You are on page 1of 9

International Journal of Drug Policy 17 (2006) 3–11

Commentary

Widening the harm reduction agenda: From drug use to sex work
Linda Cusick ∗
Institute for Applied Social and Health Research, University of Paisley, The Gardner Building, Paisley PA1 2BE, United Kingdom

Received 27 May 2005; received in revised form 3 November 2005; accepted 6 December 2005

Abstract

Harm reduction emerged in the 1980s as a public health response to HIV and injecting drug use. This paper reviews the literature to structure
the harms associated with sex work and expand the domains of harm reduction. Sex work-related harms are often rooted in debates where
moral arguments and health and criminal justice policies compete for priority. Like drug users, sex workers have a social history in which
they have been stigmatised, criminalised, pathologised, and on occasion, celebrated. Yet, by focusing on drug-related harm specifically, the
‘harm reduction movement’ is missing opportunities to better promote health among sex workers. Harms associated with sex work include:
the vulnerabilities that may lead to sex work; harms that are introduced by sex work; and mutually reinforcing harms such as problematic
drug use. These harms are overwhelmingly concentrated in street sex markets and where sex workers’ pre-existing vulnerabilities can be
most exploited. They include predation and victimisation, violence and child abuse, trafficking and slavery, stigma, sanctions and penalties,
STIs, exposure to mutually reinforcing harms and public nuisance. Existing interventions and policy developments to reduce these harms are
discussed.
© 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Sex work; Prostitution; Harm reduction; Literature review

Introduction mous with the reduction of drug-related harm but it may be


possible to apply these principles more widely. As Myers,
Applied to drug use, harm reduction principles aim to Aggleton, and Kippax (2004, p. 325) argue, ‘public health
reduce individual, community and societal harms includ- seeks critical understanding of issues and promotes the use
ing harms to health, social and economic functioning of community empowerment approaches that are well beyond
(Newcombe, 1992). Largely developed to prevent the spread traditional ones, and harm reduction cannot be constructed in
of HIV and AIDS, harm reduction is contrasted with drug isolation from an understanding of the many social processes
use prevention and prohibition characterised as the ‘war on that affect health today.’
drugs’. Riley et al. (1999) describe harm reduction princi- At present, harm reduction is a feature of sex work inter-
ples as pragmatic, value neutral and focused on prioritising ventions mainly where sex workers are a sub-set of prob-
achievable goals. Lenton and Single (1998) define a harm lematic drug users (Rogers & Ruefli, 2004). As a result, sex
reduction policy or programme as one: ‘(1) where the pri- workers who are not problematic drug users are relatively
mary goal is the reduction of drug related harm rather than neglected by harm reductionists and the wider problems of
drug use per se; (2) where abstinence-oriented strategies are sex work fall outside their remits. Those interested in sex
included, strategies are also included to reduce the harm work as an area for harm reduction in its own right will
to those who continue to use drugs; and (3) strategies are nevertheless be able to learn much from existing harm reduc-
included which aim to demonstrate that, on the balance of tionists. Drug users and sex workers after all, share similar
probabilities, it is likely to result in a net reduction in drug social and political histories of being stigmatised, crimi-
related harm’. Harm reduction principles are thus synony- nalised, pathologised and occasionally celebrated (Sloan &
Wahab, 2000).
∗ Tel.: +44 141 848 3449; fax: +44 141 849 4264. A literature review of sex work harms found three types of
E-mail address: linda.cusick@paisley.ac.uk. association: factors thought to predict, explain or cause sex

0955-3959/$ – see front matter © 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.drugpo.2005.12.002
4 L. Cusick / International Journal of Drug Policy 17 (2006) 3–11

work; harms introduced by sex work; and mutually reinforc- and sex workers victimised by predatory pimps, drug deal-
ing factors. ers, abusers and a host of other players who can profit from
controlling sex workers (Williamson & Cluse-Tolar, 2002).
The experiences and effects of stigma and of physical, sex-
Factors thought to predict, explain or cause sex work
ual and mental abuse are described (Farley, Baral, Kiremire,
& Sezgin, 1998). Opportunities are exposed for the system-
In this literature, commercial sex phenomena are
atic sexual abuse of children through unregulated businesses
described as social problems (Gould, 2001) and in many
and statistics are reported on the prevalence of ‘child prosti-
instances, involvement in sex work is assumed to be a neg-
tution’ (Munir & Mohd Yasin, 1997; Willis & Levy, 2002).
ative experience or an expression of deviance. Background,
Trafficking, slavery and debt bondage are linked to health
personal or structural factors are posited to predict, explain
risk, violence and denial of human rights (Cwikel, Ilan, &
or even cause involvement in sex work. This literature tends
Chudakov, 2003). The risks, incidence and prevalence of
to be older. In studies of sex work in developed countries, sex
sexually transmitted infection are reported, often alongside
work is often depicted as sexual deviance, sexual abuse or the
recommendations for sex workers and services to prevent
result of ‘a lack’ or ‘failure’ of some kind (Nadon, Koverola,
their transmission (Mayaud & Mabey, 2004; Nagot et al.,
& Schludermann, 1998). Studies of sex work in developing
2002). With attention on the potential for sex work to intro-
countries draw similar conclusions but also point to explana-
duce harms to communities, public nuisance is pointed up and
tions for sex work as filial obligation in contexts of cultural
a range of measures suggested to reduce or at least displace
acceptance (McCaghy & Hou, 1994).
it ‘elsewhere’ (Benson & Matthews, 1995).
A host of social background and personal factors are asso-
The nature and extent of the harm reported in this literature
ciated with entry to sex work and the literature review found
varies with the type of sex market studied. Street sex markets
no example of a paper that settles on only one explanatory
are much more frequently studied and researcher access to
factor. Variously referred to as vulnerabilities, factors, situa-
study other types of sex market is often described as prob-
tional and personal variables, characteristics, risks and harms,
lematic (Hart & Whitaker, 1994; Shaver, 2005). When sex
the list of items thought to lead to sex work includes: pathol-
markets are directly compared, the harms introduced by sex
ogy, especially mental health (Choicy, 1961); low self-esteem
work are overwhelmingly concentrated in street sex markets
(James & Davis, 1982); childhood neglect or abuse (Dunlap,
and where sex workers’ pre-existing vulnerabilities can be
Golub, & Johnson, 2003; Silbert & Pines, 1981); family
most exploited (Church, Henderson, Barnard, & Hart 2001;
(especially maternal) inadequacy (Toby, 1957); moral failing
Pyett & Warr, 1997).
(Denman, 1910) and youth deviance (especially promiscuity
in girls) (Davis, 1971; James, 1977).
Benefits introduced by sex work
Similarly, a host of structural factors are given to explain
sex work and to explain why some individuals become
A relatively small literature exists on the potential ben-
involved in sex work. These include: poverty and a desire
efits that sex work may introduce (Chuen-Juei Ho, 2000).
to escape it (Muecke, 1992); political instability and war
Potentially positive impacts of sex work include positive
(Richter, 1999); inequality, especially gender inequality
body image, job satisfaction, autonomy, control of work
(Balos & Fellows, 1999); and lack of education, training
(Manopaiboon et al., 2003; O’Connell Davidson, 1998)
or skills for alternative occupations (Rabinovitch & Strega,
and status especially amongst sex workers and ‘the wise’
2004). Variations on this theme conceive sex work as an
(Goffman, 1963). Positive sexual experience is however,
outcome of differential association (Sutherland, 1939) and a
almost exclusively discussed by sex working authors or with
differential opportunity structure (Cloward & Ohlin, 1960).
reference to male sex workers (Minichiello et al., 2001). In
These sociological theories hold that behaviours and beliefs
the analysis for this paper, sex work benefits are used as ‘neg-
are learned in specific situations where licit and illicit means
ative cases’ (Mays & Pope, 2000) to check and improve on
to achieving economic success are unevenly distributed.
the understanding of associations.
Thus, individuals become sex workers in response to an
excess of attitudes favouring sex work which they have
learned from others plus relatively good opportunities for
Mutually reinforcing factors
doing sex work.
This final type of association avoids causal explanations
Harms introduced by sex work for involvement in sex work but shows connections between
sex work and variables that indicate vulnerability (Barnard,
A second type of association indicates harms that are said 1993). Assumptions about sex workers ‘lacking’ some per-
to be introduced or increased by sex work (Weitzer, 1999). sonal attribute or structural opportunity are less obvious in
This literature includes articles that may be considered incau- this literature but ‘spirals of decline’ and the corrosive poten-
tious around inferred causality. However, the inferences seem tial of sex work and its associated variables remain popular
plausible overall. It shows how vulnerability can be exploited themes (Graham & Wish, 1994).
L. Cusick / International Journal of Drug Policy 17 (2006) 3–11 5

