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Elite Rule in the Philippines: Roots, Dilemmas and Alternatives

David Michael M. San Juan

Benedict Anderson says its a cacique democracy. Some Southeast Asian academics label it as low quality democracy. All euphemisms and jargon aside, Philippine democracy never exists. Instead of democracy, elite rule is what Filipinos have. This early, the uninformed ought to be reminded that democracy isnt simply having a free press (and mind you, the Philippines HAS NO free press more on that later, and thats actually another story) or having a government that seasonally tolerates regular anti-government protest actions near the presidential palace (and mind you, most Philippine regimes are intolerant of such protest actions). Contrary to popular belief, the existence of party-lists (small and relatively weaker non-traditional political parties usually founded by grassroots organizations and/or enlightened segments of the middle class) is actually a proof that Philippine democracy doesnt exist. To begin with, democracy will only exist where grassroots organizations (e.g. peoples organizations) are in full control of and not just given a paltry share of power in the governments three branches. For as long as the common folks stay

marginalized, competing for few token party-list seats in Congress, genuine democracy wont exist. Elite Rule in Pre-Hispanic Times Elite rule the exact opposite of democracy in the Philippines has existed in the archipelago prior to the Spanish colonization. Benign as it is, the rule of datus, rajahs and sultans in the archipelago was a version of elite rule too. Its just that the power of datus, rajahs and sultans appear to be checked or at times even limited by the ancient Filipinos council of elders and the partially collective ownership of land. The latter fact explains why the ancient datus, rajahs and sultans cant become very very wealthy and hence be able to buy their way out to imposing elite rule. In fact, there was little incentive to become wealthy during those times. Wealth has no use. You cant even brag about it because no ones interested. Jewelry, a contemporary symbol of wealth, was worn by ancient Filipinos not as a sign of wealth but just an expression of their aesthetic inclinations. The Filipinos then were contented to just have something to eat and a great majority wont be interested in gaining wealth. Colonialism as a Buttress of Elite Rule When the Spaniards came, they merely strengthened elite rule by coopting most of the noble clans in the archipelago (with the exception of some Northern tribes and the inhabitants of a great portion of Southern Philippines). Most of the first barrio, town, city and provincial officials in the first decades of Spanish rule came from these co-opted clans. They became the lapdogs of Spanish colonialism in exchange for a relatively luxurious life as government officials tasked with collecting taxes and having the rights to engage in the then financially viable Galleon Trade. A number of these clans also became land administrators of Spanish officials and even Spanish friars. It is very difficult to explain how these noble clans adopted the Westerners alien concept of wealth and luxury. Suffice it to say that the Spaniards were able to persuade the noble clans that the possession of wealth is good and that they can only possess wealth if they supported Spanish colonialism.

Katipunan: Anti-Elite Rule At Birth When Andres Bonifacio co-founded the first national organization of armed revolutionaries against Spain (the Katipunan or the KKK), a chance to smash elite rule through smashing Spanish colonialism popped out. Indeed, one of the Katipunans major aims was to end the oppressive hacienda system (e.g. feudalism) in the country which has benefited the abovementioned formerly noble clans in cahoots with Spanish citizens. Had the Katipunan succeeded, the Philippines would have become a strange country with socialist aspirations alaCuba yet with some respect left for those who want to become rich(er) with some limitations of course such as high taxes, ala-Scandinavia. This is because the Katipunan was an organization composed of grassroots people such as workers and farmers and middle class figures such as government employees and Western-educated intellectuals. Had it survived as such, the countrys system could have been more egalitarian yet at the same time not that averse to the idea of some individuals getting rich, though not that rich. Certainly, such a system would be very different from todays elite rule. Death of Katipunan: Hijacking of a Peoples Revolt Unfortunately, the Katipunan was obliterated when its middle class elements succeeded in capturing its leadership role by murdering Bonifacio and other similarly enlightened personalities. Hence, instead of a hybrid democratic republic, Emilio Aguinaldo and his minions instituted their own version of elite rule. They convened an elite-dominated Congress (the Malolos Congress) and would have called for local elections where elite candidates could have easily won had the Americans failed to intervene in 1899 onwards. What Could Have Been: A Coalition Government in a Democratic Republic Actually, even when Aguinaldo et al. were in power with Bonifacio and his men either dead or still reassessing their strategies there was a slim chance that his own version of elite rule could refashion itself in one way or another to mirror the Katipunans more egalitarian aims. Apolinario Mabini, a very intelligent man, Aguinaldos adviser and for a time, prime minister, came from a very poor peasant family. Hence, he had the best of intentions when he continuously

