Windows

of Infinity: With reference to works in a variety of mediums, trace, examine and discuss the employment of mirrors in Heian and Kamakura Buddhist art.
Freddie Matthews


If one upholds the Lotus Sutra his body will be very pure And it will be like a pure bright mirror in which forms and shapes are all reflected. -The Lotus Sutra, Chapter 19.

This essay traces the employment of mirrors in Heian (794-1185 C.E.) and Kamakura (1185-1333 C.E.) Buddhist art, illustrating the significance of these objects within the ritualistic, devotional and decorative religious landscape of the period, as well as their didactic role in articulating emerging patterns of metaphysical thought and understanding. Examples are taken from a variety of different mediums, and often united into groups for the purpose of illustrating common themes and stylistic variations. Given that glass mirrors were not introduced to Japan until after the Meiji restoration (1868 C.E.), all reference to mirrors refers to those essentially made of bronze with tin or mercury added to their surface.

The image of the mirror (Jp: Kagami; Ch: Ching; Sk: Adarsa) has a long tradition of philosophical potency within Buddhist discourse, not just in Chinese and Central Asian sources, but in Indian ones as well.i Similarly, the Hky (Jp: ), literally, mirror treasure, or eye of wisdom () as it came to be known as in Japan, has been foundational to Japanese cultural identity since its earliest time of formation. It was not until the Heian (794-1185 C.E.) and Kamakura (1185-1333 C.E.) periods however, that this potent visual symbol was refined, articulated and propagated within the context of native Buddhist art.

The earliest bronze mirrors to enter Japan are believed to be those imported from Han China (206 B.C.E.220 C.E.), often being found in Yayoi tomb excavations where they are considered symbols of authority;1 their presence typically indicating the burial of influential individuals2 and important clan leaders.3ii During the Kofun period, there was a considerable increase in the number of buried mirrors4 found in Japan illustrating the start of domestic mirror production, which emerged alongside a sustained flow of Chinese importations.5iii Rather than simple vanity implements however, these mirrors carried profound spiritual significance within Japan, for when united with the sword (Jp: ) and magatama jewel (Jp: ); the mirror completed the Sanshu no jingi (Jp: ; Three Sacred Treasures/ Imperial Regalia) of classical Japanese mythology. iv

Harris, Victor; Smith, Lawrence; and Clark, Timothy. 1990. Japanese Art: Masterpieces in the British Museum. British Museum Publications, London., p. 138 2 Kakuda, Yoshiko. 1991. The Art of Japan: Masterworks in the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco. Asian Art Museum, San Francisco., p. 52. 3 Cunningham, Michael R. Eds. 1998. Buddhist Treasures from Nara. The Cleveland Museum of Art. Hudson Hills Press, New York., p. 176. 4 Kakuda. Op cit., p. 53. 5 Yoshikawa, Itsuji. 1976. Major Themes in Japanese Art. Nikovskis, Amins (Trans). Heibonsha, Tokyo., p. 16.
1

Despite this, the spiritual efficacy of these mirrors was largely considered to reside in their continental sources, and it was not long until Buddhist concepts and ideas began to accompany them from abroad. By the Asuka (538-710 C.E.) and certainly Nara (710-794 C.E.) period, Buddhism had captured the Japanese spiritual imagination. Reliant though on their Western neighbours for initiation into this captivating doctrine, full scale borrowing from China6 took place in this period, leading to the official brand of Buddhism eventually established in Nara in the 8th century being, little more than a transplantation of Chinese forms to Japan.7 Central to this essay, these Buddhist 'foundations were that of the Huayan (Flower Garland) school (Ch: ; Jp: ; Kegon); a sect that was emphatic about the interpenetrability or mutual identification among all phenomena,8 with the image of the mirror residing at the very centre of its universalistic creed.v

The popularity of this school back in China stemmed from a peculiar fascination on behalf of the Chinese Imperial court, of all things mirror-related.9vi See FIG. 1a. Most notorious of these rulers was Empress Wu Zetian (624-705 C.E.); the self-appointed Chakravartin (Buddhist Universal Ruler) of the Tang dynasty (618-906 C.E.), whose unabated passion for mirrored spaces,10 was cultivated by her Buddhist preceptor Fazang (643-712 C.E.); himself the founder of Huayan orthodoxy11 who eminently taught his students the concepts of Interpenetration and Interdependence using a circular mirror installation, such as the one shown in FIG. 1b. Schlombs has celebrated this metaphorical device as; The concrete expression of the most important insights of this philosophy: [that is] nothing exists independently of other things, the part and the whole are standing in a relationship of mutual interdependence.12 Given the prolific construction of countless such mirror halls in Chinese temples after this point (such as at the Jianfu Monastery in the Tang capital of Changan13), future generations of Japanese monks travelling to China would no doubt have been saturated by this compelling metaphysical conception during their stay on the continent.

