Hippolytus, 362, 476 notarii, 197 Notation employed in this edition, 4 Novatianism of Hippolytus, alleged, 357, 424 sq, 445

rian

vovdeaia, POvdeTycris, 163

vu)dp6s,

104

his

CEcumenius on Hippolytus, 349, 420

Ophites, teaching of the
237, 239
;

501 ; his relation to S. Peter in the Church generally, 489 sq; in Rome particularly, 491,
translation,
;

as to marriage, ; as to jealousy, 22

Origen;

at

Rome, 423; meets Hippo-

lytus there, 330, 423 ; his 'taskmaster' Ambrosius, 330, 348, 423; preached as a layman, 195 sq; employed shorthandwriters, 197; on the Eternal Church, 244; on 1 Pet. iv. 8, 252; on S. Matt, xvi. 18, 19, 483 sq; on S. Peter's visit to Rome, 496; mentions Clement's

497 s q Paul I transfers reliques to S. Silvester in Capite, 351, 352, 459; commemorative inscriptions, 352, 459 Paulina, in the story of Hippolytus the brigand, 373, 374, 376 Pelagia converted by Nonnus, bishop of Edessa, 362, 476
Pelagius
S.

II;

his

basilica in

honour of

Ostia;

Epistle, 159 its relation to Portus, 429, 433,

466; in Prudentius associated with Hippolytus, 333, 335, 432 Ostian Way, the traditional place of
S. Paul's burial, 496, 497,

499 sq

Laurence, 342, 456 sq; his dedication of it, 457, 469; commemorative inscription, 341 sq Peter (S.) character of his primacy, 481 sq; our Lord's promise, 481 sq; twofold patristic interpretation of the word 'rock,' 482 sq; exegetical considerations, 485 sq; result, 486; his primacy evidenced in action, 487 sq ; his relations to S. Paul, 489 sq; his
visit

Overbeck, 390, 398, 403

ol

w, 241
6/j.oXoyos,

oiofxai, olwfMeda,
6fj.o\oy7]Tris,

221, 244, 249 in Christian writ-

to

Rome,
for
it

26,

ings, 27
dfiovoia,

70
241

ovofia, 9, 112, 130, 131,

opyavov, 256
6/9777

409 sq, 491 sq; its date, 491, 497 sq; his relations to S. Paul there, 491, 497 sq; his First Epistle written during persecution, 498 sq ; date of his martyrdom, 26 sq,
497 sq; not martyred with S. Paul, 497 sq, 499; origin of the conjunction of their names, 499 sq ; buried in the his reliques Vatican Way, 498, 499 temporarily deposited with S. Paul's in the catacombs of S. Sebastian, 500 ;
;

evidence

490 sq; conclusive,

external

and

dvfxos,

151
kclI 8'ikcucl,

212; 220, 223, 249 ovv, 217, 241

6Vta, oaios, 17,

146, 213,

w, accent, 157

and Koupos, 122 ws, ws ovv, 226, 244,

Cjpa

his traditional twenty-five years' epis-

249

Palladius on Hippolytus, 338, 402, 404 Pammachius, xenodochium at Portus of,

42 9 Papias; on the Eternal Church, 245; on the Roman visit of S. Peter, 492, 494; the word 'presbyter' as applied to, 435 Paschal I, translations of reliques by,

copate, 501 sq; was he ever reckoned a bishop of Rome ? 500 Peter (S.), First Epistle of; written in a time of persecution, 498 sq ; its date, 499; its coincidence with S. Paul's
Epistles, 499 ; explanation of ch. iv. 8, 149, 251; the allusion to i) cvveKkeKr-q
in, 491 sq Peter (S.), Second Epistle of; its authencoinciticity, 493, 498; an apparent dence in Clement's Epistle with, 37;

458
Paschal Tables of Hippolytus, 324 sq,

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
perhaps not independent of the book of Eldad and Modad, 235 Peter Damian confuses Nonnus, bishop of Edessa, with Hippolytus, 362, 476 a passage in the Peter of Alexandria Chronicon Paschale wrongly ascribed to, 344; imitates Clement's Epistle, 26
;

529

martyrdom, 466; the Isola Sacra, 466;

gifts

of Leo III to, 341, 466; date of the foundation of a permanent see at, 466; its position among suburbicarian
sees,

