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2. http://www.kashmirhub.com/history-of-kashmir/history-of-kashmir-before-1947.html
HISTO
RY
KASHMI CONFLIC
R T
BIRTH
OF After Indian Independence in 1947, the ruler of the princely
state of Kashmir, Maharaja Hari Singh, refused to accede to
KASHMI either India or Pakistan. When Pakistan invaded Kashmir in
the following year, the ruler of Kashmir sought help from the
R Indian government and agreed to place Kashmir under the
CONFLIC dominion of India. As a result India sent its troops to Kashmir
to help the Maharaja. A UN cease-fire in 1949 saw the end of
T fighting and created the first Line-of-Control.
In 1956 Kashmir was, in effect, integrated into the Indian
Union under a new Constitution. However, Azad Kashmir, the
area which Pakistan gained during its campaign in 1948,
continues to remain with Pakistan. The volatile situation was
aggravated by the Chinese occupation of the Aksai Chin
region, in Ladakh, in 1959. The situation came to head in
1963 when a Sino-Pak agreement defined the Chinese border
with Pakistani Kashmir and ceded Indian-claimed territory to
China.
India and Pakistan fought over Kashmir again in 1965. A UN
cease-fire took effect in September, 1965. Prime Minister Lal
Bhadur Shastri of India and President Ayub Khan of Pakistan
signed the Tashkent agreement on 1st January 1966. They
Fighting erupted between India and Pakistan once again in the month of
December 1971, after the leaders of the independence movement in East
Pakistan sought India's help. Its leaders were aided by India in their struggle
for independence. After the war, the province of East Pakistan emerged as an
independent country called Bangladesh. A new cease-fire took effect and the
Shimla Agreement was signed between the Indian Prime Minister Indira
Gandhi and the Pakistani President Z. A. Bhutto. Both the countries agreed to
sort out all issues bilaterally.
Kashmir was a tourist's paradise during the 1970's and early 1980's. However
tourism in Kashmir declined during the late 1980's and 1990's, due to the
terror perpetrated by separatist militants and self-styled freedom fighters.
Victimized by Islamic fundamentalists and mercenaries, and Indian troops,
thousands of innocent Kashmiri lives have been lost due to terrorism. Today
the situation has somewhat improved with both countries agreeing to come
to the negotiating table and discuss all outstanding issues with an open
mind. All this augurs well for the state of Jammu and Kashmir and hopefully,
peace will return to Kashmir - followed by tourists, who remember its
beautiful
3. parks, rolling meadows, spectacular mountains and scenic
http://www.kashmirhub.com/history-of-kashmir/history-of-kashmir-after-1947.html
destinations with nostalgia. [3]
ISSU
E
KASHMI CONFLIC
R T
PSYCHOLOGIC Psychological and emotional injuries may
AL be the most enduring effects of major
conflicts between nations in the present
IMPACTS era, yet historically, they may be the least
OF addressed in terms of rebuilding a society
KASHMIR and preventing violence. In recent world
conflicts, terrorism has been purposely
CONFLICT utilized against civilians as a means of
ON attacking the self-esteem and morale of
“the enemy,” as well as simple retribution.
KASHMIRIS In fact, this is what has been happening in
Kashmir valley since 1989 (beginning of
insurgency as called by India, and
interpreted as ‘freedom movement’ by
Pakistan). Kashmiriites are the victims of
violence. They are being: brutally
murdered, displaced, and expropriated
(direct violence); assaulted economically
Insurgency in Kashmir has existed in various forms, mainly on the
Indian administrated side of the disputed territory of Jammu and
Kashmir. Kashmir has been the target of a campaign of militancy by
all sides in the conflict. Thousands of lives have been lost since 1989
due to the intensified insurgency. Casualties include Muslim and
Hindu civilians (men, women, and children), Indian Armed Forces,
and Kashmiri and foreign militants.