Kobayashi, Takeshi. 1975. Nara Buddhist Art: Todai-ji. Gage. Gage, Richard L (Trans). Weatherhill, New York., p. 11. 7 Dobbins, James C, in Seattle Art Museum Exhibition Catalogue. 1987. A Thousand Cranes: Treasures of Japanese Art. Chronicle Books, San Francisco., p. 31. 8 Wang, Eugene Yuejin. 2007. Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval China. University of Washington Press., p. 257. 9 Ibid., p. 256. 10 Ibid., p. 259. 11 Hamar, Imre. 2007. Reflecting Mirrors: Perspectives on Huayan Buddhism. Harrassowitz Verlag. p. xvii. 12 Schlombs, Herausgegben von Adele. 1999. In Licht des Groben Buddha: Schatze des Todaiji Tempels, Nara. Museum fur Ostasiatische Kunst der Stadt Koln., p. 48. 13 Wang, Op cit., p. 257.
6

FIG. 1a: Example of court and religious usage of mirror-halls. Woodblock print illustration of chapter 31 of The Romance of Emperor Yang of Sui. Chinese Ming Dynasty; 1631. Rale Book Collection, HarvardYenching Library. In Wang, (2007), p. 258 FIG. 1b: Modern reconstruction of Fazangs mirror installation by Boston artist, Victoria I. Based on the medieval Chinese description. In Wang, (2007), p. 259.

FIG. 2: The Mahvairocana statue of Tdaoiji seen through the doors of the Great Buddha Hall. Detail from the picture scroll entitled Shigisan Engi Legends of Shigisan Temple, Late Heian Period; 12th Century. In Mason, (2005). p.69.

The mirrors pivotal importance to the Huayan/Kegon brand of Buddhism imported to Nara is epitomized by the fact that, not only was the actual statue of Mahvairocana at Tdaoiji () substantially composed of several thousand melted down bronze mirrors, but also that in a picture scroll dated to the late Heian period entitled, Shigisan Engi (Legends of Shigisan Temple), we find the statue clearly flanked by two circular mirrors either side of a lantern at its base.vii See FIG. 2. The dating of this picture scroll is evidence enough that by the time of Heian period, the doctrinal centrality of the mirror had been faithfully sustained in Japan. Furthermore, unlike during the somewhat spiritually superficial Nara period, the Heian period gave rise to a wealth of discourses on key Buddhist themes and ideas, with the mirror image frequently at their centre. In his seminal treatise Benkenmitsu nikron (Distinguishing the Two Teachings of the Exoteric and Esoteric), the Shingon () monk Kkai (774-835 C.E.) noted that through the mirrors reflection, subject and object, self and other, become mutually interactive and mutually constructing.14 This statement alone demonstrates that in the poetic landscape of the Heian period, the mirrors metaphorical symbolism had been readily assimilated into contemporary Buddhist discourse.

With this in mind, it is tantalizing to consider the abundance of repetition/reflection motifs appearing throughout the entire trajectory of Heian Buddhist art. Indeed, as Eugene Wang has claimed, it is no coincidence that multiple limbed depictions of Avalokitevara (Jp: Kannon; ) originating in India, suddenly gained popularity at this time,15viii in light of the mirrors symbolic potency throughout East Asian Buddhist discourse. With explicit clarity, the very concept of infinite repetitions through a singular reflection was elicited through the 1000 identical reflections of a single Avalokitevara sculpture (totaling 1001 statues) constructed at the Sanjsangend Temple () in the Heian capital of modern day Kyot. See FIG. 3. At this point also, it is relevant to note that the mirror is one of the key attributes of Senju Kannon, who carries it, in her fifth right hand.16 See FIG. 4a-c. One 12th century painting of this Bodhisattva depicts this attribute with exquisite finesse, although leaving the reflection of its face empty, almost as if referencing Avalokitevaras pivotal words to riputra in the Heart Sutra; Form is emptiness, emptiness form. See FIG. 4b. Similarly, the mirror is the distinctive attribute of Ashuku Nyorai, (Akshobhya Buddha), embodying his unshakeable Mirror Knowledge (Jp: daienkychi). 17 However, like

Kkai, in Bogel, Cynthea J. 2009. With a Single Glanze: Buddhist Icon and Early Mikky Vision. University of Washington Press., p. 37. 15 Wang. Op cit., p. 257. 16 Saunders, E. Dale. 1985. Mudr: A Study of Symbolic Gestures in Japanese Buddhist Sculpture. Princeton University Press. P. 253. 17 Saunders. Op cit., p. 165.
14

so many mirrors across East Asian Buddhist art history, this attribute is often mistaken as a moon-disk (Jp: Gachirin; ) or sun-disk (Jp: Nichirin; )..ix

FIG. 3: 1001 Sculptures of the Bodhisattva Kannon (Jp: ; Sk: Avalokitevara). Sanjsangend Temple (Jp: ). Kyot; Late Heian period. Photograph: Sea of Buddhas, 1995. Hiroshi Sugimoto.

FIG. 4a-b: Senju Kannon (Sahasrabhuja) with detail of mirror attribute. Paint and gilt on paper. 138 x 69.4 cm. Heian Period; 12th century. Tokyo National Museum. FIG. 4c: Illustration of Kannons mirror attribute. In Rambach (1979), p. 125.

