Contents 1. Netaji's Flight to Formsa 2. No Plane Crash on Reported date 3. Taipei Airfield Personnel Interviewed 4.

Netaji's Concept of War 5. The Truth about Netaji's Air Crash 6. Dairen Chalo 7. Netaji in Dairen 8. A 1949 Photograph of Netaji 9. Netaji's Testament 10. Wrong to Netaji must be Rectified 11. The Betrayal of Netaji 12. Subhas the Deliverer 13. British attempts to Kill Netaji 14. Netaji at war aginst Britain 15. Netaji on Berlin-Dairen Red Road 16. Netaji's Echo from Yakutsk 17. Netaji's Jai-Hind on the Himalayan Front 18. Enquiry about Netaji in Moscow 19. Locating Netaji through Central Asia 20. Gang to Yakutsk 21. Our Fight to Free Netaji (Began at Taipei in Nevember 1964 Completed Volume first at Ranchi-April 13th 1965) ***********************************************************************

PREFACE RANCHI JAN 22 Dr. Satyanarain Sinha, former Member of Parliament, declared at an informal press conference here that no air disaster at Taipei on Formosa Island had actually taken place on August 18, 1945, (two days after the Japanese surrender), in which Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was supposed to have lost his life. The photos supplied by the Japanese Intelligence to Col. Habibur Rahman and included in the Netaji Inquiry Committee report as factual evidence of the air disaster were in reality those of the disaster which took place at the very spot on October 23. 1944. Dr. Sinha said that the Formosa Government had in their possession documentary evidence of the 1944 crash. He claimed that he had photographic evidence to give lie to Netaji's air crash death story. According to Dr. Sinha's evidence, the conspiracy to kill Netaji in 1944 was foiled owing to a change in his schedule. He sought to prove with evidence that Netaji took off for Dairen accompanied by the Japanese General, Sedei, on August 18. 1945. What had happened to Netaji after he had reached Dairen (which is in Soviet Russia) was for the Government of India to investigate. Dr. Sinha had recently been to Far East and Formosa particularly to explore the death story of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose." The above newspaper report gives the background to the so-called air disaster in which Netaji Bose was supposed to have been involved, in a nutshell. But as is only natural, newspaper report of this size cannot describe all the details of the entire investigation. We hope, the readers will find the book stimulating and thought provoking. Publisher *******************************************************************************

1. NETAJI'S FLIGHT TO FORMOSA On August 18, 1945, Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose's plane is supposed to have crashed on this Formosa island at the very spot I am standing today -- November 18, 1964. On August 24, 1945, all Indian newspapers had flashed a Japanese news agency report that Netaji died in a Japanese hospital due to injuries from an air crash which took place at Taipei airfield of Formosa on August 18, 1945. This report got corroborated by the British Indian Government of the time. After independence too, the same Japanese version was given out by the Congress Government in Delhi as convincing evidence of Nataji's death. Pressed by public opinion for ascertaining the reliability of the report, Prime Minister Nehru sent teams for enquiries to Japan. The site of the crash at Taipei was not investigated. The adamant attitude of the Indian Government in Netaji's case has intrigued not only those emotionally interested in Nataji's fate, but also those who have reasons to believe that in this particular case, Government versions have been influenced by some other factors than the dictates of fact finding realities. In this case, the Government records need definitely to be set right. This is sure to serve our national cause. (ii) It looks strange to me that none of our countrymen before me had tried to trace out here at Taipei the original records of that mysterious disaster. Just the same, that unsolved riddle concerning Netaji remains an important lever in the history of the battles for India's independence, an inspiration to face the mortal Chinese menace at present, and in building up the future of our country. On the historic disappearance of Subhas from India, Ananda Bazar Patrika and Hindusthan Standard had created world-wide sensation by being the only papers to announce the news. Again, when Reuters announced the death of Subhas in 1943, the same papers refused to write an obituary. Very soon, the death news proved to be incorrect. The same way, investigations in Formosa itself put the Japanese news agency report of 1945 incorrect similar to that by Reuters of 1942. Once more, with enough justification, we refuse to write an obituary. (iii) Before me, I have the 3675 feet high Yuangshan range. The Keelung river takes numerous sharp bends at the foothills. Formosa's capital Taipei's military-civilian airfield stretches to quite a distance along the southern bank of the stream. Over the Keelung bridge a chain of aeroplanes hover low for landings or high above after take-offs. The approach to aerodrome is technically as easy and smooth as it could be for those considered safest in the world.

There are no reports of any other airmishap at Taipei, except that one on October 23, 1944, in which Subhas Babu definitely did not perish. According to Formosa reports, there was no aircrash on 18th August, 1945. For me it is a chance-luck that has landed me at this Formosa island. My foreign publishers had sent me an airticket for the Tokyo Olympics, which reached me in Calcutta after a month the games were over. However, I have availed myself of the opportunity to get acquainted with some of the regions of the Far East we know so litfle about. Of course, there cannot be a greater happiness than plunging all out in to the unknown. (v) At Hong Kong I had an option to fly directly to Tokyo or via Formosa. A friendly C. A. T. airline man lured me to a Formosa-bound Mandarin-jet and got set for my following the trails of Netaji. When we took off that afternoon from Hong Kong at 15.20 hours local time, we were aboard a convair 880-M jetliner. I had not flown in such type of aeroplane before. Finding me inquisitive to know the flying characteristics of the machine, the pilot invited me to the cockpit. We had a magnificent panorama of the dazzing islands getting gradually covered in layers of haze and cloud. There in an opening of the white blanket, an island of the pescador group peeped through, which reminded me of the shells exchanged between the red and the Nationalist Chinese forces. From somewhere in the depths of my memory, it cropped up" There is no such bomb which could kill me. I recollected those were the words of Subhas Babu, as we call Netaji affectionately. His images imprinted from the pre-war personal contacts accompanied me, until the pilot pointed out "We are making a landing approach to the Taipei airfield." In a flash I got it it was just here that Netaji's plane is supposed to have crashed. (vi) The off-duty friendly pilot took me to the Grand Hotel, from where I had the best view of the approach to the airfield. Leaving me there, he asked, whether I knew anybody in Taipei. I told him about one General Pao I had known in Berlin during my diplomatic days. "He is here, now working in our Foreign Office," the information-desk clerk said. "I shall ring him up. You can talk to him." I had not to wait long until the general himself turned up. During our talks in Berlin, we had often discussed Netaji's mystery. Reviving the talks of those days, I asked "Could there be any eyewitnesses of that plane disaster?" "We shall find it out for you".

"The causes of the crash must have been investigated?" "Yes. The Japanese are supposed to have done that." "Did they leave any reports of their findings ?" "That too we will have to look into, since you are so eager to know thetruth, we shall put a team of our experts to locate the necessary details. We have thousands of tons of Japanese papers safely deposited in a far-away cave. I have an access to them. But it may take some time to find out the files we need.w "I would like take your findinge home." "You are most welcome. We shall do our best to help you in your assignmente. (vii) General Pao introduced me to the social, political and military leaders of his land including the president Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. An informal meeting with him opened all the gates of the Japanese secrets preserved on the island, including their intelligence reports. I could observe, study, examine and take photographs of whatever, I thought, could have been of any value to my work. Very soon the Taipei version of Netaji's story startled me with acts of far reaching revelations, I had ever imagined to find out here. *****************************************************************

2. NO PLANE CRASH ON REPORTED DATE The friendly Formosa Government found out some exceptionally experienced old 'India hands' and detailed them to render in help in my enquiries. Particularly two of them Mr. Chuang and Mr. Tao, occupying very high position in the foreign office and the cultural organisation respectively, became my closest associates in the task. Mr. Chuang is generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek's man of confidence and was posted as a special representative of the Chinese Government at New Delhi during the Second World War. Chuang lived in Jhind house in New Delhi and had occasions to come in personal contact with the Indian political leadership of the time. But his main job was to maintain contact and work as a liaison between the Chinese and the British intelligence Departments, both civil and military. He drove me to Taipei's Grand Hotel, took me to the tennis court, located in its compound, and explained "This is the location of the only air crash that has taken place in the history of Taipei." "When was it?" "On October, 1944, at 14.00 hours Tokyo time." "Did the Japanese news agency reports not put it as on August, 18, 1945?" "It is not correct. There has not been any crash at Taipei besides the one I am telling you about." "How are you so sure?" "At that time I was posted at New Delhi. The Japanese sources themselves had given out that one of their planes which had last taken-off from Canton had crashed here with the Indian leader Subhas Bose on board, carrying a very heavy load of gold and jewellery with him." "Are you sure, it was on October 25, 1944, and not on August 18, 1945?" "Hundred percent. I have checked it repeatedly with the most reliable source." "What is that?" "During the war we worked with the British and operated in collaboration against the Japanese. Whatever job was to be done in the Japanese-held Chinese areas was done through us. To achieve good results in such a task we had got some of our reliable men infiltrated into the Japanese apparatus. One of our such men worked for the Japanese intelligence, and it was he who had helped them in the inquiries of the Taipei crash. He is now here still working for us. I have talked to him about all the details before bringing you here at the site of the crash. He is sure, no other crash besides the one he conveyed to us in New Delhi in October 1944, has ever taken place here. He himself has all along been in Taipei during the Japanese occupation and after we took over from them." "What are the exact details of the crash you know about?" "At that time they said that it was very stupid of Subhas Bose to have carried so much gold and jewellery with. That wealth had attracted the attention of a notorious Japanese gang operating on this island. Somehow the gang had secured the information about the arrival of the plane and made previous signalling arrangement with the crew immediately before landing." ''You mean to say, there was a criminal conspiracy to rob Subhas Babu's treasures?" "Certainly there was a conspiracy. Here at this very spot stood newly-built Japanese temple. On October 25, 1944, there was going to be a grand celebration at the temple to inaugurate it. But two days before that, the plane in an effort to alert the conspirators of the arrival of gold, flew over the temple, and in that process rubbed against the temple top. Immediately the plane caught fire, and it crashed in flames. The whole temple was burnt down. There were no survivors." "Is this the report you got at New Delhi?" "Yes. All these details I got at New Delhi, and checked them with the British Intelligence there." "But I do not remember any such details published in our newspapers.''

"The censor might have waited for a suitable time to release to the public that news which could change the whole course of the Far Eastern war in their favour." "This is quite an amazing stroy. The crash incident which actually took place in October, 1944, and in which Subhas Babu was in reality not involved got flashed out at the very end of the war to convey to the Indian public that it was really the end of their best fighter for freedom they ever had." Chuang took me to the dining room of the Grand Hotel and continued. "There is definitely something in British intelligence reports concerning Subhas Babu which they do not want to make public even today. To cover that secrecy they circulated through the Japanese news agency the report of crash that took place ten months ago, deliberately to confuse Indian public mind about the fate of their great leader." "Your report of the actual crash would help us to uncover that concealed British intelligence secret." "It is possible. I give you the authority to quote my name in this connection. Since you are so insistent on knowing the truth, our Government had decided to publish the details we have here relating to that crash as early as we can." * * *

Looking for a kerchief in my coat pocket I dug out a crumpled newspaper cutting I had put in half read during my Calcutta-Bangkok leg of the fight. It was a letter from one Mr. Hayashida, a Japanese National, to several editors of Indian newspapers, dated October 28, 1944. Hayashida had reiterated the details of the crash and death of Netaji in 1945. I passed on the cutting to my Formosa investigator Mr. Tao, who commented "Itis very significant that the Japanese are again reverting to their original news agency statement. Once the real truth about 1944 Taipei crash is known, it will become a direct challenge to British and Indian Intelligence besides the Japanese. They will find it very hard to keep in the dark their dirty tricks relating to Subhas Bose during the war.'' "We know nothing in India about those tricks." "May be it is due to the fact that India and Formosa have no contact either on governmental or on individual level." ''Did India ever had queries from you about that crash?" "No, you are the only one from your country so far who have approached us regarding the fate of Subhas Bose. If you will continue to follow the trails of Bose, you are sure to come across many of those dirty tricks played against him here in the Far East." His comments threw a new light on most of the literatures on Netaji. I had come across many reports which claimed to be authentic, because they relied on intelligence records, looked as if they had nothing to do with the real character, life and role of Netaji. Under the shadow of the Yuanshan ranges at the very site of the said plane crash, I began to see the truth about Netaji in a new light. *****************************************************************

3. TAIPEI AIRFIELD PERSONNEL INTERVIEWED While Formosa friends looked for the hidden secret into the piled 'mountain' of the so far unsorted papers of the former Japanese Government, I went for various explorations in my own way. Looking from my tenth floor window of the President Hotel, the largest in Taipei, I watched minutely the movement of aeroplanes. For the plane it was normally necessary to go nearer or to fly over that part of Yuanshan where the plane crash had taken place. The reason given for the 1944 crash was that the pilot intended to alert the Sino-Japanese gang of conspirators, and in that process struck the top of the newly built Japanese temple. About the 1945 crash, I recollected the reasons as publised in Indian newspapers were rather of a novel nature. It was said that some bird 'might have' collided with the propeller after its take-off, and that the plane crashed from a height of 300 feet on a hill. It caught fire. Seven of the occupants escaped, but Netaji had injuries in his head, due to which he expired after six hours. I went to Sung Shan airport, one and a quarter miles form Taipei to check up the details. The aerodrome officer told me that the present international airport was only a military airfield in 1945. It had at that time a runway of 5,000 feet and the take-off and landing was from nine degrees. This detail was enough to conclude that the alleged plane in no case could have crashed in the same direction with the background of the hill from where it had taken off. The hills ahead are several miles away. No plane flies backwards. None of the present airport personnel knew of any crash at Taipei. But the aerodrome officer told me, I could go to the Lungshan shrine and meet there some old airport hands, now leading a retired life. * . * * *

The Lungshan shrine is situated in Taipei itself. With gilded idols and carved stone pillars, this 230 year old Buddha temple has ornate architecture. An old man prostrated himself before the image of the much worshipped Goddess of Mercy, Kuanin, as the Chinese call her. When he was about to leave, I asked him whether he was an old employee of the Taipei airport. "Yes. I worked for the Japanese throughout the war as one of their airport fire brigade personnel." 'Do you remember any airplane crash during the period of your service?" "Yes there was one in October, 1944. But that was brought down by some Japanese conspirators to plunder the gold cargo the plane carried. We had a very hard time. The newly built Japanese temple on that Yuanshan hill was completely burnt down. Hundreds of people were employed to clear the debris and pick out the gold for the Japanese. You will find many eye witnesses of that crash still living in different parts of our island. Here in Taipei itself, you may come across a few dozens, if you persist in your search.'' "Was there any other accident in August, 1945?" "Never heard of any accident in 1945. If there was one, I could have known about it, because, we from the fire brigade are the people who rush to the site of the accident first."

Besides the image of Kuanin, the temple also housed the Goddess of sea Matsu. Another devotee was saying his prayers before that deity. My fire brigade friend introduced him to me "Here is my friend, Yu. He was a refuelling hand at the airport during the war. Perhaps he can help you more." Yu too did not remember of any crash besides the one in 1944. Anyway, he asked me "From where that 1945 plane is supposed to have started?." "They say, it started on 18th August from Saigon." "And when did it crash at Taipei?" "They say, on the same day at 1400 hours, Tokyo time." "It is doubtful that the transport planes of those days could have made Saigon-Taipei in one hop, and reached their destination so quickly." How did they come normally to Taipei from that direction?" "Mostly they refuelled at Canton." "They do not say about any landings between Saigon and Taipei?" "This must be a very strange case, but what is your real purpose in investigating about that particular plane?" "Our grat leader Bose is reported to have been killed in that Taipei crash." "So far as I can remember, your Bose was killed in 1944 October crash." "How do you know?" "The Japanese who plundered his gold openly talked about his death." We all three stood before the Budha, and prayed. Both my temple friends were very happy to hear that in reality Netaji was not killed in that 1944 crash. I told them that we have in India a number of his photographs letters and live broadcast tape records as a convincing evidence that he was alive, hale and hearty until the last days of the Far Eastern war August, 1945. * * * * As arranged previously, Mr. Tao too turned up at the temple to meet me. He had some important news for me. "I have gone through the papers of our wartime New Delhi diplomatic and military missions. It is beyond doubt that the British Intelligence was all out for the life of Subhas Bose. Accordingly, they had financed and set a band of conspirators ready here at Taipei, through our agencies to bring down the plane in .which Mr. Bose Was to travel to Tokyo. Some changes in Mr. Bose's programme altered his schedule. But the plane loaded with the cargo of some of the SouthEast Asian gold, plundered by Japanese forces, was on its way to Tokyo, when it was brought down here at Taipei. Our agents took it for granted that Bose was on that plane, and so, according to our records, he was declared dead in the crash of 23rd October, 1944." "For New Delhi this must have been a great frustration." "It was, Bose was their greatest enemy. The British Intelligence remained on his tracks until the last days of the war." "It is quite natural. But our job is to find out what happened to him after he left Saigon by plane on 18th, August, 1945." "In any case, this much is certain that on that day there was no plane crash here, and so the question of Mr. Bose dying here does not arise. Good luck had spared him from that 1944 crash. But the British Intelligence have given it out as a pretence for his reported end in August, 1945".

"Why was such a pretence necessary?" "To hide their crimes." "We must get in to the details of those crimes." "Once we publish our papers concerning Bose, there will be a great turmoil also in New Delhi. But let come what may, we must get in to the truth of the man who in actual deed has defeated death."

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4. NETAJI'S CONCEPT OF WAR In our time, no Indian has lived so dangerously defying death as Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. During the last years of their rule in India, the British rulers had nearly succeeded in suffocating the very Indian soul by depriving it of breathing the air of freedom. The Indian national spirit struggled hard for its survival. Subhas stood up against the British imperialist might at its peak hour and inflicted a mortal blow on the giant. The giant collapsed, consoling itself that Subhas too was dead. The death of the British Raj in India is as clear as daylight. But there is no evidence of Netaji's death, not to speak of his spirit which has become immortal. As soon as the first rays of the sun struck the peak of Yuanshan, I soared above it in a C-47 to find out the actual cirsumstances under which the last battles were fought between the imperialist force and Subhas. Colonel Yeh was our pilot. He asked me to take the co-pilot's seat. Setting our course in the direction of the Kinmen islands, we began to chat. "When did you first come to this island, colonel?'' I asked. "With the first group of aviators to take over the airfield from the Japanese." "Was this island in a chaotic state then ?" "Not particularly. Before taking up this job, I was a military attache in New Delhi. There you had much more trouble, while the British were leaving India than we had here when the Japanese left this island." "Then you are in a privileged position to know more certain vital military aspects of Asiatic upheavals than we do." "My impression in New Delhi was that you Indians do not attach any importance to military aspect of a country's life. Your leadership went to the extent of condemning any touch of armed fight even in so vital a matter as making your country free from the yoke of the British rule." "It was so." "I remember, the only man who raised his voice for taking up arms to drive out the British from India was your leader, Subhas Chandra Bose. And for that, how did he suffer?" "Do you know any of the details of his work in this respect?" "Of course, I know. I had to report about it to our Chung-king Government at the time. Since Britain was fighting Japan, we had co-ordinated military movements and plans for victory with them. Subhas Bose was the greatest obstacle in our way. We measured his strength equal to ten or fifteen of our divisions. He was our enemy, but personally I did admire him as the most outstanding South East Asian Military leader."