466

xenodochium

at,

429
for

Portus Romanus, as a

name

Aden,

429
Potter, 157 Praxedis (S.), connexion of this Church with Hippolytus explained, 465 Preaching in the early Church, 195 sq Presbyter; as a designation of Hippolytus, 424, 428, 435 sq; a title of dignity, to whom ap435 ; not of office, 435
;

Philaster; date of his

work on Heresies,

415; his indebtedness to Hippolytus, 4 r 3>4i5sq Philo; illustrates Clement's Epistle, 44,
130, 164, 45, 98, 2 [Clement], 214
j

83;

illustrates

Philosophical terms adopted by Clement and others, 66 sq, 69, 75, 89, 155, 247

Philosophumena;

discovery, 317, 414; the work of Hippolytus, 377, 378 sq, 403, 421; extracts and patristic notices, 318 sq, 327, 330, 346; passages from Irenreus incorporated in, 422 ; the Summary in the
editions, 365 sq
;

its

plied, 435 Primitivus, in the Laurentian Acts, 353 Proclus, Dialogue with ; patristic notices

Tenth Book published separately and

called the Labyrinth, 379 sq, 396; its evidence as to Hippolytus' see, 434; see Labyrinth, Miller Phoenix ; in the classics, 84 growth of the story, 88; its general acceptance, 84 sq ; its adoption by Jewish and Christian writers, 85 sq; its explanation, 86 ; chronology of its appearances, 85, 87, 89 ; in Christian art, 87 ; in Egyptian hieroglyphics, 87 Photius; notices of Clement in, 13, 14, 72, 86, 139; rejects 2 [Clement], 193, 194, 211, 212, 219; on works of Hippolytus, 347 sq, 396, 419 sq; on Gaius, 347 sq, 377; a blunder of, 423 Pitra, 133 Plato, Hippolytus' treatise against, 325, 347> 395 s q Polto, Hippolytus' name among the Italians, 477 Polycarp, Martyrdom of; see Smymczans, Letter of the Polycarp, Epistle of, imitates Clement's Epistle, 5, 11, 27, 42, 52, 156, 162 Pontianus, bishop of Rome; his episcopate, 437; banishment, death and depositio, 328, 438 sq, 443; burial-place, 442; the notice in the Liber Pontificalis, 340 ; date of the close of his episcopate, 439 Porphyrius in the Laurentian Acts, 472 Portuensian Cycle of Acts of Hippolytus, 474 sq; documents illustrating it, 355, 361, 364 sq; their mutual relation, 476 Portus, the harbour of Rome, 429; its relation to Ostia, 429, 433; its growth in importance, 429, 431, 433 ; intimately connected with Hippolytus' history, 466 ; in what sense his see, 430 sq, 432 sq ; the ruined church bearing his name, 466; the well of his traditional
;

326, 327, 329, 348, 379, 381; the author Hippolytus, 377 sq; Gaius the name of the orthodox disputant, 381 sq; argument from matter, 384 sq; from style, 386 sq Proverbs, titles of the book of, 166 sq Prudentius; on Hippolytus, 332 sq ; his visit to the basilica of Hippolytus, 424, 445 ; date and circumstances of this
of,

424, 450; the basilica described, 332 sq, 451; also the picture of Hippolytus' martyrdom, 451, 453 sq; description of the commemoration, 45 1 ; of the basilica of S. Peter and S. Paul, 450; present at the feast of their
visit,

passion, 450; subjects commemorated in his Hymns, 445, 449; the Roman saints associated with the Tiburtine

the month of August, 445, 451 ; on the Novatianism of Hippolytus, on Romanus, 445, 449 424; ps-Chrysostom on Hippolytus, 346 ps-John Damascene on Hippolytus, 345, 396, 419 sq ps-Justin ; date and country, 200 ; perhaps refers to 2 [Clement], 193, 200, 233, 234> 2 5?> 2 56 ps-Tertullian, obligations of the Prae-

Way, and

scriptio to Hippolytus, 386,

Pudentiana
astery of;

(S.),
its

the

414 sq church and mon;

position, 464; date, 464; its Hippolytus' sanctuary at, 464 sq connexion with him explained, 465
7ra\i7Y>ecrta,

42

Tra/x^oravov, 165 Tra.vayi.os, 108, 169

iravaperos, 10, 19, 138, 166, 178

Trav6afj.apTO}\6s, irav da/LiapTTjTos,

256

TravradiKos,

256

TavTeTroTTTTjs, 162, 185

iravTodvvafJios, 7

iravTOKparopLKbs, TavroKpariop, 7, 41 irapayyekia, 128

Trapayew, 234

CLEM.