The physical forms of mirrors manufactured throughout the Heian period (as well as some from the early Kamakura period) were largely informed by Chinese counterparts. A group of examples dating to the Heian period (See FIG. 5c-h) embody the same circular bronze form as was popular throughout the Tang dynasty (See FIG. 5a), its style almost unmodified since the Han dynasty (206 B.C.E.-220 C.E.). Whilst the backs of these mirrors typically portrayed auspicious animal, vegetal and floral motifs in relief (sometimes illustrative of their points of origin), the fronts were generally plain, with tin (sometimes with mercury added) applied to the surface to increase their reflective capacity.x As Yukio Umeda has noted of such

mirrors, this surface needed to be re-polished over and over again,18 begging the question of whether mirror maintenance was in fact a means of generating spiritual merit in Heian-Kamakura Japan.

One quality of these ostensibly simple devices often overlooked by art-historians is their optical capacities under certain light conditions. Fascinatingly, when illuminated by a parallel light source (and when the reflected beam is intersected by a screen), these mirrors held the power to illuminate an entire artwork onto a flat wall, much like a modern projector. See FIG. 5b. This phenomenon only further propelled reverence for them as Makyoh (lit; magic mirrors).xi

18

Umeda, Yukio. 1992. 17th Century Japan: A Time of Mystery and Isolation: 120 Paintings by Yusetsu Kaiho. Kyowa Kikaku Ltd, Tokyo. P. 113.

From top left to bottom right: FIG. 5a: Tang Mirror. White bronze. D: 31.7cm. China; 8th Century. Kyoto National Museum. FIG. 5b: Example of a Makyoh (Japanese magic mirror) projecting its relief patterning onto a wall. Credit: www.docbug.com FIG. 5c: Mirror. Bronze. D: 9.4 cm. Heian period. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. FIG. 5d: Haguro-ky Mirror. Bronze. D: 10.8 cm. Heian period; 12th century. Ibid. FIG. 5e: Mirror With Decoration of Flying Birds and Fishnets. Bronze. D: 10.1 cm. Heian period; 12th century. Ibid. FIG. 5f: Mirror. Bronze. D: 10.8 cm. Heian period; 9001185 C.E. Ibid. FIG. 5g: Haguro-ky Mirror with Relief Design of Birds, Foliage, and Water. Bronze. D: 11.4 cm. Heian period; 12th century. Ibid. FIG. 5h: Mirror with Cranes. Bronze. D: 11.2cm. Late Heian period; 12th Century. The British Museum, London.

10

It was perhaps for their perceived magical ability of manipulating light into form, that in the late Heian period, the faces of such mirrors were often inscribed with images of Amitbha (Jp: Amida Butsu; ); The Buddha of Infinite Light. Felicitous also, is the fact that these mirrors were the very first canvases for depictions of Amida Raig (The Descent of Amida) in Japan; preceding both painted and sculptural representations.19 See FIG. 6c. These Amidist inscribed mirrors also illustrate how during the Middle Heian period, the focus of aristocratic worshipshifted from Dainichi Nyorai and the mandalas of Shingon Buddhism to a belief in rebirth in the Western Paradise,20 marking the dawn of Mapp (the degenerate Third Age of Buddhism)xii and thus, a new seriousness in Buddhist matters.21

From top left to bottom left: FIG. 6a: Mirror with hair-line engraved image of Amitbha and twelve Buddhas. Bronze. Heian period; 12th century. D: 14.1 cm. Tokyo National Museum. FIG. 6b: Mirror with incised image of Amitbha. Bronze. D: 20.5 cm. Heian period; 12th century. Nara National Museum. FIG. 6c: Mirror with line-engraved designs of Raigo (descent) of Amida (Amitbha) Triad. From Sutra Mound No.3 at Asama-yama, Ise-shi, Mie. Heian period. Cast bronze. D: 12.3cm. In Okazaki, et al, (1977). p. 109. Whether native or continental, these mirrors, once

Okazaki, J ji and Grotenhuis, Elizabeth ten (trans). 1977. Pure Land Buddhist Painting. Kodansha International Ltd, Tokyo., pp., 109-110. 20 Mason, Penelope. 2005. History of Japanese Art (Second Edition). Pearson Prentice Hall., p. 142. 21 Ibid., p. 122.
19

11

engraved, became known as kyozo and were used across the six established Nara schools, as well in the nascent Shingon () and Tendai () schools, as part of rituals such as inbutsu saho.22 The mirror was also an essential implement within the Shingon denbo kanjo initiation ritual,xiii whereby it came to symbolize, the transformation of the initiate into Mahavairocana's adamantine body-mind.23xiv Pertinently, such semiotics led to Dainichi Nyorai, (Vairocana) increasingly depicted in the form of an austere, circular bronze mirror inscribed simply with his seed syllables. An example of this can be found in a gilt/tinned bronze depiction of the Rykai Mandara (Mandalas of the Two Worlds), dating to the early Kamakura period. See FIG. 7a-d.

London Gallery, Ltd (Ed). 2000. Buddhas Smile: Masterpieces of Japanese Buddhist Art. London Gallery, Ltd, Tokyo., p. 114. 23 Rambelli, Fabio. 2002. The Ritual World of Buddhist "Shinto": The Reikiki and Initiations on Kami-Related Matters (Jingi kanj ) in Late Medieval and Early-Modern Japan. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies., p. 269.
22

12


FIG. 7a-b: Rykai Mandara; Mandala of Garbhadhtu (Jp: ; taizkai) and Vajradhtu (Jp: ; kongkai). Gilt bronze. Kamakura period. Garbhadhatu: 107.3 x 91.6cm; Vajradhatu: 108.3 x 92cm. Tokyo National Museum. FIG. 7c-d: The seed syllables of A and Va representing Mahvairocana in the Garbhadhtu Mandala and Vajradhtu Mandala respectively. Gilt bronze. Kamakura period. In Shashibala, (2003), p. 104.