"What did impress you most?" "His great contribution to the concept of war." "What is it precisely?" "Clausewitz trearise on war began with establishing once and for all the "concept of absolute war," as understood in strict military sense Subhas Bose became the exponent of a 'Just national war with no surrender'. His concept is of a final national victory does not matter how hard and how long. This is the type of war we are fighting even now to liberate our mainland where the Communist bandits are murdering our compatriots relentlessly." "What is significantly characteristic in Bose's type of war?" "It is the concept of a final national victory. For the sake of the final national victory the whole nation must get mobilised, as well as political stratagems and diplomatic actions, all must have one purpose only, to achieve final victory. In such a war, the whole South-East Asia was but an individual transaction with no significance except for the sake of the final settlement free national governments in India, China, Japan and all other countries of the world." "Very good "No surrender and no defeat. This is what brought a clash between Bose and the Japanese military leaders of the South-Eash Asia during the last part of the war. Bose was not for surrender, and as far as we know, he did not surrender." "What happened to him ultimately?" "For that you will have to unearth the intelligence documents of the British, the Japanese and the National Chinese. We are helping you in this matter. May be we shall come to some definite conclusion, once our Government publishes the documents in their possession as they have promised you." * * *

The Kinmen island and the silhouette of the Chinese mainland came in view. The cononel pointing them out smiled "It is there that Subhas Bose's concept of war is being put into action." "How?" "As I told you, we cannot, and have not surrendered to the savage Chicom (Chinese Communist) forces. About the amazing power of survival of the people of this island you know nothing in India. Here our total population is only 12 milion. Chicom which is bent upon destroying us as their main target boasts of having misled a force of 700 million people of the mainland. We twelve against seven hundred 'have not only succeeded in keeping our existence but are even now the deadliest threat to Chicum." "You are brave people." "You were defeated by Chicum in one battle in the Himalayas in autumn 1962, and have not taken any counter-offensive yet to regain your lost territories. Though our island has insignificant area and population compared to your vast country, we are prepared to switch on to counter-offensive at any

suitable moment. This is amazing, you have forgotten Subhas Bose, and here we are displaying his concept of fight in concrete action." After our landing on Kinmen Island, the trails of Netaji lured me to an amazing pattern of the spearhead of the historical forces destined to kill the Chinese Communist imperialists now dangerously menacing Netaji's very homeland. In front of our present struggle aginst the Communist invasion, we have to exert our efforts to bring to light Netaji's spirit of fight and great courage. Then only there will be no doubt, no grief and fear. Only by that spirit we shall defer death, as'Netaji himself has done, win resounding victory, and save our country. ***********************************************************************

5. THE TRUTH ABOUT NETAJI'S AIR-CRASH (i) My investigations about Netaji on the Formosa islands prolonged indefinitely. Gradually, I was able to trace his onward action from the afternoon of August 18th 1945, the alleged hour of the so called plane crash at Taipei. Quite soon I had convincing evidence of the fact that the death story of Netaji was put forward by the Japanese intelligence to cover Netaji's real traces. This was one of the most successful diversionary manoevre carried out by the Japanese during the last war. There seems nothing unusual in the Japanese action which actually wished well to Netaji so far it saved him from the hot pursuit of the Anglo-American intelligence hounds after his blood. The Japanese intelligence in this respect went even to the extent of providing deceptive photographs to cover the truth. They briefed colonel Habib-ur-Ruhman about a plane crash story which had actually taken place on October 23, 1944, and tutored him to tell his British intelligence interrogators that the accident happened on 18.8.1945. The colonel reported the Japanese story again before the Netaji Inquiry committee (NIC) of 1956, giving out the hill-top crash site photos of 1944, supplied to him by the Japanese intelligence as the only factual evidence o Netaji's death. Eversince, the Indian public has been deliberately misled in respect of the Netaji's affairs. (ii) What is even today most surprising is the adamant and fanatic belief of the Delhi Government in the faked Netaji's death story. Such an extraordinary official attitude towards Netaji has forced the objective observers to come to the conclusion that it is politically advantageous to the Government in office to falsely declare and make others believe, whether true or not, that Netaji is dead. Netaji had been the only national leader who owed his strength to standing for stark nationalism in contrast to the Gandhian hatred for military means to gain independence. Subhas had been to the Victoria Menorial at Calcutta, and seen it engraved there that only 900 British soldiers under Robert Clive had defeated 72,000 strong Indian forces in the battle of Plassy. This defeat had broken the backbone of Indian national manhood to the extent that no Indian before Subhas could come out to build up Indian fighting divisions to drive out the British from India. Such a restoration of the national self-respect necessary for gaining Independence and the survival as a free country, made Subhas an unchallenged national hero. He had fought Gandhi in 1939 for the control of Congress, and had been outwitted and humiliated to the extent that he had to leave the country to fight for the cause most dear to him and to prove his faith in Indian fighting spirit to achieve independence. His bravery and military leadership in fighting the British forces under the most desperate circumstances has contributed in action the most brilliant chapter in India's military history so far. The battle of Plassy has been avenged by the Indian armed forces under the military leadership of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. Of such a tremendous magnitude has been the historic role of Netaji that if he returned to India at the end of the war, he would have been the most dangerous enemy to Gandhism and the NehruShahi.

These considerations were uppermost in the minds of the Indian policy-maker who had taken over power from the British. Realising this truth in a flattering manner, the official verdict in the case of Netaji went all out to declare him dead, even at the cost of twisting the historical and factual evidence in favour of his existance after the so called air-disaster at Taipei. Naturally, the Indian public has strongly desired that all the facts about Netaji should be enquired, and made known to public. It was due to such countrywide agitation that the Government of India's hands were forced to appoint a Netaji Inquiry Committee in April 1956. But the practically one man Shah Nawaz show did not do any justice to the seriousness of the Inquiry it deserved. Perhaps it was also not convenient to the Government to make an objective inquiry. On page 3 of the NICR we read "The members of the committee were anxious to visit Formosa which was the actual scene of occurrence of the plane crash, Netaji's death, and his cremation. There were difficulties in doing so as there were no diplomatic relations between the Government of India and the authorities in Formosa. A reference was made to the Government of India, who informed the committee that they did not consider a visit to Formosa feasible. So the attempt had to be given up." What an Inquiry is imaginable which is not done at the actual scene of occurrence? The Nationalist Government of China at Formosa is a leading member of the United Nations, and if approached by India, could have never turned down any request for facilities to make inquiries which are concerned only with the noble humane aspects. India has no diplomatic relations with the Soviet zone East Germany. But when myself was accredited with diplomatic rank to the Indian Military Mission, Berlin, I have visited East Berlin and East Germany a number of times with other members of our Mission there, to carry out the instructions of our External Affairs Ministry. If the Communist East Germany could be visited without any diplomatic relations with that country, why not the Nationalist Republic of China on the Formosa Islands? Again an objective observer is forced to conclude that the Government of India and its political leadership are not interested in facing the truth that Netaji had nothing to do with the Taipei plane disaster. All India Government inquiries were made in Japan just to stupidly put a seal to the Japanese intelligence reports of a deliberate diversionary manoevring character. (iii) In the NICR we find three photos of the alleged air-crash at Taipei as the only factual proof of the disaster. Even a cursory scrutiny of the photos gives out the truth. The NICR findings are "The most credible version is the plane crashed about 100 metres beyond the concrete runway." But the photos show the crash-site on hill-top, which actually lies not less than a mile and a half from the concrete runway. Colonel Habib-ur-Rahman too has said that the crash took place one or two miles outside the aerodrome. He is right. Actually a plane crash had taken place on a hill-top on October 23, 1944, one or two miles outside the aerodrome. And he was briefed by the Japanese intelligence about this crash which he had not lived through. When investigating at Taipei, I myself took a few dozen photos both of the hill-top and the runway from different angles. The hill-top crash-site of 1944 comes out the same as of the NICR photo of the runway crash supposed to have happened on 18.8.1945. The contour and the silhouette of the Yuanshan hills in the background are remarkably similar in NICR and my photos. If nothing else,

these photos speak the truth that there is no truth in Taipei disaster of 18.8.1945, and so it is not true that Netaji lost his life there. The Government of India and their intelligence renowned for their cleverness, are definitely afraid of the real truth about Netaji coming out, and for this reason did not allow even their own trusted NIC members to visit Formosa. The barrier of diplomatic relations is only a pretence to keep Netaji and his brilliant historic role covered in darkness. The truth is, as I have myself found out as a result of my investigations on the Formosa island itself, that NETAJI TOOK OFF FOR DAIREN AT 14.30 HOURS ON 18th AUGUST 1945 AND HE REACHED HIS DESTINATION SAFELY THE SAME EVENING. ***********************************************************************

6. "DAIREN CHALO" (i) Even after the Japanese surrender on 15.8.1945, Netaji did not surrender. He said "Japan's surrender was not India's surrender." Further, he declared that his battle was for the independence of India, and whatever happened to his allies Germans or Japanese, his war would continue till the liberation of India was achieved. In face of his military calculations getting upset, Netaji got determined not to fall into the hands of the Anglo-Americans, and to continue his war from "some Russian territory." Going through the military situation of the day, the only place Netaji could go beyond the approach of Anglo-American forces turned out to be Dairen in southern Manchuria. (ii) It is on record that on 15th August 1945, Netaji signed an order of the day, which contained "...Do not be depressed at our temporary failure. Be of good cheer and keep up your spirits. Above all, never for a moment falter in your faith in Indias destiny. There is no force on earth that can keep India enslaved. India shall be free and before long. Jai Hind. Subhas Chandra Bose.'' Then he asked one of his Japanese aids "How far have the Russians got? How soon would they be in Dairen? According to General Isoda, the head of the Japanese Liason Mission (Hikari Kikan) through whom Netaji's all correspondence with Japan passed, Netaji had asked the Japanese Government to put him in direct touch with the Russians. But now it was too late. Russia had already declared war on Japan on August 9, 1945. Since then matters moved very fast in all theatres of war throughout the Far-East. For Netaji, it was something like getting out of a burning house on shore with the only escape window towards a stormy sea. Dairen looked to him as the only floating plank on which he could set out for his supreme "adventure into the unknown." Before plunging into the most roaring theatre of war, now getting centred around Dairen, Netaji took stock of the military situation in Manchuria. The Russian radio had reported on August 11 that the Red army had switched on to an all out offensive to occupy Manchuria under the overall command of Marshal A. M. Vasilevski. The Marshal had set his goal to capture Port Arthur and Dairen to take revenge on the Japanese, who had snatched those ports from the Russians forty years ago. Russia was now determined to avenge her defeat with great pomp. For the Russian occupation of Dairen Stalin had already made international manouevres. In the secret Yalta agreement of February 11, 1945 a clause was included according to which Dairen was to be internationalised. But Stalin had pressed for and had got that clause qualified "but the Soviet interests will be pre-eminent". Thus, on diplomatic chessboard Russia had been able to recover the preveleged position in Manchuria, specially Dairen, which she had enjoyed before Russo-Japanese war of 1905. On this point the Russians had also secretly negotiated with Japan, and by July 1945, Japan had agreed to the annexation of Dairen by Russia.

Netaji knew about this Dairen deal in all its details. In his mind there was no doubt that the Russians were sure to occupy Dairen before the war in Far-Eastern theatres came to an end. Precisely for this reason Dairen was uppermost in his mind. Whenever he talked of continuing his war from some Russian territory, actually what he meant by it was Dairen. Besides, Dairen was the nearest ''Russian territory" on way to Tokyo which he could reach in one hop after refuelling at Taipei. At a time when Netaji was chalking out his flight plans to Dairen, the Americans dropped the atomic bomb on August 6th at Hiroshima and on August 9th at Nagassaki. These bombs broke the backbone of the Japanese fighting spirit against the Anglo-Americans. Japanese surrender became a matter of days if not of hours. Such an opportunity to snatch away Manchuria from the Japanese, the Russians could not let pass for any reason whatsoever. They immediately, on 8th August itself declared war on Japan, and began to overrun the territories promised to them. At this stage something happened in the affairs of the Far-Eastern war which was quite unexpected. The Japanese resistance towards the Anglo-Americans stopped but it got stiffened against the Russians. This was alarming to Netaji's plans and he had to take immediate steps for his survival under the sun. On August 24th, President Truman declared that Japan surrendered and the war had ended. But on August 15th, the Russians announced that the Japanese had not surrendered to them in Manciiuria. Next day a new cabinet was formed in Japan, which was in favour of continuing the war against the Russians. On August 16th, Marshal Vasilevski reported fierce fightiag against the Japanese, and gave an ultimatum to Tokyo that the Japs must surrender by August 20th. These details from the fighting fronts enabled Netaji to decide the course of action he had to take. In the afternoon of the 17th August he found himself at Saigon airport to take a plane for Dairen. The plane provided to him had among the Japanese passengers, a distinguished military officer, Lt. Gen. Shidei, lately Chief of the General Staff of the Burma army, who was proceeding to Dairen as Chief of Staff of the Kwantung army. This General Shidei was an expert on Russian affairs in the Japanese army, and was a key man for negotiations with Russia. Netaji would not have wished a better companion for his trip to Dairen. The plane itself which Netaji accompanied by General Shidei took was a twin-engined heavy bomber of 97-2 (Sally) type. Before it took off from Saigon airfield at 17.30 Hrs. a number of Netaji's photographs were taken officially. One of them is when he was standing at the door of the plane just before the propellers moved in the light of the setting sun still too bright to dazzle his eyes. Perhaps this is the last photo of Netaji so far available. In the air-crash photo of Taipei, Netji's traces are nowhere to be found. The disintegrated parts of the plane, when properly examined, make it doubtful, whether it was a twin-engined or at all a 97-2 Sally bomber. While still air-borne over Indo-China, Netaji and General Shidei decided to lighten the bomber, to enable it to take extra petrol for longer hops than the normal ones it was designed for. Consequently, the plane landed at Tourane, and all other passengers and load were deplaned. This was the last time, Netaji's aid Habib-ur-Rehman too saw his chief. He along with other Japanese passengers and the load were to follow in another plane. Next morning, it was Saturday, 18th August 1945. A fateful day. The Japanese radio-operator of Netaji's plane woke him up reporting that a Japanese plane seeking peace was to land at the American occupied Okinawa with a white flag indicating surrender.

So, a hasty early start at 5.00 Hours was made by Netaji and General Shidei as the only passengers on the converted Sally bomber. The plane was lighter, the weather perfect, and the engine and the radio instruments worked smoothly. Under these normal conditions, the plane already by noon covered half the distance to Dairen, landing at Taipei for refuelling. While the plane refuelled, Netaji asked General Shidei to ascertain from the local base intelligence, how far the Russians had got into Manchuria and how long Dairen was supposed to hold on. Shortly they were informed that though Port Arthur was about to fall, Dairen was very well protected, and that base was to be defended by the Japanese to the last gun and the last man. Now, it became all the more necessary for General Shidei to reach Dairen as quickly as possible to take over command of the Japanese forces as their Chief of Staff. To Netaji nothing could have suited better. Having light lunch, both of them instructed the military intelligence to innovate some diversionary story to cover their flight to Dairen. This was necessary in view of the fact that the Japanese surrender negotiating team had left Tokyo, and was on its way to MacArthur's Headquarters at Manila. Netaji expected that the Anglo-American planes may land any moment at Taipei, to capture him. Situation being so desperate, Netaji had to take measures to mislead also Tokyo about his real future moves. He was not sure whether his departure from Saigon was not already known to Anglo-American intelligence, in view of the fact that the allien and insurgent apparatus had got overnight exceedingly active there. One of my Taipei contacts who had served the Chinese intelligence in early forties in India, and later on was posted at Taipei as an agent-provacateur during the last days of the war, vividly described Netaji's departure from Taipei in the afternoon of 18th August. Netaji still in his INA Supreme Commanders uniform walked briskly with General Shidei to the converted bomber. The Chief-pilot looked out from the cockpit, and greeted him. Netaji nodded, and commanded "Dairen Chalo." **********************************************************************

7. NETAJI IN DAIREN (i) At the end of 1964, I met Colonel Yeh again at Taipei airport when he had just landed from a routine reconnaissance flight over the Pescador islands. During our several meetings, we had become so friendly that he was now prepared to share with me the intelligence reports of his country about the Netaji affairs. He greeted me with a smile repeating Netaji's battle-cry "Delhi Chalo". Finding him in a good mood, I also replied in Netaji's words "There are many roads leading to Delhi. Pahle Dairen Chalo." Actually, for the moment, Dairen fascinated me more than Delhi. (ii) "So, Colonel: You think that Netaji's plane did not crash here, and he actually flew to Dairen?" "What do you mean by I think? I saw Netaji taking off for Dairen at 14. 30 Hrs. on 18th August 1945, and I reported this fact to my Government at Chungking." I remained skeptic, and expressed my doubts "What was your duty those days at this airport?" "I had got myself employed as an ordinary boy at the Japanese military airport canteen here. I used to serve tea, breakfast or some light lunch to the officers or dignitaries passing through this place." "How did you know that he was Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose?" "I used to shadow him at Calcutta when he was your Congress President.'' "What interest you had?" "Nothing personal. I served our Chungking Government.'' "Please tell me some more details of the occasion you saw Netaji taking off for Dairen." "Believe me, I know more about the Japanese manouevrings of that day than even the Japanese intelligence posted here." "How could it be? "You see, on that 18th August a Japanese team of highest officers had flown to Okinawa American command flying white surrender flags. As in other theatres of war, all Japanese commanders here did not agree to surrender. So, a Japanese prince was to come here and proceed to other theatres of war carrying orders from the Emperor himself to various army commanders to surrender. In his honour a special tent had been pitched here and our canteen was given provisions to prepare a dinner course of 30 varieties. I had the duty to attend to the guests at the tent itself. Therefore, when Netaji Bose turned up here with General Shidei, I was the boy to serve them tea. I was

supposed to be totally ignorant of the English language, so the Japanese talked their plan with Netaji quite openly. They did not take any notice of my all along presence inside the tent.'' "What were the plans they discussed with Netaji?" "Netaji had enquired about the exact situation prevailing at the Dairen airport that day. While briefing him on the subject, the Japanese intelligence officer informed him that the Russians feared an American landing there, and therefore, the Red airforce was getting in extensive operation to occupy Dairen. On this Netaji had commented "In that case we must start right now." Was their any hitch in their start?'' "The Jap intelligence officer was asking them to postpone the flight till next morning." "Why?" "He calculated that the flying time from Taipei to Darren was about six hours with that converted bomber in which Netaji travelled. So, it would get past eight in the evening when they would reach their destination. At that time whether the night landing facilities at Dairen airport would be available to them was problematic in face of the Russian airforce attacks there. Hearing all these objections, Netaji got impatient, and came out in a commanding tone "We must start for Dairen right now." "What was just like Netaji." "He walked briskly and General Shidei joined his steps with him. Reaching the plane, Netaji commanded the pilot "Dairen Chalo." "A determined order.'' "Of course. They took off. It was exactly 14.30 Hrs. when the plane got airborne." "They say, then that plane crashed about 100 metres beyond the concrete runway?" "This cock and bull story was tutored to Netaji's Indian aide who reached Taipei when Netaji's plane had already vanished in the northern horizon.'' "Were you present when the Jap officer tutored the crash story to Netajis aide?" "Certainly. It was in the same tent where I served them tea and the rest of the sumptuous princely dinner. They talked freely in Enghlish, since they thought I could not follow it. But:why? Even after that day the Jap intelligence officer and that Netaji's aide turned out at our canteen for a number of times during the next ten days or so, and every time the talk turned out to some fabrication of an air-crash." "Since you have given me such exact details, I must believe what you say to be the real truth." At my request, Yeh promised to bring one of his counterparts serving as Chungking agent during the war at Dairen. We agreed to meet at the Grand Hotel on the Yuanshan hills from where one could have the finest view of the Taipei airport.