Addiction is frequently associated with sex work and gen- ing conditions enjoyed by home-based internet-entrepreneurs
erally discussed in terms of negative consequences for the contrasts sharply with the restrictive rules used to manage
sex worker’s health, safety when working or risk of becom- some parlour based sex workers (Brewis & Linstead, 2002;
ing trapped by the mutually reinforcing aspects of certain Sloan & Wahab, 2000).
behaviours or substances (Gossop, Powis, Griffiths, & Strang, The greatest concentrations of harms introduced by sex
1995; Hunter, 2002). Predictably perhaps, drug use is the work are described in studies of low status, street based,
principal factor of interest here. There is a huge volume of open sex markets (Miller, 1993; Potterat et al., 2004; Surratt
literature providing evidence of the extent of overlap between et al., 2004). Characterised by their reputations as ‘prob-
drug using and sex working populations (Miller & Neaigus, lem areas’, these sex markets often co-exist with open drug
2002; Morse, Simon, Baus, Balson, & Osofsky, 1992) and the markets and are not effectively controlled so that violence,
nature of relationships between various types of sex market child abuse, trafficking and pimping are frequently observed
and drug market (Kwiatkowski & Booth, 2000). Other mutu- (May, Edmunds, & Hough, 1999). Little is known about
ally reinforcing behaviours and attitudes include desire for the clients using these sex markets although it is thought
money to pay for general goods and other lifestyle enhancing that more respectable clients are most easily displaced by
expenses (Hwang & Bedford, 2004). By pointing to com- policing (Cameron, 2004; Hubbard, 1998a; Plumridge et al.,
mitment and the ongoing nature of lifestyle expenses such 1996). The sex workers operating in these sex markets are
as mortgage repayments and school fees, the literature here almost always described as vulnerable and a host of variables
goes further than articles which merely posit desire to escape reported which indicate their poor circumstances (Green,
poverty as a motivation for sex work. Finally, a small propor- Day, & Ward, 2000; Williamson, 2003). Sex workers and
tion of articles deal with the mutually reinforcing potential of clients in these sex markets are the key targets for many ser-
rewards that are internal to sex work careers. These include vices (Jeal & Salisbury, 2004) and are much more heavily
pursuit or enjoyment of sex and the power or status of a policed than other sex markets (Benson & Matthews, 2000).
successful sex work career (Weinberg, Shaver, & Williams, This analysis concludes that sex work conditions are the cru-
1999). cial factor for controlling exposure and vulnerability to the
harms that sex work may introduce.
This conclusion was examined again using the literature
Where do sex work related harms arise? review of ‘benefits introduced by sex work’ as a negative case
in analytic induction (Denzin, 1978). Although the literature
A great variety of types of sex work are revealed in the in this area is much more limited, benefits were linked to con-
literature. These are variously distinguished by sex worker ditions in which sex workers had strong control over business
demographics, sexual orientation of the client, the physi- arrangements and where they were able to operate without
cal environment and business operating styles (de Graff, van penalties or fear (Plumridge & Abel, 2001; Sanders, 2004).
Zessen, Vanwesenbeeck, Straver, & Visser, 1996; Plumridge, The refined conclusion is, therefore, that the harms and ben-
Chetwynd, Reed, & Gifford, 1996). Thus, male/female efits of sex work depend on the conditions in which sex is
sex workers, gay/straight clients, indoor/outdoor, and par- bought and sold. In summary, this analysis indicates that the
lour/internet styles emerge as obvious examples of com- ways in which sex work is organised determines whether it
parative categories. Whether each of these is staffed by a introduces harm, increases the vulnerability of sex workers
distinct population of sex workers or has a distinct popula- or allows sex workers to benefit from sex work.
tion of clients is not clear (Rissel, Richters, Grulich, de Visser,
& Smith, 2003). Nonetheless, sex workers and researchers
appear to agree that these categories are meaningful in some The mechanics of deriving harm from sex work
way and that they distinguish important features of the various
sex markets (Plumridge & Abel, 2001; Rickard & Growney, A section of the research literature is interested in the
2001). actual mechanics or opportunities for harms to be introduced
Many studies contrast two or more types of sex market. by sex work. With reference to this literature, the question for
Their overwhelming conclusion is that risk behaviours, harms this paper becomes: what it is about ‘sex work’ that allows
– and benefits where these are discussed – vary between sex these harms to be introduced?
market types (Plumridge & Abel, 2001; Weitzer, 1999). It is From the substantial literature on sexually transmitted
clear, therefore, that harms introduced by some kinds of sex infections amongst sex workers we can be confident that these
work are not introduced to all types of sex work. Violence, for are introduced via the ‘sex’ in sex work. Another substantial
example, is concentrated amongst female sex workers, often literature focuses on drug use or other issues that encour-
soliciting on the streets and providing sex services in iso- age continuation with sex work: those mutually reinforcing
lated and dilapidated environments (Plumridge & Abel, 2001; money, status and lifestyle factors. Here, money is the link for
Surratt, Inciardi, Kurtz, & Kiley, 2004). Similarly, the bene- reinforcing these harms/benefits. No further harms (or bene-
fits introduced by some kinds of sex work are not introduced fits) were identified as arising from the exchange of money
to all types of sex work. The autonomy and control of work- and sex. That is, some harms like STIs were introduced by
6 L. Cusick / International Journal of Drug Policy 17 (2006) 3–11