13

The association between Vairocana and the mirror is a powerful one. Within the Vairocanbhisambodhisutra (Jp: Dainichi-ky), one of the core texts of the Shingon tradition, the mirror is a pivotal image frequently adopted as a key philosophical device for achieving union with the Buddhas celestial body. As the text dictates:

The mantra-reciting practitioner [should take] a clear mirror [to realize] the state of utter purity, unsullied, stable, unmoving/ Non-differentiating like a mirror In the middle of a perfectly full lunar disc, unsullied like a clear mirror: There the honored mantra world-savior always resides With this eye of wisdom one realizes that the mind is [that] bright mirror.24

These words articulate the mirror as the ultimate visual locus of Vairocana, the fundamental unity (samat) of manifest reality,25 where subject and object, reflection and reality, melt into one undifferentiated whole. As is stated in this prodigious Tantric text:

Just as a face in dependence on a mirror manifests an image of the face, so too should one understand siddhi [produced by] mantrasIf [the practitioner] meditates, practices, and intercorresponds [with the deity]/ Then his own deity and the image of his own person will both appear [as one].26xv

FIG. 8a represents the type of mirror probably used in these types of esoteric initiation. Dating to the Kamakura period, there is a clear departure in the design of this robust mirror from the floral/vegetal motifs usually displayed in relief on the reverse side, instead portraying the seed syllables of Vairocana, Vam and A, floating in empty space above a world of bobbing forms. The detail of this example is clearly more elaborate than earlier examples with its central loop fixture (which often took the form of a turtles back in contemporary Chinese mirrors) transformed into the sacred flaming jewel of Buddhism. See FIG. 8a. Despite this (and considering its sacred imagery), it was likely to have been displayed on a stand, such as one found inside a wooden statue of Kannon in the early 13th century. See FIG. 8b. Furthermore, its meticulous detail suggests it was cast using the lost-wax method, as opposed to the more traditional clay mould.

Passages from The Vairocanbhisambodhi-sutra. 25 Saunders., Op cit. p. 19. 26 Passages from The Vairocanbhisambodhi-sutra
24

14

FIG. 8a: Mirror with Sanskrit Letters of Dainichi Nyorai (Vairocana) in the Two Realms. Gilded bronze. D: 21.5CM. Kamakura period. In London Gallery, Ltd (Ed). (2000), p. 119. FIG. 8b: Bronze mirror with wooden stand. Kamakura period; 1217-1229. In Jarrige, et al, (1996). p. 149.

During the Kamakura era, it appeared that the doctrinal preoccupation with mirrors was influenced temple decoration as well. Characteristic of this were kakebotoke; bronze votive plaques hung from the ceilings of temples which refracted light in all directions as they levitated above peoples heads. Whilst the form of these kakebotoke was clearly adapted from the more conventional hanging mirrors of the Heian, in the Kamakura period these Hanging Buddhas acquired their own unique status as sgon (sacred temple decoration), epitomizing the growing confidence and developments of Buddhist art (as well as doctrine) in this critical period of Japanese history.xvi There was a gradual progression in the aesthetic dimensions of these objects also, moving from deity designs in shallow relief to those executed in deep, almost sculptured relief. An example of this is a 13th century kakebotoke depicting Juuichimen Kannon (Jp: ; Sk: Ekadasakamuhka), Bishamonten (Jp: ; Sk: Vairavana), and Fudo (Jp: ; Sk: cala) (See FIG. 9g), all seated upon half moon lotus bases similar to the wooden one found supporting the mirror in FIG. 8b. With an interesting degree counterbalance, where wood was replacing metal in the temple sculptures of Japan, a unique form of metal sculpture emerged in the form of such kakebotoke.xvii

15

From top left to bottom right: FIG. 9a: Miroku Bosatsu (Maitreya) Kakebotoke. Heian-Kamakura period. Gilded bronze. D: 19cm. Private collection. In London Gallery, Ltd (Ed). (2000), p. 131. FIG. 9b: Amida Nyorai (Amitbha) Kakebotoke. Heian-Kamakura period. Gilded bronze. D: 13.2cm. Ibid, p. 130. FIG. 9c: Yakushi Nyorai (Bhaisajyaguru) Kakebotoke. Kamakura period. Gilded bronze. D: 24.5cm. Ibid, p. 132. FIG. 9d: Jizo Bosatsu (Ksitigarbha) Kakebotoke. Kamakura period. Gilded bronze. D: 23.5cm. Ibid, p. 133. FIG. 9e: Juichimen Kannon (Ekadasamukha) Kakebotoke. Kamakura period. Gilded bronze. D: 72cm. Private collection. Ibid, p. 135. FIG. 9f: Dhyani Buddhas Kakebotoke. Gilt bronze. D: 36 cm. Kamakura period; 12521264 C.E. (Inscribed). Nara National Museum.