(iii) Yeh introduced his Dairen friend to me as Mr. Ting. We occupied a small corner room of the hotel all for ourselves. Mr. Ting ordered a double whisky for himself, and talked a while about the Peking and Shanghai dishes. According to him, Taipei was in miniature what was once the most beautiful in the Chinese way of life before the Chicom most brutally destroyed it. And suddenly our conversation switched over to the magic word Bose. Before setting down in Taipei as a businessman, Mr. Ting had been a glamourous intelligence-man in the Nationalist Chinese Government until it had to vacate the whole of the Chinese Mainland. He explained "An intelligence-man must be a jack of all possible trades. Once upon a time, I was a shoemaker in Calcutta's Bow Bazar. When you have lived in Calcutta before the second world war and had political inclinations, could you have missed Subhas Chandra Bose's dazzling leadership in India's fight for freedom? No. So, I became one of his most sincere admirers. Just before the outbreak of the war, I smuggled myself into Dairen, to spread my intelligence net inside the Japanese military complex in Manchuria. I opened a beauty salon there and also became the chief barber for highly placed Japanese officers. It is in this capacity that you may say, I had to work as a triple agent, due to the peculiar position of Dairen." "How a triple agent?" "Naturally, I was in Nationalist intelligence service. But the Japanese as well as the Russians too trusted me for some special type of information. In any case, I have been scrupulously honest throughout to my own Government. The enemies of my country were never able to deceive or to buy me up. The Chicom least of all. I hated them and still hate them as the greatest pest of China in all the ages. Devil take them." He swore in Russian. When I complimented him for that, he switched over to fluent Russian, the accent being of that a man hailing from Siberia. Taking a big gulp, he said "So, naturally, when Subhas Babu landed at Dairen, I was the first to come in closer contact with him. I met him in the billet-villa of the Japanese dignitaries in transit. It was a Sunday morning. Being an orthodox Catholic, I was on my way to the church, when a staff car of the Japanese Chief of Staff picked me up. They told me I had to come with my barber kit on a special mission." "Your profession came very handy.'' "And whom do I meet in that villa? Shri Subhas Chandra Bose in the full uniform of Netaji. Innumerable times I had seen his photos in Japanese newspapers in that uniform, so, I had no difficulty in recognising him. The interval of meeting him personally for me was not very long about six years. During this period, of course, no hair had grown on his bald forehead. Only the hair on the back of his head had greyed. As a professional barber, I could see, he needed a haircut very badly to bring back the natural freshness of the cheerful outlook in his personality." "You are a good psychologist." "I reported to him 'Your Excellency! Then immediately corrected myself in Bengali "Netaji: Asun: Chul Kamie di." "He must have heard his mother-tongue after a long time."

"It was so, He smiled typical of him, when he met some old acquaintance 'Tumi Bangla Kothae Sikhle?' (where did you pick up Bengali). I replied 'Kalkatae'. This credential was enough to gain his confidence. I was preparing to cover him with an overall, when he asked me in Bengali to switch on the radio." Ting repeated "We had an American voice The Japs in China are surrendering by thousands. Russians have captured four Japanese Generals. Netaji enquired "Is Shidei amongst them?" I could not reply, Netaji himself murmured in Bengali "Fall of Dairen is not far off." Some visitors to the hotel opened the room we were occupying. A hotel-boy too announced "Time for dinner, 'Gentlemen." *******************************************************************************

8. A 1949 PHOTOGRAPH OF NETAJI (i) Not caring much for the dinner, I moved with Ting and Yeh into the glass verandah of the Taipei Grand Hotel. From there in one view we had the Yuanshan-hill lights, the dazzling airport and car headlights on the main thoroughfare of the city. A Jet-liner flickered red, yellow and green lights hovering towards the north. Had my wishes possessed wings, I would have the very moment flown to Dairen in search of Netaji. Ordering another double drink for himself, Ting was still in his reminiscent talkative mood. Just to provoke him to come out with more details, I said "All you say about Netaji sounds phantastic. Have you any concrete evidence to prove your statement?" "You want evidence?" He said looking straight at me I have one here. Perhaps it will satisfy you." He took out his big port-money-bag from his coat pocket fingered through the contents confidently, took out a photograph, and placing it before me asked "Now, Dr. Sinha; Do you know this man? Study it minutely." At the first sight I recognised, it was Subhas Babu. No doubt, it was he. The highly intelligent, friendly determined expression and at the same time most careless breaking out smile, askance 'So, that is that: What of that. It was a 'Sanyasi' in the dress of a Confucius scholar. The inimitable forehead and the typical Subhasian penetrating eyes made it patent that it was he and no one else. But it was not as his own countrymen had seen him. Neither was it like the European dressed in Berlin, nor the war days uniformed in the Far-East. It was in an overall peculiar to the Chinese Confucian sect coming from Manchuria. In the background was the panorama of a port locality, which Ting said was the harbour of Dairen. Netaji was in an unusually thoughtful mood. The picture must have been taken with a tele-Iense at a moment when Netaji was not concious that he was being photographed. "When was it taken?" I asked. "In summer 1949." "Are you sure?" "Absolutely. That was the year we were leaving mainland. Until that time I was in occasional touch with Dairen through our agents. And one of those trusted ones sent me this photo of Netaji when he had fallen already in Russian custody for some months." ''When did you see Netaji last yourself?" "Christmas 1948. That is the time I was able to escape from Dairen somehow. For three years I lived in the same city as Netaji, and did my best to keep him not only alive but out of the Russian secret police.'' "How could you manage it?"

"I will have to begin my story from Tuesday, August 22, 1945. That is a black letter day in SinoRussian affairs." "Why black letter day?'' "That is the day when the Russian troops entered Dairen. They brutally slaughtered not the Japanese who fought against them, but the innocent Chinese, their own allies. The Russians publicly molested our women, looted our possessions and plundered all the factories and machina-ries our city had. This Russian barbarism towards the Chinese civil population made Netaji change his mind. First he was thinking of voluntarily contacting Marshal Vassilevski, the Supreme Russian commander in Manchuria. His idea was to establish his bonafides as fighter for India's freedom, and later on to secure Russian assistance for his sole objective the independence of India. Without any thought of personal safety, Netaji's concern throughout had been the continuance of his struggle and the war for his country's freedom. But the Russian cruelty towards innocent human life made him change his plans. A few feelers I tried with the Russians did not take us anywhere. The Russian secret police chief was all in all, and he in no case would have been able to explain his Moscow superiors that so famous a 'war-criminal' had been living so long undetected in the city the Russians ruled. Even before informing Moscow, he would have got Netaji shot. I was sure about it, so, I arranged that Netaji should hide himself until something was done for him from outside.'' "What is meant by outside?" "Well, until Netaji's own country took up the matter on the highest diplomatic level." "But India did not know that Netaji was alive in Dairen?" "I did my best to communicate this message to them." "How?" "I myself took the risk of approaching your Embassy at Nanking, and told them to do something about Netaji". "What was their reply?" "They had turned friendly to the Chinese Communists, believed them alone, to the extent that they took me to be an agent-provacateur in the pay of the Americans." "To which particular person in our Nanking Embassy did you give the message about Netaji?" "After a dozen reduffs and insults, I had succeeded in securing an interview with your military attache. He was the highest officer of your Embassy, I was able to contact.'' "Do you remember the name of that military attache by any chance?" "One Brigadier Thakkar he was. Later on, I heard the rumour in Nanking diplomatic circles that Brigadier Thakkar was severely reprimanded for talking to me.'' "The Brigadier was not in fault."

"Delhi too charged him of talking to American agent-provacateurs. For this mistake, I am told, the Brigadier was demoted, humiliated and punished in many other ways. "Very sad." "After your country established diplomatic relations with Chicom in Peking, there remained no hope of Netaji's case being taken up by Delhi." "How can you conclude that?" "I was an employee of the Nationalist Chinese Government and the sole source of information about Netaji. Anything connected with us is taboo for Delhi due to the extraordinary hold and influence of Chicom on Delhi. I will not be surprised, if it comes out someday that, the Chicom influence has expedited the deciston of India Government to declare Netaji dead so quickly and foolhardily." "We are drifting far away from Netaji in person. Can you tell me some more details about his Dairen life?" "I shall tell you after we finish our dinner." (ii) "Can you give me that Dairen photo of Netaji?" I asked Mr. Ting innocently. "Quite out of question. My successor in Dairen who sent me this photo has been murdered by Chicom agents. Who knows that the Russians would not wipe out quite a number of families friendly and sympathetic to Netaji, in case the photo falls in Moscow's hands." "Then why did you show it to me?" "Otherwise you would have refused to believe that Netaji landed in Dairen instead of crashing at Taipei, as the India Government would like the people to believe." "This is something quite sensational for us in India "Not only for you in India. It is quite a bombshell in Asio-Russian politics.'' "We have drifted again far away from Netaji personally. What happened to him after the Russians entered Dairen?" "Russian record in cruelty to the peaceful Chinese civil population compared to Chenghezkhan's beastialities. So, the best thing for Netaji was to lie low until the hellish waves of Russian victory celebrations passed over. I requested, and Netaji agreed to change his military dress into a Confucian scholar's overall. His similarity of face with us came very handy. I took him to the private temple of a trader friend who looked after him very well, indeed. As his original home we said, he came from Yuennan on Burma borders and his name was Tao-Lin. Since I had some blank nationalist Chinese passports with me for emergency uses, I issued one with Netajis photo in the name of TaoLin born in Yuen on 23rd October 1892. "This way Netaji became a Chinese national?"

"Under Chinese protection, I would say. Within a few days, on August 26th, 1945 our Government signed a treaty with Russia regarding Dairen. This treaty declared Dairen a free port, but the harbourmaster there was to be a Russian. He controled all the exits from Dairen. Russia got the lease for half of the port, and in case of war, Dairen was to come under the military control of Port Arthur. The Naval-base was to be used jointly by China and Russia. After the signing of this treaty, we expected some milder treatment from the Russians. But in any case, Dairen remained a Russian prison camp. To get out of the city or to contact the outside world became very very hard. Netaji waited in vain for outside help." "This must have been a great dsappointment to Netaji." "Surely, it was. He suffered, and could not get out of it. Then, the Russians began checking all the Chinese nationals and their passports. In this job they were guided by their Chicom allies. Somehow, so long as I stayed in Dairen, Netaji had not to worry for his safety. But the matters became different when I succeeded in escaping from there as a sailor on a fishing boat. For Netaji too I had tried this method of escape, but failed. You need quite a lot of deceit tactics and real wit peculiar to Chinese." "I understand." "Then came the great mainland catastrophy in autumn 1949. Our Government had to leave the mainland and get established on this Formosa island. In the process of shifting much of our secret files fell in Chicom hands." "A terrible blow to all nalionalist Chinese throughout the world." "Netaji also became a victim to this blow." "What happened to him?" "When the Chicom secret police turned into the Dairen reports to Nanking, they located my activities, and also that concerning Netaji. They alerted the Russians about Netaji's presence in Dairen. Quite soon, Netaji fell in Russian hands." "What has happened to him since then?" "It has been most difficult for me to keep track of Dairen from here in Taipei. But I shall give you some clues, which you should follow, and I do hope, it will help you in your further investigations. "NETAJI IN RUSSIAN HANDS" This fact affected my further course of action vitally. (iii) Returning to my hotel, I found a bill, which exceeded the small royalty I had secured from my foreign publishers for my expenses in Formosa. In desperation, I cashed my unused flight ticket to Tokyo, to pay off my hotel bills. Then I reported at the airport to catch the first available plane to Hong Kong homewards. *****************************************************************************

9. NETAJI'S TESTAMENT ? (i) Today it is 26th January 1965. This is the fifteenth anniversary of our Indian Republic day. Three days ago we have celebrated the 68th birthday of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. Waking up, I glanced at a three word Russian text: "VOSPOMNICHE MOI JAIHIND" (Remember my Jai Hind). It was given to me by army officer on his return from Chicom (Chinese communist) captivity in Tibet. I wondered whether it was a testament by one of our countrymen in Russian captivity. (ii Several years ago, I had a serious disagreement with our then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. He did not trust the blue-prints of the Chicom threat to India's life and liberty I had come across in Russia and placed before him. Since I felt strongly on this national issue, and actually indulged in a one man crusade to warn and prepare our countrymen to defeat the Chicom menace, I had to quit my membership of the Indian Parliament. Two years ago, I was put in prison for fighting an all out war against the Chicom forces. Chicom agents who had infiltrated deep into Indian intelligence and were frustrated by my action on the lifeline of Indian defences, were instrumental in getting me thrown into a death-cell. Only when Jawaharlalji intervened on my behalf, I was released. Let out of the death-cell in the dark night of 31st January 1963, I had felt downhearted as never before. My fight to save the Himalayas and my own birth place on the Ganga from falling into Chicom hands, seemed lost. Besides, during those six weeks of the dungeon torture, they had bruised my very joy of life. That night I covered myself with a jail blanket full of holes, and trudged through the Hazaribagh jungles. Ranchi town where they had arrested me from my small home lied 68 miles away. Late at night, somehow, I managed to reach the road to Ranchi. After a while, when I stopped a passing vehicle of an army officer, he gave me a lift. Throwing a coat over my shoulders and guiding my arms into them, he asked "Hungry? Here we have some sandwiches. Help yourself. Other matters can be settled later on. It's cold outside, and I am told, a man-eater is also round the corner, though I'm sure even this animal can not be worse than the Chicom brutes." At the next petrol pump, he stopped for a refill, and we got ourselves introduced. He was Captain R..., returning to his unit at Ranchi from Chicom captivity in Tibet. Through my book on the Chinese aggression I was known to him. Searching his inside pockets, he took out a crumpled sheet, spread it carefully, and asked "Can you translate this piece in Russian for me?" This was the three word testament. I enquired"How did you get it?"

"Under the most unusual circumstances. A Sino-Russian adviser to Chicom forces in Tibet one day passed it on to me secretly." A Sino-Russian?" "Yes. I mean by it someone of Russo-Chinese mixed blood. He came from Dairen, which is marked on maps as Sino-Soviet territory. Ivan Ling was his name. He said "an Indian who had lived under the nationalist Chinese protection in Dairen after the Japanese surrender, was handed over to the Russians when Chicom came to power in Peking." "What did the Russians do with him?" "He was taken for interrogation by KGB (Russian secret police) where Ivan had worked as a prisonwarder. Somehow, Ivan became friendly to that Indian who was desperately, but so far unsuccessfully, trying to come in touch with his own country. When Ivan told him that his duties were transferred to Chicom in Tibet, the Indian requested him to carry his three word message, in the hope that someday it might reach his homeland." "Whose message could it be?" The Captain did not reply. The same 'testament' has become a constant source of inspiration to me. Ever since I have tried to locate the author of that testament from Finland to Formosa with all the sincerity and resources at my command. (iii) This year, on 26th January 1965, the local Ranchi army unit had organised.a parade at the foot of the Tagore hill. Captain R... who was now retired from the service, came from the distinguished enclosure to greet me "Congratulations for following up Netajis flight to Formosa. I read it in newspapers on Netaji's birthday." "But I am still far from locating the author of the testament you gave me." Let us go to a quiet place to compare our notes." We climbed together to the shrine at the top of the Tagore-Hill. Gazing into the rising sun over a distant hill-top, R... remained silent. Then he rose, and rolled down a loose stone. I enquired Is it an offering to the Sun-God?" "No." Looking towards the mental asylum in the distance, he said Ive gone crazy." "A shell-shock? "No. Through this symbolic act I cast away the weight from my concience." "What is oppressing you?"

"It's difficult to explain. There is no end to our misfortunes." "Once we have defeated Chicom everything will go on well." I tried to console him. You had translated that testament for me. In my saddest moments I imagine the life of our that countryman captive in Dairen. His suffering must be a thousand fold more than ours. What right we have to feel sorry for our here at home?" (iv) We remained silent while an aeroplane passed overhead. Captain R... was still agitated. Taking out a copy of the official Netaji Inquiry Committee Report he said with indignation "I've carefully compared your accounts about Netaji with this smoke-screen of fraud, confusion and contradictions. This report shows with clarity how our political leadership, having committed a fateful blunder in declaring Netaji dead due to their political jealousy and wishful thinking, has attempted to cover up his further existance. In this process they have degraded and sunk the very conception of impartial inquiry into fraud and forgery." Reminding me of Emile Zola, Captain R... made several specific accusations in relation to the Netaji affairs, the last being "I accuse the Netaji Inquiry Committee of having violated all human considarations in deliberately declaring a lie that Netaji was dead, when all objective investigations point out the truth that Netaji became a Russian captive at Dairen. The evidence in this connection I have brought back my own Chicom captivity in Tibet, is designed to hasten the explosion of truth and justice about Netaji. Let them court-marshal me. It will come out that not I but the very best traditions of Indian fighting forces of which Netaji has become a symbol, has been branded before the world as dead and gone. This is perhaps the most notorious miscarriage of justice in our national affairs since we have become free. "Someday the truth about Netaji is bound to explode." "By itself in usual course it will not. Some heroes and patriots, the true followers of Netaji will have to risk everything to fight for the restoration of Netaji's right place in our national records, to absolve the very conscience of India." We descended from the hill-top. Half way was a solitary house built under the shade of a big tree. About fifty years ago, Jyotirindranath Tagore, the elder brother of Rabindranath had built it. Captain R... reminded me "Do you know! Gurudev had once hailed Subhas as the one who would reawaken India." *******************************************************************************