cooperated with Aguinaldo. He hoped that Aguinaldo would soon favor temporary one-man rule (e.g. a revolutionary dictatorship with him as the chief) to swiftly implement sweeping socio-economic reforms that could have smashed the foundations of elite rule and colonialism in the Philippines. After such period of temporary revolutionary dictatorship, Mabini dreamed of having Aguinaldo shepherd the countrys transition to genuine democracy (e.g. a republican form of government where the voice of the worker and the farmer would be enough to peacefully drown out the voice of the businessmen and the weakened landlords who by that time would have become landless thanks to Katipunan-inspired land reform). A Recurring Theme: From Patriots to Traitors Unfortunately, Mabini was sidelined in Aguinaldos cabinet and the presidents elite advisers most of them would become traitors to the infant Philippine republic as the Americans publicize and implement their imperialist ambitions in the country prevailed. No revolutionary dictatorship was instituted. Elite rule was established, Philippine-style. Officials of the old colonial structures instantly became the officials of the new Philippine republic. Hence, no land reform was instituted. Farmers who compose the majority then and now were betrayed by the leaders of the revolution. The status quo was secured. Eternal Revolution When the Americans began colonizing the Philippines in 1899, there was another chance to overthrow elite rule as the people attempted to smash American imperialism. Grassroots leaders of the now formally defunct Katipunan started reorganizing the people along the Katipunans old slogans: freedom from colonialism/imperialism and freedom from elite rule. These forces correctly identified the new enemies: traitors to the republic who have embraced the diamond shackles of American imperialism in exchange for wealth and a status quo that favors them elite clans who have become the new landowners after the Americans instituted a new titling system (few Spanish citizens and friars retained their landholdings) and the American imperialists. Unfortunately, the American imperialists are well-armed, politically and militarily. Politically, they

strengthened elite rule by conducting local elections to attract and solidify the support of elite and middle class citizens for American imperialism. They also instituted a public health and education system so as to let poor Filipinos believe in the great lie that Uncle Sam is a friend. Meanwhile, for the few intelligent citizens who resisted American imperialism and the elite rule that it has instituted, the Americans reserved the most brutal forms of anti-insurgency campaigns. Hence, within a few decades, the Americans were able to pacify the Philippines and the Filipinos formerly overwhelming clamor for independence and the end of elite rule. First Grand Peoples Electoral Alliance: Socialists, Republicans and AntiImperialists in the 1930s Well of course, there will always be a few good men and women to stand up for what is right and just. Farmers and workers and some intellectuals carried on with the struggle for social transformation through various means and schemes. They established unions and other organizations, continuously claiming that their struggle is the continuation of good old Katipunans struggle for an egalitarian social system. They clamored for immediate independence and the overthrow of elite rule. They joined strikes, pickets etc. and even tried to win in elections. For example, they fielded Gregorio Aglipay and Norberto Nabong as candidates of a grand republican, socialist and anti-imperialist coalition against Manuel Luis Quezon. Of course, we all know that the American boy won. Elite rule has become so well-entrenched by that time that good candidates fielded by the masses fail to win in elections. Indeed, some segments of the masses, attracted by the charisma of many traditional elite candidates begin to bite into the illusion that some segments of the elite would liberate them from poverty and imperialism, and hence, its no longer necessary to join the radicals who reject almost all elite candidates as part and parcel of the forces of elite rule in the country. Japanese Invasion and Beyond: Another Lost Opportunity The radicals had another chance to once and for all smash elite rule and at the same time wipe out imperialism when the Japanese invaded the