Above: FIG. 9g: Kakebotoke with images of Eleven-headed Kannon, Bishamonten, and Fudo. Gilt bronze. D: 29.9cm. Kamakura period; 1252-1264. (Inscribed). Private collection, Kyoto. In Katonah Museum of Art, (1996). Fig: 9.

16

A similar decorative device (sgon) also evident in the Kamakura period was the mirrored tengai (Hanging Canopy), such as one made of painted wood and bronze currently residing at the British Museum. See FIG. 10a. It adopts a circular bronze mirror at its centre and is surrounded by eight smaller mirrors on each of its lotus petals, similar to an earlier tengai found in the Hokke-do (Lotus Hall) of Tdai-ji (). See FIG. 10b. Intriguingly, both tengai echo a Chinese medieval tomb tradition, whereby between the tenth and fourteenth century, mirrors were set into the centres of painted lotuses upon the ceilings of burial chambers.27 Perhaps in the context of medieval Japanese Buddhism, such devices came to embody memento morireminders of the core Buddhist teaching of impermanence (Sk: Anitya; Jp: Muj).

From top left to bottom right: FIG. 10a: Hanging Canopy, (tengai). Painted wood and bronze. Kamakura period; 14th century C.E. The British Museum, London. FIG. 10b: Hanging Canopy, (tengai). Hokke-do (Lotus Hall), Todai-ji. Painted wood and bronze. D: 14.5cm. Nara period; 9th Century C.E. In Schlombs, (1999), p. 128. FIG. 10c: Mirrored ceiling of the tomb of Zhang Kuangzheng. Chinese Song Dynasty; 1093. In Chuimei Ho, (2005), p. 96.

27

Ho, Chuimei. 2005. Magic and Faith: Reflections on Chinese Mirrors in the Tenth to the Fourteenth Century. Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, Vol., p. 90.

17

One of the most arresting metaphysical employments of the mirror image in the Kamakura period however, can be found in a painting of Kokz Bosatsu (; Sk: Akasagarbha Bodhisattva) which dates to the 13th century. xviii See FIG. 11a. In it, we find the Bodhisattva Kokz (lit: Space Repository), seated on a lotus flower, bejeweled, and floating above a mountain peak. Importantly, this image epitomizes the syncretic nature of religious art at this time, blending elements of Kegon, Tendai, Shingon, Mikky, and even Shinto beliefs, in that Akashagarbha was considered a Buddhist manifestation of the mountain deity, Asama Daimyojin.28

Holding a wish-fulfilling jewel (Jp: Nyoi-hoju), and wearing a crown symbolizing the five wisdom Buddhas, golden rays of light spread in all directions from Kokzs central figure. Harris and Smith have eloquently noted that such cosmic imagery implies, the non-duality of phenomenal Time and the vast nothingness' of Buddhist enlightenment, as well as the power of boundless and timeless space to provide enlightenment to human beings.29 Nonetheless, they withdraw from speculating on how such a transcendental vision may have been physically conceived. Considering its established significance within Buddhist discourse of this period, it is sensible to deduce that in this case, Kokz has been visualized in the form of an enclosed circular mirror,xix reflecting and refracting enclosed light-rays ad-infinitum, in a conception which resembles the great Indian imagery of Indras Net.

With regards to the geometrical exactitude of its composition, it appears as if this singular light source penetrates Kokzs lunar disk from its lowest point (the mountain peak), reflecting and refracting itself inside without exit, similar to the Total Internal Reflection optical phenomenon demonstrated in FIG. 11b; with the resultant image resembling a star. Furthermore, the fact that the beam of light appears to be raised at certain intervals along its path, suggests that gold foil (quite literally) may have been placed at the centre of a bronze mirror in the conception of this painting. See FIG. 11d. Whilst such a claim may appear audacious, one may note that similar mappings of the optical idiosyncrasies of light, (as well as the discipline of Sacred Geometry) was a topic that future Buddhists of the Edo period would investigate voraciously.30

Nicoloff, Philip. 2007. Sacred Kyasan: A Pilgrimage to the Mountain Temple of Saint Kb Daishi and the Great Sun Buddha. State University of New York Press. P. 49. 29 Harris., Op cit. p. 42. 30 See, Hidetoshi and Rothman. 2008. Sacred Mathematics: Japanese Temple Geometry. Princeton University Press.
28

18

FIG. 11a: Kokz Bosatsu (Akasagarbha). Kamakura period; 13th century. Paint, ink and gold on paper. 108 x 60.8 cm. Tokyo National Museum.

19

FIG. 11b-d: Painting of Kokz Bosatsu alongside demonstrations of the Total Internal Reflection optical phenomenon within a circular mirror. FIG 11d illustrates how the addition of a piece of gold foil in the centre divides the light at different gradients. Credit: Balint Bolygo.

As this essay has examined, the image of the mirror (as both motif and physical object) was central to the development of Heian and Kamakura Buddhist art, its reflective qualities going hand-in-hand with the imagery of light, which so deeply permeated Buddhist discourse throughout these two periods. Furthermore, the abundance of mirrors dated to (and manufactured within) the Heian and Kamakura periods must not be overlooked by art historians, who have hitherto regarded them simply as vanity implements of continental heritage. As this essay has also demonstrated, mirrors are a useful bridge for art historians wishing to traverse the three traditional classifications of Japanese Buddhist art: sgon, raihai, and kyka; namely, interior temple decoration, objects of worship, and didactic items for teaching Buddhism.31

31

Kakuda., Op cit., p. 78.