10. WRONG TO NETAJI MUST BE RECTIFIED The Formosa documents and other materials concernig Netaji I came across are substantially supported by the accounts of our officers who have come back from Chicom captivity in Tibet. Numerous Europeans returning home from their Siberian captivity since 1945, have also brought back some very important details. In comparison to such evidence, the Netaji Inquiry Committee Reports of the government of India at the very first glance fades into insignificance, irrelevant and misleading wastepaper dirt. If ever put in court the Shah Nawaz farce would inevitably blow up in his face. It is rather surprising that no attempts have been made so far to actually blow it off. The reason to stop it has been Jawaharlals personality so long as he lived, and after his death his personalitycult built up by his followers. But for this factor, the truth about Netaji should have come out in the full light of day long ago. The obvious and most reasonable venue for starting an inquiry about Netaji is Taipei on Formosa island, where one has even today eye witnesses who have seen Subhas Babu after the faked air-disaster in 1945. The Chinese republic of Generalissimo Chiang-Kai-shek took over the possession of Formosa after the Japanese surrender in 1945, and it was that government which ruled the Chinese mainland untill the autumn of 1949. Therefore, one cannot think of any Inquiry about Netaji without taking into consideration the records of the Formosa government. If Jawaharlal Nehru had cared to take any personal interest in favour of Netaji's case, it would have been the easiest thing to find out the truth about him. From Jawaharlal's book "A bunch of old letters", we find, he was in closest touch with Generalissimo Chiang-Kai shek long before the Congress government came in power under his leadership. Jawaharlal was one of the first persons to congratulate the Generalissimo upon the surrender of Japan. The Generalissimo immediately telegraphed his gratitude through his office of the Commissioner of the Republic of China in New Delhi. This telegram is dated August 22, 1945. News of Netaji's death reached the outside world on August 21st when the facts of the faked accident were broadcast from Delhi. Jawaharlal's exchange of telegrms with China was about the same time as the death story was flashed in India. If Jawaharlal wanted there was nothing to stop him from making a personal request to the Generalissimo to verify the authenticity of Netaji's death, which anyway, was not belived by many in India. Far from taking trouble to get it verified, Jawaharlal eversince became the most outstanding personality in India who himself believed the death story and tried to convince others about it. In this respect he went so far that while replying to innocent queries in parliament, he could never hide that he was 'allergic' to the name of Subhas Bose. This deep-rooted allergy in him has also been imbibed by his close associates even this day, making it difficult if not impossible to bring out the real truth about Netaji. Going through the last available correspondence between Jawaharlal and Subhas, we do find some tinge of Jawaharalal's allergy towards Subhas. In his letter dated March 28, 1939, Subhas bitterly complained to Jawahar "It never struck you that you want us to forget persons, only when certain persons are concerned. When it is a case of Subhas Bose... you run down personalities and lionise principles etc." ' Subhas Babu's words have come out prophetic. When Jawaharlal was hard pressed by public opinion to inquire into the death story of Subhas Bose, Jawaharlals lofty foreign affairs principles made it a taboo. In his turn Subhas was quite clear on this point, and he wrote to Jawahar "Foreign policy is a realistic affair to be determined largely from the point of view of a nation's self-interest... what is your foreign policy, pray? Frothy sentiments and pious platitudes do not make foreign policy." When Jawaharlal became India's Prime cum foreign minister, it was precisely his peculiar foreign policy which has condemned Subhas Babu's brilliant contributions to the cause of the country into oblivion. Subhas had written to Jawahar "It is no use condemning countries like Germany and Italy

on the one hand and on the other, giving a certificate of good conduct to British and French imperialism." While in power, Jawaharlal throughout condemned countries like Germany and America and gave a certificate of good conduct to Russian and Chinese imperialism of the postwar period. His treatment to Formosa Government was always contemptuous. As a contrast no other Prime Minister in the wide world ever praised Chicom so highly as did Jawaharlal Nehru. Subhas Babu became the first victim of Jawaharlal's China policy, and as time passed, this turned out a serious threat to India's territorial integrity and to the life and liberty of it's very people. (ii) Just after he had established his Government, Mao-Tse-tung went to Stalin for finalising an expansionist joint attack in the general direction of the Indian Ocean. A treaty of alliance was signed directed against India, Japan and America. Besides this, an interim arrangement was made by which Russia continued to enjoy for a time it's control of Dairen, where Netaji had taken shelter with the connivance of the Chinese nationalist Government. About this time the nationalist secret files too fell in Chicom hands, and they came to know about Netaji's presence in Dairen. At once Chicom betrayed the secret to the Russians. For both Russia and Chicom Netaji was an enemy, because he had joined hands with Hitler and Japan to achieve India's independence. But they dared not harm his person, for the simple reason that it suited them better to keep him as a pawn to put pressure on India for concessions of vital military gains to them. The Formosa accounts leave no doubt that Jawaharlal must have come to know about Netaji's refuge in Dairen through his Nanking Military attach Brigadier Thakkar. But he did not care to believe it, not to speak of intervening and getting Netaji repatriated. He rather indulged in his 'frothy sentiments and pious platitudes' with Chicom. Added to it were his contempt for Formosa and allergy towards Subhas, both very cleverly inspired and fomented by Russo-Chicom intelligence interests. For not taking up Netaji's case, and taking it as Americo-Formosan 'provocative' move as advised by Chicom agents in Delhi, Jawaharlal found it expedient as a pretence to adamently persist in taking it granted that Netaji was dead. Accordingly, the Delhi External Affairs and intelligence department's files had to be rearranged to declare the Netaji affair a closed chapter. The so called Leftist associates of Jawaharlal serving the government or in public life put a final to bury Netajis records altogether. Here, we are again reminded of Subhas' letter to Jawahar"Of course, if I am such a villain it is not your right but also your duty to expose me before the public. But perhaps it will strike you that the devil...must have some saving grace. He must have rendered some service to the cause of the country in spite of tremendous odds. These words of Netaji will remain a constant urge and inspiration to Indian people to demand from those in power to re-inquire Netaji affairs. After all, it would not have cost anything to the country or to Jawaharlal to inqtiire from Moscow regarding Netaji's refuge in Dairen. Living with a forged passport does not denationalise Netaji as an Indian. In India, not many people know the heaviest odds and the hard lot a banished person has to face. There are rare individuals in our country, of which I am one, who have experienced those horrible nightmares. It is ignorance on this account which prompts our friends well placed in their armchairs

to ask naively"If Netaji was alive in Dairen why did not come back to India? After all Russians are our best friends." The only reasonable reply to this question is "History and experience has shown that only for those rare individuals it has been possible to come out the most horrid Russian dungeons, whose homeland people had remembered and fought for them. India has not fought for Netaji not even enqired about him so far." In such cases, it is worthwhile to observe how other countries have handled problems where their own nationals were affected. For our country we have Netaji's and very few other cases. The Germans had about a million such cases. The German public opinion has succeeded in deputing their Chancellor Adenauer to Stalin for getting German nationals in Russian captivity repatriated. As a result, not one or two, but several hundred thousand Germans have returned home from Russian captivity. The number of those who were declared dead and even then returning home also runs in hundred thosands. Had the German people not pressed for it, not many Germans would have returned from Russian captivity. The sweet will of the Russians or the captive's own ingenuity have not succeeded yet in returning home of a captive. For us, a demand to enquire from the Russians about our Netaji is not of an academic interest. Why our Prime Minister should not be deputed like Adenauer? This is the time to follow Netaji's correct direction "Foreign affairs is a realistic affair to be determined largely from the point of view of a nation's self-interest." Chances are, where Jawaharlal's foreign policy has failed, Netaji's may bring out good results. *********************************************************************************

11. THE BETRAYAL TO NETAJf. (i) A number of friends ask "Even if we take it for granted that Netaji did not in plane crash and lived in Dairen, what is the use of your reviving Netaji affairs if he is not returning to us in any case?" Such questions arise due to our slave mentality, a heritage of British domination and a most selfish outlook of life. No living creature is more to be pitied than the man who thinks that his personal interests alone constitute the centre of the cosmos. Concerning Netaji, such questions amount to an expression of betrayal to him. One of my lawyer friends, a distinguished member of the Parliament, whom I asked to raise Netaji's question from the floor of the House, and to demand that Mr. Shastri should make enquiries about him during his coming visit to Russia, was taken aback by my extraordinary request. He retorted "Since Subhas Babu did not turn up amongst us for so many years, in the eyes of law he must be considered definitely dead, and thus, the Netaji affair can not be reopened." Yes, that inevitable us, the outburst of selfish ego, which does not allow my lawyer friend to rise above the legal technicalities even in the interest of such a humanitarian task as paying our debt to Netaji, for all he did to achieve our independence we are enjoying today, a good deal thanks to his great achievements. Since the Netaji affair is not a paying proposition personally to him, the humane cause of a national hero whom fate drove into Russian captivity, must be allowed to be neglected, according to his own conception of the selfish law of life. People in our country do not realise, how hard it is to communicate with the outside world, once misfortune has thrust one into the firm grips of the Russian KGB (secret police). As the things stand today, not to enquire about Netaji's fate in Russia will be a blunder of national magnitude with far reaching consequences. Posterity will never forgive us for such a criminal negligence in the affairs of a national hero of the highest order. (ii) So far as the present government and our leadership are concerned, their betrayal to Netaji affairs are quite patent so far. Only the otherday, on March 10, there was quite a furoe in our Parliament over Netaji's proposed statue. The government of India had decided to set up a committee to finalise schemes for installing statues of Mahatma Gandhi and Subhas Chandra Bose in Delhi. But in the written reply to a question concerning this matter, the Minister in-charge named only Gandhiji and deliberately omitted Netaji. Such deliberate omissions of Netaji's name by our leaders even today have some deep rooted background. Inevitably we are reminded of Gandhi-Subhas controversy at Tripuri Congress at the eve of the outbreak of the Second World War. Those days the basic difference between the two leaders was that Gandhiji was in favour of peaceful negotiations with the British, whereas Subhas was for giving an ultimatum, and kicking out the foreign rulers by force. No doubt, Ssvaraj was the ultimate goal of both. In course of historic developments Subhas had to leave the country and other leaders assumed power of independent India.

Now, we find it strange that those in power still think in terms of 1939. All we can say in defence of Subhas is that he should be judged by his transparent sincerity and complete dedication to the cause of Swaraj in which he stands second to none, when the question of an all out sacrifice is taken into consideration. In such a case, the lame legal excuses of betraying him or deceitful selfish pretentions of diplomatic protocols for stopping investigations about him, are shameful, to put it most mildly. At Tripuri Congress there were some leaders who stooped so low as to accuse Subhas that his illness was faked. If not for anything else but to alone this injustice, our leaders today should take Netaji's affairs seriously and utilise the present Sino-Russian conflict for our benefit during the forthcoming visit of our Prime Minister to Russia. If this is not done, one should not hypocritically talk of erecting Netaji's statues in Delhi. It is no use making a show, if we do not mean business. Nothing had hurt Subhas more in his controversy with Gandhiji than the accusation of faked illness and the Pant resolution. This was an 'aspersions' resolution, and as Govind Ballabh Pant was moving it, Sri Suresh Mazumdar of our Ananda Bazar Partika had approached Jawaharlal to stop this mean attack on Subhas. Jawaharlal did not oblige him. Now, it is for Jawaharlal's followers to bury their past vindictiveness towards Subhas and do their best to rectify all wrong done to him. In this respect the first thing the Indian Government can least do is to take back their propagated lie that Netaji lost his life at the Taipei air disaster. There is sufficient evidence to prove that Netaji contined his flight to Dairen. Since eversince Dairen is Russianised, it is the Russians who are to be approached to clear up the so called mystery about Netaji. Any Government inaction in this respect will go in history as its vindictiveness towards Subhas, and those in power will be rightly accused of betraying Netaji in their selfish interests. (iii) What we know as the 'Tripuri mentality' is shamelessly degrading. So long as those in power at Delhi do not shake that mean mentality off, hardly anything can be done to rectify the wrongs done to Netaji, the very best fighting symbol in flesh and blood of purest type of ideal nationalism. Going a little deeper in this respect, we find that the Tripuri mentality had been all along supported and fanned by the then British rulers in India. At Tripuri, they had only maligned Subhas Babu, but the British had taken the hint, that they could do anything to liquidate Subhas even personally, the popular Indian leaders will not raise their voice aginst it. This is precisely what has happened in the case of Netaji and his followers at the end of the Second World War. According to British Intelligence reports, at the end of 1944, Netaji had instructed his deputy in Europe Nambiar to enquire if the Russians would accept Indian political refugees. Consequently, in February and March 1945, Indians of the Free India Centre in Europe thought of surrendering to the Russians, and their staff dispersed a week before the Americans reached Helmstadt on April 12th. About this time, Netaji sent his last message to Nambiar at Badgastein in Austria instructing that if the Indian Legion could not be sent into battle let it be moved to a region where the Russians and not the British would find it. Consequently, some Indians doubtlessly fell into Russian hands. The British intelligence was able to trace their names. Here a significant question arises, what did the British do regarding those Indians who had fallen into Russian hands? The British ruled India for two years even after the end of the Second World War. So

far as the records are available, they never cared to inquire about the Indian nationals from the Russians who were still allies of the Anglo-American group. Then the records of those Indians which were maintained in the Indian Military Mission of Berlin were handed over to India's representatives after the transfer of power in New Delhi. The Indian officials of the Berlin Mission, in their turn too, never did anything to secure the repatriation of their nationals from Russia. On this subject the British intelligence records, even so late as the end of the fifties say "Some Indians are doubtless still behind the Iron Curtain, alive or dead." Why this criminal neglect by independent India in the case of the very Indians whose record of patriotic sacrifices has been most outstanding in current Indian history? Is it not simply because those Indians were violently anti-British? Following the records of Netaji and his followers after the end of the war, we find India Government have treated them only with contempt and criminal neglect for their only fault of fighting an all out war against the British. This is the shocking expression of the Tripuri mentality in concrete action, which is reflected in the basic foreign policy of the Government of India even today. (iv) What the British rulers, and their successors, our Congress leaders in power have not been able to forget about Netaji is his clear cut fundamental principle of foreign policy Britain's enemy is India's friend. In his Bangkok speech of .May 21st 1945, he had declared "The time is not far off when our enemies will realise that though they have succeeeded in overthrowing Germany they have indirectly helped to bring into the arena of European politics another power Soviet Russia that may prove to be a greater menace to British and American Imperialism than Germany was." Netaji realised the basic enemity of Russia towards the west and saw her influence rising in Eastern Asia. These considerations led him to propose in June 1945, that he would set up a 'safe deposit' government at Dairen in Manchuria. The British could never forget Netaji's such avowed anti-British plans mortally deadly to their continuation of keeping India enslaved. Guided by these considerations, it was expected that the British would in no case make any inquiries from the Russians about his 'safe deposit in Dairen. Utmost they could do was to wish him to get liquidated physically by the Russians. But what was quite natural foreign policy for the British regarding Netaji should not have been necessarily exactly the same for the Congress leaders in power at New Delhi to follow. Even if they have followed it so far, there is no reason, why it should be allowed to continue any further. The Government of free India should follow present international development with the closest interest, and endeavour to take the fullest advantage of them to stop any further betrayals in Netaji affairs. *******************************************************************

12. SUBHASTHE DELIVERER. (i) The British rage on Netaji is quite understandable. His leadership of the Indian National Army had been the greatest military blow to the British subjugation of India. Since the battle of Plassy, the British had ruled India by getting Indian sepoyees trample down the very aspirations of freedom of their own Indian people. The battle of Imphal under the Supreme command of Netaji made it clear that no longer the Indian Army was the safest weapon in British hands to keep India enslaved. This single fact has proved to be the greatest factor in bringing an end to the British rule in India. And thus, Subhas Chandra Bose will live in Indian History as the 'Deliverer of the Indian people.' (ii) On October 21st 1943, Netaji, while proclaiming the provisional government of Azad Hind in an atmosphere charged with historic events, took the oath: 'In the name of God, I take this sacred oath that to liberate India and the thirty-eight crores of my countrymen, I, Subhas Chandra Bose, will continue the sacred war of freedom till the last breath of my life. I shall remain always a servant of India, and to look after the welfare of thirty-eight crore of Indian brothers and sisters shall be for me my highest duty. EVEN AFTER WINNING FREEDOM, I WILL ALWAYS BE PREPARED TO SHED EVEN THE LAST DROP- OF MY BLOOD FOR THE PRESERVATION OF INDIA'S FREDOM." Thousands of Indian military and civil personnel followed Netaji and took a similar pledge. "I......, a member of the Azad Hind Sangh, do hereby solemnly promise in the name of God and take this holy oath that I will be absolutely loyal and faithful to the Provisional Government of Azad Hind, and shall always be prepared for any sacrifice for the cause of the freedom of our motherland, under the leadership of Subhas Chandra Bose." Members of the Azad Hind Fauj were honest patriots and revolutionaries fighting for the freedon of our Motherland. They, no doubt, fought bravely and stubbornly against the British. But such noblest aspirations and sacrifice were interpreted by the British rulers of India as "mutiny, desertion and waging war against the King." According to them, Netaji and his INA could have been tried by court-marshal for mutiny and desertion according to British military laws forced on India enslaved since Plassey. They justified this punishment for their objective was to use Indian sepoyees further to keep India enslaved indefinitely. In his statement on treatment of INA prisoners, datelined Bangkok, 30th May 1945, Netaji has said Information that has reached us from reliable sources in Burma go to show that vindictive and brutal treatment is being meted out to officers and men of the INA who have been captured by the Anglo-Americans in Burma......It may be that the British authorities think that we are not in a position to retaliate, and that they can, therefore, do what they like with our officer and men... But before we are forced to think of retaliatory measures, there is one remedy open to us... If our countrymen at home take up the matter and carry on a raging and tearing campaign inside India, I am absolutely sure that the British authorities will be brought to their senses... Consequently, I appeal to my countrymen at home take up the causes of their own prisoners of war, who fought for India's liberation and who are now receiving brutal and vindictive treatment at the hands of the