sex, other harms like drug dependency were reinforced by mainly at those who organise and are suspected of making the
availability of money but no additional harms were intro- most substantial profits from indoor sex markets (Mills, 2004;
duced by the actions of exchanging sex and money. All of the Narboni, 2004). Sex workers who have the assets, knowledge
remaining harms identified in the literature as arising from and organisational skills to work collaboratively or indepen-
sex work were limited to and dependent on the specific con- dently mainly do so without coming to the attention of the
ditions of some sex markets. Each of these is outlined below. police, services or tax collectors (West, 2000).
Predation and victimisation such as abusive pimping Viruses do not respect organisational or social distinc-
were found in studies of sex markets where sex workers tions and thus STIs are found amongst sex workers in almost
were fearful of authority, isolated and personally vulnera- all sex markets (Desai et al., 2003; The Synergy Project,
ble (Williamson & Cluse-Tolar, 2002). Children, drug users 2002). There are of course some exceptions as some sex mar-
and migrant sex workers who cannot access indoor sex mar- kets do not provide physical sexual contact (Exotic Dancer’s
kets, who do not have the resources or confidence to work Alliance, 2005). Where genital contact is the norm, condoms
as entrepreneurs and who do not know enough about their are widely used and STIs effectively prevented (Kerrigan
options are the key targets for sex market predators (Nixon, et al., 2003; Kunawararak et al., 1995). Indeed, in the UK
Tutty, Downe, Gorkoff, & Ursel, 2002; Outshoorn, 2001). during an epidemic of STIs amongst the general population,
Paedophiles, pimps, drug dealers and other individuals, often their prevalence fell amongst sex workers attending a London
posing as ‘boyfriends’ (Swann, 1999) control and abuse sex clinic (Ward, Day, Green, Cooper, & Weber, 2004). Explain-
workers in sex markets that are not controlled by a gate ing these findings, Ward et al. (2004) point out that those
keeping colleague. By way of contrast, sex markets run sex workers who were best able to use condoms in all com-
from premises controlled by gatekeepers at least comply mercial sex transactions belonged to peer-networks and used
with enough local legal and social requirements to remain in their sex work careers strategically. Even here, it appears that
business: effectively a guarantee of at least some minimum opportunities to control the harms that might be introduced
standards (Whittaker & Hart, 1996). by sex work are dependent on the conditions in which sex
Violence and child abuse were found in many sectors of workers operate (Agha & Nchima, 2004; Pauw & Brener,
sex work (Raphael & Shapiro, 2004) but the youngest, the 2003; Pyett, Haste, & Snow, 1996).
most serious assaults and the greatest number of murders The mutually reinforcing harms of sex work and addic-
were concentrated in sex markets where sex workers worked tion or dependency have been mentioned above. From the
alone and where they lack status (Pyett & Warr, 1999). high volume of good quality literature on this topic, it is clear
Trafficking, slavery and debt bondage were concentrated that sex workers who appear to be drug users are most often
in large cities and exist in a system suspended between organ- denied work in indoor and co-operative sex work establish-
ised crime on the one hand and policing and immigration ments (Plumridge & Abel, 2001). The open, street-based and
controls on the other (Chapkis, 2003; Outshoorn, 2001). Fear- low status sex markets thus become the only ones acces-
ful of both criminal gangs and authority figures, these sex sible to drug using sex workers. These markets are often
workers may be controlled, abused and passed around as so strongly entangled with street drug markets that contin-
chattels in a system that prevents them emerging as free citi- ued and escalating drug use is virtually guaranteed (Inciardi
zens. Some trafficked and enslaved sex workers give accounts & Surratt, 2001). Exposure to the reinforcing harms of sex
of being held prisoner while others describe moving around work and problematic drug use therefore arise almost exclu-
quite freely in their day to day routines but too fearful to sively where sex and drug markets share space (May et al.,
attempt escape from the secretive and deprived conditions of 1999).
their sex markets. Public nuisance is introduced by sex markets that are obvi-
Stigma and negative effects on self-esteem or mental ous rather than discrete (McKewon, 2003). These are often
health are said to arise from all types of sex work (Chudakov, busy places also populated by the public who are having a
Ilan, Belmaker, & Cwikel, 2002; Farley, 2003) but the auto- night out, sex workers’ clients, drug dealers, drug purchasers
matic nature of these relationships has been challenged by and vigilantes with a mission to halt sex markets (Hubbard,
both academics (Frable, Wortman, & Joseph, 1997; Link & 1997, 1998b). Other sex markets may cause public nuisance
Phelan, 2001) and sex workers who deny their reach (Taylor, where they share space with residential or recently gentrified
1991). Stigma, reduced self-esteem and negative mental areas, irrespective of whether the sex market or the gentrified
health effects of sex work may, therefore, be introduced by property occupiers were the earlier settlers (Kerkin, 2003).
some sex work experiences more readily than others. More Again, the public nuisance harm introduced by sex work is
research on this topic will be useful but it seems likely that, introduced by sex working conditions that are least private,
as with other harms introduced by sex work, these effects are where the most vulnerable sex workers are concentrated and
not universal or evenly distributed. where they can be fully exposed to legal and illegal measures
State sanctions, penalties and corrupt levies are dispro- to displace them.
portionately applied to sex workers and their clients in street In conclusion, the harms that are introduced by sex work
and other open sex markets (Benson & Matthews, 2000; depend on sex work taking place in conditions of vulnerabil-
Fabre, 2001). Otherwise, official police attention is directed ity.
L. Cusick / International Journal of Drug Policy 17 (2006) 3–11 7

