Professional Documents
Culture Documents
by
Chairman,
Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We are deeply privileged to be able to address this
learned audience on a subject which we are
presently investigating. We are most conscious of
the unknown rocks and whirlpools that we may
chance to encounter, as the audience to whom we
are addressing this paper can be specialists in this
discipline, and could well contest many of the
suggestions that we may present. However, the
progress of science demands revision, re-thought
and re-formulation of instincts, ideas and ideals.
Slide 2
Mannar Island
seen against the
Pearl Banks of Sri
Lanka, with the
International
Waterways
passing through
the larger Mannar
Channel, and the
smaller Pambem
Passage, which lay
between the two
Nations of India
and Sri Lanka
Pambem
Passage
Mannar
Channel
Considering the position of Sri Lanka in its global and navigational context
in the ancient world, Sri Lanka stood to much geographical advantage in three
ways,
southernmost point
(a)
of
(b)
(c)
As such, the natural course of trade and shipment found in Sri Lanka were utilized as
Slide 5
The importance of
Sri Lanka is
emphasized in this,
Dark Ages map of
the world, where
the three known
continents in early
and medieval
times. namely,
Europe, Africa and
Asia are shown and
Sri Lanka (Ceylon)
is highlighted next
to Paradise.
DOVER
TOULOUSE
NIJMEGEN
LYON
KOBLENZE
MARSALE
MILANO
STRAATSBURG
VENTIMIGLIA
TIMGAD [AF]
CORSICA
MILAAN
SARDINIE
VERONA REGENSBURG
SALZBURG
SIENA
TEBESSA[AF] RAVENNA
TARQUINIA
CIVITAVECCHIA
ROMA
CARTHAGE [AF] OSTIA
SOUSSE[AF]
SALONA
NAPELS POMPEI
SKOPJE
SALERNO SABARATA
SORRENTO
TRIPOLI[AF]
LAEPTIS MAGNA[AF]
CORINTHE
OLYMPIA
SOFIA
SPARTA
SALONIKI
CYTHERA
PATRAS ATHENE
PHILIPPI
CONSTANTSA
BENGASI
CYRENE
de NIJL[AF]
ISTANBOEL
KRETA
TYRUS
EPHESUS
ANKARA
RHODOS
PERGAMON
NIJLDELTA[AF]
JERUSALEM JERICHO SIDON
DAMASCUS
ANTIOCHIE
ALEPPO
PALMIRA
ARABIA
MESAPOTAMIA
BABYLON
de TIGRIS
Ara ALEXANDRI
INDUS
ALEXANDRIA BUCEFALOS
TAPROBANE
(SRI LANKA)
de GANGES
Century
Author or Text
Amradvipa
6th AD
Ceilan
17th
Mercators Atlas-1606 7
Ceilan
Ceylan
17th
de Queyroz 9
Ceylao
17th
de Queyroz 10
Ceylon
17th
Robert Knox 11
Che-tseu-Kouo
5th
Fa-Hsien 12
Chinilao
17th
de Queyroz 13
Elankai
Hsi -lan
Tamil 14
6th
15th
Shih 15
Feng Che,ng-chu..ns
Ying-yai sheng-lan
Ma Huan and Ming
I l.am
11th
Tirumukku-d.al Inscription 16
Ilerane
17th
de Queyroz 17
Jazirat Al Ykt
9th
Arab Historian 18
Lam. ka-
4th-2nd BC Ra-ma-yan.a 19
Lam.ka-di-pa
4th AD
Di-pavam. sa 20
Lang-ya
6th
Ming Shib 21
Man.d.adipa
Ojadi-pa
Ophir
Palaesimundu
1st AD
Palaiogonoi
3rd BC
Megasthenes 26
Palasimudae
1st AD
Marcian of Heraclea 27
Pallessimonda
17th
de Queyroz 28
Pao-tchou
7th
Hsuen-Tsang 29
Parasamudra
4th BC
Kaut.ilya 30
Po-lo-men
8th
Tou Hoan 31
Rachius
1st AD
Sanchoniathou 32
Ratnadi-pa
6th
Manimekala-i 33
Salabham
Salice
15th
Salikeib
2nd AD
Ptolemy 36
Sang-kia-lo
7th Hsuen-Tsang 37
Sarandib
2nd AD
Samaritan Pentateuch 38
Saylan
15th
Scrilanea
17th
de Queyroz 40
Seilan
15th
Selendive
Arab author 42
Senda-n
8th
Arab author 43
Se-ng-ka-lo
7th
I-tsing 44
Serendivi
4th AD
Emperor Julian 45
Shi-tyi-kuo -
Chinese author 46
Sielediba
6th
Cosmas Indicopleustes 47
Sihadi-pa
5th
Tchou Tche 48
Si-lan
12th
Silangiri
7th
Hsuen Tsang 50
Si-louen-tie Sim.hala