British. I appeal to them also to compel the British authorities to divulge correct information about the fate of these prisoners of war, so that the world may judge how far the British themselves observe the rules and canons of international warfare, to which they pay so much lip-homage." Naturally, the Indian people heard the voice of their Subhas. In a wave of nationalist upheaval the INA were rightly acclaimed heroes who fought for the freedom of India. Thus the INA trials became a symbol of our national pride, and the lives of our patriotic soldiers were saved. But the Indian public at this stage, and even to this day does not know that Netaji and quite a number of his followers had fallen into Russian hands. British intelligence reports concerning those cases never came in full light, and the Indian public has not been told the truth about those heroes so far. Of course, in British records the true accounts of those great Indians were tarnished, and their history falsified. The personality of Netaji was deliberately maligned. Scandalous books like "Subhas Chandra BoseThe Springing Tiger" by a British Intelligence OfficerHuge Toye, were brought out also by Indian publishers just to paint Netaji's and his INA's characters repellant and horrid. Through such manoeuvring the British have tried to brand as "Thug" the very hero who successfully campaigned against their imperial might and delivered his people from the British enslavement. The real saga of Netaji's historic deeds and his Russian Odessey is still to be told to the Indian public. That is precisely what is the greatest assignment to the students of current Indian history to day. Gurudev Rabindranath had once hailed Subhas as the long-sought deliverer of Bengal. But the great poet too had under-estimated him. In actual fact, Subhas deserves his places not only in the history of India, but of the whole of Asia as its true deliverer from the brutal British Imperialistic yoke. (iii) Jawaharlal Nehru too, before he became our Prime Minister, had realised the true historic role of the INA. In his foreword to the published proceedings of the INA court marshal, he had characterised the Red Fort trials as "atrial of strength between the will of the Indian people and the will of those who hold power in India.'' Another leader B. B. Desai had said "The honour and the law of the INA are on trial before this court and the right to wage war with immunity on the part of a subject race for their liberation." But after a short time only there was a definite change in the standpoint of the Indian leaders. It is reported that when Nehru visited Singapore in March 1946, he was given an unofficial military reception by thousands of local civilians, ex-INA personnel, who,had put on their old uniforms and lined the streets down which Nehru was to drive with Lord Mountbatten. Nehru was not much impressed, and he suddenly rebuked a uniformed group which cheered him out side his hotel. This change in Nehrus attitude must have been due to Britise influence. British officers had tried to impress upon him their imperialistic conclusion that the rule of INA had destroyed the discipline of the Indian Army. British rulers of India had announced that the rank and file of the INA had yielded to pressure and were misguided as to join forces raised by the 'enemy'. Indeed, this was not true. INA's Supreme Commander was Netaji who was not the enemy but represented the very Indian people, in any case. He himself had said "Allied troops who fell into our hands voluntarily came and joined the INA to fight for the freedom of their Motherland.'' (iv) After coming in power, Jawaharlal's officers and advisers were the British or exclusively those Indians who had served the British. Due to their instigation, it became hard for Jawaharlal to follow

his first favourable policy to INA. As time passed, he drifted more and more towards the Britsih stand which was anti-INA. By the time Indian Missions were started in Europe his foreign policy took such a turn that the files of Indian Military Mission in Berlin regarding Indian nationals who had fallen in Russian hands, got shelved, and no one cared to inquire whether they were alive or dead. The same position continues to this day. Such a treatment from the hands of their own Motherland, Netaji or his associate INA captives in Russian hands certainly do not deserve. Latest reports from Moscow indicate that the Soviet leaders are very eager to come into closer contact with India in order to strengthen their hold in Asiatic politics. In February this year, the Russian Premier Mr. Kossygin tried to normalise his relations with Chicom, but failed. Since then the Soviet Russian influence on Asia compared to Chicom has considerably diminished. This fact forced Moscow to invite the Indian Prime Minister for a state visit to Russia from May 12th to 19th. The visit of our Prime Minister to Russia caused a good deal of resentment to Peking. Chicom has accused Moscow since Khruschev's regime of carrying out anti-Peking politics through their supply of modern planes and weapons to India, which were sure to be used against Chicom of the Himalayan front. Such an accusation by Chicom has forced Moscow to extend her support to Delhi more intensively and forcefully. As a symbol of this new factor in Russo-Indian friendship, the Vice-President of the "Soviet-Indo friendship Association" Mr. Amirov reached Delhi most demonstratively declaring the further strengthening of Indo-Soviet friendship. This present political atmosphere is an ideal opprtunity for us to raise the question and enquire about the Indian nationals including Netaji who fell into Russian hands at the end of the last great war. In any case, such an inquiry will have to be made under the background of the full knowledge of the peculiar Anglo-Soviet military and political apparatus in action during and since the end of the war. A mere diplomatic query is not enough to take us very far in achieving our objective. In view of the present bitter Sino-Russian open politics it is just possible that the Russians will come out with the real truth about Netajis sojourn in Dairen and his delivery to the Russian secret police by the Chinese communists. Of course, such an inquiry is not only possible but advisable in the interests of our own northern defences. So far we know for certain as a result of my own Formosa investigations that Netaji fell into Russian hands at Dairen in autumn 1949. As so often happened those days with our staunchest anti-British fighters, original British intelligence records must have been allowed to vanish deliberately. Even in New Delhi intelligence records they are mostly forgotten as a nameless number on a dust-covered file, which later was mislaid or sold out to the innumerable. However, there is some pointer to those records about Netaji in Formosa, because the Nationalist Chinese and the British intelligence operated jointly against the Japanese those years. And, there are definite indications that the brilliant record of our national hero who smashed his Motherland's two century old chains of slavery and became the true deliverer of his people, will dazzmgly outshine in all his brilliance on the political of the current history of our time. ************************************************************************

13. BRITISH ATTEMPTS TO KILL NETAJI. (i) Subhas was a product of Swadeshi nationalism in the turbulent years of violence. In his adolescence, he joined the revolutionaries who collected arms and manufactured bombs with a firm conviction that only military power could drive out the British from India. During his college days, he became a victim of the racial prejudice of an English lecturer. When Subhas took a lead in protesting against insult to his Motherland, he was expelled from the college. This incident forced him to select the sole objective of his life to drive out the British and make his country free. In 1919, when General Dyer got 1600 unarmed, innocent Indians massacred at the Jallianwalla Bagh, Subhas became the first Indian to resign from the Indian Civil Service. He wrote to his brother Sarat "I must either chuck this rotten service and dedicate myself whole-heartedly to the country's cause, or I must bid adieu to all my ideals and aspirations." With this determination the die was cast. Subhas could never, never have any compromise with the British, and the British would never, never tolerate his existence. Shortly before his death; even Gandhiji had to admit in a public meeting only with the exception of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, he was the most determined anti-British leader thrown up by the Congress movement. No doubt, Subhas has been miles ahead of any other Indian leader in his 'fire of fight' against the British." (ii) Being good politicians and experienced imperialists, the British dared not get Subhas killed outright so long as he was on Indian soil; though they could have invented some pretence or other to liquidate their deadliest enemy, had they decided that course. As a daringly reckless revolutionary, Subhas had afforded many a chance to the British rulers to shoot point blank at him. Had the British fallen into that easy temptation of killing their greatest enemy, they would have made Subhas such a martyr that the days of British rule would have been much more shortened in India than they eventually were. Subhas said in his 'political testament', a letter to the Governor of Bengal dated November 26th, 1940: "It is through suffering and sacrifice alone that a cause can flourish and prosper, and in every age and clime the eternal law prevails 'the blood of the martyr is the seed of the church.' One indvidual may die for an idea but that idea will, after, his death, incarnate itself in a thousand lives... To my countrymen I say 'Forget not that the greatest curse for a man is to remain a slave...Remenber the eternal law you must give life if you want to get it." With this ultimatum to the British rulers, Subhas had announced from jail that unless released, he would starve himself to death. The British government would have been glad to let him die in jail, but thay dared not. He was released after six days of his fast. All his life Netaji swam against the tide having this conviction: '"If you wish to solve the fundamental problems of our national life you will have to look miles ahead of your contemporaries......One who desires to swim with the tide of popular approbation on all occasions may become the hero of the hour but he cannot live in history."

Our other leaders were for swimming with the tide, specially when the British were involved in war, and so, they were far preferable to the British. For Subhas, the British saw to it, so far as they could, that he did not live in history. (iii) Many ingenious methods were adopted by the British to see to it that Netaji did not survive politically or even physically when he was fighting them from his Burma-Singapur bases. We read in K. M. Munshi's account concerning Netaji in the book 'Advent of Independence' by A. K. Mazumdar: "As regards Netaji, he was staying with Nathalal Jhaveri in 1938 for several months on the plea that he was unwell. Two or three times he called me at the time. His object was to ascertain whether I could be of any use to him. He was not really ill, and there were stories current that he met people and even went out to see people in disguise. The Government of India knew my relations with Gandhiji and Sardar, and often saw to it that confidential information reached Gandhiji through me. On one such occasion, I was shown certain secret service reports that Netaji had contacted the German Consul in Calcutta and had come to some arrangement with him, which would enable Germany to rely upon him in case there was a war. I conveyed the information to Gandhiji, who naturally felt surprised." Mazumdar writes in the same book - "......However, some coded message from Consul to Germany was intercepted by the British Secret Service, and sent to the Government of India who managed to forward it to Gandhiji through Munshi. Netaji's secret activities took Gandhiji entirely by surprise and he decided that he (Netaji) should not be re-elected President of the Congress. This led to his opposing Netaji's re-election and after the latter was re-elected, to withhold co-operation which forced him to resign." This story proves how easy it was for the British intelligence to dupe, mislead and even poison the mind of Gandhiji regarding the character and political career of Subhas Babu. Plainly one can see the truth that, by adopting this technique the British got Subhas politically murdered from the hands of Gandhiji himself. If Subhas survived, he survived inspite of Gandhiji. It is clear, the British intelligence concocted this story to publicly degrade Subhas as a German secret agent. Records do not show that Gandhiji ever enquired directly from Subhas about the absurd charge levelled on him. Gandhiji must have got hypnotised to believe the British intelligence more than the characteristically transparent sincerity of Subhas so obvious and well known throughout India. In 1938, Subhas was already a man of enormous historical and social fascination, and his personality did not need a clearance certificate from the British intelligence. Though the charge was malicious and without any foundation, it was used by Gandhiji and his associates to belittle Subhas, resulting in his leaving Congress and the country. The British imperialists had every reason to feel triumphant over a vanquished Subhas. We should not be surprised if some day it comes out that it were the same type of British intelligence records placed before Jawaharlal to poison his mind against Subhas to the extent that he did not allow any inquiry to be made on the Formosa islands after the alleged plane crash of Netaji. On Formosa island there are still many nationalist Chinese intelligence men, who had worked for the British intelligence during the war, and had clear instructions from them to arrange to get Netaji killed at any cost. The British had paid lavishly for bringing down the aeroplane at Taipei on October 23 1944, in which Netaji was supposed to travel. But Netaji was not out of luck even on that occasion.

(iv) Netaji himself was quite clear from his side about the cause he was fighting for and the dangers to his life it involved. He never believed in revolvers, bombs or secretive methods to reach his goal, about which the British intelligence had secretly complained to Gandhiji through Munshi. In one of his speeches in South-East Asia, Netaji said about his youth: "We were thinkingjwhat to do, what new method should be adopted. Youngmen were doing their bit with bombs and revolvers. We got into touch with these young revolutionaries. I knew their strength. They were real revolutionaries of high spirit. But their strength and sacrifice were not enough to achieve complete independence for our Motherland." Already in 1927, in a letter to his brother from Insein jail, he had written..."I am not a shopkeeper and I do not bargain. The slippery path of diplomacy I abhor as unsuited to my constitution. I have taken my stand on a principle and there the matter rests. I do not attach such importance to my bodily life that I should strive to save it by a process of haggling... "Our cause is the cause of freedom and truth; as sure as day follows night, that cause will ultimately prevail. Our bodies may fail and perish, but with faith undiminished and will unconquerable triumph will be ours. It is however for Providence to ordain who of us should live to witness the consummation of all our efforts and labours, and as for myself, I am content to live my life and leave the rest to destiny." His noble ideals show, Netaji was planets apart from secretive methods of which the British intelligence had accused him. Gandhijr did a great injustice to Subhas in believing those mean charges and turning all out against him. (v) The real objective of British intelligence in bringing false charges of being secret German agent against Subhas was to eliminate his influence on Indian public, specially when Britain was getting involved in a world war. At the 'Anti-Compromise Conference' at Ramgarh in March 1940, Subhas Babu called for an immediate all-India struggle with no rest or break, nor any sidetracking as happened in 1932, until the goal of independence was reached. But in May 1940, after the fall of France, Jawaharlal wrote to Rajendra Babu: "I think it would be wrong for us at this particular moment when Britain is in peril, to take advantage of her distress and rush at her throat." Nehru repeated the same sentiment in a public speech at Lucknow. Replying to Nehru publicly, Subhas said to a Forward Bloc conference in June 1940: "Let us cease talking of saving Britain with the Empire's help or with India's help. India must in this grave crisis think of herself first....It is for the Indian people to make an immediate demand for the transference of power to them through a provisional National Government." After this statement, British rulers brought a charge of 'sedition' against Subhas, and he was locked up in prison on July 2nd from where he wrote "Government are determined to hold me in prison by brute force. I say in reply - 'Release me or I shall refuse to liveand it is for me to decide whether I choose to live or to die'."

The British in India were determined not to allow Subhas to live. At the same time, they afraid, if he became a martyr, that would mean a speedy end to their Indian Empire. Consequently, having resisted forcible feeding, Subhas was released from jail and kept under heavy guard in his Elgin Road home at Calcutta. From there, in the early hours of January 17th, Subhas slipped away. On January 26th 1941, the day fixed for his trial for sedition, Ananda Bazar Patrika and the Hindustan Standard were the first to report that Subhas was not be found. The British hangmen were unable to follow him. Eight weeks later, on March 28th 1941, Subhas turned up in Berlin to be 'crowned' as Netaji for driving out the British from India, of course, with military power. ************************************************************************

14. NETAJI AT WAR AGAINST BRITAIN (i) Early 1947, when I myself landed in Berlin, the upper-most picture in my mind was that of Subhas Babu, as I had seen him in mid thirtees there. As in a newsreel, the selections were thoughtfully made on the canvas of my mind. Those days already he had imprinted on us "the price of liberty is suffering and sacrifice...India can well afford to bring a blood sacrifice for her liberation. 350 million miserable lives are waiting for deliverance." Reaching the corner of Kurfuerstendamm and Uhlandstrasse, I found the small Indian run restaurant was bombed out, where Subhas had declared "Britain is our traditional enemy. We will fight her, immaterial whether any other power supports us or not." The same day he had asked Hitler "When are you going to strike at Britain, so that we also might simultaneously take up arms against them." Ever since, Subhas had ranked in the mind of the Germans as a politician of higher stature than any other Indian including Gandhi and Nehru. First thing on reaching Berlin I did was to come in contact with my former German classmates in the University. Luckily, some had come in very close contact with Netaji during the war; one or two had served him as his secretaries. Rudi was one of them. I took him in my jeep as my driver and drove around Germany to investigate first hand, what had actually happened to Netaji and his co-fighters, specially after the German and Japanese surrenders. (ii) In many European cities, specially in Berlin, Rome and Vienna, I found traces of Netaji and a very lively interest about his whereabouts. None of his close acquaintances I came across attached any value to the concocted plane disaster and his death report at Taipei. More genuinely trustworthy were taken the accounts of European nationals having been taken as war prisoners in Russia, and then returning to their respective homes. Those rare individuals who had been banished to Siberian prisoner of war camps like Yakutsk had the most interesting accounts to narrate. Bit by bit I collected those details and pinpointed on a large map in my Berlin house. This way I could ascertain with reasonable accuracy, the drifting lives of Indian prisoners of war in Russia, who were then last reported still alive in the Far East. Gradually, a picture of Netaji's European and Far-Eastern Odysseys emerged which was absolutely different from what the Indo-British intelligence reports had thought advisable to disclose publicly in India. The British reports invariably indicated that Netaji served Hitler's interests by organising the Indian Legion and placing them at the disposal of the German army to function as their fifth columnists. What had made the British furious was their information that Netaji and his associates drew their salary also from the Germans. Rudi drove me one day to the former German Chancellery, which had been Hitler's office till the last moment of his death. The building was very badly damaged by bomb and Russian artillery fire. While we were inspecting what was known as Hitlers bunker, the bomb-proof shelter in the Chancellery, one of Rudis colleagues in the former German Foreign office approached us. That man gave me quite a large number of documents and photostat copies of the post-war Indian nationals record maintained by the Indian Military Mission there. Those papers left no doubt in my mind that the British Intelligence had deliberately falsified Netaji's war-time record, and behaved as their

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his fight. This difference in results should not be allowed to belittle the historic achievements of Netaji. Rather Netaji's great Freedom and humane movement besides his brilliant leadership makes De Gaulle's routine work look quite insignificant. Netaji had assured his men ''Your names will be written in golden letters in the history of Free India; every martyr in this holy war will have a monument there. I shall lead the army when we march to India together.'' (iv) As a real strategist, Netaji saw that Singapur, Rangoon and Calcutta were the keys to British dominion over India. Singapur and Rangoon had fallen in Japanese hands. Netaji planned to enter Calcutta at the head of his Army of Free India. Nothing else had been more thoroughly menacing to the very foundation of British colonialist strcture since the time of Robert Clive. Gone were the days of the allegiance to slavery and fear of the British prowess which kept the Indian Sepoyees submissive to British army officers. Netaji heralded the advent of the dawn of Freedom over the skies of Asia. With the start of 1943, uppermost in Netaji's mind wTas "The problem is how to take charge of our country. When the Englishmen are about to leave there is no point in begging independence or getting it as a present from other nations because such an independence can not last long..." To take full advantage of the extraordinarily favourable military situation in the Asiatic theatres of war, Netaji left Kiel in a German submarine on February 8th, 1943. Sweeping wide into the Atlantic he sailed down passing the Cape of Good hope to a meeting place 400 miles SSW of Madagaskar. There on April 28th he was transferred to the Japanese submarine 1-29, which took him across the Indian ocean. He landed at Sabang on the northern tip of Sumatra and reached Tokyo after a journey of eighteen weeks on June 13th 1943. Without waiting a moment Netaji went into immediate military action. Within six weeks he had a clear grasp of the main problems. But even at that moment utmost importance he thought of rendering all possible help to Bengal, where disastrous famine raised during the summer of 1943. Immediately in August itself Netaji made all possible arrangements to ship to Calcutta a 100,000 tons of rice as a gift from the Indian League, of which he had taken the overall command. His offer was most callously and cruelly ignored by the British, which resulted in the death of millions in Bengal, Netaji's own province. The British took revenge on the people of Bengal for their sympathies with Netaji to whom they could not harm inspite of the best weapons of warfare in their hands. Not wasting a moment in sentimental frustration, Netaji diverted his whole attention to military matters. As a very far sighted military leader he declared "Any liberation of India secured through Japanese sacrifices is worse than slavery." Insisting that it was the national honour of India to make the maximum contribution of blood and other sacrifices, he assigned the INA to form the very spearhead in the coming military offensives on the Imphal front. In a speech in Malaya on 5th Sept. 1943, he visualised ..."the very appearance the INA on the Indian frontier will be a clarion call to the people and to the Indian Army."