The Inter-Services Intelligence of Pakistan has been accused by
India of supporting and training mujahideen[1][2] to fight in Jammu
and Kashmir.[3][4] While, International Human Right Groups have
accused Indian army of committing grave Human rights violations in
Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir.[5]
1. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6033383.stm
2. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2006/10/06/wafghan06.xml
3. http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/21/world/asia/21quetta.html
4. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9C0CE7D81F3EF936A15751C0A9649C8B63
5. http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/country,,HRW,,PAK,,3ae6a8558,0.html
A 1996 Human Rights Watch report accuses the Indian
military and Indian-government backed paramilitaries of
"committ[ing] serious and widespread human rights
violations in Kashmir."[6] One such alleged massacre occurred
on January 6, 1993 in the town of Sopore. TIME Magazine
described the incident as such: "In retaliation for the killing
of one soldier, paramilitary forces rampaged through
Sopore's market setting buildings ablaze and shooting
bystanders. The Indian government pronounced the event
'unfortunate' and claimed that an ammunition dump had
been hit by gunfire, setting off fires that killed most of the
victims."[7] In addition to this, there have been claims of
disappearances by the police or the army in Kashmir by
several human rights organizations.[8][9]
6. http://www.hrw.org/campaigns/kashmir/1996/India-07.htm
7. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,977469,00.html
8. http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2006/78871.htm
9. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/6367917.stm
Besides CCS, the Department of Sociology from the University
of Kashmir has written reports regarding the effect of
violence on Kashmiri society. Thousands of people have been
the victims of enforced disappearances by the government.
Another CCS member, the Association of Parents of
Disappeared Persons (APDP), has brought together hundreds
of Kashmiri families whose members have been the victims of
Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances (EID) by the Indian
government. The APDP is a collective campaigning
organization that seeks truth and justice on this severe
human rights issue in Kashmir. Recently, in April 2003, APDP
organized a worldwide hunger strike, coordinated in different
cities across the world, pressing for an end to
disappearances, prosecution of perpetrators, and
appointment of a commission to probe into all enforced
disappearances. The APDP, along with other CCS member
organizations, has helped families pursue legal cases as well
as highlight this issue through reports, videos, and seminars.
If we talk about the psychological impact of terror-related
violence on Kashmir’s social environment. Historically, both
state and non-state actors have resorted to the same
approaches in terrorizing civilian populations, while using
different weapons and techniques. For both, the goals of
terror are political. However, the challenges of social and
economic order cannot be adequately undertaken unless we
clearly understand the psychology of political violence.
These concepts in many ways guide domestic and foreign
policy, but have clear distinctions. On the one hand, a
distinction can be made between violence undertaken
because persons have a right to defend their home, and
actions undertaken supposedly to “alter the behaviors and
attitudes of multiple audiences,”[18] whether they are
‘conspiratorial’ or not.
Kashmir’s experience could prove important in analyzing the
psychological impact of political violence. Together with its
atmosphere of fear, the Kashmiri militants have created an
atmosphere of widespread discontent. In this regard, “the
secrecy of planning and the visibility of results” may be
illustrative of a more general phenomenon in which individual
and population vulnerability to violence is linked to terror. At
least this has been the position of researchers who have been
active in the field, and the particular case of Kashmir.
On the one hand, powerful ideological forces are creating a complex
movement, “especially under the banner of Islam”[10] thus diminishing
the traditional significance of the nation-state. On the other hand,
political organizations command “moral inhibitions”[11] as a
reasonable alternative “to alter the attitudes and behavior of multiple
audiences.”[12] As one writer has put the issue however, “terrorism
and our conceptions of it depend on…context…and on how groups
and individuals who participate in or respond to the actions we call
terrorism relate to the world in which they act.”[13] Kashmir’s
experience could prove important in contextualizing political
terrorism. Terror-related violence has left a death toll running into
tens of thousands and a population brutalized by fighting and fear.
Together with its atmosphere of fear, the Kashmiri militants have
createdWalter
10.Reich, an atmosphere
(editor). Origins ofof widespread
Terrorism: discontent.
Psychologies, Ideologies, Theologies, States of Mind.
Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 1998. pp. 10.