Chau Ju-kua 51
4th AD
Sim.haladvipa
Di-pavam.sa 52
Indian author 53
Simonda
17th
de Queyroz 54
Simondi
15th
Simondou
2nd AD
Ptolemy 56
Si-nan
7th
Chau Ju-kua 57
Sin-tan
8th
Tou Hoau 58
Siyalan
Sri -Lan.ka
Sseu-li
Arab author 59
14th
Nika-yasam.graha 60
61
Sseu no-tlao
5th
Tcnou Icne 62
Sseu-tiao
3rd AD
Kang Tai 63
Suvarn.advi-pa
10th
Ati-sa 64
Tambapan.n.i
3rd BC
Tapobra-na
17th
Taproba
14th
Catalan Map 67
Taprobana
2nd AD
13th
Hereford Map 68
Taprobane
4th BC
Onesioritus 69
Tenarezim
17th
de Queyroz 70
Tenasiria
17th
Pyrard de Laval 71
Ternasseri
17th
de Queyroz 72
Tranate
17th
de Queyroz 73
Triku-t.a
4th-2nd BC Ra-ma-yan.a 74
Varadipa
Zaylon
17th
de Queyroz 76
Zeilan
17th
Petrus Plancius 77
Recognizing the geographical and geological conditions of the island, many ancient records
The
Milindapanha of the first century AD, indicates
the lines of communication through the Mannar
straits linking China with the Red Sea:
Just, O King as a ship owner who has become
wealthy by constantly levying freight in some sea
port town, will be able to traverse the high seas,
and go to Vanga, or Takkola or China, or Sovira,
or Surat, or Alexandria or the Koramandal coast,
or further India or any other place where ships do
congregate(4).
list
the
navigational
routes
traversing
the
course
of
this
country.
Slide 8 Early Routes between the West and Southeast Asia through
the North of Sri Lanka.
It was for the same reason that the British erected upon
these rocks the Great Basses and the Little Basses, two light
houses six miles away out at sea. It is, no doubt, for the
same reason that the Chinese named the Little Basses the
Stone Wall Rocks (Shih Cheng) and the Great Basses
the Iron Pincers Island (Tich Chen) (6). The Loadstone
theory of the Persians in the Arabian Knights is
popularly associated with these iron islands. The legend
states that:
. the mountain of Loadstone towards which the current
carried them with violence, and when the ships approach it,
they fell asunder, the nails and everything that were of iron
flew from them towards the Loadstone (7).
This is clear evidence that the sailors shunned the Southern route round Sri Lanka, specially
during the Southwest monsoon when the sails were raised in a northeasterly navigation.
An Arab traveller Sulayman records his journey in 851 AD, from Airaf near Barah to Eusqut and along
a direct course to Quilon on the Malabar coast and from thereon round the Comorin and through the Palk
Strait to the Nicobar islands and the port of Kalah.(9). The journey in the opposite direction is recorded by
travellers like Fa Hien in the fifth century AD, in the year 411 AD, when the north-east winds sailed him to
Sri Lanka from Tamralipti near Calcutta thus:
. he embarked in a merchant vessel, and went floating over the sea to the south-west. It was the
beginning of winter and the wind was available; and after fourteen days, sailing day and night, they came to
the country of Sinhala (10).
The major break-away from this traditional sea route of traversing the Mannar Straits and Adams
Bridge seems to have been abandoned by the Eastern navigators in the fifteenth century when the ships were
much larger reaching weights of 400 to 500 tons when compared with the European counterparts of the same
period, which were between 250 and 300 tons.