Netaji moved so fast that already in October 21st 1943, he was able to inaugurate his Provinsional Government with the portfolios of the Head of State, Prime Minister and Minister of War and Foreign Affairs for himself. With the common greeting and war cry of Jai Hind, the Congress tricolour became the national flag and "Jana Gana..." composed by Gurudeva Rabindranath the National Anthem. The Provisional Indian Government was immediately recognised by the Axis and their sympathisers. Under Netaji's government all Indian resources in the Far East, men and money were mobilised. From the Japanese Netaji demanded and got the Andaman and Nicobar Islands the only Indian territory held by the Japanese. Further assurances too he secured that as the Japanese marched into India the occupied regions would be put under his control. To mark their new status, the Provisional Indian Government renamed their territories as Shahid (Martyr) and Swaraj islands respectively. Netaji himeslf landed at Port Blair, the capital of Andamans on December 29th 1943. Choked with emotions he visited the cellular jail there where quite a number of his most dear and near friends were locked up, tortured and had lost their lives. History justified him as a true liberator of his people with the right to say "...India shall be free-and before long. And a Free India will throw open the prison gates so that her worthy sons may step out of the darkness of the prison cells into the light of freedom, joy and self-fulfilment." Now there were two basic historic assignments to Netaji and his Armed Forces to fight for India's mainland's liberation, and then to stand as the defence force of Free India. Netaji's every move, every word became the expression in action of what he had declared in Tokyo on arrival from Berlin "...For India, there is no other path but...uncompromising struggle against British Imperialism. Even if it were possible for other nations to think of compromising with England, for the Indian people at least it is out of the question. Compromising with Britain means to compromise with slavery and we are determined not to compromise with slavery any more." Thus, the real significance of Netaji at war against Britain has far, far more historic importance than all the other military action of the Far East during the Second World War put together. His deeds turned the wheels of India's destiny from dungeon like slavery to the bright sunshine of independence, and changed the face of the whole of Asia. **********************************************************************

15. NETAJI ON BERLIN-DAIREN RED ROAD (i) Netaji's firm axiom, which he expressed also during the last stages of the war in his Bangkok speech of May 21st 1945, remained throughout "...The fundamental principle of our foreign policy has been and will be Britain's enemy is India's friend." This was, indeed, an appeal to Moscow. When he had left India in January 1941, Netaji's original objective was to reach Russia. Even in Kabul he tried to contact the Russian Ambassador, but did not succeed, for the Soviet Embassies are always under guard and very secretive. Once, when he stopped the Soviet envoy's car in the street, Netaji was not able to explain the matter due to the language difficulties. In spite of several other efforts he made, he failed to draw Russian attention. Better luck he had with the Italians and the Germans. They sent him a passport to Kabul in the name of Orlando Mazzota and a courier to fetch him. In campany of that messenger Netaji set out for the Russian frontier. They had to pass through the Soviet territories without pause. There was no opportunity for Netaji there for appealing to Russia and applying for political asylum. On reaching Germany, Netaji had often considerable disappointments. Hitler did not agree to the declaration in favour of Indian independence. The Nazi invasion of Russia made matters worse. But Colonel Yamamoto, the Japanese military attach had become a good friend of Netaji. Even then he was not able to get a clearance for Netaji for a trip to Japan via Turkey and Russia, which he himself undertook in November 1942. There was no way left open to Netaji to come in contact with the Russians to reach the Sovietland. Facing those heavy odds, Netaji accepted the leadership of Indians on the European continent with the hope that, even then, something might be redeemed. As a close devotee of Bhagvad Gita, which a miniature edition he always carried in his pocket, Netaji resolved in Berlin "I am content to do my duty and leave the rest to Destiny." While arguing with Hitler for the declaration in favour of Indian Independence, Netaji came in very close contact with Mr. Nambiar in Berlin. Nambiar was in Berlin and Central Europe from 1924, and during the war too he remained in Berlin. When Netaji was leaving for the Far East he appointed Nambiar his deputy in Europe and passed on to him his policy and instructions regarding the Free India Centre. After the German surrender, Nambiar was arrested on 8.6.1942 by an organisation which styled itself "Indian Security Unit." Later on, after Nehru's joining the Delhi Government, the ISU was dissolved and the task of attending the Indian prisoners in Germany was taken over by the "Indian Military Mission" in Berlin. Certain documents of the IMM which came to my hand in Berlin in 1947, threw enough light on the policy of the then Indian Government regarding the Indian prisoners of war in Germany. In this respect, Nambiar's case can be taken as an example, which will ultimately bring into light the real difficulties one has to face to come to the truth even about Neatji. Nambiar was quite intimately known to Jawaharlal, who had appointed him the chief of the Information Bureau in Berlin from its very start. This IIB was also financed by the Congress when Jawaharlal became its President for the first time at the end of 1929. At the end of the hostilities in Europe, Jawaharlal took great deal of personal interest in getting Nambiar released from the British intelligence hands in Germany. Still, it proved to be quite a formidable job, due to the purely British

outlook and loyalty of the External Affairs Ministry though handled by Jawaharlal himself. It is amazing in this particular instance that, even those Indian officers who handled Government jobs immediately under Nehru had a greater sense of loyalty towards British intersts than for the Indian. Therefore, it is not surprising that, even when Netaji affairs are handled by that same apparatus in Delhi, invaribly their decisions serve the British imperialistic standpoint at the cost of the nationalistic Indian. Amongst the photostats of the Indian Military Mission files in Berlin with me, we have a letter of Nambiar's to Jawaharlal dated 2nd September 1946, in which he explains "...Life in the circumstances is rather depressing and I have to start again all afresh. I should like to move out first for considerations of health and occupation to Switzerland." Nambiar had rather put it very mildly when he said 'life in the circumstances is rather depressing.' In another photostat of a note by one Major Warren of the IMM we read "...Nambiar was not at all happy and requested that arrangements be made for his re-internment at Herford Juvenile jail, where he had spent much time whilst under interrogation. He stated that he could not possibly attempt to rebuild his life, under the conditions imposed upon him." When such was the British intelligence and IMM treatment to a renowned Indian close friend of Jawaharlal, how the other Indian prisoners of war in Germany would have fared, can be easily imagined. Even so late as 1947, quite a number of Indians under IMM control had publicly complained that third degree methods were employed by British intelligence and IMM personnel during interrogations for the simple 'crime' of the Indians having worked for Netaji and his Free India Centre, during the war. Another photostat copy has the subject marked 'repatriation' and is signed by a Colonel in the Indian Military Mission. This Colonel, I was told in Berlin, was an Indian. When Nambiar applied for some recommendation from the IMM for food and coal rations, the Colonel replied to him "Any recommendation from the Mission could only state official facts of your past connections with the Free India Centre and your employment during the war on a salary from the Germans." It shows the British anger on Indians who fought for the freedom of their country. Anyway, Nambiar was lucky in getting Nehru to intervene on his behalf. In the files of the IMM is a letter from one under secretary to the Government of India regarding Nambiar, which says "I am directed to request you kindly to approach the Swiss authorities on behalf of the Government of India and to use your best endeavours to obtain from them permission for Mr. Nambiar to go to Switzerland. It may be pointed out that his earlier record was consistently anti-nazi both in Germany itself and in Prague and Paris." In spite of such clear instructions at the instigation of Nehru himself, Nehru's one of the highest ranking representatives in Europe, who also an Indian, put new obstacles in getting Nambiar released from his Britsh internment in Germany. This particular case proved that, as a rule Nehru's own officers showed greater loyalty towards the British than to the cause of India, by following their policy of harrassing Indians who had asscoiated themselves with Netaji and his noble task of achieving India's independence. (iii) Of course, much water has flown into the Ganga since the first years of our independence. In course of time, the British too have turned mild in their revengeful spirit towards Netaji Subhas Chandra

Bose. Regretably enough, there is no evidence of such a change on the part of the Indian official bureaucracy. (iv) The truth is, as I was able to find out in Berlin, Netaji and his Indian national associates in Europe had genuinely anti-Nazi leanings, which the then British intelligence, and today's Delhi External affairs officers have been unable to appreciate. Already in 1936, when Netaji had asked Hitler when he was going to strike Britain, the reply he had received was that the Germans had no thought of this, on the other hand they hoped for a compromise with the British. For Netaji on other alternative was left but to take Russia alone as Britain's enemy and therefore, India's friend. When the Second World War began, there was no Indian Revolutionary Society in Berlin, but there was one in Moscow, attached to the Russian apparatus of the Semi-secret organisation Comintern. Berlin Indians like Nambiar were in very close touch with the Indians in the Russian Comintern. Netaji had also this Comintern link in mind, when before leaving for Dairen, he had instructed Nambiar to enquire if the Russians would accept Indian political refugees. In his own case too, he had persistently demanded from the Japanese that they put him in direct touch with the Russians. After Imphal as he covered the wary marches from Rangoon into Siam, Netaji invariably discussed eventual sanctuary in Russia also for himself. The fight for India's independence was to continue from Russia. But the Japanese could not oblige Netaji officially. While he was in Tokyo in November 1944, Netaji had secretly come in touch with some Indians who were linked up with the Comintern branch of the Russia there. Until the Japanese surrender, the Comintern had gained a big prominence in the affairs of that country. For Netaji this proved to be a good wind fall. So far as sounding the local Russian representatives was concerned, Netaji was on safe side. But the relationship of those nets with their Moscow headquarters itself had gone through a terrific change. The dissolution of the Comintern was officially announced on paper due to Anglo-American pressure on Stalin, but, in actual action, a standing "Liquidation commission" was formed under the presidium of the very internationally famous Comintern leaders. These currents and cross currents in Russian affairs had set the outside link of the secret foreign sections of the Russian communist party in chaos. Since there.was no other alternative left for Netaji but to fly to Dairen at any cost, he took the risk knowingly that when the Russians occupied that Manchurian port, he was sure to fall into Russian hands. That they would be Russians and not the British was a great satisfaction to Netaji. Finally, when the Berlin followers of Netaji fell into Russian hands, and were put in prisons like Yakutsk in Siberia some echoes of Netaji from the Far East began to strike into the Soviet Sector of East Berlin. **************************************************************

16 NETAJI'S ECHO FROM YAKUTSK (i) In the early hours of February 26th 1945, Netaji stood at the foot of Mount Popa in Burma. Every now and then there was a flash of gunfire or the blaze of a bomb on the north-western horizon. The sky seemed full of enemy planes whose pilots were briefed "Look for Bose the notorious INA head, Japanese puppet and traitor. Kill him." Considering it a very insignificant danger, Netaji scorned "England has not made a bomb that can kill me." And still, he was in retreat and his military position worse than ever before. Ten months earlier in April-July, 1944, he stood with his army facing the lmphal planes. With every justification he called India's radio network "Anti-India Radio" and despised the British propaganda against him. In an ultimatum to the British he assured his countrymen "Let the British now accept the 'Quit India' resolution and give effect to it and I guarantee that not single Japanese soldier will set foot on Indian soil.' In view of such sincerity, it was the dirtiest British intelligence propaganda 'bomb' which has poisoned the Indian pubiic mind against Netaji ever since. We cannot say with surety that Netaji's historic personality has not been affected by that poisonous propaganda, and there by, his refuge in Russia made most miserable. The battle for Imphal goes in the military history of Asia as the Waterloo of the British Empire. This fact has not struck our historians yet. Our ignorance on this point is largely responsible for not paying the tributes due to Netaji and worrying about his fate. Not the British gunpowder bomb but their .poisonous intelligence bomb has certainly hit Netaji very badly. For Netaji personally, the experiences at foot of Mount Popa forced him to set out on a mission to Russia however hazardous. (ii) While I myself was desperately trying to revisit Russia to enquire about the fate of some of our countrymen I knew intimately, I contacted some Red Army officers in Berlin with whom I had taken army training in the Russian Tundras. They took personal risk and recommended my case to the Soviet Consul for granting me a visa to visit the Soviet Union. But as long as Stalin and Beria ruled Russia, the question of my visiting Russia looked impossible. Failing to cross into proper Soviet territories, I toured their newly acquired East European empire extensively. During one of such trips, I visited Warsaw, where the Soviet Marshal Rokossovsky was set up as the military ruler of Poland. In his personal staff was an officer I had known since my Leningrad days before the war. Being a true simple hearted Russian, he hated the Communist torture to foreign nationals who were forced to seek asylum in Russia. With the help of that Staff officer Pavlov, I was able to renew my acquaintance; with the Russian officers formerly connected with the Indian section of the Comintern in Moscow. Those officers provided me with a good deal of information about the fate of the Indian prisoners of war connected with Netaji's Free India Centre and the INA. Quite a number of those men were forced under Russian pressure to accept the job of working as their spies if and when released and allowed to return to India. Some were sent to the newly started Cominform military school for Asiatic cadre at Leipzig in East Germany. The Indian trainees at Leipzig were to take command of Telangana type of insurrections in India.

Returning to India and getting elected to the first Parliament of India, I exposed the Russian inspired Comintern anti-Indian subversive activities. There was a big uproar. The Indian Communist Party, a branch of the Russian Cominform brought a case of priveleges against me, in which I was exonerated. My accounts rightly, of course, were published in some Russian magazines as well in a twisted form. Those Russians who had known me personally appreciated the anti-Stalin-Beria job I had done. Since then, whenever I was able to contact them in my several trips to Soviet occupied areas of Eastern Europe, they provided new materials to me completely unknown to the outside world. Amongst such material was the Soviet secret police torture to those Indian Prisoners of War of Netaji's camp who had refused to work as getting trained for the Anti-Indian jobs or to promise to work as Soviet spies if returned to India. (iii) In autum 1954, I had taken my former Professor Acharya Narendra Deva to the Eastern section of Berlin to show him around. Stalin and Beria were gone, and my Russian friends felt a good deal relieved. While going around the Soviet House of Culture in Unter den Linden, I met my old friend Boris. We had been good friends since my military training days in Russia in 1934. Both of us were admirers and pupils of great Indian revolutionaries like Biren Chattopadhaya and Abani Mukherji, we frequently met in Leningrad. Boris had learnt Museum work under Chatto and had come to the Soviet House of Culture in Berlin to organise the display of some of Moscow's Tretyakov Gallery paintings. He extended an invitation to me to come to his Weissensce flat for an evening chat "You can meet also Goga there." "What?" I asked alarmed. Goga was the son of Abani Mukherjee from his Russian wife named Fitingoff. They had also a daughter called Maya. I enquired about her. "You will know about her and many other Indians you must not have imagined to be on the Russian soil." There were about half a dozen guests present when I arrived at Boris's flat. The table was very well laden with the Russian Samovar, plenty of 'zakuski' and a few bottles of truly Russian Vodka. Besides Goga, who was an Indo-Russian, others were pure Russians, all employees of the Cominform, the successor to the old Comintern. Goga came to the door to greet me with a question "How could you forget the assignment of my father given to you?" Quite vividly flashed the face of his father Abani Babu in my mind. In one of the pre-war years while I was taking leave of him in Moscow, with tears in his eyes he had said "Please, please, do your best to get us back home to India." So long as the British ruled India there was no question of Indian revolutionaries having once seeked asylum in Russia returning to India. But in post-independence period also the position had remained the same. Occasionally, when some questions were asked in Delhi Parliament, some sweet sentiments were expressed by the Ministers. When it came to taking concrete action for the

repatriation of our revolutionaries, the-same old British policy of letting the question shelved, was adopted. Feeling ashamed I enquired about his father. Goga startled me with his reply "Being a man of pure scholarly world, my father survived all the Stalin purges until the end of the patriotic war. Then, with the beginning of the fifties, a few foreign Comintern functionaries who had been banished to Siberia during the war years were allowed to return to Moscow. Some of them related that in the Siberian prison of Yakutsk they had come across a very high ranking Indian leader who had unfortunately collaborated with our enemies both the Germans and the Japanese. My father was quick enough to guess that the Indian must have been none other than Subhas Chandra Bose. He rushed a letter to Stalin intervening for the release of Subhas Babu from prison." ''That must have made Stalin more furious on your father?" Boris interrupted our talk. "Exactly that is what happened. Father pleaded by saying that Subhas Babu was an honest patriot. There could be no justification for calling him a German or a Japanese collaborator. His action in Berlin and Tokyo were guided by his belief that Indian nationalism must have outside help, first and foremost Russian. He requested Stalin to do justice to Subhas Babu. Such a request from father was interpreted by Stalin as the logic of a Fascist. The very next day father had posted that letter, he was arrested by the NKVD. He has not come back to us since.1' "Sad." Said Boris "Professor Mukherji took Subhas Babu's side, and for that he too must have been sent to Yakutsk prison.'' "Are you sure that Subhas Babu was in Yakutsk prison?" I asked Goga. "Yes. Uncle Mazut, the head of the Indian section of Comintern in your time was also sent to Yakutsk as a Trotskyte. After the death of Stalin he has been rehabilitated. He also says that in the central prison of Yakutsk Subhas Babu was locked up in cell No. 45 and my father in 57." "How was Mazut sure that he was really Subhas Babu?" "Why? You know well Mazut had been several times to India in pre-war days and had seen Subhas Babu frequently in Calcutta and even talked to him on the question of dock workers union." "In which year Mazut had seen Subhas Babu at Yakutsk?" "1950-51." "Have you any information about him after that ?'' "None." "Only after the death of Stalin and shooting of Beria, have we begun to build some hopes of our father returning to us. When he comes back, surely, he will tell us the latest about Subhas Babu. (iv) Our party in the Soviet sector lasted till dawn. Boris drove me to Friedrichstrasse S Bahn from where I caught the train for the West Berlin hotel where I had left Acharya Narendra Devji. When I related to him about my talk with Goga regarding Subhas Babu, he was much excited.

On return to India, I submitted to Jawaharlalji a personal note about the extraordinary co-incidence of meeting Goga and his story about Netaji. Since I did not get any reply from Jawaharlalji, I took it, he did not like to take any action or even to re-open Netaji's case. But I remained intrigued. The very next year, in 1955, I succeed in flying from Berlin to Moscow to continue my investigations further. ***********************************************************************

17. NETAJIS JAI-HIND ON THE HIMALAYAN FRONT

(i) Throughout the British domination India had no battle-cry until Netaji came out with "Jai-Hind". He gave to his country-men, for the first time, an ideal of all out sacrifice in the battlefield for the motherland, and inspired the Indian soldier with the noblest objective in life. What proved to be a direct hit to the British Empire was the total obliteration of the slavish loyalty of an Indian towards the British King Emperor. To achieve this task was a super-human task, and this was the greatest contribution of Netaji in the battles of independence of our country. He had full justification for his proud claim before sixty thousand people in pouring rain at Singapur on July 9th. 1943: "There is no nationalist leader in India who can claim to possess the many-sided experience that I have been able to acquire." While reviewing the INA parade Netaji gave the Command: "...Follow me...I shall lead you to Victory and Freedom.'' With his brilliant leadership Netaji dazzled both the military and the civilian personnel. At his disposal there were only two million Indians in East Asia to whom the slogan of 'a total mobilisation for a total war.' His target was three hundred thousand soldiers and thirty million Singapur dollars (less than 4 3/4 crore Rupees). But the target was: "We have a grim fight ahead of us for the enemy is forceful, unscrupulous and ruthless. In this final march to freedom you will have to force hunger, thirst, privation, forced marches and death. Only when you pass this test will freedom be yours." For a military historian it is interesting to compare Netaji's leadership in the battle of Imphal and that of Jawaharlal at Towang in autumn 1962. To the Indian merchants of Malaya Netaji made it clear "...There is no private property when a country is in a state of war...If you think that your wealth and possessions are your own you are living in delusion...your lives and your properties do not now belong to you, they belong to India and India alone...If you do not choose to come forward voluntarily, then we are not going to remain slaves on that account... Everyone who refuses to help our cause is our enemy." Under Jawaharlafs leadership, the most shocking discovery of the Himalayan war was the fact that the Indian soldier was lamentably ill-equipped even afrer fifteen years of independence and an army budget of several hundred crores yearly. From the very first days of the fighting, officially sponsored organisations were set up to beg and collect food, clothing, socks and shoes for the fighting personnel. It was an unheard of and a shocking spectacle. An army which has to go begging for the daily necessities of its soldiers lose all its self-respect and pride the two most essential ingredients of keeping the standard of their morale high. Even after one year since the death of Jawaharlal, when our country is faced with the most menacing military threat from the combined forces of Chicom and Pakistan, the basic shortcomings of a good military leadership of the type of is Netaji still lamentably lacking. Only the other day some Indian merchants had the cheek to sermonise India's Home Minister at his face that it was their money which had kept the Congress alive and brought freedom to India. An objective observer is just reminded of the war contributions the same merchants made to the British to keep India

enslaved. Certainly, their monetary contribution to the ruling British was far, far greater than the petty alms given to the Congress leaders. The amount contributed specifically for the cause of India's freedom by the Indian merchants has been, if at all, quite negligible. At such a stage when the life and freedom of the country is at stake, what Netaji told the Indian merchants of eastern Asia at the eve of the Imphal battle must become the slogan today for us: "There is no private property when a country is in a state of war. Everything belongs to India and India alone." Another factor in the leadership of battles are the two military advantages of initiative and surprise. Jawahrlal never attached any importance to these deciding factors in Towang battle, whereas Netaji never allowed to let these weapons go out of his hand throughout his Imphal campaign. For his breakthrough in the Imphal planes Netaji confidently adopted the technique of skilful deployment. His radio stations even during the most desperate moments of the INA offensive broadcasted as relaying British official bulletins "...The INA troops are advancing up the Kaladan and have occupied Paletwa, Tiddim, Tongzang, Palam and Fort White have fallen into the enemy hands. Our 17th Division is in full retreat. The Imphal-Silchar road has been cut. The situation is serious but not critical." On the other hand, whatever exaggerations of her armed might the Chicom chose to release to the outside world, in order to lower the Indian morale, were taken by India to be true. When China, for instance, said that eight divisions were deployed on the Tibetan plateau, Indian newspapers repeated it as a fact. A little later on the eve of the big Towang offensive, when Chicom declared she had fifteen to twenty divisions on the Indo-Tibetan border, the story was repeated by the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru the very next day. Without going much in detail an objective student of military affairs has to note the absolute justification for Netaji's claim "There is no national leader in India-who can claim to possess the many-sided experience that I have been able to acquire." A proper study of Netaji's leadership can be put to great use by our leaders today in defeating the Chicom forces threatening menacingly the life and liberty of our country on the Himalayan front. (ii) In fairness to the British, it must be accepted that, they were forced by their own self-interest to strengthen Jawaharlal and discredit Subhas. K.M. Munshi has recorded a summary of his interview with Lord Linlithgow, dated 12th January 1940: Munshi: I feel the under-currents amongst our ordinary Congressmen, and I wonder how long Gandhiji will be able to keep them in leash. For the moment he is exercising a strong restraining hand. Linlithgow: Yes, he has become powerful. But do you sincerely think that he will be able to carry Jawaharlal? M...: Jawaharlal is a great idealist and is therefore an idol of the masses. But the inspiration, organisation, and technique are all Gandhiji's and Jawaharlal will not part company with Gandhiji. L...: I think it was a mistake to have left office. Perhaps there were reasons on your side which I can not appreciate.