II.

34

53
TrapdKXrjTos,

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER
ill
Richardson, E.

C,

365

wapaXoyifcadai, 255 irapairoieiv 137 wapairoKkvadai, 253 TrapairTUGLs, 170

,

'Rock'

in S. Matthew xvi. 18, interpretations of the word, 482 sq

Romanus, martyr;
rentian Acts,

irapacpvabiov ,

506

sq,

irapoiKeiv , TrapoiKia, x

512 2*8

Trarepes, of O. T. worthies, 23, 182 ireirold'qcrLS, 89, 108 7repiou(rios, 186

his story in the Lau353, 354, 446, 448 sq, 472; in Ado of Vienne, 358, 448; associated with the Tiburtine and the month of August, 445, 447 ; com-

Way

memorated by Prudentius, 445 ;

ally into

origin-

werpos, werpa, 482 sq

7rrjp6s, 7rr]pouu, wrjpo}at.s,

a deacon, 446, 448 ; transformed a soldier, 446, 448 sq; ampli-

7rAdros, 7rXd, 19 7r\aTvap:6s, 20

fications of his story, 446, 448 sq ; day of his martyrdom at Antioch, 449; of

7rAV,

compounds of, used metaphorically,

158 130

his festival, 356, 447, 448, 449 sq, 472 ; the commemoration in August a translation,

224
ir\r]po(popelv,

Trpoaipeiv,

449 ; his burial-place, 469 ; inscription relating to, 351, 447, 469; his connexion with Hippolytus, 462
of;

7rpoyv<JbaTr)s,

230

Rome, Church
second

TrpodrjXos,

50

232 36 irpoaix^v, with ace, 16 7r/)0(re'/)xecr^ai, 183

7r poodoiiropos,

TrpocrdeKTos,

its history in the obscure, 317 ; light thrown on it by Hippolytus, 317 sq ; and by the Novatian schism, 425 sq ;

century

irpocrkkivecrdai., Trpocr/cXicris, 77?

I43> 184

TrpoaT&Trjs,
irpb<TTip.ov,

1 1 1

irpoacpetiyeiv,

127 75

Sabellianism in the, 319 sq Rothe, 132, 133 Routh, 379 Rufinus; on 2 [Clement], 192; on Hippolytus, 331 Ruggieri, 370, 429
pt,\poKivMvus, 53

irpoacoTTov, 'ringleader,' 8,

144

not introducing a quotation, 240 in athletic contests, 225 (pdopd, 221

(p-qviv,
<}>9eLpeiv,

(piXo^evla, stress laid

by Clement

on, 45,

109
(pCkoTToveiv,

Sabellianism; at Rome, 319 sq; favours the Gospel of the Egyptians, 237 Sabinianus, in the Portuensian Acts, 365,

reading, 206, 258

475

0t'Xos 0eoO, the title,

43

Salmon

84 sq 0u7a5eueu>, 29
0cnVt,

tpvXKopoeiv, spelling, 81
\prfka<frav,

xpufxifav,

182 160

on the chronology of Hippoly390, 392, 399, 440 sq on the treatise against Artemon, 400; on the treatise de Psalmis, 390; on the Muratorian Canon, 411 sq Salome in the Gospel of the Egyptians, 236 sq
;

tus, 370, 389,

Sardinia; Callistus banished to, 321 sq;

Quatuor Coronati, reliques of Hippolytus transferred to the, 341, 459, 468

Quotations in Clement's Epistle canonical (see Index of Scriptural Passages) ;
;

Hippolytus and Pontianus banished 328, 427, 438 sq Scaliger, 399

Scarlet thread,
patristic

to,

interpretations

classical,

115,

116;

apocryphal (see

of the, 49 sq

Apocryphal); combined and

loose, 51, 52, 65, 89, 92, 95, 99, 104, 106, 129, words comment141, 151, 156; leading