Slide 14 A
Sketch of Cheng
Hos Ships in the
15th Century
Slide 19 Arrival of
the Bo-Tree from
Budh Gaya
represented in the
paintings of the 20th
Century, Kelaniya
Slide 21 - Ships
from various
places and
periods
However, the fourth of his expeditions clears the navigational trend of this period when a minor contingent
of his navy deviated north-west to the Bay of Bengal, and sailed through the Mannar channel (13). The fact that
this experiment discouraged the general of exploiting the Mannar Channel is clear when the subsequent voyages
avoided the northern route. Our view is that the turning point of major navigation through the Mannar Straits
terminates around this period although the Portuguese and the Dutch stubbornly continued to design new flat
bottom boats to traverse the shallow sands of the Mannar Straits.
The 1740 or 1719 Dutch Maps of the two Joannes, once again show the Mannar Channel (17). In the
instructions of the Governor-General of India to the Governor of Ceylon 1656-1685, it is clearly stated: That the
passage between the coast of Ceylon and the island of Mannar also yields a certain income, the collection of
which must be looked after. That there is westward of Mannar, a second strait, which separates this island from
the sandbanks of Adams Bridge. A constant watch should be kept there also (18). The Portuguese and the
Dutch constructed the Mannar Fort on the island and not on the mainland, in order to protect the channel.
On the north it (channel) is protected by the fort of Mannar, which although it has no outer moat, is quite
able, by means of its cannon, to dispute the passage of any smuggling vessels or European and other ships(19).
The tolls from anchorage and the ferry across the channel for 1696 are given as 530 1/3 Rix-dollars (20).
The dimensions of the channel are stated to be 1 1/3 miles long (21) and it had taken Governor Falck half
an hour to cross in 1767, but the return journey took one and a half hours on a high tide (22). The main problem
of the channel was its lack of depth and this can be observed from the following text where the Dutch had
designed a special ship to transport elephants from Matara to Jaffna through this waterway.
We have therefore been casting about in our mind for some other means of transport, but so far we could
think of nothing better than the construction of two large pontoons, a little larger than the pontoon De Hoop,
which is 64 feet long, 18 feet wide, and 3 feet deep carrying 40 lasts (23). It is a flat-bottomed vessel with a
round prow and keel, and carries a mast with misseon and foresail, so that it may go close by the wind; and
because of its floating capacity may easily pass over the shallows of the Mannar river (24).
Baldaeus confirms this when he states:
In front of the fort (Mannar) there runs a canal which admits the navigation of small light crafts drawing
3, 4 and 5 feet of water, these vessels sailing to Jaffnapatan (25).
Slide 25 The Chinese sea routes from the straits of Mannar to Liuho, the Port
of Peking
It is also likely that the ships sailing east were awaiting favourable wind conditions to cross the
Bay of Bengal, as this is one of the few stretches of sea where land was out of sight for a number
of days (38). The ships sailing west from the port of Mahatittha could also have been held up
during the southwest monsoon, when not only was the Mannar Channel difficult to cross, but also
the Indian Ocean that was beyond. Competition in trade would have also compelled other nations
to traverse the more difficult and dangerous routes. The Sansanide did not permit the Ethiopians to
coast around the Persian Gulf, so that the only course available to them was to sail from Sri Lanka
to Aden. Huzayyin states:
th
Trade was part and parcel of the transactions that took place in the ancient ports and the Sri
Lanka harbours were no exception. Even the thirty five Persian ships cited previously that
were heading for Canton had found it convenient to barter some of their goods for precious
stones from Sri Lanka. A seventh
Slide 28 The
Foreign Artefacts
found in the Ports
and the capital cities
of Sri Lanka
Slide 37
Foreign
and Local
coins used
in the
export
trade in
Sri Lanka
Despite these records Warmington is of the opinion that the South Indian traders controlled much of
the trade and that it was a standard practice to conceal the sources of products transacted.