What can be done to reduce sex work related harm? book on sex work history in the British Library. Organisa-
tions differ in their ambitions to abolish/prohibit sex work
This commentary provides two lessons for those inter- with respect to geographic scope (Rouart & Agacinski,
ested in reducing sex work related harm. First, the literature 2000; United Nations, 1949) and type of sex work (Holli,
on personal and structural factors said to predict, cause or 2000; International Programme on the Elimination of Child
explain entry to sex work shows that there are many valid Labour, 2002). The success of an abolitionist/prohibitionist
explanations – recognising circumstances, motivations and programme might be measured by its impact on the number
available options – which impact on individuals becoming of clients, sex workers or sex work premises operating in the
sex workers. Second, the literature on the harms said to be area/sector targeted. Since these impacts are notoriously dif-
introduced or reinforced by sex work shows that these harms ficult to demonstrate amongst hidden populations, evidence
are not inherent problems of sex work but of vulnerability. often takes the form of case studies in which individuals ‘are
The tasks for harm reductionists in this field may, there- saved’ from sex work (Yahne, Miller, Irvin-Vitela, & Tonigan,
fore, be stated as: to reduce existing vulnerability amongst sex 2002). Meanwhile, the wider literature points to a growth in
work entrants; and to ensure that sex work does not introduce the number of sex workers, clients and premises (Raymond,
further vulnerability. 1998; Weitzer, 2000).

Reducing existing vulnerability amongst sex work Can harm reductionists embrace the
entrants abolitionist/prohibitionist ideal?

Some harm reduction programmes already exist to address As with abstinence from drug use, there is no reason
the structural factors underlying sex work careers that begin for harm reductionists to reject the abolitionist/prohibitionist
in the context of poor opportunities to pursue alterna- ideal as an end point. However, with reference to drug related
tives. Education, training and skills programmes are increas- harm, Lenton and Single (1998) specifically argue against
ingly considered as appropriate interventions (Norton-Hawk, extending harm reduction definitions to include abstinence or
2001), and are often developed through sex worker initia- prohibition programmes. They reason that such a definition
tives and campaigns (Arnott, 2004). The task of reducing would be over-inclusive as abstinence programmes cannot
existing vulnerability amongst sex work entrants is nev- reduce harm to current users. Like drug related harms, the
ertheless a daunting one as identified in the literature on harms that are introduced by sex work are currently affecting
those personal, background and structural factors predict- many vulnerable people and there is a pressing need to reduce
ing, explaining or causing sex work. Since these factors them. In a civilised society, responses that might realistically
include personal pathologies, low self-esteem, childhood reduce those harms may be valued for their pragmatic and
neglect and abuse, family dysfunction and youth deviance, humane qualities.
the harm reductionists who might work in this area will be
a much wider group than those whose interests are specifi- Ensure that sex work does not introduce further
cally with sex work. The pre-existing vulnerabilities found vulnerability: challenges for existing harm reduction
amongst sex workers are not unique to this group (Schissel programmes
& Fedec, 1999) and neither is it likely that these vulner-
abilities first come to light when the vulnerable person Sexually transmitted infections, mutually reinforcing
becomes a sex worker (Shaw & Butler, 1998; Zigman, 1999). aspects of sex work and drug use and public nuisance are
Social, educational and family policies will all have a part all harms which are being tackled by programmes informed
to play and there is already a wide literature on best prac- by harm reduction principles (Hanslope & Waite, 1994;
tice for multi-agency working to support vulnerable people Smarajit, Basu, Rotherham-Borus, & Newman, 2004). Many
(Christian & Gilvarry, 1999; Shaw & Butler, 1998). Simi- of these follow techniques to inform, educate, communicate,
larly, for global problems like poverty, political instability, reach out and motivate which were developed to reduce drug
war and gender inequality, sex work may be an expression related harms (WHO, 1995). It is here that those working to
of these problems but the solutions do not rest with sex apply harm reduction principles to sex work will benefit from
work. the experience of colleagues working to reduce drug related
harm (Des Jarlais, 1998; Stimson, 1998).
Ensure that sex work does not introduce further The remaining harms identified in the literature are as fol-
vulnerability: abolitionist and prohibitionist approaches lows: predation and victimisation; violence and child abuse;
trafficking and slavery; stigma; low self-esteem; mental ill-
Some argue that since harms arise from sex work, ideally ness; and the effects of sanctions and penalties. Parallel with
sex work should be abolished or prohibited using penalties the conclusion that these harms arise from the conditions in
against sex workers, third parties and/or clients to achieve which sex is bought and sold, they are concentrated where sex
this (Hammer & Maynard, 1987; Jordan, 2002). Such aboli- work is illicit (Scambler & Scambler, 1995) and have been
tionist and prohibitionist aspirations are mentioned in every reduced where it has been decriminalised or in some cases
8 L. Cusick / International Journal of Drug Policy 17 (2006) 3–11