Schneckenburger, 237 Schwegler, 229

Scriptures, designations in 2 [Clement] of the, ypacpai, 202, 215; ret \6yia rod Geou, 203, 242 ; t<x /3i/3Xi'a /ecu oi curocttoXch,

ed on

in, 141

sq

Quotations in 2 [Clement] ; canonical (see Index of Scriptural Passages) ; apocryphal (see Apocryphal)

202, 245; 6 Qebs

rrjs

aKrjddas,
to,

i95 257

Severina,

Hippolytus'

treatise

325,

Rahab, 46 sq
Refutation of All Heresies; see Philoso-

397> 4^i

phumena
Resurrection of the body denied by the Gnostics, 229

Severus, in the Laurentian Acts, 353 Severus, Alexander; his reign, 437; killed by Maximin, 437 ; befriends the
Christians, 437

INDEX OF SUBJECT-MATTER.
Severus of Antioch quotes and accepts 2 [Clement], 193, 211, 212

531

Temple

Shorthand

writers

employed

by

the

fathers, 197 sq

Sibylline Oracles; illustrate Clement's Epistle, 37 sq, 109, 162; designate

sacrifices; classification of, 125; Clement's Epistle on, 125 Tertullian; quotes from and illustrates Clement's Epistle, 82, 128, 131; on the phoenix, 85, 86; quotes from an

Babylon, 492; and Nero Antichrist, 511 Simferosa, in the Laurentian Acts, 353 Simplicius, bishop of Rome, arrangement of regiones by, 465 Siricius, bishop of Rome; honours to Hippolytus in the time of, 464 sq
Sixtus III, basilica built to S. Laurence
by, 34L 456 sq Slaves, their liberation a Christian duty,

Rome

apocryphal Ezekiel, 40 his christology 15; on S. Peter and S. Paul in Rome,

;

26, 495 sq Theodoret; on Hippolytus and his works, 33 8s q, 377> 3 8 9 scl> 4 I 9 S(15 on Gaius, 378 Theophilus of Antioch; borrows from Clement's Epistle, 54, 82 ; from 2 [Clement], 227; from Sibylline Oracles,
38

Theophilus,
treatise

addressed

in

Hippolytus'
at

160

Smyrnseans, Letter Clement's Epistle,

of
5,

the; imitates 188; the Gaius

on Antichrist, 398 Theucinda restores Hippolytus' church Aries, 467

mentioned in the, 383 ; on Iremeus at Rome, 422 Sophocles perhaps quoted in Clement's
Epistle, 115 Soter, bishop

Thompson, E. M.,
Tiburtine

152, 153

Way;
of

Timotheus

Ager Veranus Alexandria quotes

see

and

accepts 2 [Clement], 193, 211, 212, 218

of

Rome;
publicly,

his

letter

to
2

Tischendorf on Clement's Epistle,

Corinth

read

192;

not

[Clement], 196 Stephanus Gobarus, identification of Hippolytean treatises mentioned by, 343,
385> 397 Stephen (S.), the two churches to, 341, 459
at

Rome

25, 27, 28, 45, 46, 48. 55, 109, 113, 114, 119, 122, 137, 146, 148, 150, 151, r 53> J 56 Titus, the emperor, closely associated with Vespasian and Domitian in the
.

empire, 509 sq
Trinity, the doctrine in Clement's Epistle, 140, 169 Triphonia, Tryphonia, in the Laurentian Acts, 473; references to, 353,
inscriptions mentioning, 351, 352, 469 ; her burial-place, 469 ; date of her martyrdom, 471; her day, 471; explanation of 'wife of Decius,' 470;

Stoic division of human nature, 66 Suidas on Hippolytus, 349, 420 Syriac version of Clement's Epistle, 3 sq Syriac writer, anonymous, quotes Clement's Epistle, 158

354;