20

The subtle and unassertive quality of the mirror characterizes the Buddhist faiths ability to teach wordlessly,32 such as is found in the famous Flower Sermon whereby truth is represented not in words, but by the simple smile of Buddhas oldest disciple.xx Similar to the Dharma Wheel, the Lotus Flower and the Thunderbolt, the simple dynamics of the Mirror conveys with profound lucidity key Buddhist concepts and ideals, through a symbolism that is at once tangible, immanent and very real. For this, it should be acknowledged as a pivotal motif in the trajectory of Japanese Buddhist art.

32

Barnet, Sylvan. In London Gallery, Ltd (Ed). 2000. Buddhas Smile: Masterpieces of Japanese Buddhist Art. London Gallery, Ltd, Tokyo. p. 2.

21

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Princeton, N.J. 1992. Flowing Traces: Buddhism in the Literary and Visual Arts of Japan. Princeton University Press. Rambach, Pierre. 1979. The Art of Japanese Tantrism. Macmillan Ltd, London.

Rosenfield, John M. 2011. Portraits of Chgen: The Transformation of Buddhist Art in Early Medieval Japan. Leiden, Boston. Saunders, E. Dale. 1985. Mudr: A Study of Symbolic Gestures in Japanese Buddhist Sculpture. Princeton University Press. Schlombs, Herausgegben von Adele. 1999. In Licht des Groben Buddha: Schatze des Todaiji Tempels, Nara. Museum fur Ostasiatische Kunst der Stadt Koln. Sharf, Robert H and Sharf, Elizabeth Horton, Eds. 2001. Living Images: Japanese Buddhist Icons in Context. Stanford University Press, California. Shashibala, Dr. 2003. Buddhist Art: In Praise of the Divine. Roli & Janssen, New Delhi. Tokyo National Museum. 1990. Special Exhibition: Masterpieces of Japanese Art. Tokyo National Museum. Umeda, Yukio. 1992. 17th Century Japan: A Time of Mystery and Isolation: 120 Paintings by Yusetsu Kaiho. Kyowa Kikaku Ltd, Tokyo.

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Wang, Eugene Yuejin. 2007. Shaping the Lotus Sutra: Buddhist Visual Culture in Medieval China. University of Washington Press. Yoshikawa, Itsuji. 1976. Major Themes in Japanese Art. Nikovskis, Amins (Trans). Heibonsha, Tokyo. Journals Cahill, Suzanne E. The Moon Stopping in the Void: Daoism and the Literati Ideal in Mirrors of the Tang Dynasty. Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, Vol. 9, Clarity and Luster: New Light on Bronze Mirrors in Tang and Post-Tang Dynasty China, 600-1300: Papers from a Symposium on the Carter Collection of Chinese Bronze Mirrors at the Cleveland Museum of Art (2005), pp.24-41. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20079751. Accessed: 09/05/2012 11:34 Kakuzo, Okakura. Chinese and Japanese Mirrors. Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin, Vol. 6, No. 32 (Apr., 1908), pp. 9-14. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4423378. Accessed: 09/05/2012 11:34 Ho, Chuimei. Magic and Faith: Reflections on Chinese Mirrors in the Tenth to the Fourteenth Century. Cleveland Studies in the History of Art, Vol. 9, Papers from a Symposium on the Carter Collection of Chinese Bronze Mirrors at the Cleveland Museum of Art (2005), pp.90-97. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20079754. Accessed: 09/05/2012 11:33 Sawada, Masaaki. Non-Destructive X-Ray Fluorescence Analysis of Ancient Bronze Mirrors Excavated in Japan. Ars Orientalis, Vol. 11 (1979), pp. 195-213. Freer Gallery of Art, The Smithsonian Institution and Department of the History of Art, University of Michigan Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4629304. Accessed: 09/05/2012 11:32 Rambelli, Fabio. The Ritual World of Buddhist "Shinto": The Reikiki and Initiations on Kami-Related Matters (Jingi kanj) in Late Medieval and Early-Modern Japan. Japanese Journal of Religious Studies. Vol. 29, No. 3/4, Tracing Shinto in the History of Kami Worship (Fall, 2002), pp. 265-297. Nanzan University. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30233724 Accessed: 22/05/2012 12:19 Ramanujan, A. K. Where Mirrors Are Windows: Toward an Anthology of Reflections. History of Religions, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Feb., 1989), pp. 187-216 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1062747 Accessed: 29/05/2012 08:19 Gregory, Peter N. Chinese Buddhist Hermeneutics: The Case of Hua-yen. Journal of the American Academy of Religion, Vol. 51, No. 2 (Jun., 1983), pp. 231-249. Oxford University Press. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1463636 Accessed: 29/05/2012 10:19 Maryon, Herbert. A Note on Magic Mirrors. Archives of the Chinese Art Society of America Vol. 17, (1963), pp. 26-28