where it has been legalised or licensed (Lewis & Maticka- Balos, B., & Fellows, M. L. (1999). A matter of prostitution: Becoming
Tyndale, 2000; Pyett & Warr, 1997). respectable. New York Law Review, 74, 1220–1303.
Barnard, M. (1993). Violence and vulnerability: Conditions of work
One explanation for this relationship is that the illicit
for streetworking prostitutes. Sociology of Health and Illness, 15,
and immoral status of sex work stigmatises and penalises. 683–705.
Respectable investment and involvement are thereby discour- Barry, K. (1995). The prostitution of sexuality. New York: New York
aged and control of sex work left in criminal hands (Brants, University Press.
1998). Hence, child abuse, trafficking and slavery are prof- Benson, C., & Matthews, R. (1995). Street prostitution: Ten facts in
itable. An extension of this explanation reckons that violence, search of a policy. International Journal of the Sociology of Law, 23,
395–415.
stigma and fear of authority are used to manipulate vulnerable Benson, C., & Matthews, R. (2000). Police and prostitution: Vice squads
sex workers to further maximise those profits (Kuo, 2002). If in Britain. In R. Weitzer (Ed.), Sex for sale: Prostitution, pornography
these harms are fostered by the illicit status of sex work, harm and the sex industry. New York: Routledge.
reductionists might tackle that illicit status (Castle, 1995; Bittle, S. (2002, July). When protection is punishment; neo-liberalism
Dasgupta, 2002; Gangoli, 1998). and secure care approaches to youth prostitution. Canadian Journal
of Criminology, 317–350.
To disentangle sex work from criminal control it will be Brants, C. (1998). The fine art of regulated tolerance: Prostitution in
necessary to decriminalise sex work and, some also argue, Amsterdam. Journal of Law and Society, 25, 621–635.
for sex workers to campaign for their human and employ- Brents, B. G., & Hausbeck, K. (2005). Violence and legalized brothel
ment rights (Kilvington, Day, & Ward, 2001). Decriminali- prostitution in Nevada: Examining safety, risk and prostitution policy.
sation and consistent application of legislation as for other Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 20, 270–295.
Brewis, J., & Linstead, S. (2002). Managing the sex industry. Culture
businesses has been demonstrated as effective in reducing and Organisation, 8, 307–326.
harm in Nevada, USA (Brents & Hausbeck, 2005) and in Cameron, S. (2004). Space, risk and opportunity: The evolution of paid
The Netherlands (Outshoorn, 2004). In contrast, in Australia sex markets. Urban Studies, 41, 1643–1657.
where regulation has been patchy, violence and exploitation Castle, C. (1995). Summary of Xth international conference on AIDS in
have been concentrated wherever sectors of the sex industry Yokohama, Japan: Sex workers. AIDS Care, 7, 93–95.
Chapkis, W. (2003). Trafficking, migration, and the law—Protecting
remain underground and sex workers are criminalised (West, innocents, punishing immigrants. Gender and Society, 17, 923–
2000). Meanwhile in France where recent policy has been 937.
influenced by concern about public order, organised gangs Choicy, M. (1961). Psychoanalysis of the prostitute. New York: Philo-
increasingly dominate sex work organisation with subsequent sophical Library.
negative impacts on public health and the living standards of Christian, J., & Gilvarry, E. (1999). Specialist services: The need
for multi-agency partnership. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 55,
sex workers (Mathieu, 2004). 265–274.
To conclude, commercial sex is a suitable area for develop- Chudakov, B., Ilan, K., Belmaker, R. H., & Cwikel, J. (2002). The moti-
ment of the harm reduction agenda. The current focus on drug vation and mental health of sex workers. Journal of Sex and Marital
related harm neglects opportunities to reduce these wider Therapy, 28, 305–315.
harms. Chuen-Juei Ho, J. (2000). Self-empowerment and ‘professionalism’: Con-
versations with Taiwanese sex workers. Inter-Asia Cultural Studies,
1, 283–299.
Church, S., Henderson, M., Barnard, M., & Hart, G. (2001). Violence by
Acknowledgements clients towards prostitutes in different work settings: Questionnaire
survey. British Medical Journal, 322, 524–525.
The author is grateful for positive feedback on an oral Cloward, R. A., & Ohlin, L. E. (1960). Delinquency and opportunity.
presentation of this paper at the sixteenth International Con- New York: Free Press.
Cusick, L. (1998). Female prostitution in Glasgow: Drug use and occu-
ference on the Reduction of Drug Related Harm, Belfast pational sector. Addiction Research, 6, 115–130.
2005. Additional thanks are expressed to Prof. Avril Taylor, Cwikel, J., Ilan, K., & Chudakov, B. (2003). Women brothel workers and
Dr Susan Sherman and Dr Marina Barnard for their com- occupational health risks. Journal of Epidemiology and Community
ments on the drafts of this paper. Health, 57, 809–815.
Dalla, R. L. (2002). Night moves: A qualitative investigation of street-
level sex work. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 26, 63–73.
Dasgupta, M. (2002). Social action for women? Public interest litigation
References in India’s supreme court. Law, Social Justice and Global Develop-
ment Journal. Available at http://http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/
Agha, S., & Nchima, M. C. (2004). Life-circumstances, working condi- law/elj/lgd/2002 1/dasgupta/.
tions and HIV risk among street and nightclub-based sex workers in Davis, N. J. (1971). The prostitute: Developing a deviant identity. In J.
Lusaka, Zambia. Culture, Health and Sexuality, 6, 283–299. Henslin (Ed.), Studies in the sociology of sex. New York: Appleton-
Allwood, G. (2003). Sarkozy’s Domestic Security Bill: A war on prosti- Century-Crofts.
tutes not on prostitution? Actualite: Modern & Contemporary France, de Graff, R., van Zessen, G., Vanwesenbeeck, I., Straver, C. J., & Visser,
11, 205–212. J. H. (1996). Segmentation of heterosexual prostitution into various
Arnott, J. (2004). Bangkok 2004: Sex workers and law reform in South forms: A barrier to the potential transmission of HIV. AIDS Care, 8,
Africa. Canadian HIV AIDS Policy Law Review, 9, 78–80. 417–431.
Bagley, C. (1999). Adolescent prostitution in Canada and the Philippines: Denman, W. (1910). San Francisco Committee on the Causes of Munic-
Statistical comparisons, an ethnographic account and policy options. ipal Corruption Report on the Causes of Municipal Corruption. San
International Social Work, 42, 445–454. Francisco: Rincon.
L. Cusick / International Journal of Drug Policy 17 (2006) 3–11 9