M...: Yes, we could not have continued long in office and helped you in the war unless we had obtained a share of it the centre which could justify our being there. Otherwise it would have been a thankless job. For instance, Subhas would have made our task very difficult. L...: You think Subhas formidable. I do no think so. M...: Not in that sense, but if we had been in power he would have got himself arrested only in order to make our position difficult. Now things are better from every point of view and things should be done early. L...: I hope to make a move soon. The British did make a move soon. They arrested Subhas in July 1940, charging him of sedition. Use of that brute force made Subhas more uncompromising against the British than any other Indian leader. Soon, Subhas took advantage of the war situation to secure India's freedom by attacking the British on the Imphal front. For achieving success in his objective, he had to master the technique of leadership under war conditions. All other Indian leaders had followed the path of compromise with the British. Consequently, they had no occasion to have the schooling of a soldier like Netaji. This weakness exposes today the greatest shortcoming in present Indian leadership when a war has been forced on India by the Chinese Communists. Being a far-sighted dedicated man, Netaji himself led his soldiers in worst military debacles, and his passionate sincerity inspired devotion and love in all his followers. Our leaders in power today shall have to learn the technique of Netaji to make the Indian army a first class modern army of superb morale, and to make their officers fit to form the General Staff, superior to that of Chinese Communists. But to fulfill this assignment they will have to inspire their troops by coming forward to command like Netaji: "Follow me! Over the Himalayas! I shall lead you to victory." (iii) Though militarily unsuccessful, Netaji's Imphal campaign proved the reality that Britain would not succeed any further in keeping India under subjugation with the misdirected loyalty of Indian soldiers in the interest of the British King Emperor. The last British Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army, Field Marshal Auchinleck had also to admit: "There is no excuse for the regular officers who went over (to the INA), beyond the fact that the early stages of 'Indianisation' from its inception to the beginning of the late war were badly mismanaged by the Brititish Government of India, and this prepared the ground for disloalty when the opportunity came. "...The policy of segregation of Indian officers into separate units, the differential treatment in respect of pay and terms of service as compared with the British officer, and the prejudice and lack of manners of some by no means all British officers and their wives, all went to produce a very deep and bitter feeling of racial discrimination in the minds of the most intelligent and progressive of the Indian officers who were naturally nationalists, keen to see India standing on her own legs and not to be ruled from Whitehall for ever." At the time of independence, specially during the Hyderabad and Kashmir campaigns, those nationalist Indian officers showed a very good account of themselves in protecting their motherland. British officers who had commanded them till then had mostly sided with Pakistan and the Indian officers had to use their independent judgment also about the leadership over the men they commanded. In this respect the basic principles of Netaji's type of leadership had to be followed to serve the interests of their own country first and foremost, to keep the army discipline clean and

effective further onwards. The British charge against the INA that ruined the discipline of the Indian army proved completely wrong. On the otherhand, the Armed forces of Independent India became most dependable at critical times when they were assigned to protect their Motherland. For this new enthusiasm of our Armed Forces we have to thank Netaji once again. Since our independence it has become more and more reasonably clear that India will not have to fight against the British army any more. On the other hand they have rushed military help to us when the Chicom attacked us in autumn 1962. This ready response of the British is one more genuine proof of the fact that their independence is not endangered by the Chinese or any other forces. In such a situation, we have valid reasons to expect that the British anti-Netaji attitude has become a matter of past and forgotten history. Chivalry and sportsmanship have been amongst the noble ideals of the British people. Guided by those noble principles of man, it is sure, the British will give us every assistance and put their secret service reports at our disposal, once we take the initiative in finding out the real truth about Netaji and his historic contribution to the art of leadership of a country at war. When a war is being forced upon us on the Himalayan front, we must follow Netaji's battle-cry Jai Hind, and achieve the glorious victory in the history of our country.' ****************************************************************************

18. ENQUIRY ABOUT NETAJI IN MOSCOW (i) On reaching Mocow in autumn 1955, I remembered the statement Goga had made about Netaji in Berlin the previous year. Movements of foreign visitors to Russia seemed to be not so strictly watched as I had observed when I had lived there. Encouraged by the realising that I was not followed by the agents of the Russian secret police, I walked through the Gorki Street, the main thoroughfare of the Soviet Capital, into the Pushkin's place. As if mechanically operated, my legs turned into the Strasnoi Boulevard. House No. 13 there had remained intact during all those years I had not been there. Entering the gates I turned left to meet the 'zezurny' the houseguard. It is very common throughout Russia that the reliable guards to the institutions of secretive nature function most efficiently as invisible weapons in the hands of the Soviet secret police. Luckilly, comrade zezurny of the KUTV (Communist University for the workers of the East, run by the Comintern) was the same good old Petrov, very friendly to me during my student days. Foreign students in Moscow had far better rations and pocket money than average upper strata State employees. Since I had kept our zezurny well fed during the days of food scarcity in Moscow, he had remained grateful to me. As good old friends we settled down in the kitchen to have some tea from the samovar. The hints I had given were enough for him to admit frankly "To pay my gratitude I shall help you in your enquiries of a confidential nature." Petrov listened attentively when I repeated Goga's accout, and then came out "Comrade Vera will be able to help you in this matter." "Which Vera you mean?" "Why, the Dark Vera who used to practice her conversation in Bengali with you." "How can she be helpful in this respect?" "She had worked as the chief of the Asiatic Secret Section of the Comintern till Stalin's death." "Where is she now?" "'She deals with the Asiatic tourist section of the INTOURIST." "Will you please put me in touch with her as early as you can?" "You turn up casually in this kitchen tomorrow evening after dark, and you can talk to her quietly." "Are you sure, she has some information about the matter I am investigating." "Quite sure. Early 1950 when Mao Tse-tung visited us, she was called to Kremlin for certain consultations concerning India.''

"She seemed to have become an expert in Indian affairs for the Soviet Govrnment?" "One day I too had to report to a meeting of Chinese Communist officers who had come to Moscow to enquire about some Mongolian students who studied here with you." My rounds into old Cominterm circle convinced me that I was on the right track. Soviet circles were most eager to come in close contact with India, specially after the State visit of Jawaharlal Nehru to their country. Preparations were also on way for the retutrn visit of the Soviet Premier with the party chief Khruschcv to India. The 'Hindi-Rusi Bhai-Bhai' atmosphere allowed me to go ahead boldy in my mission. (ii) Vera briefed me in fluent Bengali "You remember Akimov, isn't so? The same wicked fellow who interrogated you at Lubyanka. During the war years he had become the Chief of the Indian military unit.'' "Indian military unit here in Russia?" "There were no Indians in it. This was a secret formation of Soviet nationals who were getting trained to handle Indian affairs on the line of the Indian Civil Service of the British.'' "What for? "The Stalin-Hitler secret negotiations at the end of 1940, had allotted India as the Russian sphere when the British were driven out from there. Soviet machinery had to be kept ready at hand to take charge of our Indian possessions. Anyhow, this Indian unit reamained inoperative due to Hitler's trachery towards Stalin." "How did that treachery affect Indian affairs?" "After the Nazi invasion of Russia, India had been regarded as his own sphere of aspiration by Hitler. To serve as their agent in this deal, the Nazis arranged the escape of the Indian Fascist leader Subhas Chandra Bose to Berlin." "Subhas Babu was not a Fascist." "According to Soviet authorities like Akimov, he was. Akimov had succeeded in collecting voluminous reports regarding Bose through his communist party agents in India. One day I was present as a member of the India Unit at Lubyanka, when Akimov himself had said about Bose that he had joined the Fascists already during his trips to Europe in early thirties." "It is all wrong." "Akimov went so far as to quote the statements of Congress leaders themselves to prove the fact that Subhas Bose was a Fascist." "The statement must have been misconstrued by the Indian Communist Party.''

"I do not doubt the correctness of Indian Comparty reports. Subhas Bose, on reaching Berlin became the most important Asiatic Fascist ally of Hitler. He got his men trained with the man of the great traitor General Vlassov to attack our Sovietland." "You are misinformed. When Subhas Babu departed for the East, he left definite instructions that the Indian Legion in Europe must be used against the British-Indian troops alone in or near India. He had no fight with the Soviet Union. Rather, he always took the Russians to be staunch enemies of the British, and so, the natural friend of India." "However, Akimov did not take Subhas Bose's action in that light, when our Chinese comrades unearthed Subhas Bose's presence in Dairen, he was arrested, and Akimov went all the way in Manchuria to interrogate him. As we all expected, Akimov classified him as an ally of the German Fascists, and got placed in the Central prison of Yakutsk along with numerous others of his class.'' Petrov turned up to tell us that some other occupants of the house going to use that common kitchen to make their supper. I arranged to meet Vera again the next day at the Gorki Park along the Moskva river promenade. (iii) Other details I gathered from Vera convinced me that, if once Netaji and his followers were locked up in Yakutsk, they were held by Soviet secret police incommunicado. In the long history of those Siberian prisons, only outstanding men of great literary talent like Dosteyevski were able to come out alive when the outside world had agitated for them. But Vera assured me "Now under the leadership of Comrade Khruschev our policy towards the foreign prisoners of war are getting liberalised. Quite a number of them, for whom enquiries have been made from their own governments, are getting repatriated. "Do you think it will be possible for us to get Subhas Babu repatriated?" I interrupted Vera. "Why not. This would have been the easiest thing if it was done at the Prime Minister's level when your Jawaharlal had paid us a visit only a few months ago. In our country nothing is achieved on personal level but on State level repatriation matters are possible." Promising Vera to meet her before leaving Moscow, I went to our Indian Embassy. One or two high ranking officers there were personally known to me. When I talked about the main pursope of my visit to them, the senior most amongst them smiled "You have picked up Calcutta Bazar gossip about Netaji. Its no use spoiling Indo-Soviet relationship by raising this unnecessary question." "I do not think this will spoil the relationship between our two countries." I replied"After all, the present Soviet leaders are on way to rectifying many wrongs done to a number of foreign countries during Stalin's regime. In our case, the publication of Stalin-Hitler documents has made it clear that Stalin had territorial aspirations in the direction of our country. It was also Stalin who had done wrong to Netaji. Now, at a time of the start of de-Stalinisation in the Soviet Union, the question of investigating and finally repatriating Netaji will get the Indo-Soviet friendship cemented as nothing else could do." My compatriot was not convinced by my arguments. Out of sheer co-incidence I met our military attach in the same Embassy compound. He was more reasonable and promised to take up the

matter through his channels, though he made it clear to me that the affair concerned our External Affairs Ministry exclusively. Next time when I met Vera, she herself retorted "You had a rebuff about the repatriation of your own war prisoners from the side of your Embassy. I expected it to be so.'' "How did you come to know?" "As an old India hand of the old Comintern, I am deeply concerned with Indo-Soviet affairs, and know quite well, if I just care to, whatever happens in your Embassy.'' "Who tells you all those matters?" "Why? All your liason work with our government departments are done through Valya, who is in your employment and who has her office just where one enters into your Embassy offices. Valya is my old colleague, and told me all what happened to your plans in your own Embassy. Now, at this stage, I must warn you that once your purpose is known to the Soviet authorities, you will have great difficulties in persuing the matter further. Besides, you will be exposing your Soviet friends to great dangers.'' I took up the hint, and went around gathering some material I required for my book on Soviet Union, I was going to publish on return to India. Due to Vera's friendly intervention, I was not followed by secret police agents while visiting other parts of the Soviet Union. But even her influence did not succeed in getting me a visa for visiting the Siberian territories of the Soviet Union. Even then, I made the very best use of the newly granted concessions to the tourists and set out on a trip to the Afghan borders via Tashkent and Termez on the Amu-Darya. Though feeling depressed by the wrong functioning of our own Embassy machinery in Moscow, which had defeated me in my mission concerning Netaji affairs, I hoped to make the best use of my visit while staying with my old Comintern friends now working in Central Asia. ********************************************************************

19. LOCATING NETAJI THROUGH CENTRAL ASIA (i) At the eve of the Russian October festival in 1955, I was still held up in Moscow. Vera warned me: "For the sake of a ferocious Fascist you have spoiled your present visit to the Soviet Union. Now it is time, I warned you, if you are not careful you may be sent away to Yakutsk as Subhas Babu's companion." "Nothing would please me more. "Mind it, never in life you wall be able to see the light of the outside world, nor ever your own country would know what happened to you." "Why do you punish us that way at the same time boasting of everlasting Indo-Soviet friendship? "Because nothing is more hateful to us or greater sin in our Soviet Union than taking sides with a Fascist." "But I told you, Subhas Babu was not a Fascist." "Your own Embassy here would not agree with you." "How do you know?" "Did I not tell you that your Embassy does not maintain any secrecy from our country. Rather they allow most of the delicate questions to be handled through my friend Comrade Valentina Veramova, who is an employee of your Embassy but most loyal and reliable secret police agent posted in any of the foreign Embassies here. She has reported against your suspicious enquiries in Moscow, which may get you transported to Siberia. Our authorities at this stage may not grant you an exit permit to enable you to leave the Soviet Union." I had kept it a secret from Vera that I had approached the Soviet Police for an exit permit through our Embassy. To come out of the embarassing position I put it to Vera ''as a very old friend and the responsible secretary of the secret section of the Comintern section dealing with India, you know my antecedents much better than any one else here in Moscow." "I know that you have always been opposed to the Communist party of India. Here in the Soviet Union, the reports of the Communist party of the country concerned counts much more than the recommendations of their Embassies. We are better posted in your case as well from the reports of the Indian Communist party to us than with your papers sent to us through your Embassy channels." "Do both of these reports tally with each other?" "More or less they are similar. Your Embassy had made your case forceful by emphasising that you are a Member of the Indian Parliament. Valentina had attached a note in which she had ennumerated all your abuses to the Soviet Union from the floor of your House."

I do not remember to have spoken against the Soviet Union." "We lift our information from the Communist Party papers in India. They have branded you as imperialist agent. With your investigations here so sympathetic to a renouned Fascist like Subhas Bose, you have confirmed all the Communist Party allegations against you. Now, the matters have reached a stage when instead of getting Subhas Bose out of Siberia, you may yourself get condemned in the arctic dungeons there." "What would be your advice under the circumstances?" "You return home straight away. Through the INTOURIST section under my control, I shall get you an exit permit and put you on plane bound for Tashkent tonight. From there you can take another Aeroflot service to Kabul via Termez. That is the best I can do for my dear 'Subhas" of Comintern days." My enthusiasm for investigating Netaji's case in Russia was considerably damped due to the amazing pattern of the functioning of our Moscow Embassy. It was to serve as a warning that India could not entrust its Moscow Mission for handling Netaji's case or the question of any other prisoner of war locked up in the dungeons of the Soviet Union. (ii) Our Ilyushin-12, aeroplane took off from Moscow's Vnukovo airport at the odd hours of 3 A.M. in the morning. After a short intermediate stop at Uralsk we landed at Aktyubinsk in Kazakistan. Vera had signalled Askaroff, who had been a co-student with me at the KUTV in the middle of the Thirties. He also worked now for the INTOURIST in Central Asia. At the Aktyubinsk airport he met me to accompany me until I finally left the Soviet territories. The temperature at the Kazakh airport showed many degrees below zero. A ferocious Siberian wind was practically blowing us off. I complained"What a place to live?" Askaroff smiled "Just imagine the life of the prisoners at Yakutsk! Dostoevsky had called it a death-house though he was not banished to so distant a corner in Siberia." "You must help me in getting our Indian war prisoners out of that mortuary." "Due to a new turn in our politics, perhaps we shall have to do that in our own interest.'' "How?" "You must have observed that due to the Chinese eyes on our developed Central Asian regions, we shall be forced to fight against them some time or other. In such an emergency to keep our hold in Asia, it is most essential that we get the support of India at our side." "If you released our war prisoners, and specially, Subhas Babu, then our whole country will fight side by side with you against the Chinese." "My only wish is, there were many people in both our countries who thought and acted rightly on the same political line we have just chalked out."

When we were airborne again, whichever side we looked, all habitation and vegetation were swept away. Further up in our southward direction we flew over the KZYL-KUM and the KARA-KUM deserts. The Amu-Darya which cuts the high pamirs and flows turbluently dividing the Soviet Union with Afghanistan, just vanishes in the red and black sands as the names of the deserts indicate respectively. "Look !" Askaroff reverted to our talk ''To find out precisely where the Amu-Darya vanishes in the vast sandy ocean is much easier than finding out your war prisoners in this vast Sovietland.'' "But we shall have to achieve the difficult job at any cost." ''The only great obstacle before us is that we are individuals, not the Government. If the Governments of our two countries take interest in your project, everything can be accomplished in no time. Flattered by my compliments, Askaroff boasted "You will find it out yourself if you moved about in these regions that my deeds are now narrated around camp fires all around in Central Asia. I have fought battles against the Chinese to save the life and liberty of our borderland people. The same type of campaign you too will have to carry out in your Himalayan regions, why not we join hands right now?" "The settling up of our war-prisoners case will naturally put us on that joint venture." "In this particular task too I am not worried about the difficulties from our side. I am personally interested, and wish to see that your plans succeed, because a number of my personal Indian friends too are suffering unnecessarily in our Siberian prisons. I am convinced about their innocence. They have never been Fascists of which they are accused." (iii) I was held up at Tashkent for three days as there was only one flight a week to Kabul. Askaroff talked a good deal about Netaji "I feel for your great leader so much because I had an occasion to meet him personally." "When was it?" "In March 1941, when he was on his way to Berlin. I was assigned by the Comintern to escort him our Afghan borders to Moscow." "That is interesting." "Yes, I was so much fascinated by his adventurous p ersonality. He related a good deal about his trip through Afghanistan. Many travellers have described the strains and the delights of the Hindukush route, but Subhas had his own style of narrating his experiences. The two gigantic statues of Buddha at Bamian, the largest in the world, had transformed his political trip into pilgrimage. Though the icy weather and filthy living of Kabul had made him sick, he endured the crossing of the cloud-turbaned Koh-i-Baba with the renewed strength of 'Dhamma' like Hiuen Tsang in the seventh century." "Was he very much weakened when you received him?"