Philippines. The Americans retreated. The Philippines was virtually an open city for anyone powerful enough to grab it. The radicals mostly socialists, communists and anti-imperialists established the Peoples Army Against the Japanese (the Hukbalahap). This army was able to liberate some parts of Luzon from Japanese rule. Hence, some parts of Luzon were virtually under some sort of self-rule until the Americans begin seizing the Philippines again. Unfortunately, the Hukbalahap was politically unconsolidated. Instead of resisting the return of American imperialists, the Hukbalahap leadership embraced the return of the imperialists. Naively, the Hukbalahap leadership believed that the Americans would help the Philippines. They never learned the lessons of history. Instead, the Americans reinstituted elite rule by massacring entire Hukbalahap squadrons who have the power to initiate an anti-imperialist struggle in the country, or at least in Luzon. When the Americans granted independence to the Philippines, elite clans have recovered everything that they lost during the Japanese rule and the short period of democracy in the Hukbalahap-led zones of Luzon (indeed, some elite clans cooperated with the Japanese and when the Americans returned, they became pro-American again). There was no land reform. Haciendas are still everywhere. Hence, farmers who compose the majority are still economically powerless to attempt any legal challenge to the status quo. Nevertheless, remnants of the radical camp tried their best to win in the post-independence elections. They did win some seats but the Manuel Roxas regime unilaterally invalidated the few posts won by the radicals. Hence, remnants of the Hukbalahap restarted a guerilla campaign against imperialism and elite rule but it was too late for it to recover lost ground. Fast-Forward to 2012+: Faces Have Changed But Nothing Has Changed From the Roxas administration to the second Aquino regime, nothing has changed. Elite candidates win the posts that matter. Poor citizens who intend to infiltrate the ruling system via other legal means such as the bureauracy and the judiciary face all types of obstacles (first-class education and connections). Grassroots organizations still attempt to breach elite rule by entering the halls of

power via the tokenistic party-list elections. Time and again, the radicals from the Partido ng Bayan in the late 1980s to the Makabayan Coalition in 2010 have attempted to field candidates too in top-level posts (e.g. in Senate) but none has been successful despite their good platforms which are so publicized even in the mainstream media. What went wrong then? Obstacles to Building a Larger Radical Mass Base As of now, the radical mass base is at 3 million. This means that not all poor and middle class citizens are radicals. In other words, there are very few radicals in the country, and shocker of all shockers, at least when it comes to elections, most poor and middle class citizens are conservative! Unless the radical mass base balloons to at least 30 million, no fundamental change via the constitutional means would be successful. Why is it that the radicals find it very difficult to broaden their base? Its very simple: the elite controls everything in the ruling system. First and foremost, the elite controls the state security forces (armed forces and the police) which it conveniently uses to scare the common folks who would want to join and/or help the radicals in capturing state power through various means, both constitutional and extraconstitutional. The Philippine state security forces are so unlike that of Venezuela. For example, Hugo Chavez, a socialist and anti-imperialist who won in many presidential elections in Venezuela is actually a former paratrooper! That means that in Venezuela, those who hold guns are free to choose their ideology, hence they wont use their guns against those professing other ideologies. Hence, in Venezuela, for as long as you can convince that your ideology is superior, you can easily win in elections without being afraid of a possible intervention of the soldiers and the police. In the Philippines, all soldiers and police are expected to blindly perpetuate the status quo and consequently, they are expected to blindly consider all enemies of the status quo the radicals as the states enemies too. Goodness, how can socialist and/or leftist and/or antiimperialist candidates and parties win in Philippine elections when state security forces are always here, there and everywhere to campaign against socialism, leftism and anti-imperialism. Simply put, the radicals in the Philippines are

hindered from peacefully exercising their right to broaden their base by the not-so neutral and hence reactionary state security forces. Conservatives in the media and the academe help perpetuate such situation by portraying socialism, leftism and anti-imperialism as great evils. Three Alternatives Whats the solution then? There are three alternatives: overhaul the education of future members of state security forces to instill in them respect for other ideologies, engage in a great propaganda war against the status quo to win the masses and the middle class against all odds and help precipitate the capture of state power by the radicals through elections or other means (e.g. genuine people power), or wipe out the ruling system by militarily defeating its security forces. The paths exist. The reader must choose his/her own way now.