Denzin, N. K. (1978). The Research Act (2nd ed.). New York: McGraw- Hubbard, P. (1998a). Community action and the displacement of street
Hill. prostitution: Evidence from British cities. Geoforum, 29, 269–286.
Desai, V. K., Kosambiya, J. K., Thakor, H. G., Umrigar, D. D., Khand- Hubbard, P. (1998b). Sexuality, immorality and the city: Red-light districts
wala, B. R., & Bhuyan, K. K. (2003). Prevalence of sexually transmit- and the marginalisation of female street prostitutes. Gender, Place and
ted infections and performance of STI syndromes against aetiological Culture: A Journal of Feminist Geography, 5, 55–76.
diagnosis, in female sex workers of red light area in Surat, India. Hunter, M. (2002). The materiality of everyday sex: Thinking beyond
Sexually Transmitted Infections, 79, 111–115. prostitution. African Studies, 61, 99–120.
Des Jarlais, D. (1998). Fifteen years of research on preventing HIV infec- Husak, D. N. (2004). Guns and drugs: Case studies on the principled
tion among injecting drug users: What we have learned, what we have limits of the criminal sanction. Law and Philosophy, 23(5), 437–493.
not learned, what we have done, what we have not done. Public Health Hwang, S., & Bedford, O. (2004). Juveniles’ motivations for remaining
Reports, 113(Suppl. 1), 182–188. in prostitution. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 28, 136–146.
Dunlap, E., Golub, A., & Johnson, B. D. (2003). Girls’ sexual develop- Inciardi, J. A., & Surratt, H. L. (2001). Drug use, street crime and
ment in the inner city: From compelled childhood sexual contact to sex trading among cocaine-dependent women: Implications for public
sex-for-things exchanges. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 12, 73–96. health and criminal justice policy. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 33,
Dwyer, R., Richardson, D., Ross, M. W., Wodak, A., Miller, M. E., & 379–389.
Gold, J. (1994). A comparison of HIV risk between women and men International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour. (2002).
who inject drugs. AIDS Education and Prevention, 6, 379–389. Combating child labour. Geneva: International Labour Organization.
Exotic Dancers Alliance at St James Infirmary. (2005). Available at www.ilo.org/childlabour.
http://www.iusw.org/links/index.html. James, J. (1977). Early sexual experiences as a factor in prostitution.
Fabre, G. (2001). Drugs and the state: State corruption and criminalisation Archives of Sexual Behaviour, 17, 31–42.
in China. International Social Science Journal, 53, 459–466. James, J., & Davis, N. J. (1982). Contingencies in female sexual role
Farley, M. (2003). Prostitution and the invisibility of harm. Women and deviance: The case of prostitution. Human Organisation, 41, 345–350.
Therapy, 26, 247–280. Jeal, N., & Salisbury, C. (2004). Self-reported experiences of health ser-
Farley, M., Baral, I., Kiremire, M., & Sezgin, U. (1998). Prostitution vices among female street-based prostitutes: A cross-sectional survey.
in five countries: Violence and post-traumatic stress disorder (South British Journal of General Practice, 54, 515–519.
Africa, Thailand, Turkey, USA, Zambia). Feminism & Psychology, 8, Jordan, A. D. (2002). Human rights or wrongs? The struggle for a
405–426. rights-based response to trafficking in human beings. Gender and
Ford, K., Wirawan, D. N., Fajans, P., Meliawan, P., MacDonald, K., & Development, 10, 28–37.
Thorpe, L. (1996). Behavioural interventions for reduction of sexually Kerkin, K. (2003). Re-placing difference: Planning and street sex work
transmitted disease HIV transmission among female commercial sex in a gentrifying area. Urban Policy and Research, 21, 137–149.
workers and clients in Bali, Indonesia. AIDS, 10, 213–222. Kerrigan, D., Ellen, J. A., Moreno, L., Rosario, S., Katz, J., Celentano, D.
Frable, D. E. S., Wortman, C., & Joseph, J. (1997). Predicting self-esteem, D., et al. (2003). Environmental-structural factors significantly asso-
well-being and distress in a cohort of gay men: The importance of ciated with consistent condom use among female sex workers in the
cultural stigma, personal visibility, community networks and positive Dominican Republic. AIDS, 17, 415–423.
identity. Journal of Personality, 65, 599–624. Kilvington, J., Day, S., & Ward, H. (2001). Prostitution policy in Europe:
Gangoli, G. (1998, March). Prostitution, legislation and decriminalisation. A time for change? Feminist Review, 67, 78–93.
Economic and Political Weekly, 504–505. Kunawararak, P., Beyrer, C., Natpratan, C., Feng, W., Celentano, D. D.,
Gilchrist, G., Taylor, A., Goldberg, D., Mackie, C., Denovan, A., & Green, Deboer, M., et al. (1995). The epidemiology of HIV and syphilis
S. T. (2001). Behavioural and lifestyle study of women using a drop-in among male commercial sex workers in Northern Thailand. AIDS, 9,
centre for female street sex workers in Glasgow, Scotland: A 10-year 517–521.
comparative study. Addiction Research and Theory, 9, 43–58. Kuo, L. (2002). Prostitution policy: Revolutionizing practice through a
Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the management of spoiled identity. gendered perspective. New York: New York University Press.
New York: Simon & Shuster. Kwiatkowski, C. F., & Booth, R. E. (2000). Differences in HIV risk
Gossop, M., Powis, B., Griffiths, P., & Strang, J. (1995). Female prosti- behaviours among women who exchange sex for drugs, money or
tutes in South London: Use of heroin, cocaine and alcohol, and their both drugs and money. AIDS and Behaviour, 4, 233–240.
relationship to health risk behaviours. AIDS Care, 7, 253–260. Lazaridis, G. (2001). Trafficking and prostitution: The growing exploita-
Gould, A. (2001). The criminalisation of buying sex: The politics of tion of migrant women in Greece. European Journal of Women’s
prostitution in Sweden. Journal of Social Policy, 30, 437–456. Studies, 8, 67–102.
Graham, N., & Wish, E. D. (1994). Drug use among female arrestees: Lenton, S., & Single, E. (1998). The definition of harm reduction. Drug
Onset, patterns and relationships to prostitution. Journal of Drug and Alcohol Review, 17, 213–220.
Issues, 24, 315–319. Lewis, J., & Maticka-Tyndale, E. (2000). Licensing sex work: Public
Green, A., Day, S., & Ward, H. (2000). Crack cocaine and prostitution policy and women’s lives. Canadian Public Policy—Analyse de Poli-
in London in the 1990s. Sociology of Health and Illness, 22, 27–39. tiques, XXVI, 437–449.
Green, M. B. (1993). Chronic exposure to violence and poverty: Inter- Link, B. G., & Phelan, J. C. (2001). Conceptualizing stigma. Annual
ventions that work for youth. Crime and Delinquency, 39, 106–124. Review of Sociology, 27, 363–385.
Hammer, J., & Maynard, M. (1987). Women, violence and social control. Manopaiboon, C., Bunnell, R. E., Kilmarx, S., Chaikummao, S.,
London: Macmillan. Limpakarnjanarat, K., Supawitkul, S., et al. (2003). Leaving sex work:
Hanslope, J., & Waite, M. (1994, March). Safer on the streets. Healthlines, Barriers, facilitating factors and consequences for female sex workers
20–21. in Northern Thailand. AIDS Care, 15, 39–52.
Hart, G., & Whitaker, D. (1994). Sex workers and HIV. AIDS Care, 6, Mathieu, L. (2004). The debate on prostitution in France: A conflict
267–268. between abolitionism, regulation and prohibition. Journal of Contem-
Holli, A.M. (2000, April). The fall of innocence and the rise of a new pro- porary European Studies, 12, 153–163.
hibitionism: Prostitution, policies and women’s policy machinery in May, T., Edmunds, M., & Hough, M. (1999). Street business: The links
Finland. European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR): Pros- between sex and drug markets. Home Office Policing and Reduc-
titution and Trafficking as Political Issues, Copenhagen. ing Crime Unit Research, Development and Statistics Directorate,
Hubbard, P. (1997). Red light districts and toleration zones: Geographies Policing and Reducing Crime Unit: Police Research Series paper
of female street prostitution in England and Wales. Area, 29, 129–140. 118.
10 L. Cusick / International Journal of Drug Policy 17 (2006) 3–11