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Published by: University of Hawai'i Press Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20067057 Accessed: 19/05/2012 09:34 Online Sources The British Museum: The History of the World in a 100 Objects. Japanese Bronze Mirror. http://www.bbc.co.uk/ahistoryoftheworld/objects/81fJfecfSFea12920ZIfAw The Praja Paramita [The Heart Sutra]. Tripitaka Master Hsuan Tsang of the Tang Dynasty, (Trans). Commentary by Grand Master Tan Hsu. http://buddhasutra.com/files/prajna_paramita.htm Oriental magic mirrors and the Laplacian image. European journal of physics. www.phy.bris.ac.uk/people/Berry_mv/the_papers/berry383.pdf Objects, Symbols, and Weapons held by 1000-Armed Kannon & Other Buddhist Deities. http://www.onmarkproductions.com/html/objects-symbols-weapons-senju.html#mirro The Vairocanabhisambodhi-Sutra. Translated from the Chinese (Taisho: Volume 18, Number 848) by Rolf W. Giebel. Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research 2005. https://www.bdkamerica.org/digital/dBET_T0848_Vairocana_2005.pdf

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Appendix: Endnotes
i

Within the Sarvastivadan, Smtyupasthna Stra (Ch: Zhenfa nianchu jing; ), which had been translated from the Sanskrit into Chinese by Praj ruci in 539 C.E., during the Northern Wei period (534-550 C.E.), there is a lengthy description of a gigantic mirror hall constructed by K syapa Buddha, in which lord Indra takes the devas on a tour of, for pedagogical purposes. (Wang, 2007. P. 256.). As Ramanujan adds, Mirror on mirror. Doubles, shadow worlds, upside-down reflections, are common in Indian myth and story. (Ramanujan, 1989. p. 187.) ii The fact that these mirrors were also found alongside ritual dtaku bells suggests that they have always been infused with religious significance in Japan. (Harris et al, 1990. p. 138.) iii Kofun craftsmen frequently imitated Chinese forms on native mirrors though largely oblivious to the meaning of certain motifs and characters. (Harris et al, 1990. p. 138.) iv The Sun Goddess Amaterasu (), is said to have sent her grandson Ninigi-no-Mikoto (Jp: ) to the earth with the mirror and the words; "This mirror-have it with you as my spirit and worship it just as you would worship in my very presence." This original mirror is said to reside at the Ise Grand Shrine () in Mie Prefecture. v The Avatamsaka-stra (the key text of the Huayan/Kegon school) mentions variations of the word reflect at least nineteen times. As Hamar has noted of this sutra; As if refracted through a prismBuddhas and bodhisattvas appear as mirror images of one another. (Hamar, 2007. P. 132.) vi Gao Wei (r.565-76), the second Northern Qi ruler, was said to have been, infatuated with mirrors building a mirror hall unrivaled in his time. (Eugene Wang, 2007. p. 256.). Likewise, Prince Yang Jun, the third son of Emperor Yang Jian (541-604) of the Sui dynasty...built a water hall with bright mirrors covering its beams, posts, lintels, and ridgepoles. (Wang, 2007. P. 256.). vii This can be confirmed by looking at mirrors still placed at the base pedestals of Buddha statuse at T dai-ji to this day. See photograph of Bhaisajyaguru Buddha in images Appendix for an example. viii Fazang alledgedly designed a contraption that used eleven mirrors to project the image of Guanyin far into the distance to scare away enemy armies, and furthermore, how depictions of 11 headed Guanyin simultaneously gained popularity at this time. (Wang, 2007. p. 257) ix The sun, the moon and the mirror are often interchangeable images in East Asia, sometimes symbolizing eternity. (See (Cahill, 2005. P. 33) As a 7th Century Chinese poem notes; In Resembling the moon stopping in the voidAll may be held in [the mirrors] reflection. (Cahill, 2005. P. 33.). Also, in the Vairocanabhisambodhi-sutra (the core text of Shingon Buddhism) the moon is frequently equated with the mirror. However, it was not until the Edo period that these qualities were fully utilized, often to conceal hidden Christian images in their relief patterning. xii Believed by the Japanese Buddhist community to commence in 1052 C.E.
xi xiv Notably, at the end of this ceremony the master intones the words:"On the head of the initiate there is the letter kham. It puts forth an intense light. On its center there is a lunar disk, and on it there is the letter vam.... On the same lunar disk of the mind there is the letter A. It turns into the sacred mirror. (In Rambelli, 2002. P. 273.). xv The Vairocanabhisambodhi-sutra also states: As for the second base of the Perfectly Awakened One, in a mirror[like] mandala (circle) [Like an image reflected] in a round mirror in a deep recess, it manifests itself in all places And it appears everywhere before beings like the moon [reflected] in clear water It is always present [like] a round mirror, unsullied, wondrous, and pure. xvi Including a new preoccupation of light and its manipulation, epitomized by the introduction of crystal eyes/urnas to wooden statues in the Kamakura period. xvii Although many wooden kakebotoke do also exist. See Appendix images. xviii As one of the two guardians of Vairochana. (McArthur, 2002. p. 49.), [the other being Jiz Bodhisattva; lit: Earth Repository] Kok z was believed to permeate the universe in the form of vast and boundless" Buddha wisdom. According to Japan's Shingon sect, K kai acheived enlightenment at dawn on Cape Muroto when Kok z appeared in the form of the morning star and rushed at his mouth like an arrow. (See Nicoloff, 2007. P. 36.). Kok z was also central to an esoteric rite to improve one's memory known as Gubunjih (; Ch: Qiwn chf). xix Or at the very least, a full lunar disc, unsullied like a clear mirror such as is mentioned in the Vairocanabhisambodhi-sutra. xx In this silent Sutra, upon being presented with a flower from Shakyamuni, his disciple Ka yapa simply smiled, to which the Buddha pronounced; The True Dharma Eye, the Marvelous Mind of Nirvana, the True Form of the Formless, the Subtle Dharma Gate that does not rest on words or letters but is a special transmission outside of the scriptures. This I entrust to Mahkyapa. (In Dumoulin, 2005. p. 9.).