Evidently gathering of all products was in the hands of the Indians themselves, even in the case of
boryls, in spite of the Roman coins from Coimbatore; no Roman coins have been found at the pearlcentre. Colchoi is near the pearl-harbours of Ceylon. The Indians kept their own sources secret,
while the Tamils kept secret the Ceylonese origin of a good deal of what they sold to Roman
subjects. (45).
Trade tension between Sri Lanka and the Sassanid Empire had obviously run very high in the sixth
century when Hamzah-al-isphihani records that the Emperor Cosroos Nounchirwan sent a fleet to
subdue the island of Sarendeeb (46). The efforts of Sri Lanka to trade with Egypt is recorded thus:
A dual effort made by the Prince of Ceylon and Qulawoon of Egypt, as early as the eighties of the
thirteenth century, to revive the trade of the Red Sea, does not seem to have much affected the
rapidly growing trade of Hurmuz. (47).
Religious interests stimulated foreign contact with Sri Lanka from the earliest phase of Buddhism. This
increased when the sacred texts were committed to writing at Aluvihara in the reign of Vattagamani
Abhaya, (89-77 BC). Fa Hien stayed two years (412-413 AD) at the Abhayagiri Vihara, Anuradhapura
to collect the recorded texts for their use in China.
We have evidence that the Buddha image became popular in China during the fifth century when a
Sri Lankan Sculptor called Nante came to the country with his products and remained there to teach
the craft (50). Sri Lanka was also responsible for introducing the first Buddhist nuns to China in the
fifth century AD (60). Of the Buddhist missions that came to Sri Lanka the most eminent were those
of Mahinda and Sanghamitta, the son and daughter of Emperor Asoka (61), who were known to have
established here the southern branch of the Tree-of-Wisdom (62). Later Simhala viharas were founded
in India at Nagarjunakonda in the second century AD (63) at Bodh Gaya in the fourth century (64)
and in Indonesia at Ratubaka in the eighth century (65) It is recorded that a Buddhist pilgrim from
Sri Lanka had assisted in constructing a railing at Bodh Gaya as early as in the third century BC (66).
The last repairs that were carried out at the Amaravati vihara are mentioned to have been effected by a
Simhala monk from Gadaladeni vihara (67). Sena Lamkadhikara, a minister in the fourteenth century
sent money and men to Kanch to establish a Buddhist Shrine (68). Pagan of Central Burma had
established contacts with Sri Lanka in the eleventh century (69). Evidence of Thai-Sri Lanka links can
be traceable to the eighth century apart from those of the fourteenth century (70). The king of
Kashmir retired to the Kapararama Mula at the Abhayagiri Vihara, Anuradhapura in the fifth century
AD (71).
Conclusion
Ladies and Gentlemen, these notes covering three specific
aspects:
(a) the geographical location of Sri Lanka
(b) the direct relationships of the Mannar Channel in the
ancient and medieval navigation; and
(c) the historical foreign contacts with Sri Lanka;
all of which establish the seriousness with which we need to
approach the subject of Sri Lankas commitment to continued
foreign reliance not only in its trade links, but also in its
resourcefulness to enterprise.
We believe, that the levies on trade were direct revenue to
the crown and because the personal treasure of the monarch to
which the monastic authorities had no access. It is also for this
reason that the king had a yuvaraja stationed at Matota and
was in control of the northern province (110).
These comments need to be punctuated with an overwhelming thought which has not
been expressed in the past or at least has not been underlined adequately. Many of the
architectural monuments in Sri Lanka seem, to have drawn sufficiently from the
revenue of foreign resources than has been recorded in the literature of this country. So
480 ft.
400 ft.
372 ft.
300 ft.
Pyramid No. 1
Jetavana Stupa
Abhayagiri Stupa
Ruvanveli Stupa
As such his solution was that he would pay for all the labour that he would utilize for
constructing this religious monument and thereby, accrue the full merits of such construction to
himself (112). We also see in the same record how he practised this policy for when a Buddhist
monk had volunteered assistance to a mason by lifting the materials up the stupa to the place of
work, and when the guards informing the King of this voluntary act, the King arranged for these
watchers to pursue the path of the monk and offer him a set of robes as a gift for the work that he
had accomplished, thus assuring the full merits of the construction of the stupa to the King and
King alone. The