Mayaud, P., & Mabey, D. (2004). Approaches to the control of sexu- Pauw, I., & Brener, L. (2003). ‘You are just whores—You can’t be raped’:
ally transmitted infections in developing countries: Old problems and Barriers to safer sex practices among street sex workers in Cape Town.
modern challenges. Sexually Transmitted Infections, 80, 174–182. Culture, Health and Sexuality, 5, 465–481.
Mays, N., & Pope, C. (2000). Assessing quality in qualitative research. Plumridge, E. W., Chetwynd, S. J., Reed, A., & Gifford, S. J. (1996).
British Medical Journal, 320, 50–52. Patrons of the sex industry: Perceptions of risk. AIDS Care, 8,
McCaghy, C. H., & Hou, C. (1994). Family affiliation and prostitution in 405–416.
a cultural context: Career onsets of Taiwanese prostitutes. Archives of Plumridge, L., & Abel, G. (2001). A ‘segmented’ sex industry in New
Sexual Behaviour, 23, 251–265. Zealand: Sexual and personal safety of female sex workers. Australian
McKewon, E. (2003). The historical geography of prostitution in Perth, and New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 25, 78–83.
Western Australia. Australian Geographer, 34, 297–310. Potterat, J. J., Brewer, D. D., Muth, S. Q., Rothenberg, R. B., Wood-
Miller, J. (1993). ‘Your life is on the line every night you’re on the house, D. E., Muth, J. B., et al. (2004). Mortality in a long-term open
streets’: Victimisation and the resistance among street prostitutes. cohort of prostitute women. American Journal of Epidemiology, 159,
Humanity and Society, 17, 422–446. 778–785.
Miller, J. (1995). Gender and power on the streets: Street prostitution in Pyett, P., & Warr, D. (1999). Women at risk in sex work: Strategies for
the era of crack cocaine. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography, 23, survival. Journal of Sociology, 35, 183–197.
427–452. Pyett, P. M., Haste, B. R., & Snow, J. (1996). Risk practices for HIV
Miller, M., & Neaigus, A. (2002). An economy of risk: Resource acqui- infection and other STDs amongst female prostitutes working in
sition strategies of inner city women who use drugs. International legalised brothels. AIDS Care, 8, 85–94.
Journal of Drug Policy, 13, 409–418. Pyett, P. M., & Warr, D. J. (1997). Vulnerability on the streets: Female
Mills, K. (2004, July). Operation Rampart. The Association of Chief sex workers and HIV risk. AIDS Care, 9, 539–547.
Police Officers (ACPO) for England, Wales and Northern Ireland, Rabinovitch, J., & Strega, S. (2004). The PEERS story: Effective services
Vice Conference, Cheltenham, England. sidestep the controversies. Violence Against Women, 10, 140–159.
Minichiello, V., Marino, R., Browne, J., Jamieson, M., Peterson, K., Raphael, J., & Shapiro, D. L. (2004). Violence in indoor and outdoor
Reuter, B., et al. (2001). Male sex workers in three Australian Cities: prostitution venues. Violence Against Women, 10, 126–139.
Socio-demographic and sex work characteristics. Journal of Homo- Raymond, J. G. (1998). Prostitution as violence against women—Trends
sexuality, 42, 29–51. and statistics. Women’s Studies International Forum, 21, 1–9.
Monto, M. A. (2004). Female prostitution, customers and violence. Vio- Richter, L. K. (1999). After political turmoil: The lessons of rebuilding
lence Against Women, 10, 160–188. tourism in three Asian countries. Journal of Travel Research, 38,
Morse, E. V., Simon, P. M., Baus, S. A., Balson, P. M., & Osofsky, H. 41–45.
J. (1992). Cofactors of substance use among male street prostitutes. Rickard, W., & Growney, T. (2001). Occupational health and safety
Journal of Drug Issues, 22, 977–994. among sex workers: A pilot peer education resource. Health Edu-
Muecke, M. A. (1992). Mother sold food, daughter sells body: The cation Research, 16, 321–333.
cultural continuity of prostitution. Social Science and Medicine, 35, Riley, D., Sawka, E., Conley, P., Hewitt, D., Mitic, W., Poulin, C., et al.
891–901. (1999). Harm reduction: Concepts and practice, a policy discussion
Munir, A. B., & Mohd Yasin, S. H. (1997). National and international paper by The Canadian Foundation for Drug Policy, Toronto, Ontario.
legal responses to child prostitution and child pornography. Child Substance Use & Misuse, 34, 9–24.
Abuse Review, 6, 147–153. Rio, L. M. (1991). Psychological and sociological research and the
Myers, T., Aggleton, P., & Kippax, S. (2004). Perspectives on harm reduc- decriminalisation or legalization of prostitution. Archives of Sexual
tion: Editorial introduction. Critical Public Health, 14, 325–328. Behaviour, 20, 205–218.
Nadon, S. M., Koverola, C., & Schludermann, E. H. (1998). Antecedents Rissel, C. E., Richters, J., Grulich, A. E., de Visser, R. O., & Smith, A.
to prostitution: Childhood victimisation. Journal of Interpersonal Vio- M. A. (2003). Sex in Australia: Experiences of commercial sex in a
lence, 13, 206–221. representative sample of adults. Australian and New Zealand Journal
Nagot, N., Ouangre, A., Ouedraogo, A., Cartoux, M., Huygens, P., Defer, of Public Health, 27, 191–197.
M. C., et al. (2002). Spectrum of commercial sex activity in Burkina Rogers, S. J., & Ruefli, T. (2004). Does harm reduction program-
Faso: Classification model and risk of exposure to HIV. Journal of ming make a difference in highly marginalised, at-risk drug
Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, 29, 517–521. users? Harm Reduction Journal, 1, 7., http://www.pubmedcentral.
Narboni, C. (2004, July). Operation Pabail. The Association of Chief nih.gov/articlerender.fcgi?artid=420490.
Police Officers (ACPO) for England, Wales and Northern Ireland, Rouart, M., & Agacinski, S. (2000). People of the Abyss, prostitution
Vice Conference, Cheltenham, England. today. Foundation Seal Conference, France.
Newcombe, R. (1992). The reduction of drug related harm: A conceptual Sanders, T. (2004). A continuum of risk? The management of health,
framework for theory, practice and research. In P. O’Hare, R. New- physical and emotional risks by female sex workers. Sociology of
combe, A. Matthews, E. Buning, & E. Drucker (Eds.), The reduction Health and Illness, 26, 557–574.
of drug related harm. London: Routledge. Scambler, G., & Scambler, A. (1995). Social change and health promotion
Nixon, K., Tutty, L., Downe, P., Gorkoff, K., & Ursel, J. (2002). The among women sex workers in London. Health Promotion Interna-
everyday occurrence: Violence in the lives of girls exploited through tional, 10, 17–24.
prostitution. Violence Against Women, 8, 1016–1043. Schissel, B., & Fedec, K. (1999, January). The selling of innocence: The
Norton-Hawk, M. (2001). The counterproductivity of incarcerating female gestalt of danger in the lives of youth prostitutes. Canadian Journal
street prostitutes. Deviant Behaviour, 22, 403–417. of Criminology, 33–56.
Norton-Hawk, M. (2004). A comparison of pimp- and non-pimp- Shaver, F. M. (2005). Sex work research: Methodological and ethical
controlled women. Violence Against Women, 10, 189–194. challenges. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 20, 296–319.
O’Connell Davidson, J. (1998). Prostitution, power and freedom. Cam- Shaw, I., & Butler, I. (1998). Understanding young people and prostitu-
bridge: Polity Press. tion: A foundation for practice? British Journal of Social Work, 28,
Outshoorn, J. (2001). Debating prostitution in parliament: A feminist 177–196.
analysis. European Journal of Women’s Studies, 8, 472–490. Silbert, M., & Pines, A. (1981). Sexual child abuse as an antecedent to
Outshoorn, J. (2004). Pragmatism in the Polder: Changing prostitution prostitution. Child Abuse and Neglect, 5, 407–411.
policy in The Netherlands. Journal of contemporary European Studies, Silver, R. (1993). The girl in scarlet heels: Women in the sex business
12, 165–176. speak out. London: Century Random House.
L. Cusick / International Journal of Drug Policy 17 (2006) 3–11 11