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Appendix: Significant Subsidiary Images

Image

Description
Bronze Mirror with five jingles. Middle Kofun period; 5th century C.E. The British Museum, London.

Image

Description
Bronze mirror decorated with chokkomon pattern. D: 28cm. Kofun period; 4th century C.E. Niiyama Tomb, Koryo, Nara prefecture.

Bronze Mirror. Kofun period; 4th5th century C.E. D: 20.6 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

Iconographical Drawing of Askuka holding his mirror attribute. In Saunders, 1985. p. 165.

Amida Triad, Tachibana Shrine. Bronze. Nara Period. Seed Letter Bhah of Sakyamuni. Frontispiece to Chapter 14, Lotus Sutra. One of thirtythree handscrolls donated by Taira clan. H: 28.4cm. Heian period; 1164 C.E. In Rosenfield, 2011. Fig: 20. Eugene Wang suggests that the mirror was the perceptual model for the Tachibana Shrine at Horyu-ji. When placed inside its enclosed shrine, the Amitabha Triad is framed in a demarcated way whereby one can look into the shrine only by assuming an eye-level view vis-a-vis the images inside, in the same way one looks into a mirror. He continues to note that the deliberate mirroring relationship between the viewer and a Buddhist deity was well articulated in the seventh-century texts. (Eugene Wang, 2007, p. 285.)

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Yakushi Nyorai (Bhaisajyaguru). H: 254.6cm. Nara period; 688 C.E. Yakushi Monastery, Nara. Note the two circular mirrors facing the Buddha on the altar. Bronze Mirrors Excavated from Mitarashi Pond at Hagurosan, Yamagata. D. 7.7-11.2.cm. Heian Period; 12th century. Tokyo National Museum. As Neil MacGregor of the British Museum has noted, throwing mirrors in sacred ponds was a tradition carried out throughout the Heian period.

Mirror with the hairline engraved iamge of Amitabha and twelve Buddhas. Cast bronze. D: 14.1cm. Heian period, 12th century. Tokyo National Museum.

Kakebotoke of Bodhisattva. Gilt bronze. D: 22cm. Kamakura period; 13th century. Nara National Museum.

Kakebotoke found inside a statue of Daikoku-ten (Mahakala). Wood. H: 82.7cm. Kamakura period, 13th century. Saidai-ji temple.

Kakebotoke of Daiitoku My (Vidyaraja). Gilt bronze and wood; reportedly from Wakayama Prefecture. D: 28cm. Kamakura period; 12th-13th century; The Avery Brundage Collection. In Rosenfield, 2011, Fig: 34.

Departure from Kashima. (Shinto). Hanging scroll. Ink and colours on silk. 1300-1400 C.E. Asian Art Museum, California.

Scenes from the Rokudo-e (Six Realms of Birth) Scroll. Hanging scroll. Ink and colour on paper. 152.6 x 67 cm. 19th century copy of a 13th century original. The British Museum, London. Importantly, in Judgement scenes such as these, the mirror is used to determine ones destiny in the afterlife through reflecting ones deeds and wrongdoings in the previous life.

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 Ashuku Nyorai,
Round Mirror Box. Hiramakie and mother-ofpearl inlay. Kamakura period. The British Museum, London. Guardian of the East, in the Kongkai Mandala (Diamond World Mandala). Heian Period; 9th century, Kygoku-ji (Tji) Temple. From temple catalogue. The mirror is the distinctive attribute of Ashuku Nyorai, embodying his Mirror Knowledge (Jp: daienkychi) The Mirror Polisher/ Kagamitogi-shi. By Yusetsu Kaiho. Ink and paint on paper. Edo period; 17th century. In Umeda, (1992), p. 113.

The Sun and Moon, symbols of Eternity. Hanging scrolls. Paint and ink on silk. Kamakura period; 1191 C.E. Kyoogokokuji monastery, Kyoto, Japan.

Bronze Magic Mirror (makyo) with hidden image revealed via XRay analysis. Bronze. D: 21cm. Edo Period. The British Museum, London.

Wooden Netsuke of Demon with Mirror. Edo period; 18th century. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Mirrors have held a unique status in East Asia since the Han Dynasty (206 BCE220CE) for their power to scare away demons.

Shrine with reliquary. Shrine: Lacquered wood with polychromy, cut gold foil, and metal fittings with incised designs. H: 30.3cm; Reliquary: Gilt bronze, nickel, inscribed paper, and glass. Muromachi period; 1387 C.E. In Cunningham, 1998, p. 208.

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