11.Crenshaw, Martha. (Ed.) Terrorism in Context. Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University
Press, 1995. pp. 4.
12.Crenshaw, Martha. (Ed.) Terrorism in Context. Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University
Press, 1995. pp.3.
Since 1947 the conflict between India and Pakistan over the
territorial rule of Kashmir has shaped attitudes towards terrorism.
What started as essentially an indigenous popular uprising against
external rule has created a social environment “beleaguered by
terrorism, repression, misery and destitution.”[13]
Political terrorism has been largely characterized as a “movement of
political violence….fueled by ethnic, religious and linguistic
factors.”[14] The inconsistencies and failures of government policies
in Kashmir have allowed “social elements to encourage votaries of
political violence through passive as well as active support.”[15]
Further, “peasants in villages formerly under the militants’ sway
have been disillusioned with killings, rapes, and criminal
activities.”
13.Fai, [16]
Ghulam Nabi. It isfairin
“Free, this incontext
elections that the
Kashmir” Commentary. concept Times:
The Washington of political
Sunday
September 15, 2002, B5.
terrorism can
14.Wallace, Paul. be best
“Political understood.
Violence In Kashmir,
and Terrorism in India: The Crisis of political terrorism
Identity” in Terrorism in is
largely characterized
Context. Pennsylvania: by “movements
The Pennsylvania State Universityof political
Press, 1995, 352violence directed
15.Wallace, Paul. “Political Violence and Terrorism in India: The Crisis of Identity” in Terrorism in
against the state,The
Context. Pennsylvania: and in turn,State
Pennsylvania involves
Universityrepressive
Press, 1995, 352measures that are
often seen
16.Wallace, Paul.as a state
“Political of terrorism.”
Violence and Terrorism in[1India:
7] The Crisis of Identity” in Terrorism in
Context. Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995, 404
17.Wallace, Paul. “Political Violence and Terrorism in India: The Crisis of Identity” in Terrorism in
Context. Pennsylvania: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995, 352
Exposure to violence has potentially important implications
for mental health [18] . This paper presents the findings of the
community assessment survey done by Médecins Sans
Frontières in 2005. The study, which was done to inform
program planning, assessed the mental health and socio-
economic impact of the ongoing violence, and the sources of
support. Following excerpts from the Médecins Sans
Frontières survey revealed that:
Psychological distress was mostly expressed through
symptoms such as nervousness, tiredness, being easily
frightened and headache (Table 1). The prevalence of suicidal
ideation is striking: one-third of those surveyed had had
thoughts of ending their life in the past 30 days. Over a third
of respondents were categorized as suffering from
psychological distress (SRQ ≥ 12) using the Indian validated
18.de Jong J, Komproe IH, van Ommeren M, El Masri M, Araya M, Khaled N, Put W van der,
SRQ (33.3%,
Somasundram 170;
D: Lifetime CI:and28.3–38.4).
events The
posttraumatic stress design
disorder in 4 post effect for the
conflicts settings.
JAMA 2001, 86:555-562.
SRQ was 1.4. Females scored significantly higher (43.8% vs.
24.1%, OR 2.5; CI: 1.7–3.6; p < 0.001).
Feelings of personal insecurity were significantly associated
with psychological distress (SRQ ≥ 12) for both males and
females (Table 2). Psychological distress among males was
significantly (p < 0.01) associated with all self-experiences
(defined as 'ever happened to you') and most consequences
of violence. Psychological distress among females was
significantly (p < 0.01) associated with witnessing events
(except hearing about/witnessing rape), as well as the self-
experience of some events (maltreatment,
arrested/kidnapped) and feelings of lack of safety and
independence.