Sloan, L., & Wahab, S. (2000). Feminist voices on sex work: Implications Ward, H., Day, S., Green, A., Cooper, K., & Weber, J. (2004). Declining
for social work. Affilia, 15, 457–479. prevalence of STI in the London sex industry, 1985 to 2002. Sexually
Smarajit, J., Basu, I., Rotherham-Borus, M. J., & Newman, P. A. (2004). Transmitted Infections, 80, 374–378.
The Sonagachi project: A sustainable community intervention pro- Weinberg, M. S., Shaver, F. M., & Williams, C. J. (1999). Gendered sex
gram. AIDS Education and Prevention, 16, 405–414. work in the San Francisco Tenderloin. Archives of Sexual Behaviour,
Stimson, G. V. (1998). Harm reduction in action: Putting theory into 28, 503–521.
practice. International Journal of Drug Policy, 9, 401–409. Weitzer, R. (1999). Prostitution control in America: Rethinking public
Surratt, H. L., Inciardi, J. A., Kurtz, S. P., & Kiley, M. C. (2004). Sex policy. Crime, Law and Social Change, 32, 83–102.
work and drug use in a subculture of violence. Crime and Delin- Weitzer, R. (2000). Sex for sale. London and New York: Routledge.
quency, 50, 43–59. West, J. (2000). Prostitution: Collectives and the politics of regulation.
Sutherland, E. (1939). Principles of criminology (3rd ed.). Philadelphia: Gender, Work and Organization, 7, 106–118.
Lippincott. Whittaker, D., & Hart, G. (1996). Research note: Managing risks: The
Swann, S. (1999). Children involved in prostitution: The government’s social organisation of indoor sex work. Sociology of Health and Ill-
draft guidance. Childright, 154, 15–16. ness, 18, 399–414.
The Synergy Project (funded by USAID). (2002). Room for WHO. (1995). World Health Organisation, Information, Education and
change: Preventing HIV transmission in brothels. University Communication: A guide for AIDS programme managers. New Delhi:
of Washington Center for Health Education and Research. A WHO-SEARO.
research-based field resource supported by The Synergy APDIME Williamson, C. (2003). Understanding the experiences of street level pros-
Toolkit http://www.synergyaids.com. Available at http://www. titutes. Qualitative Social Work, 2, 271–287.
synergyaids.com/documents/sub module brothel1 hh edit.pdf. Williamson, C., & Cluse-Tolar, T. (2002). Pimp-controlled prostitution:
Taylor, A. (1991). Prostitution: What’s love got to do with it? London: Still an integral part of street life. Violence Against Women, 8,
Optima. 1074–1092.
Toby, J. (1957). The differential impact of family disorganisation. Amer- Willis, B. M., & Levy, B. S. (2002). Child prostitution: Global health bur-
ican Sociological Review, 22, 505–512. den, research needs and interventions. The Lancet, 359, 1417–1422.
United Nations. (1949, December 2). Resolution 317 (IV) for suppression Yahne, C. E., Miller, W. R., Irvin-Vitela, L., & Tonigan, J. S. (2002).
of the traffic in persons and of the exploitation of the prostitu- Magdalena pilot project: Motivational outreach to substance abusing
tion of others, 264th plenary meeting. http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/ women street sex workers. Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment, 23,
RESOLUTION/GEN/NR0/051/36/IMG/NR005136.pdf?OpenElement. 49–53.
Walker, K. E. (2002). Exploitation of children and young people through Zigman, M. (1999). Under the law: Teen prostitution in Kensington. Cri-
prostitution. Journal of Child Health Care, 6, 182–188. tique of Anthropology, 19, 193–201.