"Not particuarly. He stepped out of the Amu-Darya ferry-boat at Termez enquiring from his German escort whether he knew the history of the place. When the German pleaded ignorance on the subject, Subhas Babu told him "Many great adventurers and conquerers have used this crossing during their campaigns, which have influenced the history of the world." "For us Subhas Babu's crossing too of the Termez ferry has been of great importance." "Quite right." Askaroff nodded"I remember, when his German escort had left him alone in my company for a while, Subhas Babu had no good word for the Fascists. He had enquired from me whether it would be possible tor him on reaching Moscow to meet some of our Soviet leaders. I did cable his request to Moscow, but during Stalin's regime nobody in Russia could dare to meet a leader like Subhas at one's own initiative. As a result he had to fly to Berlin the same day he had reached Moscow by train from Tashkent.'' "What a pity!" "I am sure, if Subhas had succeeded in contacting and impressing Stalin, he would have secured Soviet armed support to drive out the British from India much earlier than he got from the Germans and the Japanese.'' "Just possible.'' "Anyway, some of my Comintern friends who had received Subhas Babu at Moscow railway statin, told me that, he was not at all happy in getting into the Berlin bound aeroplane. But there was no other choice left to him." By the time I was to leave Tashkent, Askaroff assured me most sincerely that he could pass on to me any further news he received about Netaji-from Yakutsk. Without any Governmental help or in spite of their opposition we chalked out a concrete plan to go ahead with our investigations. (iv) My Tashkent-Kabul flight turned up to be quite an exciting one. Askaroff had introduced me to the pilot who took me to the cockpit and offered me the co-pilot's seat which I most gratefully accepted. On his flying map I drew a line from memory of the route Netaji had taken for his plunge into the unknown. We set our course along that route. The sight of Samarkand looks really like a 'jewel set in sand'. Our pilot was well acquainted with the legend that Shehrazade had told the Sultan Shehryar the stories of the Arabian Nights in this town. But right now we were interested in Netaji's story. Casually I asked the pilot "Can we cross the Hindukush or the Himalayas without oxygen aids?" "For a normal man it is not very difficult. After crossing the Amu-Darya you will see the ancient caravan route passing through the Hindukush. On land everyone does it without oxygen. By air too it is possible in most of the cases." "What are the possibilities if you fly over the Pamirs and the Karakoram in an unpressurised plane?'' "There also you may get away without oxygen. Are you planning any hops from Siberia to your Ganga?"

"For the time being I am thinking only of the theoretical possibilities." "Even technically you have not to worry much. You can make it in ordinary twin engine planes. Only keep it in mind that the hearts of Mongols always faint at the Pamirs. Anyway, you are not a Mongol horseman but a modern flyingman.'' We had a few hours stop at Termez. Taking a staff-car I went around the town and reached the AmuDarya ferries. Just across the river was Afghanistan, where the historic caravan-route continued on its way to our own country. By our Ilyushin we crossed the rugged Hindukush mountains in an hour for which Nctaji had to trek for ten days. Suddenly the pilot pointed out "There the Pamirs and the Karakorams peep in their full grandeur today. It is that region where the Chinese are troubling both India and our Sovietland. I had a great desire to take a turn towards those mountains, but the pilot reminded Make it on your flight from Yakutsk. *************************************************************************

20. GANGA TO YAKUTSK (i) "...Renew the stories of men who against hope repelled the chain, and make the world's dead spirit leap and roar again." This slogan of the Hungarian revolutionary Matthew Arnold was an agreed code-word between my Soviet friends and myself. They signalled it to me in Berlin in the spring of 1964. It was an invitation for me to meet one of my Soviet writer friend and to get active for the repatriation of our national heroes from Russia. The German aircraft manufacturer Dornier had brought out a new type of STOL (short take off and landing) plane which was ideally suited for our Himalayan defences. I succeeded in acquiring one of such planes for test flight to India but all my enthusiasm for such work got damped by the patently bureaucratic set up of the Government of India. Now I had to take a scheduled airliner by which one can not do justice to the type of job I was interested in achieving. Somehow I managed to keep my appointment with a Russian writer at Capri in Italy. During my Moscow trip a few weeks earlier I had missed him. There, he was determined not to see me for fear of getting into trouble with the secret police of his own country. We met at Capri in the same house at Marina piccola where I had met Maxim Gorki as a student before Hitler had come to power in Germany. The Soviet writer I had come to meet now had been also a pupil of Gorki in Moscow. Petya talked now openly "You are worried now about a few individuals, but can't you see through what a hell we people of the Communist block are forced to pass through. There are very few families in the Soviet Union without having one member who was not a victim of Stalin's crimes and who are still in need of official rehabilitation." "But our case of Subhas Babu is quite an exceptional one." "Well, even if you take up his case in Russia, you will have to understand the realities prevailing in Russia today." "What are they?" "It is significant that the Soviet press today writes less and Jess about fascism and Nazi-concentration camps. Do you know why? Because the first death camps were not set up by the Germans but the Soviet authorities. The first such camps began operating at Khalmagor near Arkhangelsk in the Arctic circle already in 1921. Therefore, it is wiser for our press to write less about Nazi camps to avoid comparison being "made with Soviet institutions of the same nature. We are. afraid that if your prisoners of war are repatriated they would disclose details which may put Nazi camps as more civilised than the Soviet ones." "Is the number of inmates of the Soviet camps larger than of the Nazis ?" "The population of the Soviet concentration camps over the three decades of their .existance has been estimated as between 8 and 12 millign people. The truth is at last coming out. It has alrag^y, been officially admitted that over a year ago the <ad^$oraal offices of literary periodicals had received about ten thousand novels, stories, articles memoirs on concentration^ camps. AH this had caused confusion in high Soviet ?pffices. Today on the one hand Stalinism is condemned and

described as hostile to the Soviet Union, indeed criminal, and on the other anti-italinists even like comrade Khruschev are equally condemned.'' ''These realities are quite unpalatable not only to Soviet communists but to the members of their Indian branch as well. They put forward a great hurdle in our way of reaching our noble objective.'' My talks with the Soviet literary friend convinced me that I would not be able to achieve any concrete results even if I made my way to Moscow again. For following a correct course. I had to return home, tell our people of the prevailing realities, and force the hands of our own Government to consider the matter of Netaji's and other heroe's repatriation a matter of the highest national importance. (n ) However crazg it may sound to others, I believe, it is essential to have crossed the Sulaiman ranges himself before one can justifiably get qualifed to participate actually in Netaji affairs. After leaving Peshawar, on the second leg of his plunge into the Unknown, Netaji had to get himself forged through physical hardships for shaking off all fears of death further on in life. His case can be compared to the legendary sailor who was on a dark night and stormy sea unable to do his job due to his mental fear of getting sunk. Then a roaring wave actually engulfed him. The sailor was thrown out overboard. When he got picked up and was brought back to the ship again, the sailor laughed at the dark forces of nature for their Childish play. Netaji had to set off from Peshawar at night on a country track of the tribal territory and march through the Sulaiman ranges to get across the loops of the Kabul river. The second night he had to spend in a mosque at Adda-Sherrif. Further on, only on the fourth day, he was able to get far enough inside Afghanistan and further away from the British C. I. D. bulldogs. In comparative safety and comfort of Dakota plane, I have flown over that Netaji's track a number of times tracing out and taking photographs of the exact path he had trodded. Our aeronautical chart had shown that area as prohibited. The Peshawar tower under Pakistani control had also warned us"Do not flirt with the Kabul and the Indus rivers. The consequences would be very serious." The landscape below us was all around rugged. Slate-coloured Sulaiman ranges looked naked and hungry. It looked amazing how a man hailing from the soft soil of Bengal pursued by British bullets could muster as much strength and courage to spend cold and windy nights over those rocks. "We are only ten minutes away from Peshawar." Our navigator told us. "How long Netaji had taken to cover the same distance ?" I enquird. "About five nights of hard enforced marches in cold Pamir-Hindukush icy winds raging in their full blast." (iii) Let us compare this Sulaiman trekking which taxed Netaji's endurance to his utmost with the sort of trekking a Russian prisoner needsvtb come out of Yakutsk in the north east Siberia lying practically in Arctic tundras. Firstly, getting out of the clutches of the British lion is always comparatively much moire easier than from the bear-hug of the Russians. Slipping'! away from the Elgin road home in Calcutta is different. :fr<$m igctting out of the high stone walls with electrically barbediwircs of the Central prison in Yakutsk. Our Ganga too i's%o.t an easy reach from Siberia. Not even on a map. Andifclis; of cours, a little more difficult for a prisoner in Russian hands. History does hot record any escape from the barbaric Siberian prisons to the safety of a civilised foreign soil. Some correct knowledge of the Russian affairs is gained only by the luckless stragglers like myself blown off to Siberia by fate. The realities of the Netaji affairs too can be correctly appraised only when one knows for certain prefearbly at ones own cost, that, Russian affaris are completely different from what one would have expected after reading the Soviet pictorial so cheaply made available in places like the College Street of Calcutta. . Those of us who take pride in their fertile, imagination do not take the trouble of studying Russian affairs, not to speak of trekking Sulaiman or the Siberian regions. Without explaining, how could Netaji might have made his way back to India, wThich is far more difficult for obvious reasons than

his escape, they already see Netaji having come back amongst them. With all due respect to their devotion to Netaji, it must be emphasised that they unwittingly become a Governmental to make the Indian public mind forget all about Netaji's troubles while in Russian hands. Once they all of a sudden declare Netaji's advent in some place or other in India, the Central Government gets a pretence with a mischiev-ious smile to declare that, since Netaji's case got explained, there is no need to reopen his affairs any more. Taking different routes the imaginative'devoties' and the intransigent Government, both bury Netaji's historic contribution to the cause of our freedom as well as his pointer towards the preservation of independence. Both ways are contrary to the teachings, principles, and the examples of Netaji's dynamic action. (iv) My own Moscow-Delhi fligth in 1963 64 winter over the Pamir, Karakoram and the Badri-Kedar peaks will always remain a constant spring of inspiration for shaking off angry polemics and getting on to concrete action in respect of Netaji affairs. At mid-night I had boarded the plane at the Shermatevo airport of Moscow. My head was full of exciting news of Yakutsk camp with which my friends had tried to help me in the Nctaji affairs. Leaning back in a corner of the plane, I dozed. Then I dreamt of having landed at Yakutsk. From some dark cell there a voice known to me came out "Mother Ganga ! accept my Jai Hind." We heard the Ganga roar in reply. At dawn shaken up by the navigator for joining him in the cock pit, I looked ahead. In the distance, our eyes dazzled with the blood-red over a majestic panorama of snow-capped mountains. Further we flew, still loftier white peaks appeared with blue lakes and green pastures at their feet. ''Where are we ?" I enquired. "Over the Pamirs. In a short while we shall locate Gilgit and further on Gangotri." "So near ?" The white anows of these very mountains serve as a cementing force in our Indo-Soviet relations today." "I do not get your point." "Peking is moving fast in her adventure to oust us from our Pamir stronlfioj^s. So, we proclaim Gilgit a part of India, which it iuitMis. With this Indo-Soviet joint move in these regions^. ,d|e: Chinese invading armies could be smashed by the' toss of their main invasion base at &' Kashgar." ' '" "We have only" one leader who can readily mobilise the total strength.'Ndif our country to smash the Chicom menace into dusky. <*>* "Who is he.Tlf^i} "Netaji Subhas'Chandra Bose." "Why does he not give such a lead right now ? ' "We are told he is in your custody at Yakutsk." "Just make the matter clear to our Soviet authorities, and we shall fly him back to his home." (v) : , :r;:' We were able to spot the Gangotri Massif. Our plane followed the course of the Ganga. Tie two upper arms of the Ganga swayed in parallel directions. Then, they became one The mighty river leaped and roared in joy. But it did not reach Yakutsk. ************************************************************************** 21. OUT FIGHT TO FREE NETAJI (i) On this Independence day in 1965, Netaji must have his deserving place in our national affairs. During the coming session of the Parliament an all out effort is going to be made to rectify the

mistakes of the Shah Nawaz Committee. Chances are, the reawakening of our people would lead us to the most glorious victory on the Home and the Himalayan fronts. There is enbugh data, photographic material and other evidence at Taipei to prove the truth that the alleged airdisaster involving Netaji did not take place at all. The irony in this particular case is that the Shah Nawaz Committee deliberately avoided visiting Taipeithe site of the so called air-disaster, and even then it phanatically declared Netaji ;?a^pt|ad. Even the least sense of justice and truth in thislS&et-dictate that in face of the overwhelming evideri'ce-'^l-'Taipei that the Netaji air-disaster did not take pla^j|g|liur Government must not argue in support of the:obi^^^ty wrong findings of the Shah Nawaz Committee. TheJ^^^^correct decision for them now to take is to institp^^^^?<enquiry and get the wrongs done by the Shah N^aiHBf^mittee rectified. Once we , h^SB^ieded in getting the wrong official version changedraBrapie.- real truth established, the path will get cleared.tl^llfbr further measures to be taken regarding Netaji. -;^&n our Government have retracted from the untrutfeill^iey^will be in a proper position to make enquiries regarding^etaji, also from the other Governments concerned. (ii) Since the publication of the Netaji series in the Ananda Bazar Patrika and the Hindusthan Standard, some more material has come to light as our eye opener. These new facts corroborate my findings in Berlin and Moscow that Netaji was in the Russian prison of Yakutsk in 1950-51. But the bare statement of this real fact has enraged our Russophils having considerable influence in the political circles of New Delhi. Their first reaction is that this 'accusation' is going to affect our good relationship with the Russians. Outright I must tell them that they are wrong. They need not fear provided they get themselves properly educated in the realities of the Soviet affairs in Soviet Union itself. Let us see how other countries are handling such cases. Sweden has a very similar problem with Russia regarding their diplomat Wallenberg, as we have in the case of our Netaji. Evidence supplied by Italian and other foreign prisoners of war repatriated after the death of Stalin has convinced two Swedish Supreme Court judges that 'there can be no doubt about it that Mr. Wallenberg, after taken into effective custody by the Russians in January 1945, had been a prisoner in the Soviet Uaion.' Eversince the Swedish Foreign Ministry has made repeated representations to the Russians demanding the return of Wallenberg. The Russians have repeatedly rejected the Swedish notes saying that Wallenberg was unknown to the Soviet authorities. -According to the fears of our Indian Russophils, the Wallenberg affair must have by now caused deteriorations in the Swedish-Soviet relations. But nothing of the sort has " happened in reality. The facts are that the Swedish have arisen higher in Russian estimation, since they have succeeded in tracing the most guarded secrets of Stalin regime concerning human material. The Swedish Soviet relations have improved in spite of the Wallenberg episode. In the middle of June this year, about the same time as our Prime Minister visited. Moscow, the Swedish Premier too paid another official visit to Moscow. This time too the Swedish Premier raised as on all previous occasions, the case of Wallenberg. The Russians too repeated their emphatic denials. In spite of this, the Swedish people have not given up their fight for Wallenberg. Rather they have intensified their demand. The Wallenberg Committee consisting of a group of influential Swedish citizens continues their search and confronts the Russians with new evidence. This Wallenberg case is a good example for us to learn how to direct our firepower effectively in Netaji affairs. We must demand from our Prime Minister that he takes up the case of Netaji the same way as the Swedish Premier has taken up that of his Wallenberg. As is the case with Wallenberg, there are a number of rehabilitated Russians and repatriated Gerrnan and Italian prisoners of war whose evidence irrefutably graves that Netaji was being kept a prisoner at Yakutsk;, in- Russia. Our Central Government now must take up -|S|etaji's case in our national interest. The sooner they do ^greater, would be the justification to call themselves dignif^g in. action. . r.ijirV-V"

Unfortunately, Ne:wE>eIhi's action so far'in similar cases as of Netaji, has beenl&ther disappointing. A typical case is that of Dr. Abani Mukherji. I have narrated this case in Netaji scries and also told it in the Maidan public meeting at Calcutta on last June 27th. Hearing my voice, Abani Babu's younger brother contacted me and gave me a copy of the offical letter he had received from our External Affairs regarding the "whereabouts of Dr. Abani MuherjiV It is datedNew Delhi, the 24th July 1957 : ''With reference to this Ministry's letter of even number, dated the 8th March, 1957, on the subject mentioned above lam directed to say that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Union of Soviet Socialist Republic have now informed that Dr. Abani Mukherji, who had taken on Soviet citizenship, died on the 28th October, 1937. He left no will or testament behind. His widow, Mme, Rosa Fitingoff, is a pensioner and her address is "Obiedinsky Peryulok, House No. 7, Apartment No. 3, Moscow. His daughter, Maya Mukherji, is now married and is living outside Moscow. His son Gora Gaur Mukherji died on the front during the last war." Our External Affairs considers the case of Dr. Abani Mukherji closed with this letter. But the real facts lead us to different* conclusions. Our Ministry has been informed by the Russians that Dr. Abani Mukherji died in 1937, where as Abani Babu's brother has been receiving letters from him until 1942. Dr. Mukherji's son, whom we called Goga in Moscow, is declared dead during the last war. But I myself met Goga in 1954 in East Berliin and in 1960 in Moscow. He was the first one to communicate to me the statement of the rehabilitated Comintern functionary Mazut, that he had seen Subhas Babu at Yakutsk in 1950-51. According to Mazut Subhas Babu was locked up in Cell No. 45 and Abani Babu in No. 57 of the Central prison of Yakutsk. - In face of such deatailed evidence it is a tragic irony that Russia's reply is being considered as true and continues to be argued by our own External Affairs Ministry. In face of it wc have to see to it that the same process is due to the insistance of the public opinion in India. In view of the detailed evidence I have in my possession and in order to expedite our fight to free Netaji, it is our humble request to our Prime Minister that he should take up Netaji's case with Mr. Mikhail Suslov in Moscow. Mr. Suslov has been handling the affairs of the most secretive Comintern and Commform apparatus and has now become the most powerful man in Russia after the succeeded in toppling down Khruschev. The formation of a new Netaji Enquiry Committee is imperative for New Delhi. But to expedite the measures to free Netaji from Russian hands, all legal or other technicalities should be waived aside. This is also high time we stopped our fruitless lazy armchair discussions and wishful thinking about Netaji's appearances in different parts of the country. Misleading rumours surely work as serious obstructions in getting Netaji repatriated. No distractions are tolerable or stand to reason. Without hesitation or inhibition we shall have to march forward for the noble cause of Netaji. On this Independence day let us get determined and channel our affection and respect for Netaji into a mighty fighting force to force a decision, of course, in the immortal spirit of Netaji himself.