For both genders, not
feeling safe is
associated with at
least twice the odds of
suffering from
psychological distress
(Table 3). For males,
violation of modesty,
forced displacement,
and disability were all
associated with a
significantly increased
likelihood (three times
the odds) of suffering
from psychological
distress. For women,
the witnessing of
people being killed or
tortured or
The majority of respondents (63.9%, 326) had recently visited
a health postor clinic: nearly half had visited a health facility
more than once (46.3%, 235) in the past 30 days. Overall,
nearly half (49.6%, 253) of respondents rated the health
facilities as poor. Women more frequently rated their physical
health as bad or very bad (male: 24.1% vs. female: 36.3%, OR
1.8; CI: 1.2–2.6; p < 0.005), and visited the health facilities
more than men (male: 40.0% vs. female: 54.7%, OR 1.8; CI:
1.3–2.6; p = 0.005). The number of women who had been on
medication for six or more days was significantly higher than
men (male: 30.7% vs. female: 46.0%, OR 1.9; CI: 1.3–2.8; p <
0.001). A high level of psychological distress (SRQ ≥ 12) was
significantly (p < 0.01) associated with poor or very poor self-
rated health for both males (OR 4.4) and females (OR 3.4).
For males this was also associated with a higher likelihood of
visiting the clinic two times or more (Table 4). For both males
and females, high psychological distress was also associated
with a higher likelihood of being unable to or having to cut
The most common ways of coping were withdrawal (isolation,
not talking to people) and aggression (Table 5). Religion was
also reported as a helpful source of support.
It is also concluded that the high levels of violence
confronted by the Kashmiri population have resulted in high
prevalence (33%) of mental health problems. Poor self-rated
health and likelihood of poor socio-economic functioning
were associated with high levels of psychological distress.
Mental health problems in this context of chronic violence
should receive full attention through the provision of
appropriate community-based services that would improve
access to care and reduce the burden on the health system.
With killings, torture, rapes, molestations, disappearances
and detentions becoming the order of the day in Kashmir,
psychiatric disorders have seen a sharp increase post-1989.
In 1989, about 1,700 patients visited the valley's lone
psychiatric hospital and by the year 2003, the number had
gone up to 48,000. Before the onset of the armed struggle,
certain disorders that were not known to Kashmiris started
showing a significant presence amongst the civilian
population. The Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PSTD), one
of the psychiatric diseases, which was completely
unrecognised before 1990 has witnessed a major upsurge.
Major Depressive Disorder (MDO) follows this. There are
other mental diseases like bipolar disorder, panic, phobia;
general anxiety and sleep disorders that have also shown
four-fold increase. Substance Use Disorder or drug addiction
and suicidal tendencies has been another repercussion of the
ongoing conflict in Kashmir. women form a major part of the
patients who are suffering from PSTD (almost 50 per cent).
Women have become increasingly suicidal and are resorting to
sleeping pills, injections and inhalations [19] .
Nearly every person, particularly women, suffer from general
anxiety and the uncertainty pertaining to the security of their family
members. This always keep them in a state of unrest and anxiety.
Even in their houses people are harassed, beaten up or taken into
custody by the troops. The fact that the situation doesn't seem to
get any better, doesn't promise a better mental state of the civilian
population, especially women, in Kashmir.
19.Jaswal SKP: Gynaecological and mental health of low-income urban women in India. In PhD thesis
London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine; 1995.
HOW CAN THIS
BE? and W.
John Connon
Harrison Childers
Mothers moaning soft and low Madly plunging into war
Sad to see their children go Marching to the lies once
Off to fight the latest foe more
How can this be? Who knows what they’re
dying
It’s thefor?
same old trajedy
A father bows his head and cries
How can this be?
What a hollow legacy
As he begins to realize
Sons will fight and sons will die No one learns from history
How can this be? How can this be?
We can talk about hatred We can talk about hatred
We can talk aboput war We can talk about war
We can talk about killing We can talk about killing
While we all keep score While we all keep score
We can count all the bodies We count them once more
And count them once more How can this be?
How can this be?
Children have to pay the price
For debts they do not owe
Time and time again they pay
The children can’t say no
Grieve for every wounded child
Sharpenel, mines, and bombs
gone wild
Innocence and love defiled
How can this be?
Now this madness all must
cease
The entire world cries out
for peace
Sing along and share the
dream
When will this be?
It’s up to you and me.