GdKKos, 41
<ra\euecrdai,
crrjp.eiovv,

70 130 aKdfifia^ 35 2o0ta (17), i] iravdperos 2o0ta, as a title of Proverbs, 166, 169; of apocryphal books of Wisdom, 167 crocpos, avveros, 100
^

her connexion with Hippolytus merely local, 471

Yn> 73
ra/xelof, Ta/LLLelov , 76, 151

TaTTLVO<ppOV?V } 6$,

6g

(TTad/Aos, aTacris,
<XT7]pLaov,

74 GTripL^ov, form, 68, 101

raxvypaipoi, 197
reyos, 49
TekeLOKapireiv
,

<xrv\os, accent, 25

135

crwayooyr/, 72
crvveldrjaLS,

rep/ma rrjs dvcreus,

30

18, 57, 124 crvveKXeKTTj, i] kv 'BafUvXQvi,

Tifxdadai, constr., 136

491 sq

rinros

avvtXevcris, 75

tokos, 27, 37, 123, 182, 183 and avTiTvirov , 247

acppayis, of baptism, 201, au^ofxevoL (oi), 170

226

Tvcpos,

form, 50

darrov, form, 188

Tacteus, in the Laurentian Acts, 353 Taurinus; in the Portuensian Acts, 474; a genuine martyr of Portus, 475 ; his day in the Liberian chronographer,
s depositio, 355> 475; 355; cophagus commemorating, 476

deelv,

with ace, 224

de/neXios, of Christ
depLLTos,

and His

apostles,

486

183
ah-qdeias (6), 195, 257,

Geos

ttjs

260

sar-

deoatfieia,
drjpLUjv,

260
165

8-qp.oovid,

532

INDEX OF SUBTECT-MATTER.
Vicus Patricius, sanctuary of Hippolytus in the, 464 sq Vigilius, bishop of Rome sieges of Rome during his episcopate, 454; destruction and restoration of Hippolytus' basilica in his time, 454, 465 Volkmar; on the date of Clement's
;

Ulpius Romulus, in the Portuensian Acts, 361, 362, 364 sq, 474 sq Urbanus, bishop of Rome his episcopate, 437; his relations with Hippo;

lytus,

437

Ursicinus, antipope, and the basilica of Hippolytus, 444, 465

vyeia, form, 74
vTrepaaTncrfJLos,

Epistle, 8; of the book of Judith, 161; of the Epistle of Barnabas, 505, 508 sq

vTrepdees {to),
virepfjiaxos,
1

165 69 38

viroypafx/xos, 31, 61,

103

vTrodeiKvvvai,
viroTidevai.

28

Wansleb, 401 Weizsacker on the date of the Epistle of Barnabas, 505, 507, 509
Westcott, 161, 218, 219, 223, 231 William of Malmesbury, Guide to

Tp&xy^ov, 183

Rome

Valentinian language found in the Ignatian Epistles, 203; in 2 [Clement], 203, 243, 247 argument of date there:

from, 203
Valeria, in the story of Hippolytus the brigand, 373, 374, 376 Valerian the prefect, in the Laurentian

b y> 353> 373 Wocher, 197 Wordsworth, 331, 344, 367, 370, 396, 427, 429 Wotton on Clement's Epistle, 27, 117,
127, 134, 149, 150, 152, 232

Acts, 357 sq, 471 sq; his death, 362,

Xystus

I,

bishop of Rome, inscription

364
Valerianus,

relating to, 351

bishop

of

Zaragoza,

452,

467
Valerius Bito, 185, 187, 305 Vansittart, 185 Vatican Way, the traditional burial-place of S. Peter, 496, 497, 499 sq Vero see Bero Vespasian; his position in the list of Csesars, 507 sq; associates Titus and Domitian with himself in the empire,
;

Young, Patrick; on Clement's

157; on
2

Epistle, 26, 28, 70, 81, 99, 103, 108, 143, 152,

[Clement], 212

Zahn on Clement's

Epistle, 18, 176, 19^,

.59 q.
Victor, bishop of

Rome;

his episcopate,

198 Zephyrinus, bishop of Rome ; his episcopate, 436; his relations to Hippolytus, 3 x 9 s q> 34> 43 1 s q> 437 5 Eusebiuson, 327; Jerome on, 329; attacked by
Tertullian, 418 Zonaras on Hippolytus, 349 Zosimus, inscription relating

probably appointed Hippolytus to Portus, 433 ; Hippolytus' account of him, 321

436;

to,

351

CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED

P,Y C.

J.

CLAY, M.A.

AND

SONS, AT

THE UNIVERSITY

PRESS.

HELLESL

COLLEGE
III

BRARY

3 5002 03023 293 3

BR 60

A62 L5213 1S90 1:2

Apostolic Fathers (Early Christian collection).

The Apostolic Fathers

BR 60

A62 L5213 1890 1:2

Apostolic Fathers (Early Christian collection).

The Apostolic Fathers